a call to archippus, or, an humble and earnest motion to some ejected ministers (by way of letter) to take heed to their ministry that they fulfil it. alleine, joseph, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing a estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a call to archippus, or, an humble and earnest motion to some ejected ministers (by way of letter) to take heed to their ministry that they fulfil it. alleine, joseph, - . p. s.n.], [london : . reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. attributed to joseph alleine. cf. bm. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng clergy -- great britain -- office. pastoral theology. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - john latta sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a call to archippus ; or , an humble and earnest motion to some ejected ministers , ( by way of letter ) to take heed to their ministry , that they fulfil it . col. . . and say to archippus , take heed to the ministry , which thou hast received in the lord , that thou fulfil it . acts . . take heed therefore unto your selves , and to all the flock , over which the holy ghost hath made you overseers , to feed the church of god , which he hath purchased with his own blood . . for i know this , that after my departing shall grievous wolves enter in among you , not sparing the flock . pet. . , . the elders which are among you , i exhort , who am also an elder , &c. feed the flock of god , which is among you , taking the oversight thereof , &c. printed in the year , . a call to archippus : or , an humble and earnest motion to some ejected ministers , &c. reverend fathers and brethren , vve said * days should speak , and waited for the words of the ancient ; but an aged paul would not have others † despise timothy his youth , much lesse would he do it himself . your long silence hath made us speak , to utter to you our own troubles , and the sighs and groans of your helpless flocks . we cannot inform you , but have only writ to * stir you up by way of remembrance , and humbly to put you in mind , that you † stir up the gift of god that is in you , and suffer not your worthy * talents to be buried in the napkin , now the sinking church and dying religion hath such pressing need for their utmost improvement . these letters are to you in behalf of the poor flocks , like the man of macedonia † crying to you , come and help us : or , a call to * archippus , to take heed to the ministry that he hath received , that he fulfill it . fathers and brethren , we unfeignedly reverence you , we magnifie the grace of god in and unto you . did not we reverence your parts , gifts and graces , and esteem them every way so useful to the churches , we should contentedly see you sit still , and never be at the pains to excite you . but our high value of you , hath made us humbly bold to expostulate the case a little with you , and passionately to beseech you , to remember how great a work it is that lies upon you , and to set your hands to it in this time of difficulty . some of yours were the holy hands by which we were called to our office , when you made us publickly promise ( according to the obligation of our office ) that we would never , for fear of any persecution , desist from preaching the gospel ; and far be it from our fathers to withdraw , as soon as persecution begins . suffer us with all modesty and submission , to reason with you . hath not god said , necessity is laid on you , and vvo unto you if you preach not the gespel ? who shall free you from that wo , or loose your bonds of that necesse , if yet you sit still in silence ? shall we mind you of pauls example and charge ? no bonds nor afflictions could move him , nor make him shun to declare the whole counsel of god. and how strict is the command , that you take heed to your selves , and all the flock , over whom the holy ghost hath made you bishops ? and let it be noted , how pertinent the motive is , because grievous wolves are entred in , not sparing the flock : and will you , at such a time , give over your care for the flock ? are we not most dreadfully charged , besore god , and our lord jesus christ , and the elect angels , to observe these things , and to preach the word , and be instant , and reprove , rebuke , exhort with all long suffering ? and shall we flinch at the beginning of any suffering ? are we not required to continue in doctrine , as ever we would save our selves , or them that hear us ? hath not our lord told us , that he that hath set his hand to the plough , and looketh back , is not fit for the kingdom of god ? let us call upon your bowels . * where there is no vision , the people perish : and can you see them perish , when you have † bread enough , and to spare ? further , are not you they , that * are set for the defence and confirmation of the gospel ? and will not you stand to your work , against the † contradictions of men , that would * make the work of the lord to cease ? besides , now is the time for you to † approve your selves to be ministers of god , in much patience , affliction , necessity , distress , imprisonment , labour , watchings , fastings ; by long-suffering , by kindness , by the holyghost , by love unfeigned , word of truth , power of god , armour of righteousness , on the right hand and on the left . is not this the work of your office and calling , to watch in all things , to suffer afflictions , and thereby to make full proof of your ministry , and , as good souldiers of jesus christ , to endure hardness ? shall you with jona , fly to tarshish , when the lord sends you about your work ? will you not rather say , with resolution , as holy nehemiah , shall such a man as i flee ? who is there , that being as i am , would flee ? &c. and as the apostles , your leaders , when in your case ; and now , lord , behold their threatnings , and grant unto thy servants , that with all boldness they may speak thy word . shall we humbly mind you of the relation wherein you stand , and the strong obligations resulting thence ? o how much is the glory of christ , and good of souls , bound up in you ? who will not presage a fatal change , when the † keepers of the house tremble , and the strong men bow themselves ? should not the * pillars of the lord's house stand upright under their weight ? shall the † jachin and boaz of the temple be as a man without strength ? you are the champions of the lord ; and shall not you be * valiant for the truth upon earth ? and confess your lord in the face of danger , though in † midst of a wicked and adulterous generation ? are not you the shepherds of the flocks ? and shall the true shepherds flee , as * soon as they see the wolves , and leave the sheep ? when should they shew their care and diligence , their solicitude and watchfulness , if not when the beasts of prey come to tear , and to destroy ? you are the † stewards and dispensers of the mysteries of god , that are to give to all the family their portion , every one in their season ; and blessed is that servant ( only ) whom his lord when he cometh shall find so doing : and how will the master look on you at his return , if you suffer the family to starve , when he hath left with you for their supply till he come ? and hath not god charged , that you † trade with your talents ? and as you have received the gift , so you minister the same to others , without which you cannot be good stewards of the manifold grace of god ? and yet do you let your talents lie unoccupied ? are not you the † physicians of the churches ? and when should they ply their patients , unless when in most danger to be infected with the mortal plague , and common leprosie of the times ? in a word , are you † nurses , and yet deny your sucklings your brest ? * fathers and yet will not give † bread to your sons that ask it ? watchmen of the lord , and yet neglect your fearful charge ; who would not tremble at those dreadful injunctions , ezk. . . and . . whereby we are required to give men warning , or else , if they should perish , their blood shall be required at our hands . finally , hath not the lord ordained you to be his * prophets ? and shall not your souls be moved , neither at the thundering charge at the entrance , nor the sweet promise in the close of those piercing and powerful words , jer. . , . thou therefore gird up thy loins , and arise and speak unto them all that i command thee ; be not dismayed at their fears , lest i confound thee before them : for behold i have made thee this day , a defenced city , and an iron pillar , and brazen wals against , &c. and they shall fight against thee , but shall not prevail against thee , for i am with thee , saith the lord , to deliver thee . the passage seems like the stormy wind , the amazing earthquake , and the fire of god , in the vision of the prophet , ending in the sweet , soft and still voice . o let the words of the living god work either upon your fear or upon your hope . suffer us to stay you a while with a few serious questions , which in all humility we do request you , to let your grave considerations dwell for a time upon . we beseech you , let not our importunity be grievous , nor our words seem tedious , in so pondrous and important a case . but to prevent misunderstandings in what we say , we must be forced more than we would to lengthen , by premising a three-fold caution . we would not be so understood in any thing , as if we did undervalue the sufferings of our most deserving brethren , or were unthankful to god , or them , that they have so manfully stood for the truth , and resisted the strong temptations to sinful compliance , even to the peril of their families , the loss of goods and livelihood , and their beloved imployment amongst their dear people . we must , we do , and shall while we live , bless the lord for this their courage and constancy ; that they have kept the word of his patience , and have not denied his name : and have born their publick testimony against the corruptions of the times ; though we are forced ( with submission ) to mind them , what pity it is , that they that did run so well , should not reach to the end of their race . we would not be understood , as if we did lay the blame of silence upon all our fathers and brethren , that have been thrust out for conscience towards god. we know there are of them , and that not a few , ( glory be to god ) that are harder at work than ever ; labouring in season , and out of season , by night and by day ; whose reward is with the lord , yea , a great reward , and their praise throughout all the churches . we would not have what we speak of the present ministry , to be understood de omni . we may not without grievous breach of charity deny , but some few ( alas too few ) are pious , sedulous , as well as singularly endowed with learning and abilities ; but we speak only of the generality ; and would to god their lives and labours would confute our too just complaints . after these cautions , we humbly subjoyn a few moving questions . whether you think in your hearts , that the ministry that now is , will ever keep up the power of godliness ? o that we could but charitably believe it ! but who can deny his senses ! alas ! how should christ's kingdom and interest , and the power of holiness be suported by these hands ? if idleness will do it , if ignorance will do it , if loosness will do it , if malice will do it , then these men will bear up the power of godliness . do you not know that too many of them hate it , both name and thing ? do not they plainly make it , not the prize they aim at , but the but they shoot at ? these things are a lamentation , and shall be for a lamentation . in this we know you are sufficently convinced . whether you can see religion sinking , falling , dying away , and you never put your hands and shoulders to it , and yet be blameless ? fathers and brethren , you are the * shoulders that must bear up the ark of the lord. do not your † hearts tremble for the ark of god ? do you see it falling , and yet withdraw your shoulders , and keep your hands in your bosomes ? you would condemn that man deservedly , as void of christian charity , yea , common humanity , that should not take up his neighbour , and labour to chafe and rub , and recover him to life when fallen down by you in a swooning fit . fathers , where then are your bowels ? where are your compassions , and your zeal for the interest of christ and holiness : if you see religion it self in this swooning fit , and hast not with your utmost help , will the lord hold you guiltless , if you should altogether hold your peace at such a time as this ? whether * there will a blessing follow him that keepeth in his corn in a time of famine ? behold england is crying unto you in her famine , as egypt to joseph , for with you is the store ; for the lord's sake † open the store-houses . now or never stir up your gifts , we seem to hear the fainting souls of the forsaken , starving flocks , comming and crying to you , as they to him , o give us bread , for why should we dye in thy presence ? we seem to see the famishing cheeks approaching you , and calling for relief , expostulating as they , wherefore should we dye before thine eyes ? give us food that we may live and not dye , gen. . . for the lord's sake bear with us to be a little plain with you ; are your souls sensible of the famine upon the land , or are they not ? if not ( as we cannot , we dare not , we do not think so of you fathers ; for we doubt not your integrity with god ) you were , we will not say no fathers , but not so much as true children or members of the church , having no natural affection , no christian sympathy . if you are indeed sensible of the famine , how can you keep in the corn ? surely the voyce of god to a withholding-minister , seems like that , lam. . . arise , cry out in the night , in the beginning of the watches ; pour out thine heart like water before the lord ; lift up thine hands towards him for the life of thy young children , that faint for hunger in the top of every street : it grieves us to urge what yet we cannot keep in . fathers , we reverence you from our hearts , but cannot but set before you the gemitus & suspiria of grieved souls , who seem to cry to you , as lam. . . even the sea-monsters draw out the breasts , they give suck to their young ones ; the daughter of my people is become cruel , like the ostriches of the wilderness . whether it will not impair the honour of our glorious profession , if the followers should be of more courage and resolution than their leaders , and leave their spiritual commanders behind ? to be plain , the people are willing and forward to venture with you ; and to run the resk of it , and shall their leaders be more backward than they ? were you like to be alone it were more excusable ; but they are ready to suffer with you , and run all hazards that may come upon them for their duty in hearing : and shall we only stand back ? shall not a willing people , make a willing ministry ? o let the * governours of israel offer themselves willingly amongst the people . whether a great part of your flocks will not be in extreemest danger to run wild to seducers , and despisers of government , † if you do not step in : evident it is that somewhere they must & will hear ; and for the formal pharisees , or prophane hophnies , these they will never be induced to sit down under . what then wil be the consequence , but that they wil be under strongest temptations , to run to the tents of erroneous teachers , and ( to their great peril ) lend their ears to the instruction that causeth to er from the words of knowledge . experience writes a sad probatum est to what we say in this ; of which how mischievous the issue may be , we leave you to consider . yea , judge your own selves , we beseech you , whether false teachers will not have a fairer advantage than ever , to get in with our people , and glory over our ministry and churches , if they be ready and forward in hazarding themselves among their parties , when ours onely shall decline their flocks and labours , as soon as times grow periloas ? whether you will not put a reproach into the mouths of our adversaries , and give them occasion to speak evil of our office , when you shall be found to give over the work , as soon as ever the pay doth cease ? our hearts do honour you , but there be that reproach you as hirelings , which they now strengthen themselves in , and more confidently and colourably than ever , perswade others off ; ( first ) because you give over the work as soon as ever the maintenance do fail . ( secondly ) because ( they say ) you flee as soon as the woolf doth approach , and will not bide by the sheep , when your liberty and outward comfort is thereby like to be in danger . will you not care that the ministry be not blamed , and study to roul off so colourable an occasion of reproach ? shall we suffer the world to think that the spring of all our motion , the oyl to our wheels , the wind in our sailes was nothing but outward advantage ? whether you had your commission , office and authority from the magistrate , and your power in , and relation to the church , be of a civil stamp ? we know the magistrate doth not pretend to this : and if none but christ did , nor could commissionate you , can any but he discharge you ? or can the relation between the church and you ( if divine and spiritual ) cease upon the interposition of a power meerly political , which is toto genere distinct ? if the magistrate did not constitute and cause this relation , how can he make it to cease ? or take away what ( confessedly ) he cannot give ? were not this to make it to be at the magistrates pleasure whether christ shall have any ministry or no ? any service or no ? whether there shall be any preaching or not ? and so indeed , whether god shall have any church or no ? and if the magistrate cannot make your relation to the church to cease , how can he make the duty of that relation to cease ? sith the shadow doth not more naturally and necessarily follow the substance , than the duty doth the relation . in a word ; will it be a sufficient answer , at god's righteous judgement , when the lord shall ask us why we did not preach the gospel as he had bid us ? to say , lord , it was because the magistrate did forbid us . god is our record in heaven , that we are of those that do unfeignedly fear the lord , and honour the king ; to whom we shall ever yeeld obedience in licitis , deny submission in nullis . only we are afraid , that it will not be sufficient in that dreadful day , to produce the magistrates warrant for our discharge , when directly contradicting the tremendous charge of our lord jesus christ , who shall judge both quick and dead at his appearing . we verily fear , the magistrates dispensation will not be allowed before his tribunal ; and then what a sorry case were we in , should we desist thereupon from our work ? whether god hath forsaken those of his ministers , that have set to their work , since the day of that fatal stroke ? or , whether he hath not owned them by his assistance , presence , approbation , and the ample testimonies of his favour , & honoured his name and gospel by their labours , tryals , imprisonments , and sufferings whatever , that they have endured ? hath the gospel lost ground by them ? it may be enquired , whether there be any place for repentance in their prisons , ( where they have time enough to reflect upon their actions and correct what was amiss ) or whether they are not for ever settled , strengthened , and doubly confirmed in their resolutions , by their prison-comforts and encouragments ? and whom should we believe in this , sooner then those that have tryed the worst ? there is another question , that we fear to put to you , but will rather let the apostle himself ask you , john . , , . whoso hath the worlds goods ( and we add , much more , whoso hath the heavenly goods to dispence ) and seeth his brother ( much more his distressed mother ) hath need , and shutteth up his bowels of compassion from him , how dwelleth the love of god in him ? whether you will be able comfortably to answer the lord , when he shall put to any of you this interrogatory , with whom hast thou left those few sheep in the wilderness ? o that you would but consider with whom you have left them ! is it not manifestly and mostly with [ blind-guides ] with spiteful shepherds , or rather wolves in shepherds cloathing ? with [ cruel fathers ] that * that give stones instead of bread , and scorpions for fish ? with [ violent watchmen ] that when the distressed spouse hath come to seek her beloved , have woundded her , and smitten her , and took away her vail ? shall not our hearts melt , to think of leaving the steerage of our vessels in such unskilful hands , or with such selfish pilots , as look no further then their own cabbin ? or sensual shepherds , that feed themselves , and not the flocks ? or physicians , that have themselves the plague sores running upon them ? may we not say unto our neighbour , go away and come again when we have it by us , and shall we deny our people our care and over-sight , when their cries , or at least their wants , do call so loudly for it ? have we gained many to the profession of the gospel , and begotten many of them in truth unto christ , and now shall we leave them to sink or swim , when no man careth for their souls ? is this our tenderness to the * children that god hath given us ? is this like timothy † naturally to care sor their state ? is * this to cherish them as a nurse cherisheth her children ? is this , like paul , † to be ready to he offered up , upon the service of their faith , and * not account our lives dear unto us so we may finish our course with joy ; and the ministry we have recerved , to testify the gospel of the grace of god ? fathers and brethren , it grieveth us , that you who are worthies should be compared to the unnatural among the birds , † which leaveth her eggs in the earth , and forgeteth that the feet may crush them , or that the wild beasts may break them , she is hardned against her young ones , as though they were not hers . — pudet haec opprobia nobis et dici potuisse , et non potuisse refelli . whether your prayers and good wishes for your people , while you draw not forth your * souls to the hungry , be not like their cold alms , † that if a brother or sister be naked and destitute of daily food , do only say unto them , depart in peace , be you warmed and filled , notwithstanding not giving them those things , which are needful to the body ? whether you can , without highest injustice , yea ( we would tremble to speak it ) without most dreadful sacriledge , withhold the churches goods when she is ready to perish for want ? fathers and brethren , who ever say their tongues are their own , yours are not : * you are the churches , a part of her legal dowry , you are her most proper goods , her most rightful claim , † given her by christ himself , yea given to her for ever , for her use . your gifts , your graces , all you talents , they are unquestionably church goods , a publick stock , for common use , in which all may claim a share . you are * debtors to all . and have you forgotten the charge of the lord , prov. . . withhold not good from them to whom it is due , when it is in the power of thine hand to do it . whether it be not better to glorify god by a prison ( if that you fear should come upon you ) than to be an offence and stumbling-block by sitting still ? consider we beseech you , what are we for , but our maker's ends ? what are we good for , for what do we serve , but only for his pleasure ? better we had no being , than not to be for him. better we were without liberty , than that it should not serve him. what a small thing is riches or poverty ; sickness or health ; liberty or bonds , unless in order to his glory ? let us but live in the power of this acknowledged principle , that it is our business and our blessedness to glorifie god , and all will be set at rights . if that be true , then that is the best condition , wherein we may best glorifie god , and the happiness of every estate , is to be esteemed , according to the order and reference that it hath to this end . now then , let god glorifie himself in us , and it cannot but be well . what should you then do but set to the work ? for either god will preserve your liberties , and then you will wonderfully glorifie him by your acting and venturing your selves for him ; or else he will send you to prison , and then you will more glorifie him by suffering , lying there as the publick hostages of the churches , and witnesses of god's truth ; besides that it may render you the more serviceable in your generation all your dayes after . but how little is god glorified by you either way , while you sit still ? or , are you not rather an offence , and a grief to the spirits of the godly , weakning the hands of your active brethren , and wounding the spirits of your dear people ? who can see others at work , and partake of strangers labours , when you their shepherds give over your care for their souls ? whether by this recess you do not neglect the fairest opportunity that ever you had , or may have , in all your lives , to honour the god that sent you , to save sinners , build up saints , and everlastingly to vindicate the reputation of christ's ministry , and further your own peace and comfort here , and glory hereafter ? never had you so clear and so loud a call to hazard your selves for god , and thereby to prove your integrity before him , and resolution for him , and to give publick testimony of your zeal , and the ardour of your love to his name , as now . never had you such an open and effectual door for the doing good to souls , whether for conversion or edification . now the hearts of the people cleave to you more than ever , if you lose them not by your own neglect . now they see the difference between the precious and the vile ; between the hay and stubble of the present materials , and the gold and silver that you did build with ; between the burning and shining lights , and the stinking and loathsome snuffs . o how erect are their ears ! and their hearts long , and their mouths water ( as we say ) and their souls wait for your words . we seem to see the thronging croud , the willing people , * watching at the gates of wisdom , waiting at the posts of her doors , looking when you will speak , that they might be refreshed ; when your † words will distill as the dew , and drop as the showers * upon the mowen grass , or parched ground . we see them gathering about you , and saying with them , † behold , we are all here ready to hear all things that are commanded you of god. now may the messenger of the lord indeed say , they * waited for me as the rain , and they opened their mouths wide as for the latter rain . how hungry are their souls ? how do they hang upon your lips ? how far will they travel ? how early will they rise ? how hard will they venture ( expertis credite , glory be to god , we speak what we know ) to get a wholsome meal , to enjoy god in the pure and powerful administration of his ordinances . verily the field is even white to the harvest . o how great is the pitty , that at such a time you should have your hands out , and not thrust in your sickle . the people seem ready to catch at your words , as benhadads servants , as soon as they dropped from the mouth of the king of israel . if you think it would not be so with you , we fear it is either , first , for want of experience , because you have not tryed ; or , secondly , ( if we may presume to be so plain ) through the neglect of too many , who are otherwise worthies , but have here through their own supineness , suffered the affections of people to dye , and the coal of religious zeal to go out , for want of blowing . but if they will but blow up this sacred fire out of the ashes , and lay the coals together , and give their people to taste of the pure milk of the word , we miss our mark , if they want an encouraging auditory , unless where religion , in the most professing times , hath been a stranger . awake then , for now is the time for you to settle your selves for ever in the affections of your people . now you may prove your love to them , as you never could before , by hazarding your selves for their good . now you may prove their love to your ministry , and to the wayes of god , as never you could till now . do you say , this is a carnal argument ? we answer , 't is true , he is but an hypocrite , that looks no higher than the approbation of men , yea the best of men ; but yet we add , that the affections of god's people , is a very choice and special mercy . he that hath their hearts , shall have their prayers ; and is that a little thing ? but these are little , to that we would especially answer , and that is ; he that hath the peoples esteem and affections , for the lord's sake , hath the directest way in the world to their hearts , and the fairest advantage possible to serve god's interest upon them , and further his work in them , which every gracious minister must needs value above all this worlds goods , as that upon which the success of his ministry , for winning and furthering souls , doth wonderfully depend . once again ; never had you such an opportunity in your lives , fore ver to put to silence the slanderous tongues of seducers , as now ; they have vilified you as hirelings , flesh-pleasers , that will go no further in religion than will stand with your own advantage : o now or never confute them . what a loude refutation of their callumnies would your engaging to purpose in the work of god be at such a time as this ? all sorts of men have been ready to take up prejudices against us , as self-seekers , and such as looked little further than their maintenance . now pluck up these prejudices by the roots : now shew you can serve the lord for nought . what lewd lyes will all these imputations appear to be , if the lord stir you up to holy an activity ? we can but touch upon your own advantage , as indeed , we cannot dwell upon any thing , having so much to say in a little . when had you such an advantage to get setled assurance and peace as now ? you can tell us better then our selves , ( who yet blessed be god , speak what we have seen and felt ) that the most self-denying services are the best evidences , and so bring in greatest comforts . when was there such a time to lay up treasure in heaven as now ? you know the massyest crown is for them that endure the hardest service . but we see there are many lions in the way . the flesh is loth to labour ( much more to suffer ) but cryes , master spare thy self , and will find an hundred arguments to turn off a costly and hazardous duty . we dispair the work will be done without removing the prejudices , and therefore shall not dissemble the difficulties and objections that be in the way . object . . it will be said , we are prohibited by the magistrate . sol. . was not this the apostles case again and again ? were not they commanded , * yea strictly charged , not to preach any more ? but did they give over ? why should not we answer with them , † it is better to obey god than man ? doth god charge us so deply , so dreadfully , and shall we think our selves discharged if man contradict it ? if the magistrate should be thought indeed to have such a power of dispensations , will not here be a fine easy way for idle drones to shift the yoke , and leave the plow ? for 't wil but be to get an order from above for not preaching ; and then when the chief shepherd shall appear , to pluck out his indulgence , and no more can be said . but we fear god will not be so put off . are not god's forbidden messengers , † yet charged by him to speak without fear , and that under a dreadful penalty , and shall we fear man's wrath for preaching , more than god's wo if we preach not ? repl. but it is said , here is preaching though we sit still : whereas then the gospel was wholly forbidden to be preached , and so would have been extinct if they had obeyed . ans. . 't is true here is preaching , but if not by us , how badly have we answered , the formidable charge of almighty god to us , or our sacred and solemn vows to him ? will our lord be put off by this , as a sufficient answer for our loytering , that others were a labouring ? ans. . there is indeed a ministry , and preaching ( such as it is ) but whether such as is like to answer the ends of either , judge you . what are the next ends of the ministry in sum , but † conversion and * edification ? and are these like to convert souls , that have neither will nor skill to deal with them about their conversion , but perswade them they are all regenerated and converted already ? o how evidently do they † harden them in their sins ( for the most part ) both by their doctrine and lives , in stead of turning them from them ! and are they like to edify in holiness , who are apparently the venemous enemies of holiness ? who for strict and precise walking ( without which no man shall see god ) do openly , though covertly , inveigh against it , as needless niceness , and the worst of folly . now if we have a ministry , but such as doth not answer the ends of a ministry , how few degrees are we the better for them than if we had none ? . your eyes will convince you , if you will but look abroad , that where there is no better help , than of an idle , ignorant , loose-living ministry ( under which rank god knows , we speak it with grief of heart , too many , not to say the most of those that are late come in , may be reckoned ) or than the cold and heartless way that is generally in use ; the coal of religion doth even go out , and the heat and spirit of christianity dye away : and is it not high time then , for you to blow up the remaining sparks ? sol. . is it so indeed , our reverend fathers and brethren , is it conscience of the magistrates prohibition that keeps you back ( bear with us if we be a little free with you ) why then do you neglect what you might do , without crossing the magistrate's command ? if men did see you go so far as the magistrate gives you leave , they would be likely to believe , the conscience of his authority did keep you in ; otherwise they will suspect this ( too too groundedly ) for a pretext . if the magistrate doth forbid sermons to your people , he doth not forbid letters . why do you not call upon and quicken them frequently by these ? if he forbid you the pulpits , he doth not forbid you your neighbours houses . why are they no more visited ? may you not preach to a private family , or single person ? * and such was our saviours , and the apostles preaching , oft-times . you might be the shorter and the oftner this way , and this would be a likely means of doing no little good , if painfully followed . though you are forbidden to set open the windows and keep publick trading , yet what hinders but that you may have a private warehouse ? is it forbidden you to write out a sermon once or twice a week and send it amongst your people , and let it be read in their families , and copies conveyed from hand to hand . this some have done , and this would be a testimony to your people of your constant care for their souls , and that you are willing to do what you thought you lawfully might : whereas now they will say , they see the contrary . object . . but abiathar's quiet secession is objected , who ( 't is said ) when thrust out of the office of the priesthood , did not turbulently busie himself in doing the work of that office , but retired to a private life , and dwelt quietly in his own house . sol. this is not an objection for the friends of our call and office to make ; the case between him and us being so wonderfully disproportionate , as we might many wayes shew . we shall instance but in four things . . abiathar , as it seems , had no right to the priesthood : for it did , by right , belong to another line . for * abiathar was of the line of eli , who it is not known how he came to the priesthood : whereas zadok ( put in in his room ) was the son of phinehas , and heir in a direct line to aaron , and so seems to have the right of priesthood belonging to him , both by lineal descent , being the proper heir to it , and also by god's special promise . . abiathar was put out by two princes , who were inspired by god , ( and who knows but they may do it by extraordinary direction ? ) by david , who anointed zadok priest in his room , while he was yet living ; and also by solomon , ratifying his fathers act. . when abiathar was thrust out , † zadok ( not hophni or phinehas ) was put in his room ; a man * owned and beloved of god , sufficiently , yea † eminently fitted for the work ; so that he might recede , without fear of miscarrying of the work of the lord , by the ignorance or wickedness of him that it was entrusted with . were this the case here , that your work were put into the hands of the best of men , and like to be better carried on by those , to whom 't is now committed , than before : yea , if it were not like to sink and fail , we should not think our selves so much concerned , to offer these ungrateful lines unto you . . above all , abiathar had † forfeited his place by his treason ; so that the king might justly have cut off his person and priesthood too : for , he was a man of death , kings . . and the sentence of death * solomon is thought to have held him under , so that he should be only upon his good-behaviour , and responsible for his crime upon any new provocation . object . . but it 's further said , this will be a great occasion of separation , if ministers set up in private , and draw away a great part of the people from the service of god in publick . sol. . the separation be upon others , who when we were quietly setled in the administration of church-ordinances , in a more pure and reformed sort , are come in upon us , and have possessed our places and pulpits , and thrust us by the places of publick convention . we continue still but in the same station , and the same work , † watching over our flocks , and administring according to our office , with no other difference , but only that the place is altered ; which being at the magistrates dispose , we quietly left it , according to our duty upon his command . . yea , your not preaching will occasion separation indeed : for whither will the people run headlong , if not stayed and guided by the interposition of your wisdom and prudence ? your moderation will be the likeliest means to keep them from extreams : for you are they that have their hearts ; by others they will not be guided . for this , experience affords abundant instances , and too sad proof ; people every where joyning themselves to the greatest of separatists , rather then they will rest satisfied with liveless jejune , sapless administrations , offered withal by hands so unclean , and in vessels so impure , as somewhere they are . . what is done in private , may be so prudently and inoffencively managed , as to the season , as that ( in case you and others are so satisfied ) you , and they , may orderly and timely attend , what is done in publick , and shew your readiness to unity and peace , though you bear your testimony against the corruptions that are on foot , evidencing your non-acquiescence in such impure and imperfect modes of administration and ignorant and ungodly dispencers , as too generally use them . . the most commendable endeavours after christian unity , must be conjunct with a study of gospel-purity and the power of godliness , together with the testifying of our vehement anhelation after it , and our vigorous endeavours ( in all lawful and peaceable means ) for the obtaining of it . but how this should be evidenced and effected ( not to mention the hardning of others to think they are in the right , and all is well ) when men do fully jump in with all that is on foot and acquiesce in it , looking for no farther help , we cannot well understand . obj. . but it is added , that this will destroy god's publick worship , and alienate men from it . sol. . it is not the place , but the company conveened , that makes the worship to be publick . the meeting is publick , and so the worship publick , though the place may not be publick : else there was no publick worship in the time of great persecution , when the assemblies of christians * met by stealth in private houses . . it hath been already shewed , that there is a possibility of doing this , without neglecting the ordinances of god more publickly dispensed . obj. . but there is a secret and most forcible objection yet behind , which we fear lies with many at the bottom , though it come not so freely out ; that this is against our safety , and will certainly expose us to persecution ; and for a man to adventure himself for an opportunity or two , to so great a hazard , as to become a miserable captive , and a prey to the sons of violence , seems but folly . sol. . why then do you neglect that of your work which would not expose to pesecution ? cannot you dwell with your people , and keep the oversight of them , and watch to see when danger approaches , and give them warning ( though more privately ) whereby to prevent their ruine ? we humbly conceive , it is a part , and no little part of a ministers duty † personally to instruct his people and to visit his charge , and to preach from house to house , and that distinct from publick preaching : now this would not expose you to any suffering , and yet how sadly is this neglected ? there was a time when this duty , being urged , the great objection against it was , because ministers had not time from their publick imployments . brethren , let us deal plainly with god and with men ; why then is this great duty now neglected ? now when we have little else to do ; especially since 't is acknowledgly the great duty of ministers , and they may do it with safety , and be greatly instrumental in it : and have now few other wayes to edify their people ; is it for want of time now that they do not do it ? or from the multitude and weight of their publick imployments ? but , . is it true indeed , shall the fear of persecution make us desist from the work that god hath committed to us with such a dreadful charge to fulfil it ? wherein we may fo wonderfully glorify him that sent us , and in the doing whereof , the saving of our own and our peoples souls is so much concerned : will not the people say that our own safty is dearer to us , either than their souls , or our own , yea than god's glory , if this should keep us back ? as we verily fear this will be found the greatest remora . we do but desire that conscience may plainly speak in the case , and tell men truly , whether if this were removed , they would not fall forthwith to their work. but hath not god said * blessed are they that are persecuted for righteousness sake , for theirs is the kingdom of heaven . blessed are ye when men persecute you and revile you , &c. rejoyce and be exceeding glad , for great is your reward in heaven : for so persecuted they the prophets which were before you ? hath not he assured us we shall † come off no losers by him , but shall have an hundred-fold even with persecution ; yea , and that in this time , and in the world to come life eternal ? is it not really * a glorious priviledge to suffer for christ , and a † badg of singular honour ? have the former saints thirsted for the crown of martyrdom , and * gloried in the cross of christ ? and is a fine or a prison enough to stop the mouths of gods servants nowadays by the hundreds ? is it indeed † all joy to fall into divers temptations , and are we afraid to venture ? where doth the * spirit of god and of glory rest but upon suffering saints ? by † whom is god glorified so much as by his suffering witnesses ? by what is the gospel * more furthered than by the bonds and tribulations of its ministers ? what better way to ensure the † crown of life , and get the * double portion in the blessing , than by enduring temptations and persecutions for the gospel ? what will so much † intend our graces , further our experiences , help on mortification , and * inhance our eternal glory , as our patient bearing for christ ? brethren , what will work upon us , if we will be quickned neither by the consideration of god's glory , nor our own ? hath christ suffered for us , both as our † surety , and pattern ? and have we such a cloud of martyrs , that have so stoutly led the van ? and shall we shift off our work for fear of persecution ? let us humbly request you but to view the encouraging promises , that christ hath made to sufferers for his name , which we can but hint , not handle , and let us submissively reason with you ; are not these the very things which we have over and over preached , and pressed on our people ? and shall we make them believe , by our flinching , that these things were not so ? bear with us , we beseech you ; are these things true , or are they not ? if not , why have we taught them ? if they be , why do we not live up to them ? o that we did but act as if we our selves had believed in what we have preached ! will it not be a real confutation of what we have taught concerning the blessed advantage and glory of the cross , if we ( when put to it ) shall decline the cross , notwithstanding all the blessedness , we made people believe , we thought to be in it ? god forbid that we should tempt men to atheism and infidelity ; and make them believe , there is no more in preaching , no more in promises , than a flourishing talk . the conclusion . but now it is time to think of closing . we fear we have been tedious and troublesome ; but suffer us yet to utter a few sighs more unto you . we should not have thus pressed and presumed upon you , had not the necessity of the case required it . reverend and beloved , if we cannot prevail with you ; yea rather , if god ( that hath the power of hearts ) do not prevail with you , poor souls will rue it , and christ's honour and interest will suffer for it , his gospel will be a great loser by it . pardon us therefore if we are loth to let you go : fain we would that you should not be at the end of this paper , before it hath attain'd its end ; that you should not turn away your eyes from these lines , till you have resolved to set to your work. o when will you be weary with forbearing . jer. . . i said , i will not make mention of him , nor speak any more in his name ; but his word was in my heart , as a burning fire shut up in my bones , and i could not stay . have you sate down in your discouragements , and said with him in his infirmity , yet now may your hearts wax hot within you , that you may speak with your tongue . o that we could hear you saying with elihu , † i am full of matter , the spirit within me constraineth me ; i will speak that i may be refreshed , i will open my lips and answer . what shall we say , our * mouth is open to you , our heart is enlarged . o that we did but know what would prevail with you ! we † would fill our mouths with arguments : we would not let you go , till you had granted our humble motion . who shall chuse our words for us ? alas , that we did but know what would pierce ! it grieves us to think we should have done , before the work be done ; and that after all this , we should leave you as we found you . we verily fear , lest the argument of self-preservation will at last prove more forcible upon you , than all the moving arguments that we can chuse ; and that men are so in love with the way they have setled in , ( from which they mostly think it dishonourable to recede ) that they will not be turned . shall we go from words to tears ? o that we could command them ! but we have not , ( the lord pardon us ) we have not the bowels and meltings , that we should have in presenting you such a pitiful case . shall we we fall from arguing to begging ? o that this would do it ! verily , we could creep on our knees unto you , for the lord's sake , let our words be accepted with you , do not despise our request ; accept this petition , as if it were written in the mingled tears , of us and your people . verily , these are the things , that they do sigh out before the lord in secret . shall none of their miseries nor necessities move you ? was the tongue of the dumb-born son of croesus loosed , by the vehement commotion of nature in him , when he saw one about to murder his father ? and shall not the necessity of souls loose yours ? o think , by whom shall these be gathered ? we beseech you , by the children ( as it were ) of your own † bodies , by the * love you bear to our precious saviour , ( whose interest it is , not our own , that we have all this while pleaded with you ; ) we beseech you , by your high and holy calling , by all the commands and promises of the glorious gospel , by all your vows to the most high god at your solemn admission to your sacred function , feed the flock of god , which he † hath purchased with his own blood. in a word , by the bowels of fathers , by the tears and cryes of children , by the necessities , distresses , groans , and sorrows of our afflicted mother , we beseech you do not turn a deaf ear to these requests . fulfil you your peoples joy : refresh their bowels in the lord. we are in deepest earnest with you , and do in some measure feel what we speak . we go not to act a part . the case is very deplorable , that is before you . you see what havock is made , and what is like to become of poor souls . o if there be any * consolation in christ , any comfort of love , any fellowship of the spirit , any bowels and mercies , feed christ's lambs , feed his sheep . we humbly and tremblingly leave all at your feet ; and fearing lest all our beggings to you will not prevail , we turn our selves to beg of god for you , and the souls committed to you and us . o thou * shepherd and bishop of souls , the † great and good shepherd of the sheep , that gavest thy self for them , that * gavest thy ministry to them , for the perfecting of thy saints , for the edifying of thy body ; quicken thy forgetful stewards , to look to the pinching wants of thy distressed family . awaken thine under-shepherds ; call up thy watchmen to watch over thy flock by night , that the beasts of prey may not devour them . sleep not thou , o lord , in the sides of the ship , when the water is come in , even to the soul , and we are all in jeopardy . hear the moving cryes of thy children and disciples , about thee ; lord , save us , or else we perish . behold how thy flock is scattered , and few search or seek after them , so that they become a † prey to every beast of the field , because there is no shepherd . o fulfill thy promise , and take the work into thine own hands . do * thou feed thy flock , and cause them to lye down . thou hast said , † i will seek that which was lost , and bring again that which was driven away , and will bind up that which was broken , and will strengthen that which was sick : but i will destroy the fat , and the strong , and will feed them with judgment . remember thy word unto thy servants , in which thou hast caused us to hope . o lord god , * thou art that god , and thy words are true , and thou hast promised this goodness unto thy † servants . thou , o lord god , hast spoken it ; be it unto thy servants according to thy word . o * turn the hearts of the fathers to the children , and of the children to the fathers . where are the † soundings of thy bowels ? where are the movings of their bowels ? o let the distresses of thy servants make their hearts to turn within them , and their repentings to kindle together , and give us once again , the men after thine own heart , and set thou up shepherds over us , that we * fear no more , nor be dismayed , neither be lacking , as thou hast promised . † so we thy people , and sheep of thy pasture , will give thee thanks for ever , and praise thy name to all generations . o lord , thy people say , amen . let all thy ministers say , amen , lord jesus , say thou , amen . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e * job . . † tim. . . * pet. . . † tim. . * matt. . . † acts . . * col. . . cor. . . acts . , , . acts . . ver . . tim. . tim. . , . tim. . . luke . . * pro. . † luke . , . * phil. . . † heb. . . * neh. . . † cor. . , , , . tim. . . & . . jona . , . neh. . . act. . . † eccl. . , . * gal. . . † king. . . * jer. . . † mar. . * joh. . † mat. . cor. . , . † matth. . pet. . . † eze. . . † thes. . * thess. . . † matth. . , . * cor. . , . king. . , &c. caut. . caut. . caut. . quest. . quest. . * josh. . . † sam. . . esth. . . * pro. . . quest. . † gen. . gen. . . quest. . * judg. . . quest. . † pet. . . prov. . quest. . cor. . . quest. . quest. . quest. . quest. . sam. . . * mat. . , . cant. . , . prov. . . * heb. . † phil. . . * thess. . , . † phil. . . * acts . † job . , , . quest. . * isa. . . † jam. . , , . quest. . * cor. . . † eph. . , , . * rom. . . quest. . quest. . * pro. . . † job . , . * deut. . † act. . * job . . . kings . . quest. answ. * act. . , . † act. . , , , . † act. . . jer. . . † act. . * ephes. . , . † matth. . . * see christ & his apostles preaching in private houses ( now called conventicling ) mark . , . acts . , . acts . . acts . , . ( and this our saviour did even in a church constituted , the priests and elders questioning his authority , matth. . . ) preaching to , and praying with the multitude , ( now called rout , riots , seditious asse●blies ) in the fields , by the sea , &c. acts . , . mat. . . mark . . & . , . & . . luke , , preaching to a private family or single person , john , &c. acts , . & , , . * king. , . see zadok his pedigree and heirship , chron. . . &c. the promise to phinehas . num. . . and consult the english annotations on king. . , . chr. . king. . † chro. . . * ezek. . . † sam. . . † king. . * see the dutch divines , on king. . . † luke . . pet. . . * act. . . act. . . † act. . . col. . . act. . . * mat. . , , . † mark . , . * phil. . . † act. . . * gal. . . cor. . . rom. . . † jam. . . * pet. . . † ibid. * phil. . . † jam. . . * mat. . . † rom. . , . jam. . . * cor. . , . † pet. . & . . † job . . * cor. . † job . . † job . . * john . , , . † act. . . * phil. , . * pet. . † heb. . joh. . . * ephes. . , . † ezek. . , . * ezek. . . † ibid. v. . * sam. . . † ibid. v. ● * mal. . . † isa. . . * jer. . . † psal. . . jus divinum ministerii evangelici. or the divine right of the gospel-ministry: divided into two parts. the first part containing a justification of the gospel-ministry in general. the necessity of ordination thereunto by imposition of hands. the unlawfulnesse of private mens assuming to themselves either the office or work of the ministry without a lawfull call and ordination. the second part containing a justification of the present ministers of england, both such as were ordained during the prevalency of episcopacy from the foul aspersion of anti-christianism: and those who have been ordained since its abolition, from the unjust imputation of novelty: proving that a bishop and presbyter are all one in scripture; and that ordination by presbyters is most agreeable to the scripture-patern. together with an appendix, wherein the judgement and practice of antiquity about the whole matter of episcopacy, and especially about the ordination of ministers, is briefly discussed. published by the provincial assembly of london. london (england). provincial assembly. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing j a estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) jus divinum ministerii evangelici. or the divine right of the gospel-ministry: divided into two parts. the first part containing a justification of the gospel-ministry in general. the necessity of ordination thereunto by imposition of hands. the unlawfulnesse of private mens assuming to themselves either the office or work of the ministry without a lawfull call and ordination. the second part containing a justification of the present ministers of england, both such as were ordained during the prevalency of episcopacy from the foul aspersion of anti-christianism: and those who have been ordained since its abolition, from the unjust imputation of novelty: proving that a bishop and presbyter are all one in scripture; and that ordination by presbyters is most agreeable to the scripture-patern. together with an appendix, wherein the judgement and practice of antiquity about the whole matter of episcopacy, and especially about the ordination of ministers, is briefly discussed. published by the provincial assembly of london. london (england). provincial assembly. calamy, edmund, - . [ ], , [ ], , [ ] p. printed by john legat and abraham miller, london : . partly by edmund calamy. the words "the gospel-ministry .. and ordination." are bracketed together on title page. each part has separate pagination and dated title page, the first with "printed by abraham miller" in imprint, the second with "printed by j.l.". part begins on b . reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english 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illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -- clergy -- early works to . pastoral theology -- early works to . ordination -- early works to . clergy -- biblical teaching -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - rina kor sampled and proofread - rina kor text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion isa. . . i will also take of them for priests and for levites , saith the lord. ephes. . , , , . when he ascended up on high he gave gifts unto men . and he gave some apostles , and some prophets , and some evangelists , and some pastors and teachers ; for the perfecting of the saints , for the work of the ministry , for the edifying of the body of christ. till we all come in the unity of the faith , and of the knowledge of the son of god unto a perfect man , unto the measure of the stature of the fulness of christ. heb. . , . and no man taketh this honour to himself , but he that is called of god as was aaron . so also christ glorified not himself to be made an high-priest ; but he that said unto him , thou art my son , to day have i begotten thee . tim . . . neglect not the gift that is in thee , which was given thee by prophecy with the laying on of the hands of the presbytery . luth . tom. . lat. ien. fol. . non fortunat deus labores eorum qui non sunt vocati , & quanquam salutaria quaedam afferant tamen non aedificant . ius divinum ministerii evangelici . or the divine right of the gospel-ministry : divided into two parts . the first part containing a justification of the gospel-ministry in general . the necessity of ordination thereunto by imposition of hands . the vnlawfulnesse of private mens ●ssuming to themselves either the office or work of the ministry without a lawfull call and ordination . the second part containing a justification of the present ministers of england , both such as were ordained during the prevalency of episcopacy fr●m the ●oul aspe●sion of antichristianism : and those who have been ordained since its abolition , from the unjust imputation of novelty : proving that a bishop and presbyter are all one in scripture ; and that ordination by presbyters is most agreeable to the scripture-patern . together with an appendix , wherein the iudgement and practice of antiquity about the whole matter of episcopacy , and especially about the ordination of ministers ▪ is briefly discussed . published by the provincial assembly of london . london , printed by iohn legat and abraham miller , . the epistle to the reader . it is reported of bucer , that he was so eager of peace with luth●r , that he was like to a man qui prae nimia aviditate etiam foeces haurire● , who by an overmuch greediness after unity , was ready to swallow down many of luthers errours . for our parts , though we should be loath to buy peace with the loss of truth , yet such have been the unexpressible mischiefs that the divisions of brethren have brought upon this nation , and such is our earnest desire after an happy accommodation , that we hope we can truly close , ●hough not with the former , yet with another saying of bucers , that we would willingly purchase with the losse of our lives , the removing of the infinite scandals that have been given to the churches of christ by the divisions of christians . eusebius reports of constantine ( though a great emperour ) that he was more troubled with the dissentions of the church , then with all the warres in his dominions : that he took them so to heart that he could not sleep quietly for them ; yea , although he had a spiritfull of heroick val●ur , yet the dissentions of the church were such evils to him as to cause him to shed many a tear , &c. our prayer to god is , that the same affection towards the churches of christ in these three nations may be kindled in all our brests . and we doubt not but through the grace of god we are able in sincerity to profess with luther , that we are as desirous to imbrace peace and concord , as we are desirous to have the lord iesus to be propitious to us . and therefore fore-seeing that this ensuing treatise will meet with many adversaries of different perswasions , and with much opposition , we thought fit to give the reader notice of our intentions here , lest we should be thought to be enemies to peace , and hinderers of that long desired and often praied for union between dissenting brethren . there are six sorts and ranks of men whom we have occasion to deal with in this book . . such as are against the very office of the ministery , and that affirm , that there is no such office instituted by christ to be perpetual in his church . we look upon this assertion as destructive unto christian religion , and to the souls of christians . . such as say , that it is lawfull for any men that suppose themselves gifted ( though neither ordained , nor approved by able men ) to assume unto themselves a power to preach the word , and administer the sacraments . this opinion we judge to be the high-way to all disorder and confusion , an inlet to errours and heresies , and a door opened for priests and jesuites to broach their popish and antichristian doctrine . . such as hold , that the ministry of england is antichristian , that our churches are no true churches , but synagogues of satan , and that there is no communion to be held with us . this opinion we conceive to be not only false and uncharitable , but contradictory to peace and unity . . such as say , that episcopacy is an higher order of ministry above presbytery by divine right , that christ hath given the sole power of ordination and jurisdiction unto bishops ; and that ordination of ministers is so appropriated to them by the gospel , that all ordinations by single presbyters are null and void , and that sacraments by them administred are no sacraments . these assertions we look upon not only ●s groundlesse and unscriptural , but as cruel , and utterly overthrowing all the protestant reformed churches and ministers . now though we hope we can truly say , that we have with all meekness and christian moderation managed the debate with these four sorts of adversaries , and shall be ready to exercise all offices of christian love and affection towards them , and by requiting good for evil , labour to heap coals of fire upon their heads ; yet notwithstanding such is the great distance between them and us in judgement and practice , and such is the bitternesse of their spirits in their opposition against us , that we have little hope for the present ( till the lord be pleased to work a happy change of judgment in them ) of any real and hearty accord and agreement with them . . a fifth sort are our reverend brethren of new and old-england of the congregational way , who hold our churches to be true churches , and our ministers true ministers , though they differ from us in some lesser things . we have been necessitated to fall upon some things , wherein they and we disagree , and have represented the reasons of our dissent . but yet we here profess , that this disagreement shall not hinder us from any christian accord with them in affection . that we can willingly write upon our study-doors that motto which mr ieremiah burroughes ( who a little before his death did ambitiously indeavour after union amongst brethren as some of us can testifie ) perswades all scholars unto , opinionum varietas , & opi●antium unitas non sunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and that we shall be willing to entertain any sincere motion ( as we have also formerly declared in our printed vindication ) that shall further a happy accommodation between us. . the last sort are the moderate , godly episcopal men , that hold ordination by presbyters to be lawfull and valid ; that a bishop and a presbyter are one and the same order of ministry , that are orthodox in doctrinal truths , and yet hold , that the government of the church by a perpetual moderatour is most agreeable to scripture-patern . though herein we differ from them , yet we are farre from thinking that this difference should hinder a happy union between them and us. nay , we crave leave to profess to the world , that it will never ( as we humbly conceive ) be well with england till there be an union endeavoured and effected between all those that are orthodox in doctrine , though differing among themselves in some circumstances about church-government . and the lord hath strangely made way for this long-desired union , by the bitter , wofull and unutterable fruits of our divisions , which have almost destroyed not only the ministry , but even the very heart and life of religion and godlinesse . memorable is the story of bishop ridley and bishop hooper , two famous martyrs , who when they were out of prison , disagreed about certain ceremonial garments , but when they were put into prison they quickly and easily agreed together . adversity united them whom prosperity divided . the time is now come wherein the ruine of all the godly , orthodox and ordained ministry , is by some men designed and endeavoured : and therefore though hitherto we have continued sinfully divided , yet now the consideration of our common danger , and the preservation of the ministry , and therein the preservation of the glorious ordinances , churches and precious truths of jesus christ , should marvellously constrain us to study to finde out , and being found out cordially to imbrace all lawfull waies to unity and agreement . thus much we thought fit to signifie , that so our endeavours in the ensuing discourse may not be mis●interpreted and mis-represented . there are two other things also which we are necessitated to communicate unto the christian reader . first , that this book should have come out two years ago , but was hindred by multitude of necessary and indispensable businesses intervening . and that since our first undertaking of it , there have been many treatises written of most of these subjects ( of which we speak ) to very good purpose , which had prevailed with us to have spared our pains , had we not been encouraged by a saying of austines , that it is good and profitable to the church of christ , that the same things be written of by divers men in divers books , because those books which come to the view of some , will not come to the sight of others , and by this means the truths of christ will be the sooner and easier spread and propagated . we confesse that we have been necessitated in the point of episcopacy , to borrow some things out of smectymnuus , and our reverend presbyterian divines , in their conference at the isle of wight , and in our discourse about election out of mr hudson , and some others : which we have done , because being to handle the same subjects , we thought it needless to adde any thing to what they have said ; and also , that by this means we might revive the memory of those books which we believe are quite forgotten by most , and are assured were never sufficiently answered by any . secondly , the other thing which we would make known is , that in this our large treatise we have purposedly declined all affectation of language , we have not laboured 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to feast the ear with curious phrases . our endeavour is to speak non diserta sed fortia . we have alwaies disliked those books which have in them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a sea of words , and but a drop of sound reason . our care hath been more after matter then words . and we hope the unbiassed and judicious reader will finde that though the garment with which we clothe our matter , be rough and hairy like esau , yet the voice is alwaies the voice of iacob . for we have studiously avoided all bitternesse of speech , even against those that make it a great part oftheirreligion to rail and reproach us , and who account us the filth of the world , and the off-scouring of all things . we have learned of our blessed saviour , to blesse those that curse us , to do good to them that hate us , and to pray for them which despitefully use us and persecute us. and of the blessed apostle , to instruct them in meeknesse that oppose us , if god peradventure will give th●m repentance to the acknowledgement of the truth . it is a great comfort to us , that the government of the church is upon christs shoulders , and he that could bear the wrath of god , no doubt will uphold his own government , maugre all opposition . and it is no lesse joy unto us , that the ministers of christ are stars in his right hand , and therefore safe and secure from the hurt of unreasonable men . we reade in the revelation of a woman cloathed with the sunne and the moon under her feet , and a crown of twelve stars upon her head . this woman represents the true church ; every true christian is cloathed with christs righteousnesse as with the sunne , and hath the world as the moon under his feet , and wears the ministers and their gospel-doctrine as a crown upon his head . he that treads this crown under his feet hath little of true christianity in him . but howsoever , though we be trodden under feet , and reproachfully used for what we have written , yet it is no little satisfaction to us that we have discharged our consciences both to god and men . and if some people will not wear us as crowns upon their heads , we shall wear their reproaches as our crown ; and shall pray unto the lord ( who only teacheth to profit ) that he would give a good successe to this undertaking of ours for the glory of his name , the benefit of his church ; and more especially for the establishing of our respective congregations , that he would direct , protect , providefor , support , sanctifie and comfort the godly ministry against all the sad discouragements they meet with , that he would keep out popery , root out error , her●sie , atheism and all prophanenesse , and make peace and truth , holinesse and righteousnesse to kisse one another in these three nations . the preface . the necessity and excellency of the gospel ministery is so transcendently great , as that it cannot but be accounted a very glorious service , in all those that shall undertake to represent it in its beauty to the sonnes of men , and to vindicate it from all that seek to asperse , undermine and destroy it . our saviour christ when he ascended up into heaven , left the ministry as his choisest legacy next to the gift of his holy spirit ; he gave unto his ministers ( which he gave to no earthly monarch ) the keys of the kingdom of heaven , he committed to them the word of reconciliation , he made them stewards of the mysteries of god , and watchmen●ver ●ver the precious souls of his people . there is hardly any thing necessary for man in his natural or civil relation , but the ministry is compared to it . are light and stars necessary ? is sa●● necessary ? are rulers , shepherds , stewards , ambassadours , husbandmen , builders , angels , chariots and horsmen necessary ? ministers are called , the light of the world , the salt of the earth , stars in christs right hand , they are angels , rulers , ambassadors , stewards , husbandmen , fathers , shepherds , builders , watchmen , the chariots and horsmen of israel . the people of constantinople professed they could sooner want the sun then chrysostom's ministry . and chrysostom tels us , that herod might very well have saved john baptist notwithstanding his oath , for his oath was to give the daughter of herodias what she should ask , though it were to half his kingdom , but john baptist's head was more worth then all his kingdome . hence it is , that the devil in all ages hath laboured by his wicked instruments to discountenance , disparage and overthrow the ministry , as knowing that it is a spiritual engine in the hand of the lord of hoasts to batter down his strong holds , and designed for this very purpose to bring people from the power of satan unto the kingdom of iesus christ. in the old testament , though the ministry that then was , was acknowledged to be of divine institution , yet even then it was by a carnal part of the world opposed , as a superfluous humane invention , and the persons to whom that ministry was committed were in their several generations vilified and traduced as a society of men which rather sought some worldly , carnal , personal interest , then the sacred things of gods kingdom . thus enoch who had this testimony that he pleased god , ●ndured hard speeches which ungodly sinners spoke against him . noah a preacher of righteousnesse was not believed in his generation , they did not , they would not know any thing till the floud came and swept them all away . moses a prophet mighty in word and deed had jannes and jambres to resist him in aegypt , and corah and his company to withstand him in the wilderness . elijah that man of god , whom one calleth an earthly angel , and an heavenly mortal , who whilst he lived on earth below , commanded the heavens and clouds that are above , yet was he persecuted by jezebel , and accounted by ahab both an enemy to him and to the state , and accused to his face as the troubler of israel . thus jeremiah , sanctified from the womb , was smitten and imprisoned , michaiah imprisoned , urijah slain with the sword , zechariah stoned to death . in the new testament john baptist who was filled with the holy ghost from his mothers womb , was beheaded . and christ iesus himself , who was not ashamed to be stiled the minister of the circumcision , the bishop of our souls , the apostle and high-priest of our profession , was crucified between two thieves . the holy apostles of whom the world was not worthy , were not worthy to live in the world , but were despised and rejected of men , and accounted the scum and off-scouring of the world . in the ten first persec●tions , the devil especially endeavoured the ruine of the godly and learned ministry : it is said expresly of the sixth persecution , that the emperour maximinus raised it against the teachers and leaders of the church , thinking that if these captains were removed out of the way , he should the easilier prevail against the rest . the greatest design th●● julian the apostate had for the overthrowing the christian religion , was by destroying of learning , and taking away the means of subsis●ence from the ministry . the scripture tels us , that for the space of daies ( that is , all the time of antichrists reign ) the two witnesses should prophestein sackcloth , and this sackcloth is not yet put off , nor as yet likely to be . for there are a generation of men risen up amongst us , that say , that it is the greatest cheat that ever was put upon christians , to make them believe that there is a distinct office of the ministry p●culiar to some men and not to others . this they call a monopolizing of the ministery , and the worst of all monopolies . and they say , just as corah and his company , you take too much upon you , yee sons of levi ▪ are not all the people of god holy ? and may not any man that is gifted preach , though he be not ordained ? but in the mean time they forget , that this speech of corahs was accounted rebellion , and that the earth was not able to bear it , but opened her mouth and swallowed him up , and the rest of his companions . it was heretofore accounted a great fault for a minister to be a iustice of peace , and t●ought incompatible with his calling , and impossible for one man to wait upon both . but there are many in our daies , that continuing in their civil callings , think themselves able to discharge the ministerial . and although the apostle out of the sense of the weightiness of it , cried out , who is sufficient for these things ? yet there are very many that think every man almost sufficient . and as jeroboam made priests of the lowest of the people , which were not of the sons of levi , and it was reckoned as his great sinne . so it is with us , the lowest of the people and such as are not called to the ministry , nor trained up in the schools of the prophets , are become preachers , and cried up as the none-such of our times . there are divers waies by which some men endeavour to destroy the ministry . . by railing upon and reviling their persons , and raising all manner of reproaches against them , as if they were the onely incendiaries of church and state , pestilent fellows , the causers of all the disturbance in the commonwealth . . by crying down the present ministry as antichristian , because made ( as they say ) by antichristian bishops . . by taking away their maintenance . . by setting up the basest and meanest of the people , and such as have no arts nor knowledge in the tongues , to be preachers , that thereby they might make the world believe , that the ministerial office is of all other the lowest and the easiest . . by d●crying the very office it self . these with others of the like nature , are th● waies and means by which men seek to ruine the ministry , and thereby religion , and to open a wide gap to all errours , heresies , blasphemies , prophaneness and atheism . herein dealing with us as alexander did with the athenians , who desired to make peace with them upon condition that they would deliver eight of their chief men into his hands . demosthenes to disswade the athenians from delivering them up , tels them a fable of the wolves and the sheep : the wolves desired to make peace with the sheep , upon condition they would deliver up their dogs to be destroyed , which they had no sooner done , but the wolves presently devoured the sheep : even so when once not only the persons of ministers are disgraced , and their maintenance taken away , but when the very calling and office of the ministry is denied , and libertie given to every man that will to preach , then will the wolves devour the sheep of christ , then will errors , heresies , blasphemie , atheism and poperie , come in like a mighty floud , then will ruine and desolation come like an armed man upon that nation where this is practized , without remedie . and th●refore to testifie our love unto the truth , that the sun of righteousness may not go down in our daies , that the truth of the gospel may live when we are dead , and the word of christ may run and be glorified ; and to prevent the growth of atheism which every where abounds , and threatneth the overthrow and ruine of the way that god hath called holy , and to reduce poor misled souls , which ignorantly conceive they sinne not in traducing the ministers of the gospel , as if they were men onely seeking their own things , and not t he things of the lord iesus , and contemning the ministry as if it were not gods institution , but an humane in vention introduced to uphold some carnal interest . we the members of the provincial assembly convened by authority of parliament , conceive it our duty to clear unto our respective congregations , the ministry and ministers , such as serve the lord in uprightness , from these unkinde and ungrounded aspersions . beseeching the lord , the father of spirits , to convince and settle the iudgments of them that through misguidance may doubt , and to give repentance unto such as carnally oppose themselves , that they may come to the acknowledgement of the truth , and so recover themselves out of the snare of satan , wherein they suffer themselves to be taken captive at his pleasure . the summe of all we shall say about the gospel-ministry , we shall comprehend in this following scheme . the divine right of the gospel-ministry , containing . the justification of the ministry ; wherein are handled these particulars , . that the office of the ministry of the word and sacraments is necessary in the church of god by divine institution . . that this office is perpetually necessary in the church of god. . that no man ought to take upon him the office , or do the work of the ministry , except he be lawfully called and ordained thereunto . . the several waies of calling men to the ministry , where is spoken of , . an immediate call , and therein laid down , . the characters of an immediate call . . a resolution whether we are now to expect an immediate call . . whether the call of the first reformers of religion from popery , was an immediate call . . a mediate call , consisting in , election , concerning which are handled two things , . that the election of a minister doth not by divine right , belong wholly and solely to the major part of every congregation . . that the whole essence of the ministerial call , doth not consist in election without ordination . ordination , concering which are made good these four assertions . . that ordination of ministers is an ordinance of christ. . that the essence of the ministerial call , consisteth in ordination . . that ordination ought to be with praier , fasting and imposition of hands . . that ordination ought to be by the presbytery . . the justification , &c. b b. . the justification of our ministry which is comprised under two propositions . . that the call to the office of the ministry which some of our present ministers did receive , during the prevalency of episcopacy , was lawful & valid ; which is proved , . by arguments drawn from the principles of our adversaries , wherein by the way is proved . that the chu●ches of england are true churches . . and the two great objections against them , taken from their parochiall and nationall constitution , are sufficiently answered . . by arguments taken from our own principles , and the nature of the thing ; and here our ministry is largely vindicated from the foul aspersion of antichristianism , which is cast upon it , because conveyed unto us ( as is said ) by popish and antichristian bishops . . that the call to the office of the ministry which our present ministers do receive , since the abolition of episcopacy is lawfull and valid , in which is shewed , . that a bishop and presbyter are all one in scripture . . that the instances of timothy , and titus , and the asian angels do not prove the contrary . and because ordination by presbyters without bishops is highly accused of novelty , as having not the least shadow of antiquity , and thereby many candidates of the ministry are discouraged from this way of entring into the ministry , and ordination so received is accounted null : we have therefore added an appendix wherein is briefly held forth the judgement and practise of antiquity both in reference to ordination , and the whole matter of episcopacy . ius divinum ministerij evangelici . or the divine right of the gospel-ministry : the first part. containing a justification of the gospel-ministry in generall . the necessity of ordination thereunto by imposition of hands . the unlawfulnesse of private mens assuming to themselves either the office or work of the ministry without a lawful call and ordination . london , printed by abraham miller . . ius divinum ministerij evangelici . or the divine right of the gospel-ministry . chapter i. containing the first proposition . prop. i. that the office of the ministry of the word and sacraments is necessary in the church by divine institution . for the understanding of this proposition we shall briefly shew , . what is meant by ministry . . what by office. . what is meant by ministry ; the word ministry is a term of large comprehension : sometimes it is taken for a civil service in the common-wealth ; sometimes for a spirituall worship of jesus christ ; sometimes for the office of a deacon : but in this proposition it is taken for an ecclesiasticall function appointed by christ in his church for the preaching of the word and administration of the sacraments . this is called a ministry in opposition to lordly domination and principality ; for ministers are not appointed to be lords over gods heritage , but to be examples to the flock : the princes of the gentiles exercise dominion over them , and they that are great exercise authority upon them : but it shall not be so among you , but whosoever will be great among you let him be your minister , and whosoever will be chief among you let him be your servant : the office of the ministry is not a dominion but a service , and a labourious service , and therefore called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a word taken from those that labour at the oar , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a word taken from those that do in pulvere desudare : but yet it is a most glorious and honourable service , because a service to god his church , and the souls of people , and therefore called the ministry of christ , the stewardship of the mysteries of god , and a spirituall rule over the houshold of god. q. . what is meant by the word office ? ans. for this you must know , that there is a great deal of difference between the office and the work of the ministry ; indeed in scripture they are sometimes held forth by one name because they are near akin , act. . . we will give our selves to the ministry of the word ; and rom. . . i magnifie my office ; both in the originall called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , yet are they really distinct in nature as relation and action , and separable either by divine providence in case of sicknesse , or by humane pravity in case of imprisonment , banishment , or rejection of the people , or supine negligence , sloath , ambition , or covetousnesse in the officer . impossible it is to dispute about the office without mention of the work , they being relatives , and therefore cannot be understood the one without the other : but yet because there are a double sort of dissenters , some that deny the very office of the ministry ; others that grant the office , but yet think it no sin for a man gifted ( though uncalled ) to assume the publike work of the ministry : our purpose is to speak distinctly to both . but in this proposition only to the first . the office of the ministry is a spirituall relation to the whole employment of the ministry in a person qualified , founded upon a speciall and regular call . for its generall nature , it is a relation as is evident by removing all other kindes , in particular it cannot be action , for this is transient , but an office is permanent . for its property , it is a spirituall relation to distinguish it from naturall and civil relations . it s subject is a person qualified , namely , . able . . willing . . pious in the judgement of charity . it s object or ●erm is the ministeriall employment , amplified by its extent in order to the work : a gifted brother may upon just occasion materially exercise some parts of the ministry , as prayer , opening and applying of the scripture , but not all parts , as administration of the sacraments , nor the former in publique , unlesse lawfully called thereunto . it s foundation is vocation , or a call limited ; . by its specialty : a generall call enables to prayer and teaching as a christian , but only a speciall and particular call enables to these duties ex officio & authoritativè ; a private person may bring news of a treaty to be had , but only an embassadour or herauld comes enabled by authority to treat . . it is limited by its regularity to distinguish it from the bare call of the people : the peoples call may determine a persons ministry in an especiall manner to themselves , but cannot invest a person into the office of the ministry , who was not a minister before ; nor can their deserting of him put him out of office , though haply it may out of imployment : action is transient , but relation is permanent ; therefore the office is better defined by relation to the work then by relation to a particular people , who may easily out him of his work but not of his office : this regular call then consists not in bare instinct , whereby men run before they be sent , nor barely in the suffrages of the people , which make a person their minister not a minister : but in mission either immediate by god and christ , witnesse the prophets and apostles ; or mediate by some delegated and authorised by god for that purpose , nihil dat quod non habet : nor can he who is not either a minister or the lord of ministers regularly make a minister : paul was called by christ , timothy by paul and the presbytery ; nor do we reade of any called ordinarily to the ministry without ministers : and here by the way take notice , that the very nature of the office of the ministry argues strongly , that none can take upon them that sacred office without a lawfull call and ordination , since the very foundation of this relation is a lawfull call , and without a foundation no relation can either exist or persist ; but more of this hereafter . for the present , that which we have now to prove is , that the office of the ministry , that is , that a spiritual relation to the whole employment of the ministry in a person qualified , founded in a speciall and regular call , is of divine institution : or more plainly , that the eccles●asticall ministry is an order , function , or office , that hath its originall from heaven ; not from an ordinance of parliament , but of the lord jesus christ , which we shall prove by these arguments . from the peculiar designation of some persons to the work of the ministry ; whence thus we argue , if god hath peculiarly designed some persons to this work of the ministry , then the office of the ministry is by divine institution : but god hath peculiarly designed some persons to the work of the ministry : the consequence is clear . if god appointed some persons to the work of judging israel , then the office of judges was by divine institution ; if god appointed some persons to carry the utensils of the tabernacle or temple , and to keep the doors , then the office of the porters and door-keepers was of divine institution : so here if god designed some persons to the work of the ministry , then there is such an office. and it will be further strengthened by this consideration ; that where there was no distinct office god did not design peculiar persons for the work , but left it in common to all , and where he left it in common to all there was no distinct office. thus the daty of almes-giving in generall , because it is a duty common to all , and no peculiar persons are designed to it , but it is equally required of all according to their ability , therefore there is no such office of almes-giving ▪ but now to distribute the alms of the church in a work peculiarly determined to some particular persons which are called deacons ( and is not common to all ) and therefore the office of the deacon is by divine institution . adde further that to design particular persons to any work , to which all have a like call , power , and authority , is needlesse and ridiculous . so much for the proof of the consequence : the antecedent will easily be made out . . that this was so under the law , is evident beyond all dispute , to all who reade and beleeve the old testament : though all israel was holinesse to the lord , a kingdom of priests , and a holy nation , as all christians are now in their private duties and domestick relations to offer up spiritual sacrifices acceptable to god by jesus christ ; yet there was then a distinct peculiar ministry in the levit●s the sonnes of aaron by divine appointment ; and no man might take that honour upon him , but only he that was called thereunto , as was aaron , heb. . . nor might any enter within the tabernacle but the priest accomplishing the service of god. . as it was thus in the jewish church before christs incarnation , so it was foretold that it should be also in the christian church consisting of jew and gentile ; it was gods great promise to be fullfilled in gospel-times , that he would take of the children of them that should be brought into the church for priests and levites , alluding to the officers that then were in being ; which cannot be understood of spirituall priests , such as all saints are in some sense stiled ; for these are said to be singled out from the rest for such a speciall office . and that in the times of the gospel , according to the promise , such an office was appointed by our lord jesus , is beyond all question to all who reade and beleeve the new testament ; christ before his death appointed the apostles to go and preach ; he ordained twelve that they should be with him , and that he might send them forth to preach : and after this the lord appointed other seventy also ; and because the harvest was great and the labourers were but few , therefore they are bid to pray the lord of the harvest that h● would send firth labourers into hi● harv●st : to his apostles he revealed himself especially after his resurrection , and gave them commission and command to preach the gospel to all nations , baptizing them in the name of the father , of the sonne , and of the holy ghos● : and when iudas being numbred with them had obtained part of this ministry , from which by transgression he fell ; the rest of the disciples did not magnifie themselves to be apostles , but sought to the lord , that god himself would shew whom he had chosen to take part of that ministry and apostleship , and the lo● falling upon mathias he was numbred with the eleven . . the ministry in the daies of the apostles was not only dispensed by the apostles , the seventy disciples , and other prophets and evangelists , whose call , gifts , and works were extraordinary , but by other ordinary pastors , whose spirits were not insallible , and whose commission was not extraordinary . the extraordinary officers were commanded to commit the word to faithfull men who shall be able to reach others also . and this ministry dispensed by ordinary pastors ; was by the apostles themselves and the severall churches of the new testament esteemed as a ministry by divine institution : paul stiles ep●phras a dear fellow-servant , who is for you a faithfull minister of christ : tychicus he calls a beloved brother and a faithfull minister in the lord. and these ordinary pastors ( distinguished from those extraordinary officers ) the scriptures do affirm to be as truly by divine appointment as the former , though not so immediatly and eminently . . the same god that set in the church first apostles , then prophets , the same god set in the church some to be teachers . some ( by way of distinction from others , ) and not all ; for the holy ghost argueth as if it were equally absurd to have all to be teacher● , as all to be apostles , and appeals to their naturall conscience about it ; are all apostles ? are all prophets ? are all teachers ? and if god himself the father of all mercies hath placed these teachers in his church , what is man who is but ● worm that he should attempt to displace them ? . the same redeemer the lord jesus who gave some to be apostles , some prophets , and some evangelists , the same christ gave also some to b● pastor● and to be teachers . . the s●me holy spirit which said , separat● me barnabas and saul for the work of the ministery , and who committed to paul th● gosp●l of vncircumcision as he did the gospel of circumcision to peter ▪ the same blessed spirit gave charge to the elders of the church of ephesus to take heed to th● flock of christ ; and though they were no where recorded to have received a commission extraordinary , and a spirit infallible , ( nay , so far were they from being infallible ▪ that the apostle foretel● that some of them would speak perverse things to draw away disciples after them , v. . ) yet is it said expresly , that the holy ghost h●d made them overseer● over the flock : as the saints converted to the faith of the gospel by the ministry of tychichus , epaphras , and onesimus , and the saints that in those daies were really added to the church , wer● no less● truly saints then those which were converted immediatly by paul , and peter , and the rest of the apostles ; so these ordinary pastors and teachers aforementioned did no l●sse truly receive their ministry from the lord for their ordinary employment , then the apostles did ( though they more eminently for their employment extraordinary ▪ ) ▪ as he committed to them the word and ministry of reconc●liation , and gave to them both commission and command to dispense his ordinances , so that to them it was not only lawfull or arbitrary , but necessity was laid upon them , and a woe denounced if they preached not the gospel : so was it also to the ordinary teachers , and therefore archippus ( no where mentioned to be an officer extraordinary ) is commanded to fullfill his ministry , which he also received from the lord. now if the father , the god of truth ; the son , the way , the truth , and the life ; and the holy ghost the spirit of truth hath designed peculiar persons to this office , then the ministry by way of office , is necessary by divine institution . the second argument is drawn from the peculiar names or titles , whereby the persons thus designed and distinguished from other saints : if god hath given peculiar names and titles , whereby the persons designed to this office are distinguished from other saints , then this office is by divine institution . for as the judgement of god is , so are the denominations which god giveth to things , according to truth : if adam gave distinguishing names to all creatures , sutable to their beings ; surely our only wise god will not distinguish where he himself hath made no difference . but god hath given to the persons designed to this office peculiar names and titles . . these are called pastors , and the other saints respectively are called the flock . now is there not a reall distinction ( as well as nominall ) betwixt the flock and pastor , the sheep and the shepherd ? . they are called teachers , and doth not the holy ghost evidently distinguish betwixt them that do instruct and those that are instructed ? . they are called such as rule well , not in any civil way as state-officers , but such as labour in the word and doctrine . . they are such as are over the saints in the lord , and the holy ghost doth expresly distinguish betwixt the officers in the church , which have rule and inspection over the saints , and all the rest of the saints under that inspection . . they are called stewards of the mysteries of god ; all the rest of the saints are of the houshold of faith ; and who may appoint stewards in the house but the master of the houshold ? and if the master call them stewards , let all saints do so who are of his houshold . though all other saints may be called stewards of the manifold grace of god , according to the proportion of the gifts and talents which they have received for their lords use , and so every man must give an account of his stewardship even for civil gifts and common graces , yet neither are all men nor all saints , as such , any where stiled by the holy ghost to be stewards of the mysteries of god , as the ministers of christ are ; and it is one peculiar argument which the holy ghost useth , why the bishop must be eminently blamelesse above other saints , because he is so to carry himself in gods house as one who in a speciall way is the steward of god. . they are called preachers by way of office , or gods heralds , ( though others may know and speak the same things , viz· ) these authoritatively are sent forth to proclaim the minde of the lord. . they are called embassadors for christ : god hath given to them the ministry of reconciliation , and hath committed to them the word of reconciliation . . they are super-intendents and overseers of the flock ; and if they had no such office , then in the discharge of this work they might be charged to be busie-bodies ; and so we shall call this a sin which god almighty hath charged upon them as their duty . . they are called stars in christs right hand . . the angels of the churches , and our lord himself doth clearly distinguish betwixt the seven stars in the church , and the seven golden candlesticks which are seven churches ; he evidently puts a difference betwixt the churches and the angels set in them and over them in the lord. the third argument is drawn from the lords speciall care in requiring peculiar gifts and qualifications in persons so distinguished and designed for this work as formerly . if the lord out of his speciall care to the good of the souls of people , hath appointed peculiar gifts and qualifications ( above what is required in all saints as such ) in all who enter into the work of the ministry , then the office of the ministry is by divine insti●ution . for why should god require such qualifications for an office , if he first had not appointed such an office ; suppose a parliament should lay down severall qualifications for every man that is to be made a justice of peace , doth not this clearly infer , that there is such an office as of a justice of the peace ; but our lord doth require peculiar gifts and qualifications , &c. not only those moral theological christian gifts and graces which are required in all saints at such , as to be blamelesse , vigilant , sober , &c. but such qualifications as are peculiar , though gifts as gifts do not alone invest into an office , yet where these are so strictly and peculiarly required , they argue that there is an office. god requires . that they be apt to teach : saints may be saints though they be not fitted to teach others : it is ● good degree of saintship when they are swift to hear , slow to speak , and apt to learn , ( and we could wish the saints in our times could learn and practise that lesson ) but those faithful men to whom the ministry is to be committed , must be apt to teach . . that they be not only apt but able to teach others also . . that they be such as holding fast the word may be able by sound doctrine to exhort and convince gainsayers . . that they be such as st●dy to shew themselves approved unto god , workmen that need not be ashamed ▪ rightly dividing the word of truth ; and who then is a faithfull and wise steward whom the lord may make ruler ●ver hi● houshold t● give them their portion of meat in due season . . that these gifts be tried and approved by others ( for no man can be a competent judge of his own gifts ) the deacons must first be proved , and if the deacons the lowest officer of the church must by divine appointment be first proved before he be admitted to use the office of a deacon , how much more is this required in the office of the ministry , which is far higher ? . that those that are to prove and approve observe these things without carnall preferring one before another ; that they doe nothing by partiality , that they lay hands suddenly upon no man , , and this the apostle chargeth them with before god and the lord iesus christ and his elect angels ? now why are all these qualifications required ? would not all these injunctions about such an office be superfluous , if such an office were not by divine institution ? . the qualifications are so many , the work so eminent , the successe so various , the ministry of the word being to some the savour of life unto life , and to others the savour of death unto death , that the apostle in admiration of the difficulty and dignity of this employment , crieth out , who is suffici●nt for these things ? but they who are alienated in their mindes as they snuffe at the service of god , and bring the torn , and the lame , and the sick ( as if any thing though never so bad were good enough ) for an offering to the lord , so they account the work of the ministry so mean , and the office so contemptible , that they say in opposition to the holy apostle , for these things who is not sufficient ? boldly intr●ding themselves into this work , without any gifts or qualifications sutable and approved thereunto , presuming to be teachers of the law and of the gospel , yet not unde●standing what they say or whereof they do affirm . the fourth argument from peculiar duties ; if god require peculiar duties of ministers which he doth not require of bele●vers as beleevers , then there is such a distinct office by divine institution . but god doth require peculiar distinct duties of ministers . . they are commanded to take special care of the church of god to take the oversight of the flock of god , yet not as lords over gods heritage ; but being examples to the flock . . when they have undertaken this work they are charged not to neglect the gift that is in them , which was given by the laying on the hands of the presbytery . . wholly to minde this work and the office ; meditate on these things , give themselves wholly to them , that their profiting may appear to all : it is not reason that they should leave the word and serve tables , but they must continually give themselves to prayer and to the ministry of the word . it is true , that the work of the apostles was exceeding great , yet it is as true , that their gifts were extraordinary , and the assistance they had was above measure , god testifying to the word of his grace by many signs and wonders : now if the apostles endued with those transcendent abilities , would not suffer themselves to be diverted , how much more doth the work of the ministry challenge the whole man , of them whose parts and assistances are so farre inferiour that they may attend the special service of god without distraction ? have not the ministers now as much need as timothy then to give attendance to reading , as well as unto exhortation and doctrine , to meditate upon these things , and give themselves wholly to them , that their profiting may appear to all , that so they may save themselves and them that hear them ? . not only wholly to minde this work in private , but in publike to preach the word ; to be instant in season and out of season ; rebuke , exhort with all long-suffering and doctrine : with meeknesse they must instruct those that oppose themselves ; they must labour even to weariness in the word and doctrine : they must be willing to spend and to be spent upon the service of the faith of the people : a necessity is laid upon them to preach the gospel , the neglect whereof involves them in a woe ; if they doe it willingly they have a reward , and if not yet a dispensation is committed to them . . not only to preach the word , but also to administer the sacraments . . and also to ordain others into the work of the ministry : of which more hereafter . in all these works not to feed themselves but to feed the flock , to look not only to their lives but to their doctrine , to watch not only for their own souls but for the souls of others . . they are commanded so to watch over the flock as those that must give an account . . they are commanded to take heed to themselves and to their doctrine , not only how they live but how they teach , that they may edifie both by living and teaching , and though they meet with many discouragements , unfruitfulnesse in some , and unkinde oppositions from others , yet they must continue in these things , and persist in their work , when they have laid their hands to this plough they must not look back , but must persevere to speak the things which become sound doctrine , to preach the word , to be instant in season and out of season , to reprove , rebuke and exhort with all long-suffering and doctrine . the fifth argument is drawn from the peculiar distinct duties enjoyned the people in reference to their teachers . if the lord requires peculiar distinct duties from the people in reference to their teachers , then this office is by divine institution . but the lord requires peculiar distinct duties in the people in reference to their minister , &c. . to know and acknowledge them such as are over them in the lord. . to remember their guides who have spoken unto them the word of god ; we are prone to forget our duty towards them ▪ god is sensible of this sin , and gives out these commands to cure this forgetfulnesse . . highly to esteem them , and that in love , and this also for their works sake . though the saints are not to esteem or think of them above what is meet , yet this esteem must not be vulgar as that which is only common to ordinary men and believers : when the ●nthankful world despise the ministers , the saints are obliged to account them worthy of double honour , and to esteem them highly , very highly and abundantly ; this high degree of esteem must be in love , for if we love the embassage , and the lord who sends the glad tidings of salvation , how beautifull then are the feet of his embassadours ! this esteem of them in love must be for t●eir works sake : now if this work was not of god , he would never give so many injunctions to honour these work-men : but this work of the ministry in reconciling sinners to god , is so stupendious , that the angels with admiration desire to look into these things : and in the dispensation of this mystery which from the beginning of the world hath been hid in god , is made known by the church not only to men bu● to cherubins and seraphims principalities and powers in heavenly places the manifold wisedom of god. . to obey them that have the rule over you and submit your selves unto them . . to encourage them , that they may do their work with joy and not with grief , for that is unprofitable to the flock , as uncomfortable to the pastour . , to maintain them ; he that is taught in the word must communicate to him that teacheth in all good things : why doth the holy ghost spend almost a whole chapter upon this subject ? and after many arguments , why doth the apostle make that appeal ? do ye not know that they which minister about holy things live of the things of the temple ; and they that wait a● the altar are partakers with the al●ar ? and whereas some might say , this practise is mosaicall , and fit for the jewish priesthood , but not for gospel-times , he prevents this objection , and asserts as a divine institution , that god hath thus ordained , that they which preach the gospel sho●ld live of the gospel : but this doctrine of the maintenance of ministers hath been of late so largely and sol●dly asserted by several able pens , that we shall not need to s●y any more about it . but no wonder that those which would take away and detain the maintenance should also be willing to deny the office : they that take away the oyl would break the lamp in sunder as a thing uselesse and unnecessary . object . but some may say , the apostles did work with labour and travell , night and day , that they might not be chargeable : doth not paul himself appeal to the elders of the church of ephesus , yea , you your selves know , that these have ministred to my necessities , and if the apostles laboured and had no maintenance , though they were extraordinary , why should not other ordinary ministers labour , and why is their maintenance a duty necessary ? we answer , . this travell with their own hands for a subsistence was a peculiar case of p●ul and barnabas , and was not the practise of the other apostle● ; for paul saith , i only and barnabas , have not we power to forbear working as the other apostles and brethren of the lord and cephas ? . when they refused to receive maintenance , this refusal was upon especiall occasion : as . either the churches extream necessities , the daies of danger and exigencies of the saints : in such case , though marriage was lawfull ; i suppose it is good for the present distresse , i say it is good for a man to forbear marriage ; and so paul did both forbear marr●age and also refused maintenance , but none can conclude from hence the marriage of ministers is unlawfull , or their maintenance unneedfull . or . this refusall of maintenance was in case of scandall , when false teachers had crept into the church of corinth , who boasted of themselves and their own doctrine , and that they would preach the gospel freely , and so cried down paul and his ministry , therefore in this case paul preached the gospel freely , i was chargeable ( saith he ) to no man , and in all things i have kept my self from being burdensome to you , and so will i keep my self , and what i do in this kinde that i will do ; and the ground of this practise he declareth to avoid scandall , that i may cut off occasion from them which desire occasion ; and that he might stop the boastings of those false apostles , dececeifull workers transforming themselves into the apostles of christ , that wherein they gloried they may be found even as we . . when paul was neeessitated to labour with his hands , he numbers it in the catalogue of his sorrows as part of his sufferings , to this hour we both hunger and thirst , and are naked and buffeted , and have no certain ●welling-place , and labour working with our own hands . . though paul refused maintenance , yet he still taught beleevers that it was a gospel-ordinance to maintain their ministers ; for who goeth to warfare at his own charges ? shall souldiers have no pay because when they are lawfully called forth they offer themselves freely to serve the publike ? who planteth a vineyard and doth not eat thereof ? . when paul in the cases and for the persons above-mentioned refused maintenance , yet he telleth the corinthians , that he received much from others , i robbed other churchss , taking wages of them to serve you ; for that which was lacking to me , they which came from macedonia supplied : and he abundantly commendeth the philippians , who were careful for his outward subsistence ; and their supply sent unto him he calleth an odour of sweet smell , a sacrifice acceptable , well-pleasing to god , and that hereby fruit did abound to their account . the sixth argument is drawn from the promises ; if god hath made particular promises to them that work in this ministry , then this office is by divine institution ; for god did never promise to keep up that office in the church which he hath not set up ; but hath said the contrary , that every plant which our heavenly father hath not planted shall be plucked up . but god hath made peculiar promises to them that work in the ministry . . that his speciall presence shall be with them ; lo , i am with you in this work of teaching and baptizing , though many or most may be against you . . his speciall assistance ; god alone is alsufficient to make them who are insufficient of themselves to think one good thought , able ministers of the new testament , not only of the letter but of the spirit ; god alone continues these abilities from the perpetuall supply of the spirit of jesus christ. from this speciall assistance it is that they which have this ministry faint not under all affronts and discouragements , totally and universally , because they receive new supplies of mercy from the lord. . his speciall protection of them in all assaults : he is present with all his saints to protect and preserve them ; he is in the midst of the seven golden candlesticks , and he walks in the midst of them ; these seven golden candlasticks are declared to be the seven churches of asia ; but god doth more then so to the ministers of those churches , he is not only in them , and walks in the midst of them , but he holds the stars in his right hand . . unto them he promiseth the power of the keys , and engageth himself , that whatsoever they ministerially binde on earth shall be bound in heaven , and whatsoever they loose on earth shall be loosed in heaven ; and this promise first made to p●ter was not limited to peters person alone , for christ after his resurrection makes good the same promise to all the other apostles ; whose sins soever ye remit are remitted , and whose sins soever ye retain are retained ; and that this promise was not liimted to the apostles as apostles , but was given to the apostles as ministers of the gospel , is evident from mat. . , . where the same power is given to the ordinary church-officers that was given to the apostles , and the same encouragement given to them to exercise that censure . . christ jesus promiseth speciall sympathy with them , whatsoever entertainment they meet withall in the discharge of this office ▪ he that receiveth you receiveth me , and he that receiveth me receiveth him that sent me : and when the ministers are despised , hated , and contemned , christ tels us he takes it is to himself , as if these contempts were done to himself in his own person : he that hateth them ( in reference to the r work ) hateth me ; he that despiseth them despiseth me , and he that despiseth me despiseth him that sent m● ; which great promises though eminently given to the apostles , yet are not limited to the apostles as apostles , but extended to all the ministers sent to preach the gospel , for so christ himself expounds these promises ; verily , verily , i say unto you , he that receiveth whomsoever i shall send , receiveth me : now if the promise be to all whomsoever christ sends , then not only to the apostles ; for besides them christ sent other pastors who were not immediatly called and sent , as the . and the . yet they were proved before to have been sent and set in the church by christ. . christ is so tender of the good or bad usage of his ministers , that he hath undertaken to recompence all that good done to them ; he that receiveth a prophet in the name of a prophet , shall receive a prophets reward ; and though this be true also of every righteous man and disciple in his proportion , yet our lord doth evidently there distinguish betwixt the prophet by office and the righteous man or disciple , as he doth also betwixt a prophets reward and a righteous mans reward : and so in all ages god hath taken it kindely when his faithfull ministers have been protected and countenanced : it stands upon record as a token of the sincerity of obadiah , that in that general persecution by iezabel , he had a hundred of the lords prophets , and hid them fifty in a cave , and fed them with bread and water : and of hezekiah that good king who walked before the lord with a perfect heart , there is this testimony recorded , that he spake comfortably unto all the levites which taught the good knowledge of the lord : but those kings and rulers that abused the ministers are noted as enemies to god himself , ahab and amazia , &c. and contempt of ordinances and ministers sent from god , is made the saddest fore-runner of ruine and desolation ; when they mocked the messengers of god , despised his word , and misused his prophets ; then the wrath of the lord rose up against his people , till there was no remedy : the lord was tender of the ministry of the law because glorious . now doth not the holy ghost tell us , that the ministry of the gospel doth exceed in glory ; that among them that are born of women there hath not risen a greater then iohn baptist ; notwithstanding , he that is least in the kingdom of heaven is greater then he , not that their persons are better , but that their ministry is higher . therefore let us all take heed of despising the ministry , lest the lord smite the earth with a curse ; for he that despiseth , despiseth not man but god. so much shall suffice for the first proposition . chap. ii. containing the second proposition . proving , that the office of the ministry is perpetually necessary . that it is so will appear by these ensuing arguments . if all the former arguments which evince the necessity of this office by divine institution be of a moral nature , then are they of perpetuall obligation by divine appointment ; for the commands of the morall law given to the jews oblige all , and precepts of the gospel given both to jews and gentiles in the apostles times , do equally oblige all beleevers in these daies as they did beleevers in the daies of the apostles , to whom they were at first immediatly prescribed ; because those precepts are of a moral nature ; whatsoever duties god r●quired in the churches of galatia , philippi , c●losse , &c. all these scriptures do as really binde now a● they did then binde them , for whatsoever things were written aforetime were written for our learning ; the same evils which were sins then are sinnes now , the duties enjoyned then are duties now , and shall binde all ages until the appearance of christ ; this rule is so exact and perpetuall , that they and they alone which walk according to this rule , peace shall be on them and upon the israel of god. but all the former arguments which prove the office of the ministry to be necessary , are of a morall nature ; not given to apostles as apostles , but to them as stewards and ministers of god , and so appertain to all ministers of christ. and in every argument there are those proofs produced out of scripture , which were not given only to apostles but to ordinary pastors , as may appear by a particular review of all the fore-going arguments . if the ordinances be perpetually necessary in the church by divine institution till the day of jesus christ , then the office of the ministry to dispense those ordinances is perpetually necessary in the church by divine institution ; the reason of this consequence appears thus . if the lord had only appointed ordinances to continue , and had appointed none to administer them , then the ordinanres would fail , because that which is every mans work is usually and effectually no mans work , and though god hath immediatly appointed these ordinances , yet now he doth not immediatly administer them , but the administration of these ordinances he hath committed unto others ; not to angels , for their glory is so great , and our infirmities so many , that we could not endure their visible ministration ; but this ministry he hath committed unto men , to some and not to all , as hath been proved in the former proposition ; and these are called the ministers of christ , stewards or dispensers of the mysteries of god , and are workers together with god , and such have this treasure in earthen vessels , that the excellency of the power might be of god ; the ministry of the word and the dispensing of the sacraments we finde conjoyned in the institution of christ , to whom christ gave commission to preach , to them he also gave commission and command to baptize , and he promiseth to concur with them in their administration : but that any others have any such command to enjoyn them , or commission to enable them , or any such promise of gods concurrence with them , if they undertake these administrations ; or that any su●● practise was in the daies of the apostles , we reade not in the new testament , and because the whole nature and vertue of the sacraments of the new testament , depends solely and wholly upon the authority of god being the institutour of them , therefore we may neither adde to nor detract from his institution , lest the lord adde to the plagues written in this book , and take away our part out of the book of life : so much for the consequence of the major ; now to the minor , which is this . the ordinances be perpetually necessary in the church by divine institution ; which will be evident if we consider the publike ordinances of the word , of baptism , and of the supper of the lord. . for the word ; it is evident that the word preached shall continue in all ages from mat. . . where jesus christ commands his apostles and ministers to teach all nations , and promiseth to be with them in that work to the end of the world ; as also from eph. . , , . christ gave pastors and teachers , for the perfecting of the saints , for the work of the ministry , for the edifying of the body of christ , till we all come to the unity of the faith. . for baptism , we desire these particulars to be considered . . that baptism is an ordinance of the new testament appointed by god himself , iohn was sent to baptize , he did not go about this work till he was sent , and because baptism was first adminis●red by him , therefore he is so frequently called iohn the baptist , not that baptism was his invention , but that the administration thereof was first committed unto him ▪ the institution it self was of god ; god was the authour , iohn only the minister , therefore the baptism of iohn is denied to be of men , and affirmed to be of heaven : and when the pharisees rejected his baptism , it is asserted they rejected the counsell of god against themselves , being not baptized of him : and the lord jesus christ to declare the baptism of iohn to be of god , even he that came to fullfill all righteousnesse , came from galilee to iordan to be baptized of iohn . . it is evident , that baptism was appointed not only to the jew but to the gentile , it was indeed first administred to the jew by iohn and by the disciples of our lord , and after christs resurrection by the apostles to those primitive converts : but when the partition wall was broken down , baptism of repentance was preached unto the gentiles , not only in iudea but in samaria also they that beleeved were baptized both men and women , and so cornelius the roman centurion , and so the jaylor and all his at philippi and corinth , paul baptized crispus and gaius , and the houshold of stephanus . . this ordinance of baptism instituted both for jew and gentile , was not to continue only in the infancy of the church , as the photinians and socinians affirm , but is perpetuall , as may appear by these arguments . . the promise and precept of christ wherein the lord commands the word to be preached unto all , and all nations to be baptized ; and christ promiseth that he will be with his officers in the administration of his ordinances to the end of the world ; if to the end of the world there shall be disciples , and if all disciples must be baptized , then baptism must continue to the end of the world . . the ends for which baptism was ordained , are not temporary , but morall , and so perpetuall ; all the disciples of christ now need the same means as the christians , during the age of the apostles , that we also might be baptized into christ , to be baptized into his death , buried with christ by baptism , that like as christ was raised from the dead by the glory of the father , even so we also should walk in newnesse of life ; neither doth the baptism of the spirit disanull the baptism of water , but rather confirm it ; for by one spirit are we all baptized into one body , whether we be jews or gentiles , bond or free . . if we consider the nature , use , or efficacy of baptism , it is called by the holy ghost a saving ordinance , and is unto believers and their seed in the new testament , as the ark was to noah and his ●amily in the old world ▪ who being in the ark was saved from perishing in the waters , when the rest were drowned ; so baptism that doth now save us not only or mainly the outward part of it , the putting away the filth of the flesh ( which yet is an ordinance to further our salvation ) but when the spirit of regeneration effectually concurs , so that we finde that there is a renewing of the holy ghost , and thereby the answer of a good conscience towards god. thirdly , for the sacrament of the lords supper , it is evident , . that it is an ordinance of god appointed by jesus christ , for he alone who gives grace hath power to appoint the means whereby he will convey grace : as no man can create new articles of faith to be b●●eeved , so no man can appoint new sacraments to be received ; only jesus christ the prince and mediatour of the new covenant , the high priest of our profession , who hath all power in heaven and earth , and who alone is able to fill all his own ordinances ( which in externall appearance seem but mean ) with inward efficacy and sprituall fullnesse ; he hath first instituted this sacrament and also administred it even the same night in which he was betrayed . . this ordinance was not only appointed to and for the apostles , to whom it was first administred , but unto all believers both jews and gentiles , by whom it is to be received , not only once as baptism ( for we reade no institution to baptize the same person more then once ) but our lord hath prescribed the frequ ent reiterated use of this sacrament , that we should often ●at this bread and drink this cup , and accordingly the apostles and the primitive christians did frequently celebrate this ordinance . . it is evident that this sacrament was appointed not only for that age , but for all succeeding generations , therefore believers are commanded to frequent this ordinance , and in eating this bread and drinking this cup , to shew forth the lords death till he come ; for our lord that will have his church to continue in all successions , till the day of his appearance , hath both enjoyned all beleevers as their duty to perpetuate the use of this sacrament in their severall generations , and hath also foretold for their comfort , that this ordinance shall continue till the day of his last coming : so then these ordinances being appointed by god to continue to the end , hereby it appears that the lord hath designed the office of the ministry to hold up and hold forth his ordinances to the end of the world . if the promises which christ hath made to uphold the ministry be perpetuall , then the office is perpetually necessary . but these promises are perpetual . that christ hath made promises to uphold the ministry , hath been proved in the former proposition out of mat. . . &c. the only doubt which can remain , is , whether these promises were limited to that age wherein the apostles lived , or whether they do reach all succeeding ages to the end of the world ; wherein who can better resolve us then christ himself in the words of the promise , go teach and baptize , and lo i am with you alwaies to the end of the world . . this promise ( we grant ) was made first and immediatly to the apostles ; but the query is , whether solely and only unto them as they were apostles ; it cannot be denied but many precepts and promises given to them were of a different nature , . some to the apostles as apostles , and . some to apostles as ministers , and . some to apostles as beleevers . if any demand , how shall we know when christ spake to them as apostles ? when to them as ministers ? and when to them as christians ? we answer , that the best way to discern this , is to consider the nature of these precepts and promises : if they be of an extraordinary nature ●●ove what god hath commanded or promised to all beleever● , o● to all ordinary ministry ; then these commands or promises are peculiar to apostles as apostles , as extraordinary officers ; for instance , when christ had called the twelve , he gave them power against unclean spirits , to cast them out , and to heal all manner of sicknesses , and all manner of diseases : and these being extraordinary promises , it appears they were made to the apostles as apostles , and not to them either as beleevers or as ministers . if they be of a common nature wherein all saints and disciples of jesus christ are equally concerned , then though they were given to the apostles , yet not only to them as apostles , but to them as beleevers , who also partake of like precious faith with them , through the righteousnesse of god and our saviour jesus christ ; when christ commanded them to watch , for ye know not what hour the lord will come ; this duty was laid upon them immediatly and apart from others as appears ; his disciples came to him privately , saying , when shall these things be ? yet this duty is of such a nature as is common to all beleevers ; and so elsewhere christ expounds it , what i say unto you i say unto all , watch : when christ taught his disciples to pray , in them he taught the same duty to all beleevers : and all these commands , to deny our selves , take up the crosse , and follow him , are so given to the apostles as they also oblige all beleevers : so when christ praied for the apostles , that god would sanctifie them with all truth ; he prayed not for them alone , but for all that were given to him of the father , which should also beleeve in him through their word : so all those great and precious promises which pertain to life and godlinesse , whereby all beleevers partake of the divine nature , having escaped the pollutions which are in the world through lust , were given not only to the apostles but to all beleevers . the ignorance or non-observance of this distinction hath led the papists into many absurdities , as when christ gave the cup to the apostles , because they all were ministers , therefore they do not conceive themselves obliged by that example to give the cup to the laity ; whereas christ gave the cup to the apostles not as apostles but only as beleevers , and so ordained it for all beleevers , who did not onely eat the bread , but drink the cup of the lord. the precepts and promises which are of a middle nature betwixt the two former , not so general as to concern all believers , nor yet so strait and peculiar as to be limited to the apostles , as go , teach and baptize , &c. these precepts and promises thereunto annexed , were given to apostles , not as apostles , nor to them as believers , but given to them as ministers and stewards of the mysteries of god ; for the apostles did not administer the sacraments as apostles , for to baptize was no peculiar work of the apostles , as such . now christs promise in matth. . . is to apostles teaching and baptizing . but these are acts ministerial , which therefore appertain to all ministers called of god in his name to perform these duties . if any shall object and say , this promise was not to their persons , but to their doctrine , which shall continue to the end of the world . answ. it is true , the doctrine of the apostles shall continue to the end of the world ; it is such a light as all the breath of men , or rage of hell can never blow out , and one jot or tittle of this word shall not fail ; but this promise is not onely to their doctrine , but to their persons , invested in such an office , not onely to their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but to them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not onely to their doctrine taught , but to their teaching and baptizing . this promise cannot be confined to the persons of apostles ; for where are the prophets and evangelists ? and do the apostles live for ever ? but this promise reacheth all ages ; i am with you alwayes to the end of the world , which strongly argueth , that the office of the ministry shall continue till the second coming of christ ; and though many have endeavoured to suppresse both ministry and magistracy , yet they shall continue till christ deliver up the kingdom to god even the father . then , and not till then , will he put down all rule , and all authority and power . then there shall be no temple , there shall be no need of the sunne , neither of the moon to shine therein , for the glory of the lord shall lighten it , and the lamb is the light thereof . when christ sendeth forth his apostles about a ministerial imploiment , he promiseth to be with them unto the worlds end , which doth not , cannot intimate , either that the apostles themselves should live so long , or that this his promise should be made good no longer then they lived . but that as the imploiment it self then given them in charge ( for the main substance and subject matter of it ) so that promise of his gracious presence and efficacious assistance , should be continued , as to them in particular for their times , so to others that should in those administrations succeed them from time to time in the severall ages ensuing to the worlds end . obj. but may not these words , i will be alwaies with you unto the worlds end , be limited to the particular age or dispensation during the lives of the apostles ? sol. to prevent this objection , the holy ghost useth three expressions to declare the perpetuity of this promise : . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that this promise shall continue so long as the world continues . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this promise shall have no end till the worlds end . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all dayes and successions of times , not only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not only with you during your dayes , but all the dayes of the gospel , till time shall be no more ; all which words clearly hold out a continuance of the power and function of the ministry , and christs special spiritual presence with the persons assigned to this office in the exercise thereof , not for some particular age , as the lives of the apostles , but in all successive times to the end of the world , which is evident from the terms in this promise used , being duely considered with collation of other places of scripture , in the new testament especially wherein elswhere they are found . and first , the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , answering to the hebrew word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is taken sometime in the notion of an adjunct , and sometime of a subject . sometime in the notion of an adjunct of time or continuance ; and here most properly , and in its native sense , according to its original , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as grammarians generally agree ) it is used for eternity , either for the continuance of eternity before time , which is commonly called aeternitas à parte ante , and so it may well be taken , acts . . where it is said , that gods works were known to him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from eternity ; or for the continuance of eternity , when time shall be no more , commonly called aeternitas à parte post ; as it is manifestly taken where the messias is said to abide , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unto eternity , or for ever ; whence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for ever , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for never , as also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for life eternal that shall never have an end . this is correspondent to that psal. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from eternity unto eternity , thou art god , that is , without either beginning or ending . but from hence with some restriction it is used for some long continuance of time , as the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 also in hebrew is . and more peculiarly applied to the world , it importeth the perpetual continuance of the thing spoken of , untill the world have a period of its present being . thus it seems to be taken where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are both joyned together ; for as one of the jewish doctors well observeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the rock of flint , deut. . . and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the flint of rock , deut. . . are in effect the same : so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the perpetual continuance of this world , ephes. . . and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the world of this present perpetual continuance , are in effect and substance one and the same . yea where the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not expressed , as ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) luke . . acts . . and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , iohn . . is from the worlds beginning : so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , luke . . compared with cor. . , . and luke . . is , unto the worlds end . hence also that distinction of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this world , mark . . luke . . & . . or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the world that now is , tim. . . tit. . . and as some copies also have it , matth. . . or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the present world , gal. . . and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the world that shall be , matth. . . heb. . . or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is coming , or that is to come , mark . . luke . . precisely answering that so common with the jewish masters of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this world and that to come ? nor is it found where the penmen of the books of the new testament use the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of a particular present age , or such a short stint of time as some would here restrain it to : they have another word , to wit , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 answering the hebrew word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which in such cases they use , as where it is said of david , act. . . that he served 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his peculiar age , that is , the age wherein he lived , and those forms are common , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this age or race mat. . , & . , . where what is said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with this age , is by luke . . rendred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with the men of this age . now where the holy ghost useth diversity of terms so distinguished , we ought not to confound them . again , sometime the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used in the notion of a subject , for the frame or fabrick of the creation of the world , as we commonly use that word , yet for the most part in ● figurative sense , as hereafter shall be shewn . thus when the devil is by the apostle stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the god of this world , cor. . . he is by our saviour to the same purpose termed , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the prince or ruler of this world , joh. . . & . . where yet in a metaleptical manner of speaking , this world , that is , the world here below is put by a metonymy first for men the inhabitants thereof , as also rom. . . . then by a synecdoche , or a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rather for the most and worst sort of them , ioh. . . when also that distinction 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 those in the world , joh. . . and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 those of the world , joh. . . & . , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 psa. . . so termed because they have their share and their lot , their part and their-portion , their hopes and happinesse in the things of this world , and the present life alone , as the psalmist there expounds himself . but thus most expresly is the word used in the plurall form , where it is said of christ , that god by him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 made the worlds , heb. . , and by faith we understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that the worlds were framed that is as the jewish masters use to speak 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the upper world , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the nether world , the whole frame of heaven and earth ; of which our saviour , vntil heaven and earth passe away , mat. . . whether way then we take the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here , in the notion of an adjunct or of a subject , according to the holy ghosts manner of speech , is , so long as the world standeth , or for as long time as it lasteth , for to one and the same stint it amounts either way . that which in the other term of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is so evidently and perspicuously expressed as that nothing can be more pregnant , nor need the words any further glosse or comment , being of themselves so clear : howbeit if any shall be either so dim-sighted or self-wil'd , as to require some further comment upon them , or explication of them , to whom should repair be made for further information in such a case rather then the penman hereof himself ? take we then the evangelist what by this form of speech 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he intendeth , and he will evidently inform us , ch. . , , . & . . ( where four severall times he useth the very self same form ) that there is no other thing intended then the end of the world ; what time that generall harvest shall be of all sorts of men , good and bad , wherein the angels shall be as gods harvest-men to dispose according to his appointment of either , that which is joyned also with christs second coming , when coming in the clouds in most majesticall manner with fullnesse of power and glory , he shall send forth his angels to gather together his elect , out of all parts of the world , mat. . . , . which compar'd with thes. . , . cannot be any other coming of christ then that which shall be at the last day , and the worlds end , until which coming of his it is also by the apostle averred that these administrations of christs own appointment in the word and sacraments are to be continued , cor. . . unto the worlds end , here , and until he come , there ; both intimating one and the self same period or stint of time , wherein the evangelist having so clearly expressed and expounded himself , it is not frivolous only but presumptuous for any man to attempt to fasten any other forced notionor strange sense upon his words . the fourth argument from the necessity of the elect. if there be . a perpetuall need of the ministry in these daies , as in former times ; and . god hath provided for the necessities of his people in the latter times , as well as in former ages ; and if there be no other ordinary means and remedy provided to supply their necessities but the ministry of the word , then this office of the ministry is perpetually necessary in the church by divine institution ; but first , there is a perpetuall need in these daies as well as in former times ; because . our natures ( though we be born of christian parents ) are as bad as jews and pagans , for there is no difference . the elest by nature till regenerated are children of wrath even as others , dead in trespasses and sins . . our judgements so dark , that whilst we continue in our naturall condition , we do not , cannot discern the things of the spirit ; the wisedom of our flesh is enmity against god. . our wils so alienated that we rebel against the light . . our natures so universally depraved , that whilest we are in the flesh unconverted , we cannot please god ; without faith it is impossible that we should please god , or that god should please us . . the mysteries of the gospel are so high , so transcendant above nature , that till the faculties of the soul be elevated there is a vail upon these mysteries without , and upon our hearts within ; so that if the same question was demanded of us that was of the eunuch , vnderstandest thou what thou readest ? had we that same ingenuity we should return the same answer in the sense of our spirituall disability ; how can we except some man guide us ? . the delusions of satan are so strong , that he prevails over all men naturally , and over most both totally and finally , to keep them under the power of darknesse , and so fit them for chains of darknesse ; he blindes the eyes of them that beleeve not . . the multitude of false teachers is so numerous , as there did arise in former times many false prophets , saying , let us go after other gods ; so in the apostles times , there rose up many false teachers , who desired to be teachers of the law , understanding not what they say , nor whereof they do affirm ; who crept into houses , and did leade captive silly women , laden with sin , and led away with divers lusts ; which false teachers could countenance , or at least connive at any errour , though never so absurd and destructive to the tenents which themselves professed , yet they did ever joyn in resisting the truth , men of corrupt mindes , reprobate concerning the faith : it was the danger of the christian churches planted by the apostles to be assaulted and deluded by false teachers , among the beleeving romans there were some to be marked and to be avoided , which did cause divisions and offences contrary to the doctrine which they had learned ; and those seducers did not serve our lord iesus christ , but their own bellies , and by their good words and fair speeches deceived the hearts of the simple . among the corinthians there were false apostles , deceitfull workers , transforming themselves into the apostles of christ ; and no marvell , for satan though he never change his nature and malice , yet he oft alters his habit and pretences , and when he cannot prevail as an opposer , he turns professour , and preacheth , and so transformeth himself into an angel of light , and therefore it is no great thing if his ministers be transformed as the ministers of righteousnesse . these cried down the ministry and apostleship of paul , to set up themselves and their own errours , which forced that holy apostle to insist so largely in defending his ministry , in the . chapter of that epistle . among the galatians there were some that troubled them , whom paul wisheth were cut off , and these perverted the gospel of christ , and by whom the galatians were soon removed from him that called them into the grace of christ unto another gospel . for even satan and his messengers when they cannot prevail by their cunningly devised fables , then ( as luther observes ) the devil hath his gospel , and his agents will broach new truths , such as paul and the rest of the apostles knew not . among the ephesians paul fore-told that after his departure grievous wolves should enter in among them not sparing the flock : also of your selves shall men arise speaking perverse things , to draw disciples after them . and the apostles have foretold us that in the last times errours shall abound , and men shall not only privily ( as then ) but even boldly and arrogantly ( as it is now ) bring in damnable heresies , denying the lord that bought them , and bring upon themselves swift destruction . and the most groundlesse errours because more sutable to our depraved natures , draw more in a day then the most solid truths can obtain in many years . luther thus complains , it is a grief and lamentation that satan more hinders and wounds the gospel by his ministers and phanatical spirits , then all the kings , princes and prelates which with their open force have persecuted it , or yet continue in the persecution of it . how hard a thing is it to prepare a people for the lord ! ten years are spent before the foundation of a church is well laid , and when it is laid , there creeps in some simple and ignorant fanatick , that can say and do nothing , but rail at gods faithfull ministers , and this silly idiot in one moment overthrows a work of so many years ? whose heart doth not bleed at the thoughts of such a sad disaster ! and therefore the hearers and followers of seducers shall multiply , many shall follow their pernicious wayes , by whom the way of truth shall be evil spoken of . in the church of pergamus , there were some who held the doctrine of balaam , and also some that held the doctrine of the nicholaitans , which thing ( saith god ) i hate . in thiatyra there was the woman iezabel ( though never called of god to any office ) yet she called her self a prophetess , and who taught and reduced many of gods servants to commit fornication . and in the last dayes the holy ghost fore-tels expresly , that men shall depart from the faith giving heed to seducing spirits . and therefore the ministry is and shall be perpetually necessary in the present and future ages . and hence it is that satan and his messengers do so extreamly traduce and vilifie the ministers of god who withstand their errours ; and multitudes of men who drive on various interests , and scarcely agree in any one thing , yet they can all unanimously agree in this to oppose , and so much as in them lies to extinguish the ministers , and will entertain no thoughts of peace , but upon this condition that the ministers be abolished , and then they seem to promise to themselves and others rest , as if they would proceed no further , which is much like that wherewith demosthenes refuted alexander , that that league must needs be destructive to the flock , wherein the keepers and shepherds of the flock must be abandoned . and if this be once obtained the people shall soon finde , that when the shepherd is smitten the flock will be scattered , mat. . . secondly , as the need is perpetual and as great in these times as in former , so god is careful to provide for the necessities of his saints , as well in the later times as in the former dayes . this needs no proof , because many rather now think that god neglected all former saints in comparison to us , and so magnifie the saints of this present age , that they either condemn or lightly esteem the generation of righteous men that lived before us . but however , sure it is that god is tender of his youngest children , and that the primogeniture shall not carry all away : if our elder brethren had a double portion , yet god hath provided some better thing for us , that they without us should not be made perfect . however , we are sure that the covenant is the same to us that it was to them . christ the mediator of the covenant is the same yesterday and to day , and the same for ever . the relation of the church to hi m is tender , acts . . and christ undertaking is as full a ever , so to preserve the church , that the gates of hell shall not prevail against it . thirdly , as our need and gods care are perpetual , so the great and sole ordinary means which our lord in his tender regard to the souls of his hath appointed to heal our nature so corrupt , to clear his mysteries which are so high , to detect the frauds of satan which are so prevalent , and to counter-work seducers which are so many and so active , is the ministry of the word . for god hath not revealed any other way in scripture whereby he hath promised to call home his elect effectually , to separate them from an evil world , to be a peculiar people to himself , then by the preaching of the word . therefore the ministry is perpetually necessary to bring in and build up those that belong to the election of grace , to perfect the saints , and to edifie the body of christ. which ordinance of preaching though it be vilified , and prove the savour of death unto death to them that perish , who stumble at the word , being disobedient , whereunto also they were appointed : yet to them which believe it is the power of god unto salvation . as christ and his ordinances are a stone of stumbling and a rock of offence to the unbelievers : so to them which believe , christ in his ordinances is very precious , and the dispensers of his ordinances very acceptable : for unto them , how beautiful are the feet of them that preach the gospel of peace ! thus christ in his ordinances and messengers , when he is disallowed of men , is made the head-stone of the corner , and when the world by wisdom knew not god , it pleased god by the ordinance of preaching , which a carnal world cals foolishness , to save them which do believe . some object against this argument , that though the ministry was needfull in former times , yet there is no need in times of the gospel , the saints shall be taught of god. and god promises in the new covenant , saying , i will put my law in their inward parts , and write it in their hearts , and they shall teach no more every man his neighbour , and every man his brother , saying , know the lood , for they shall all know me from the lest of them unto the greatest . now if all the saints shall be so taught of god that they shall not need to teach one another , then teaching by way of office is not perpetually needfull in times of the gospel . and another parallel place there is iohn . . the anointing which ye have received abideth in you : and ye need not that any man teach you . but as the same anointing teacheth you of all things , and is truth and is no lie , and even as it hath taught you , ye shall abide in him . to which we answer , . though the light in times of the gospel be farre clearer then under the law , yet it remains a perpetual truth even in gospel-times , that without all controversie great is the mystery of godliness . and this mystery is so great , that flesh and bloud do not reveal it to us . that there is a vail upon our eyes in reading the scriptures , which vail is only done away by c●rist . ● though christ alone doth away this vail , and all the sa●nts be taught of god , yet is neither the vail removed , nor the saints instructed ordinarily without the ministry of the word : when god undertakes to teach his elect effectually , and to take them one of a city , and two of a family , and to bring them to sion , then god promises , saying , i 'le give you pastors after mine own heart , which shall feed you with understanding and knowledge : so the saints are truly taught of god in the ministry of the word , because it is god alone that giveth ministers , and alone also teacheth his people to profit under this ministry , for it is god that giveth to every seed his own body : paul may plant , and apollo water , but it is god alone that giveth the encrease : paul's planting and apollo's watering did not cease to be the ordinances of god , though in reference to the success of their ministry , neither was he that planted any thing , nor he that watered , but god alone that gives the encrease . . when god saith , they shall not teach every man his neighbour , and every man his brother ; this word [ not ] a note of negation , is not absolute but comparative ; as where christ saith , my doctrine is not mine but his that sent me . the world cannot hate you , but me it hateth , because i testifie that the works thereof are evil . when god saith , i will have mercy and not sacrifice . when paul saith , god sent me not to baptize ; and when to the churches he saith , as touching brotherly love ye need not that i write unto you , for ye your selves are taught of god to love one another . yet in the very next verse he exhorts them unto brotherly love , beseeching them that they would encrease more and more : and as touching the ministring of the saints he saith , it is superfluous for me to write to you ; yet in that very chapter he useth many arguments , and professeth that he thought it necessary to prepare their bounty , and to stir up their pure mindes to a liberall contribution to the saints , and unto all men : all which speeches are comparative expressions , whereby not the thing it self , but such a measure and degree is denied ; and so it must be here . . because when these promises that they should not teach every man his brother were fullfilled , and all the saints were taught of god ; yet even then were they taught by an outward ministry : christ himself taught daily in the temple , he even taught in the synagogues ; he sent also out his dis●ples to teach : and the apostles themselves gave themselves continually to the ministry of the word : so that in those primitive times the inward spirituall teaching of god did not take away that teaching which he himself hath ordained to be externall and ministeriall . . this negation in this promise must be only comparative and not universall and absolute , because then it would not only destroy the ministry as unnecessary in publike , but also evacuate and disannull all brotherly admonitions in private , and then all godly conference and fraternall reproofs should be prohibited as sins , which none can deny to be commanded as duties , and such duties as are perpetuall in gospel-times ; for all saints at all times are commanded to consider one another to provoke unto holinesse and good works ; and they should be teaching and admonishing one another to warn them that are unruly , to comfort the feeble-minded , support the weak , to restore a brother that is fallen with the spirit of meeknesse , and to bear one anothers burthen , and so fullfill the law of christ. . the internall teaching of the spirit doth not take away the need of an externall teaching by the ministry , because by the same argument there should be no need of scripture , because the scripture it self also is externall : and this is not a malicious supposition , but de facto there are many men in our times that do so far rely upon this inward teaching as to lay aside the scriptures : and if so , there is no rule left to try the spirits , which is ever needfull , because many false prophets are gone out into the world . then there is no way left to recover them that are fallen , or preserve them that stand , for every one then will wander after his own heart without conviction , and the delusions of satan may prevail undiscovered , as if they were the oracles of god ; then a blinde world and a blinde heart will leade one another till they both fall into the ditch : to prevent these dangers at all times , god hath appointed the ministry as perpetually necessary , and hath enjoyned his saints to repair unto the law and to the testimonies , and if any walking in a spirit of errour under specious pretences of new light speak not according to this word , it is because there is no light in them . if the ends for which christ first appointed the ministry , be perpetually necessary , then the office of the ministry appointed by christ for those ends is perpetually necessary in the church of god by divine institution ; but those ends for which christ appointed the ministry are perpetually necessary , as will appear by a serious consideration of these particulars . . one end for which the ministry was ordained of god was , that the elect might be called and gathered , and there shall be some still in every age to be added to the church of them that shall be saved , and when the number of the elect is fully compleat , then shall christ come in his glory and all his angels with him to be glorified in his saints , in the mean time there are many sheep which are not yet of the fold , many who belong to the election who are not yet effectually called , them also will christ bring in both iew and gen●ile , that there may be one fold as there is on● shepherd : now god hath revealed no other ordinary way to convert and bring these into his fold , but the ministry of his word , for how can they beleeve without a preach●r ? therefore if there be some elect continually to be brought into fellowship with christ , and this end be not fully attained till the end of the world , then the ministry assigned to thi● end must be perpetually necessary . and therefore the apostle paul acquaints us that christ gave the ministers for this among other ends , ephes. . , , , . in which place , because i● is the great charter of the gospel-ministry , we shall crave leave a little to exspatiate : we have , . the fruits or effects of christs ascension , he gave some apostles and some prophets , &c. vers . . . the ends for which these gifts were given , vers . . for the perfecting of the saints , &c. and vers . . that we be not children tossed to and fro , &c. , the duration or continuance of these gifts , which is expresly asserted to be vers . . till we all come in the unity of the faith , &c. now from this place we argue ; . either apostles , or prophets , or evangelists , or pastors and teachers , are to continue till we all come into the unity of the faith . but apostles , evangelists and prophets were not to continue , which we prove thus , that which is here given to continue , and promised that it shall continue , that certainly did and doth continue , otherwise christ should break his promise . but de facto prophets , apostles and evangelists did not continue , as is confessed . therefore pastors and teachers are to continue . . ordinary officers in the church are as truly the institutions of christ , and the fruits of his ascension , as extraordinary , and therefore where god gives ordinary officers , they are to be received as sent by god , as well as extraordinary , both are said to weave one web , to carry on one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , one work of the ministry . . whatever god gives to the church , man neither can nor must take it away , except god reverse it . but christ gave this gift to the church , and gave it as appears with intention never to recall it . and therefore woe be to that man that offers to take away this gift , let him take heed lest god take away his part out of the book of life . . though paul was an extraordinary minister , yet he doth both here and elswher● maintain the honour , and assert the necessity of ordinary pastors , quite contrary to the men of our times who pretend to extraordinary inspirations , and thence take occasion to pour contempt upon the ordinary ministry . . it was the intention of jesus christ when he gave this ministry , that it should continue till we all come into the unity of the faith . and if the ministry should not continue , it must be either because he is not carefull to make good his intention , or not able , or not willing to do it . but all these are absurd . indeed if this were a conditional promise , depending upon some thing in us , the non-performance of the condition on our parts might excuse the not accomplishment of the promise on gods part , but it is most evident that the promise here is absolute and independent upon us , and therefore certainly it hath not been , shall not be broken . if it be said , if this argument hold , it will prove , that the apostles shall continue till we all come to the unity of the faith , &c. for they also are mentioned in this chapter . we answer . the words are to be understood not conjunctim but divisim , not conjoynedly that all those should continue , but severally , that some one of these ( at least ) should continue till that time , otherwise this great absurdity would follow , that christ should fail in the fullfilling of his word . , when christ promiseth a ministry until we come to the unity , he is thereby obliged not only to keep his ministry from a finall abolition , but also from a totall interruption . as when god saith to christ , sit thou at my right hand ▪ untill i make thine enemies thy footstool , mat. . . it is therein implied , that christ shall not cease sitting at the right hand of the father till all his enemies be subdued . so here when christ saith , the ministers shall continue till we all come , &c. it follows undeniably that they must not cease till that date be expired . and least of all should the word of christ stand , if god had only set ministers in his church for a hundred or two or three hundred years , and suffered his church to lose the ministry in the apostacy of antichrist , and to be without it for so many hundred years together , as the seekers are not ashamed to affirm . . when the saints are converted , gods end in the word and sacraments is to confirm them in a state of grace , to edifie them and to nourish them up in the words of faith , for the best of saints are not here perfect , but must go from strength to strength , pressing forward towards perfection ; therefore during this life they shall ever need the ministry , ordained of christ for the perfecting of the saints ; and they are bound as new born babes to desire the sincere milk of the word , that they may grow thereby . and it is the character of true converts , that they love the gates of sion , for there the lord commands his blessing , even life for ever more . . the saints are to be united ( and what tears are sufficient to lament our present divisions ? ) god hath promised there shall be an happy union , as of the members to the head , so of the members mutually one to another , that there shall be no schism in his body ; and he hath ordained the ministry for this end , till we all come in the unity of the faith and knowledge of the son of god , unto a perfect man , unto the measure of the stature of the fulnesse of christ. . the saints are to be established in the truth of the gospel , and for this end was the ministry ordained , that from henceforth we be no more children tossed to and fro , and carried about with every winde of doctrine , by the sleight of men and cunning craftinesse whereby they lye in wait to deceive . . besides all these , there will alwaies be gainsayers , who subvert whole houses , teaching things which they ought not for filthy lucres sake ; and their mouths must be stopped , therefore the ministry will be perpetually necessary for the attaining of these ends . obj. if the ministry of pastors and teachers be perpetually necessary for these ends , why then is not the ministry of the apostles , prophets and evangelists perpetuated , for all these are one breeding and feeding ministry , which christ ascending on high , set in his church ? ans. those extraordinary offices were necessary to plant the churches , to lay the foundation as wise master-builders , that all the saints might be built upon the foundation of the prophets and apostles , christ himself being the corner-stone ; but after the foundation was laid , it pleased the father to leave the ministry in the hands of ordinary pastors and teachers , that they might build upon the foundation , even as god raised up moses an extraordinary prophet to give the law , and then left it to ordinary teachers , both to reade the law and give the sense thereof ; for even moses of old time had in every city them that preached him , being read in the synagogue every sabbath day ; so hath the lord appointed ordinary teachers and pastors , and hath committed to them the ministry , and hath commanded them to wait on their ministry , and when they prophesie to prophesie according to the proportion of faith : and as he hath commanded them to fulfill their ministry which they have received of the lord , so hath he also enjoyned the people to be swift to hear , and to esteem them that are over them highly for their works sake . if the removall of the ministry from place to place be threatned by god as one of the saddest curses which can befall a people , and the removing or sleighting of it by men be charged upon them as a grievous sin ; then the ministry is perpetually necessary by divine institution , and to be esteemed a very great blessing , but the removall of the ministry is threatned as one of the saddest curses , &c. for where there is no vision the people perish ; they are destroyed for lack of knowledge . it was the darknesse of those wofull times before king asa , that israel had been a long season without a teaching priest , and so without the true god and without the law. the famine of hearing the word of god is threatned as the worst of famines , worse then that of bread and water . when god delivered up the ark into captivity , then every one had cause as well as eli's daughter in law to cry out ichabod , the glory is departed from israel . as it was thus in the old testament , so in the new ▪ when christ was greatly provoked by the jews for their rejecting of him , one of the greatest judgements that christ threatens against them is , that the kingdom of heaven should be taken from them and given to a nation bringing forth the fruits thereof . when people set themselves to discountenance , disobey and destroy the ministry , god may justly remove the candlestick out of his place . how are those famous asian churches laid desolate ! the wilde beasts of the desart lie down there , their , not only houses , but temples are full of dolefull creatures , the owles dwel there , and the satyres dance th●re , and mahumetanism hath covered the face of the eastern parts of the world , as antichrist hath done in the west . the ministry is the hedge of gods vineyard , which if it be broken down , all that passe by the way pluck it , the boar out of the wood doth wast it , and the wilde beasts of the field devour it . the ministers god in mercy hath set as watchmen upon the wals of ierusalem , which shall never hold their peace day or might . if they be discountenanced , and through carnal fears so dispirited , that they are like unto dumb dogs that cannot bark , it is a forerunner that the flock will be devoured by the wolves , and that such a people is near to ruine . it was the sin of ieroboam , and though he intended it for establishment , yet it became a ruine both to him and to his house , that he contemned the ministry , and made priests of the lowest of the people , which were not of the sons of levi. ahab and iezabel persecuted the prophets of the lord with the sword , and how dolefull was their end , when the dogs licked up his blood , and eat her flesh . it is noted that the contempt of the ministry and the oppression of the people do frequently go together . asa a good king , yet being in rage against the seer , put him in prison ; and the holy ghost observes , that at the same time he oppressed some of th● people . it is noted of amaziah that god had determined to destroy him , because he did evil , and would not hearken to the counsel of the prophet : and that great sin for which god abhorred the excellency of iacob , and sent his own people into captivity , is expressed to be this , that when the lord had sent to them his messengers rising up betimes and sending , because he had compassion on his people and his dwelling place , that then they mocked the messengers of god , and despised his words , and misused his prophets , untill the wrath of the lord arose against his people , till there was no remedy . and in these daies the way of truth is evil spoken of , and there are risen up even among professors , those who are retainers of a form of godlinesse , and yet are despisers of them that are godly , who separate themselves , being sensual , having not the spirit , who despise prophesying , and quench the spirit . and one reason why preaching is not so effectual to the bringing in of souls to christ , is , because of the many multitudes that frequent sermons , there are but few that come to the word as to an ordinance of god , or that seek god in his own ordinance ; there are very few , which when they receive the word of god which they hear of ministers , receive it not as the word of men , but as indeed it is the word of god which effectually worketh in them that do believe . now this evil is not only a sinne against gods free mercy , but is also a sin against the sweetest of remedies : how will our sore prove uncurable , and our disease continue without healing , if we despise the balm of gilead and reject all healing medicines ? it is in the number of those sins which go before us unto judgement , when people put away the ministry of the word from them , they are said by the holy ghost before the day of judgement come , to judge themselves unworthy of eternall life . and thus we have done with the arguments proving the perpetuity of the ministry , there remains one great objection to be answered . chap. iii. wherein the grand objection asserting the loss of the ministry under antichrist , is answered . we confesse that there was a ministry ordained of christ , and continued all the daies of the apostles , and some centuries after , yet the mystery and ministry of the man of sinne was then working , which at length so farre prevailed , that all the world wondered af●er the beast , and power was given him over all kindreds and tongues and nations ; so that be caus●d all , both great and small , rich and poor , bond and free to receive his m●rk in their right hand , or in their foreheads . in this apostacy the church which had been a chaste virgin , became the mother of harlots and abominations , and not only the kings and the inhabitants of the earth were made drunk with the wine of her fornications , but especially the priests in all nations were the abominable pandors to promote the filthinesse of her whoredoms , they were the merchants made rich by her fornications . now under this reign of antichrist , bethel was turned into bethav●n , the ministry was wholly lost , being only in pretence for christ , but in reality for antichrist : and therefore we look upon all ministers now as members of that notorious strumpet , as locusts from the bottomlesse pit , as priests of baal , and limbs of antichrist , and so account it not a sinne , but a duty to contemn their persons , and abhorre their ministry . we acknowledge first that the apostacy under antichrist was exceeding dreadfull . secondly , that not only the people and the princes , but the priests also had a great hand , and were chief agents in this defection . thirdly , that its the duty of gods people to come out of babylon , that they partake not of their sins , nor receive of their plagues . but yet we need the spirit of wisdom and revelation in christ , that we may know the things that differ , that we may not call good evil , and evil good , but according to the word of truth , judge righteous judgement : and therefore we intreat the reader or this objector , conscientiously to ponder these considerations . . consider , as there have been many false christs , so there are and have been many mistaken antichrists ; and the holy ghost bids us , not to beleeve every spirit , but to try the spirits ; when many shall say , loe here is christ , and loe there is christ : and it s as true of antichrist , some say , lo here is antichrist : some , lo there ; yet the lord commands us saying , beleeve them not . the truths , ordinances , servants and ministers of christ , do not therefore cease to be of christ , because some , either by mistake , or by design shall say they are of antichrist . the doctrine of the deity of christ ▪ who is god blessed for ever , will not cease to be a most precious truth , because michael servetus , georgius blandatra , franciscus david , laelius socinus and his adherents condemn it as an antichristian errour . was valentinus gentilis therefore a friend and martyr to god the father , because he died as an enemy to god the son ? were the valdenses who appeared against the romish errours , the limbs of satan , because some of the romanist affirm that satan was let loose in berengarius and his disciples ? how luxuriant and confident are the fancies of many concerning the things contained in the revelations , wherein modest christians would chuse rather to be humbly inquisitive , then dogmatically positive ? was innocent the third the lesse nocent , or was pope calixtus the more holy , because some of their followers make them to be the angel coming down from heaven , having the key of the bottoml●sse pit to binde satan , as if the binding of satan were nothing else , but to excommunicate emperours , and to depresse the imperial power under the papal ? shall dominicus or franciscus , those two great founders of the orders of the friars dominican and franciscan , the great upholders of papacy , shall they be lesse suspected , because some of their disciples admired them , and confidently averred them to be that angel ascending from the east , having the seal of the living god ? rev. . . men have no power to make christian , unchristian or antichristian , either persons or things , according to their pleasure : the word of god is established in the heavens , and his truths do not vary after the variety of mens mistaking fancies : therefore we have great need to be sober and humble , and to beg of the lord the spirit of love and of a sound minde , that we may neither justifie the wicked nor condemn the righteous . . consider , concerning antichrist , though we grant it that antichrist is not an individual person , as bellarmine and the papists generally affirm : but the state and succession of men which with one and the self same spirit oppose christ. . that the seat of this great whore , is not , as some intimate , constantinople ; nor ierusalem , as others affirm ; but rome that great city , that then reigned over the kings of the earth , spiritually called sodom and egypt . and . that the antichrist is not the turk and mahumetanism in the east , but the pope and papism in the west ; yet there is no ground to condemn every thing in that antichristian synagogue for antichristian ; for without all question the books of the old and new testament were wonderfully preserved even in mystical babylon . as formerly when the oracles of god were committed to israel , the lord continued the holy scripture in the jewish church , notwithstanding their spiritual apostacy and babylonish captivity . the good word of the lord is no lesse the word of truth , because the false antichristian synagogue , do acknowledge it ; no more then the scripture ceaseth to be the scripture , because satan the father of lies did alledge it . gold is gold wherever you finde it ; truth is truth , however men either accept it or contradict it . it 's a vast comprehensive errour to reject all tenents , though never so true for errours , because an erroneous society doth confesse them : for all is not false which the false church asserteth ; every errour is founded upon the mistake of some truth ; as every evil doth usually arise from the abuse of some good : in this mixture of good and evil , light and darknesse , where there are many precious truths , yet many abominable falshoods ; it 's our duty to sever between the righteous and the vile , that we neither swallow down all for truth because there is a mixture of truth , nor reject all for false because there is superadded a redundancy of falshood ; antichrist sitteth in the temple of god , and his coming is with all deceivablenesse of unrighteousnesse , therefore we must watch and pray for the spirit of discerning , that we may distinguish between things that differ . . consider as the lord had his truths so he had his church in babylon during the rise , and growth , and reign , and continuance of antichrist . the apostacy though generall over all tongues , and kindreds , and nations , yet it was not so universall in all individuall persons , but that there were a remnant according to the election of grace : as in the baalitish apostacy the lord reserved seven thousand who had not bowed their knees to baal ; so in this antichristian defection , the lamb upon mount sion had ● . times . thousand that adhered to the doctrine of the . apostles , and these had their fathers name written in their forehead , redeemed from among men , b●ing the first-fruits unto god and to the lamb , and in their mouth was found no guile , and they were not defiled with those antichristian whoredomes ; for they are virgins , they were the true seed of the woman which keep the commandments of god , and have the testimony of iesus christ , against whom the dragon raged : and therefore when the romanists ask , where was the church before luthers time ? we answer it was in and among them , though it was not of them . the waldenses , albingenses , berengarians , pauperes de lugduno or lionists , lollards , in severall places having many other severall names and these in the severall ages of the reign of antichrist held the truth of jesus , and opposed the errours of the man of sin : which severall popes endeavoured to destroy but could never effect : all the kings and potentates of the earth were stirred up against them , and a decree made that if any temporall lord did neglect to expell them out of his dominions , that he should be excommunicated , his subjects absolved from allegiance , and all their lands confiscate and given to others ; hence some of the princes of the earth made it treason for any of their subjects either to hear or harbour them , or any waies to releeve them . and the armies raised against the saracens and mahometans were converted against these poor christians and plenary indulgence , pardon of all sin promised to all that would fight against them : and if in france alone as it s reported in the history of that war , there were slain ten hundred thousand , what shall we think the number of them to be who were slain in all other nations ; yet under all these pressures and persecutions , though they were often dispersed , yet they could not be extinguished but these afflicted people of the lord , being scattered fled into provence and the alpes , some into calabria , bohemia , polonia , and into britain , as thuanus in his preface . and though many opinions were imputed to them to make them odious , yet their accusers do wofully and wonderfully contradict themselves , as some of our learned men do prove : and some of them ingenuously confesse : yet their main tenents were that they renounced the church of rome as the mysticall babylon , contemned the pope as the man of sin , and rejected their severall popish opinions as antichristian ; they held the same truths for substance that the protestants now professe , insomuch as some of the adversaries confesse , that they who are now calvinists were anciently called berengarians , and the new protestants are the old waldenses ; this sect some of the papists complain to be of all most pernicious to the church of rome . . because it is most ancient and durable , having continued from the time of pope sylvester : others say from the time of the apostles . . because most generall , no part of the earth scarce free from it . . because it hath the greatest appearance of godlinesse , for they live justly towards men , and believe all things well concerning god , only they blaspheme and hate the church of rome . as the lord had his saints during all the reign of antichrist , so he raised up his ministers who in their severall successive ages in severall places , testified against the spirituall whoredomes , idolatrous worships , and deceiving frauds of antichrist ; it 's true , as the generality of the people , so the generality of the priests in those times did worship the beast , even all that dwelt upon earth , whose names were not written in the lambs book of life ; and some observe , that it was the righteous judgement of the lord upon the church at that time , that such an apostate people should have such apostaticall priests , and the holy ghost maketh this one expresse ground , because men did not receive the love of the truth that they might be saved , therefore god shall send them strong delusions , that they should beleeve a lie , that they all might be damned who beleeved not the truth , but had pleasure in unrighteousnesse : but in this generall defection both of people and of their teachers ; the lamb had a remnant with him who were called , and chosen , and faithfull , even an afflicted poor remnant of pastors as well as of people , reserved in the midst of babyltn , who did trust in the name of the lord , and those godly pious priests were both obedient unto and bold in the faith of jesus . now if there were such ministers during the reign of antichrist , that followed the lamb , did not defile their garments , but preached and prayed , and lived , and died in their constant and consciencious oppositions of the man of sinne , then surely the ministry was not totally lost under the reign of antichrist . but that there were such , appears both by holy scripture-prophesie which foretels it , and unquestionable history of the church that confirms it : in the one , men may learn what god spoke with his mouth ; in the other , what the lord fullfilled with his own hand : the holy ghost expresseth , that there should be some to prophesie in sackcloth one thousand two hundred and sixty daies : now not to dispute , but taking that for granted which the best interpreters assert , and by arguments out of the revelations prove , . that those one thousand two hundred and sixty daies are not naturall daies but propheticall , every day taken for a year , as ezek. . . num. . . . that those two witnesses prophesying were not two individuall persons , as enoch and elias , as bellarmine and other papists affirm ; but a succession of holy men stirred up all that time to testifie the truth of christ against antichrist , as our learned men prove . . that the reign of the beast continuing for moneths , which moneths taken prophetically as before , every day for a year , and reckoning for every mon●th daies , now multiply the by the . and the reign of the beast is years , and though there be great difficulty when to begin the rise and reign , and most expositors herein much vary , yet in the continuance there is a generall accord , and none can rationally make any question about it . . that these sackcloth-prophecies though but very few comparatively to the locusts out of the bottomlesse pit , which were innumerable , called two like their types moses and aaron , who brought israel out of egypt , or as elias and elisha which reduced israel out of baalism , yet these witnesses , though in number few , continue in their successions all the reign of the beast , for the daies of their prophecying in sackcloth are one thousand two hundred and sixty years , and so expire not till the moneths of the beasts reign be expired . now fifthly we adde , that these sackcloth prophesiers were not only saints who mournfully bewailed the abominations of those times , that the holy city should be trampled under foot ; but also that they were holy pious ministers distinct from the saints in office , and in the act of their prophetical function , which is intimated to us , . from the power bestowed upon them ▪ the lord gives to them not only to pray and to mourn , but to prophesie , rev. . . not so much by prediction of things future , as by preaching the everlasting gospel . it was a mighty power from on high that a few contemned , persecuted ministers should have gifts to be able , and power to be couragious to preach against the son of perdition , when all the world wondered after the beast . . from their effectual exercise of that power and that in their publick detecting those antichristian abominations , and denouncing the wrath of god against them . it is said in the daies of their prophesie , though they were poor men and had no carnal weapons to defend themselves or offend their enemies , yet in a spiritual sense fire proceedeth out of their mouths and devoureth their enemies , revel . . . for the lord did make his words in their mouth to be fire , and the people wood , and it devoured them , ier. . . and the holy ghost adds further that these prophets tormented them that dwel upon the earth , v. . . the spirit of truth doth not only call these two by the name of prophets , but elsewhere distinguisheth the prophets and righteous men , he that receiveth a prophet in the name of a prophet , shall receive a prophets reward ; and he that receiveth a righteous man in the name of a righteous man , shall receive a righteous mans reward . where christ incouraging poor preachers of the gospel against all the hard and harsh usage of the world , intimates to us , . that there are some who by way of office and distinction from others , are prophets and preachers . . that there is some eminent reward due to prophets . . that they who do any good to prophets , even because of that office , shall receive a prophets reward . and in this very prophesie concerning antichrist , the spirit maketh these two distinct , the prophets and the saints : babylon is therefore ruined , because in her is found the blood of the prophets and of the saints , rev. . . now if we descend from the words of this prophecy , and come to observe the answerable event in history , we shall finde that in every age there were ministers opposing the tenents of antichrist . their particular names , times , places , and their manner of resisting the man of sin , it will be too large to insist upon , yet a brief catalogue of ministers is here inserted . from the time of christ and his apostles , for years , our famous iewell against the romanists , hath abundantly proved that the truths professed in the reformed churches were maintained by the ancients . and in the succeeding centuries , when the man of sinne began to prevail , there were in their several ages , godly and learned ministers who opposed the popish errours , defending the sufficiency of scripture , communion in both kindes , justification by free grace ; disclaiming the defilements of worship in adoring images , invocation of saints , praying for the dead , worshipping reliques ; and openly testifying against the rising and swelling power of the pope , declaiming against his supremacy and title of universal bishop as antichristian . from the year of christ , to the , besides isidore , hesychius and others ; there were in this island these two famous preachers , aidan , who converted from paganism the kingdom of northumberland , which then contained not only the country now so called , but also cumberland , westmoreland , lancashire , yorkshire , the bishoprick of durham , and some part of scotland . also finan , by whose ministry the lord turned to the christian faith , the kingdom of the east saxons , and of mercia , as our own countryman doth testifie . b●sides our famous countrymen , bede , al●vinus and many others ; there were adlebertus and clemens and sampson , with many other priests , who did mightily withstand pope boniface . besides taurinensis , agobardu● , rabanus maurus , there was scotus accused by the pope for an heretique , and murdered ( as is conceived ) by his own scholars for his opposing the carnal presence . and bertram a priest in france , was so clear a protestant in the point of the sacrament , in a book that he set forth , that some romanists say it was writ by oecolampadius under the name of bertram . and the most learned of the papists confess that walafridus strabo , ionas bishop of orleans , and hin●marus archbishop of rhemes departed from the received opinion of the church catholique . in this age ( the most unlearned and unhappy ) are recounted radulphus flavia●ensis , stephanus eduensis , smaragdus , and our english alfricke whose saxon homily was appointed to be read publikely to the people against the carnal presence ▪ in this age more light began to appear , even in the heat and height of antichristianism , not only by the ministry of fulbert bishop of chartres , anselme of laon author of the interlineal gloss , oecumenius , theophylact and others , but especially by berengarius and his disciples . besides arnulphus the martyr , hugo de sancto victore , robertus tuitiensis , gulielmus de sancto amore , io●chim abbas , niceas , were peter bruis and his scholar henry of tholous● , two famous preachers against popish errours , insomuch as peter was apprehended and burnt . in this age the waldenses appeared , who were the famous opposers of antichrist . in this age are recorded al●●ssiodore , peter de vin●is , arnoldus de nova villa , and those two famous preachers gerardus and dulcinus , who preached that the pope was antichrist , and rome babylon . besides our famous robert grosthead bishop of lincolne , the great hammer of the romanists , who wrote to the pope that he was antichrist . in this age appeared for christ thomas bradwardin , richard armachanus , taulerus a famous preacher in germany ; and that glorious instrument of the lord , iohn wickliff . in this century , besides peter de alliaco , nichol. clemangis and many others , we need name no other , but those great worthies and martyrs savanorola a famous preacher in florence , with iohn huss and hierom of prague , whose memories are pretious throughout all the reformed churches . in this age the father of mercies raised up martin luther , and so many others , and from that time the defection from rome was so eminent , that it hath visibly continued to this day ; and concerning the following times there is no question . and for the more clear understanding of all the persons aforementioned the ministers of the lord , we referre the learned readers to the histories magdeburgens . to illyricus his catalog . testium veritatis , to iacob . vsher , de eccles. succes . & statu . and amongst our english writers , to mr fox his acts and monuments , and to mr sim. birckbeck his treatise called the protestants evidence . and if any further demand saying , though many particular men did appear against antichrist , yet how doth it appear , concerning those multitudes of professors called the berengarians and the waldenses , that their churches had ministers ? we answer , that berengarius is reported to have been so great a friend to learning and learned preachers , that at his own proper cost and charge , he brought up many scholars , specially such as were students of divinity , by whose help his doctrine was spread almost through all france , and the countries adjoyning , which is a great complaint that the popish authors had against him . and when it was objected against the waldenses , that they said , ministers should live upon alms or work for their living , they answer , that they wished that happinesse to their ministers that they might be free from servile labours , for so they should have more time for their studies , and more fitnesse to instruct us . for we are not grown to that superstition or rather madnesse , as to think our ministers do sinne unlesse they labour with their hands . as it is reported of one who of a priest turned husbandman , because it is written in the sweat of thy brows shalt thou eat thy bread . our lord hath not suffered us to fall in this manner . yet many of our ministers are brought to that necessity , that they must either work or starve . but this these holy saints did not account in those times to be the ministers duty , but lamented it as the churches misery . by all which it appears that the berengarians and the waldenses had their ministers , even under the reign of antichrist . as there were saints and ordinances , and ministers under the reign of antichrist : so many of these godly ministers suffered martyrdom during the tyranny of the beast , for their appearing against antichrist . and if these ministers and priests died for the name of christ against antichrist : then surely the ministry was not lost , nor is it antichristian . but that there were such ministers and martyrs for the name of christ in every country , is apparent by the c●talogue of martyrs which you may see more at large in mr fox . in germany , nicholas of antwerp , iohannes pistorius of holland , george sekerter at rustat , mr bersival at lovain , p●ter bruly at dornick in flanders , with many others . in france , laurentius cruceus at paris , iohn du-beck in champaign , aimond at burdeaux , geffery varagle at thuren . what need we relate peter bruis , and other godly ministers , when thuanus records , that all those who would not recant , were burnt alive ; among whom ( he saith ) were many priests . in spain , dr cacalla called the standard-bearer to the gospellers . francis de bivero priest of valladolid , alfonso perez priest of valence . it would be too long to speak of savanarola in florence , of iohn hu● , hierom of prague in bohemia , and many other godly ministers burnt alive for the testimony of jesus . but we need go no farther then to england for examples : and here not to insist on the troubles of iohn wickliff , nicholas herford , philip repington , with other pious ministers in the time of richard the d , nor the cruel burnings of william taylor and william white under henry the th , and many others in the succeeding times . only peruse the history of henry the th and q. mary . under henry the th mr fox records these famous ministers suffering martyrdom . mr thomas bilney . mr ▪ burfield , both burnt anno . iohn fryth , burnt anno . william tyndal , called the apostle of england , burnt anno . . iohn lambert , burnt anno . robert barns , tho ▪ garret , william hierom divines , burnt together in smithfield anno . we instance in these among others , and have named the time of their sufferings , and the pages of the book where their sufferings are recorded : that when you have considered their holy lives and godly death , how they imbraced the flames of fire as beds of roses for the name of christ , you may for ever abhor the thought of accounting such worthy ministers of christ as antichristian . and if you descend to the bloudy dayes of qu. mary , you may finde all the land over , ministers of christ burning for the name of christ. take but the first year of that fiery trial anno dom. . and see how these antichristian flames kindled upon the godly preachers . mr iohn rogers vicar of sepulchres protomartyr , burnt in smithfield , feb. . mr lawrence , burnt at coventry about the same time . mr iohn hooper burnt at glocester , feb. . dr rowland taylor , burnt at hadly , feb. . mr iohn lawrence , burnt at colchester , feb. . mr robert farran , burnt at carmarthen in wales , march . mr george marsh , burnt at westchester , april . mr william flower , burnt at westminster , april . mr iohn cardmaker , burnt at london , may . mr iohn bradford , burnt in smithfield , iuly . mr iohn bland , burnt at canterbury , july . mr robert samuel , burnt at ipswich , aug. . dr nicholas ridley , and mr hugh latimer at oxford , octob. . mr iohn philpot , burnt in smithfield , decemb. . not to name the year following . in this one year you may read of these holy ministers with others , counting not their lives dear unto themselves , so they might finish their course with joy , and fulfill the ministry which they received of the lord : and dare you call these blessed martyrs the limbs of antichrist , who had all their limbs torn in pieces and consumed by antichrist ? if you profess your selves protestants , be not like the papists in their brutish rage who digged up the bones of bucer and paulus fagius . it was the praise of boaz , that he left not off his kindenesse , but it will be your reproach , that you have not left off your unkindenesse neither to the living nor to the dead . the turks so farre honoured s●●nderberg , that when he was buried at lyssa , they with great devotion digged up his bones , counting it some happinesse if they might but see or touch them , and they that could get any part of them , caused them to be set in silver or in gold , and so to hang about their necks as ornaments of greatest worth . if the turks did this to him that was an enemy , and they mahumetans to him a christian , how may they rise up in judgement to condemn many in this generation , who professe themselves christians , yet condemn the most eminent souldiers and martyrs of jesus ? cursed be this anger for it is cruel , and this rage for it is fierce . if you be real protestants , for shame bridle your fury , which in some regards is worse then popish . do you cry out antichrist , antichrist , and yet crucifie christ again in his members ? is not this to partake of antichrists sin ? howsoever , when you have done your worst , these holy ministers and martyrs are happy in heaven , and their memorial shall be in all ages blessed upon earth , when their enemies shall perish and leave their names for a curse unto gods chosen . if the lord had his holy ministers not onely in suffering times to be martyrs , but also in times of reformation ; if the lord stirr'd up his ministers as his chiefest instruments to bring his people from the power of antichrist , as of old he led his people out of egypt by the hands of moses and aaron , then surely the ministers are not antichristian . but the lord did stirre up his ministers in several places to detect the frauds of antichrist , and by their ministry he did reduce his people from that antichristian tyranny . before you heard of many worthies , as wickliff , hus , hierom prague , &c. but in the . century , how wonderfully did the lord raise up for the rescue of his people the ministry of luther , and with him what a troop of expert valiant champions , philip melancthon , conradus pellican , fabricius , capito , osiander , bucer , and many others in germany , zui●glius in helvetia , iohn calvin and farellus that unwearied souldier of christ , as he is called . these with multitudes of others in england , france , and oth●r countreys , held their life in their hands , hazarded all for the gospel of christ , these smit spiritual egypt in her first-born . these , even these bare the heat of the day , and we are entred upon their labours ; and is this all the thank that ye render to god or them , that when they delivered you from antichristianisme , you condemn them as antichristian ? if ever since the beginnings of reformation , the pious , painfull ministers in the reformed churches have stood in the breach , have prevented our spiritual relapsing into aegypt , if they have spent their time , parts and studies night and day to fight the battels of christ against antichrist ; then it is not only a groundlesse mistake , but an ungodly , sinful scandall to censure them as antichristian . how is it that ye are not afraid to speak evil of the servants of the lord , set up by his spirit for the defence of the gospel ? will any rational man versed in the writings of those worthies , believe that zanchius , bullinger , beza , brentius , iunius , pareus , piscator , musculus , scultetus , chamier , or of our countreymen iewel , reignold , whitaker , perkins , with multitudes of others , who were willing to spend and be spent in defending the truths professed in the reformed churches against the romanists ? will any sober christian believe that these were members of the roman harlot ? the popish party cannot so bely them , but have found them to be their greatest adversaries . will any man be so senslesse and stupid as to account david who slew goliah , or eleazar the son of odo , who slew the philistims till his hand was weary , or shammah , who ( when all israel fled from the philistims ) he stood in the midst of a ground full of lentiles and defended it , and slew the philistims , and the lord wrought a great victory ? will any man be so mad as to say that david and his worthies were the only friends of the philistims , and so bury them , and cause them to go down to the grave among the uncircumcised ? forget not the great appearances of christ which have been gloriously seen and felt in the faithfull ministers of this land. have not they preached and pressed to the conscience the practical points of christianity ? and hath not the lord set a visible seal to their ministry in the souls of thousands ? dare you say that these practical ministers greenham , dod , dent , dyke , bains , rogers , hildersham , with a world more , of whom the world is not worthy , that they were antichristian ? who art thou that givest thy mouth to evil , and thy tongue frameth deceit ? thou sittest and speakest against thy brother , and slanderest thine own mothers son . hast thou considered their work of faith , labour of love , patience of hope ? if thou hast not , why wilt thou speak evil of things and persons thou knowst not ? and if thou hast read and considered , confesse and give glory to god , and say , god was in these ministers of a truth . be not like those seduced professours , who measuring themselves by themselves , and comparing themselves with themselves were not wise . these silly or rather proud christians , and their false teachers traduced the great apostle , as if he had not christ , to whom paul answers , and we with him , if any man trust to himself , that he is christs , let him of himself think this again , that as he is christs , even so are we christs . these holy ministers were the precious members of christ , and will you make them as much as is in you the members of an harlot ? god forbid . the thconsideration is drawn from the sad consequences of this censorious , groundles opinion . for as touching our selves , and the ministers of this present age , we say nothing , but we resolve in the strength of christ to be faithfull to the death , and not to fear the revilings of men , and in the midst of all your undeserved reproaches , to persist in the work of the lord , and to commit our selves to him that judgeth righteously . concerning these sad consequences we appeal to your serious and sober thoughts in these few queries , q. . doth not this opinion ( in rejecting all the godly ministers of the reformed churches as antichristian ) much promote the cause of antichrist which you seem vehemently to oppose . now if any build that which he hath destroyed , he makes himself a transgressor : for . is it not the great work of antichrist to destroy our ministers , to smite the shepherd that the flock may be scattered ? * certainly if the lord in his wrath should suffer you so far to prevail as to suppresse learning , trample upon the universities , and ruine the ministers ; that there should be no learned men to detect popish impostures , and refell their errors ; that neither shield nor spear should be left among thousands in israel ; you would in this more advance antichrist , then if you were his sworn vassals , even an army of friars and jesuites deceiving and being deceived . . do not most of your arguments symbolize with the romanists as if they were arrows shot out of their quiver ? they renounce us upon this ground , that we are no true church , have no true ministry , and do not you agree with them in this unchristian principle : and are not we forced to prove the being of our church and ministry in all ages against you , with the same arguments we use against them ? and herein do not you gratifie the common adversary , and strengthen their hands ? , have you not cause to enquire whether you be not acted by the same spirit ? for you know the spirit of christ is a spirit of meeknesse , and that wisedom which comes from above is first pure , and then peaceable , gentle , easie to be entreated : but the spirit of antichrist is high , and hot , and furious , usurping an infallibility of judgement , and unchurching all that differ from him ; and do not you unsaint all persons , and unchurch all societies dissenting from you ? and may not this rise from the spirit of delusion which worketh strongly in the children of disobedience ? . it is the opinion of many , that the slaying of the witnesses is not past , but that the time thereof is very near , when popery shall once again prevail ; and the reformed churches shall be punished by taking away these witnesses for a time , because they received them not according to the dignity of their embassage . and are not you preparing your selves and others to help on this slaughter ? why do so many pray in bloud , and offer strange fire upon gods altar , as if nothing could give content till the ministry be ruined , and doth not this tenent , that the ministers are the limbs of antichrist , binde you to shed their bloud , and to account it good service to god , not only to unsynagogue them ( which you have done already ) but to kill them ; that so among you also may be found the bloud of the prophets and of the saints . q. . do you not hereby wound all the reformed churches , darkning the beauty , and obstructing the progresse of reformation ? when the lord stirred up luther in germany , zuinglius at zurich , calvin at geneva , to set upon this great work , multitudes in all nations begun to embrace the truth , and to fly from the rents of babel : antichrist was made so naked and bare in all the filthinesse of his whoredomes , that the whole world was ready to forsake her : had not satan stirred up this cursed tenent wherewith many were levened , rotmannus , cnipperdoling , iohn leyden , and others opposed luther as a false prophet , as bad as the pope , and of the two they said luther was the worst . antonius pockquius under pretence of spirituall liberty , seduced many into the reality of carnall security , and how furious the antinomians and anabaptists were in germany , we had rather lament then expresse ; and did not satan by these agents prevail to weaken the hands of those heroick worthies , and so caused the work to cease , and many to relapse ? how little hath been the progresse of the protestant religion ever since ? and now of late when the lord stirred up many in this island , to seek to serve the lord with a pure worship , the work went forward with great felicity till this conceited opinion obtained , since which time the spirits of professors have been so alienated and embittered , that the way of truth is every where evill spoken of . q. . hath not the lord greatly testified from heaven against this tenent in his spirituall judgements upon many the great promoters of it ? since they despised the ministry , deserted the ordlnance ; how are they fallen from heaven , some turning scepticks and seekers , others ranters and quakers , and what not ? falling and falling , till at last they grow openly prophane and profligate atheists . q. . doth not this opinion greatly endanger the souls of others ? are not all sinfull enough , naturally hating teachers , and scorning to be reproved , being enemies to light and truth ? why should you strengthen the hands of sinners ? that whereas formerly they could not sin against light , but they had many checks of conscience , now they despise instruction and hate to be reformed , and when they sin most fully and fouly , yet they sin without reluctancy , and glory in their own shame ; so that if these men perish in their gain-sayings , yet may not their bloud be required at your hands , who have not only misled them into errour , but have killed them with prejudice against the remedy which should reclaim them ? q. . is not this opinion the sad abuse of the great liberty now enjoyed ? in times of former trouble , how did professors live sincerely , love fervently , pray , and fast , and mourn together ? but by these tenents the staff of bands and beauty is broken , and dashed in pieces one upon another , which may justly provoke the lord to cut short the day of liberty , that men may learn by the want of liberty how to prise and sadly bewail their wofull abuse of it . q. . if your principles about an universall liberty be true , why are you so untrue to your own principles ? you can well endure men that deny the immortality of the soul , the verity of scriptures , the deity of christ , the god-head of the holy ghost , and those that defend any thing , whatsoever is contrary to sound doctrine ; these you can tolerate , defend , hug in your bosome ; and if any one speak against any the broachers of those errours : you cry out , persecution , persecution , yet at the self same time you persecute ( to your uttermost ) all ministers , who take themselves bound in conscience to defend the ministry , you do and can tolerate the most prophane and hereticall , but these ministers consciences you cannot tolerate : are you not partiall in your selves , and become judges of evil thoughts , whilst you justifie that in your selves as a duty which you condemn in others as an abominable iniquity ? why are your professed principles so uneven , and you so contradictory to your own principles ? be not like the jews who please not god and are contrary to all men . q. . have you not cause to fear , that the lord may leave you as he did your predecessors in germany , who held the same tenents with you , gloried ( as much as you ) in their own confidences , and condemned ( as you do ) all others ; railed first against the ministry , then raged aginst the magistracy , brought both church and state into confusion , put the countrey into burning flames , wherein at length themselves were consumed to ashes ; do not therefore persist in kindling these false fires ; walk no longer in the light of the sparks that you have kindled , lest you have this at the hand of the lord , to lie down in sorrow . chap. iv. containing part of the third proposition . shewing , that none ought to take upon him the office of the ministry without a call. it is manifest by the word of god , that no man ought to take upon him the office or work of a minister , till he be lawfully called and ordained thereunto . as the church and state are distinct polities , so have they subjects laws and officers , distinct alwaies in the formal conception , though materially in divers things they may agree , mat. . . render unto caesar the things that are caesars , and unto god the things that are gods ; the things of god and caesar are distinct . thus luke . . man , who made me a iudge or divider over you ? a preacher and a judge are two distinct callings . these officers for their institution , vocation , incouragement , depend not solely , nor principally upon man , but are given and confirmed to thechurch by christ the king of saints , and great shepherd of souls , for ends and purposes most honourable and necessary in all ages of the world , mat. . , . eph. . , . supposing therefore at present what hath been already proved , that there is such an office in the church to last by divine institution to the end of the world : the present discourse enquires about the subjectum recipiens of this high and weighty office , and the work of it , whether it lie in common , or be appropriated by divine ordinance to some peculiar and speciall persons , who are not only favoured to be christs sheep , but honoured also to be shepherds under him ? this question is not de lanâ caprinâ , nor needlesse ; for . it is manifest , that there be some who constantly supply the room of preachers , and arrogate to themselves the reverence and maintenance due to none but ministers , and yet they themselves were never ordained to this office. by this means many congregations are deprived of government , and of the sacraments , and such as would willingly take care of their souls in a regular and ordinary way are excluded by such intruders , as will neither be solemnly set apart for the , ministry by imposition of hands , with fasting and prayer , nor give way to them that would . . others there be that plead for a liberty of preaching , or ( as they phrase it ) for the exercise of gifts in publick , even in these congregations where there are ordained ministers , and this to be by those who pretend not to be preachers and ministers , strictly and properly so called , when , and as often as such persons please , and that this liberty ought to be given to every christian who desires it , and may probably be presumed to be fitted for it . we therefore that we may as much as in us lies take away the stumbling block which by these practices is laid before blinde papists , and remove the scandal given to reformed churches , and hinder the progresse of this sinne in our own , shall . bear witnesse to these truths : . that none may assume the office of the ministry , unlesse he be solemnly set apart thereunto , i n this chapter . . that none may undertake the work of the ministry , except he be a minister , in the next chapter . . answer all the considerable arguments we could meet with used in defence of the fore-named errours , in the chapter following : and this we shall do with clearnesse and brevity , as the matter shall permit , and in sincerity , and with a spirit of meeknesse , as becomes the ministers of the gospel . thes. . that none may assume the office of the ministry , unlesse lesse he be solemnly set apart thereunto , appears by these arguments . first , we argue from that known text rom. . . and how shall they preach except they be sent ? this is set down by way of interrogation , vt oratio sit penetrantior , saith pareu● . the prohibition is made more emphatical by the interrogation , and the form of expression makes it morally impossible to preach without mission . the apostle useth a four-fold gradation , how shall they call upon him in whom they have not believed ? how shall they believe in him of whom they have not heard ? how shall they hear without a preacher ? how shall they preach except they be sent ? the last link of the chain is of equal truth with the former . as no man can call rightly on him in whom he believes not , and no man can believe in him of whom he never heard , and no man can hear without a preacher ; so also no man can preach except he be sent ; and therefore he that breaks this last link breaks this golden chain of the apostle , and sins against god. besides this last link is an eternal truth . as no man to the end of the world can call upon him in whom he believes not , or believe in him of whom he hears not , or hear without a preacher ; so it is , and will be true to the end of the world , that no man can preach except he be sent . the apostle scrueth up the necessity of mission as high as the necessity of preaching , and if one be perpetual , the other must be so also . now from all this we gather , . that mission is essential to the constitution of a minister . the apostle doth not say , how shall they preach except they be gifted ( though this be true ) but how shall they preach except they be sent ? implying , that gifting without sending doth not constitute a minister . . that this mission is not only of extraordinary , but of ordinary teachers , because faith is as much annexed to their teaching , as teaching to their mission , and faith is not the fruit of humane invention ( such is preaching without mission ) but of divine ordinance and therefore since we have no extraordinary preachers , we must either conclude there is no faith in the world , or that there is an ordinary way of sending ministers , by whom as gods instruments faith is wrought , and if so , their persons must enter that way , and not runne before they be sent . . that there is a necessity of a constant and perpetual , as well as of an ordinary mission . if faith depends upon hearing , hearing upon preaching , preaching upon mission , then if faith be necessary in all ages of the world , mission is also necessary , yea ordinary mission , because extraordinary is ceased . a person may be praedo , but he cannot be praco without mission , and whatsoever may be done in some few extraordinary cases where regular mission cannot be had , yet to run without sending , and to leap over the wall where god hath opened a door , is as high presumption in divinity , as it is in the civil state , to break open an house without humane authority . to all this it is replied , . some say , that this sending is meant of sending by the election of the people , but not by the ordination of ministers . answ. this cannot be , for the people are the parties to whom the preachers are sent : ministers are sent to the people , not by the people . the same party cannot be the person sending , and the persons sent unto . an embassadour is not sent by the state to whom he brings his embassie , but by the states which gave him his commission . . others say , that this sending is to be understood of a providential , not of an ecclesiastical and ministerial sending . answ. this is confuted by the next words in the text , how shall they preach except they be sent ? as it is written , how beautifull are the feet of them that preach the gospel of peace , and bring glad tidings of good things . these words are taken out of isa. . and must needs be understood of a ministerial sending . the ministers he speaks of are called watchmen , isa. . . and the prophet himself is mentioned as one of them , rom. . . they are a prophecy of the acceptation that the ministers sent by god , should have amongst the people of god in the times of the gospel ; and that this text is to be understood of more then a bare providential sending , appears further . because . if providential sending were sufficient , then women-preachers are as much sent of god , and may promise themselves as good successe as the best minister . yea a tyrant , robber or murtherer , may justifie himself in his wickednesse , as being sent by god providentially ; then zimri had as just a warrant to destroy the house of baasha , as iehu had to destroy the house of ahab , and iosephs brethren did well in selling him , since they did it by special providence , gen. . & . . . the apostle speaks of such a sending as must be acknowledged by all to be of god , an authoritative mission , such as embassadours have , who are sent with publick letters of credence , to negotiate the affairs of those that imploy them . for . they are called preachers or heralds , the participle in the original , rom. . . noting the office , as rom. . , . & thess. . . heb. . . so in the parallel place , isa. . . they are called watchmen , both which terms connote authority . . people are blamed for not hearing them , rom. . , . but the not hearing of such as are not sent , is no fault but a vertue , iohn . , . indeed divine truth is ever obligatory who ever brings it , but a double tie lies upon people when truth is conveighed by a divine messenger : otherwise any private person had as much power of binding and losing as a minister . there is a wide difference between an arrest or pardon reported by a private person , and the same applied under the broad-seal by a person delegated from the supream magistrate . . the socinians reply to the text , and say , that a speciall call was necessary in the apostles daies , because the doctrine by them delivered was new and unheard of , but this mission is not necessary in our daies , because we preach no new doctrine , but onely that which the apostles have formerly taught and written . answ. but the answer is easie . for ▪ . we have already proved , that there is a necessity in the church of christ of a constant , perpetual and ordinary mission . . it is false that the apostles and prophets taught any new doctrine , act. . . & . . & . . they believed and taught nothing but old truths , formerly delivered by moses and the prophets , iohn . . new indeed they might be in respect of the manner of proposing , joh. . . or the singular ratification thereof by miracles , mark . . or the apprehension of the auditors , acts . . but not as to the substance of the doctrine . compare iohn . . with epist. of iohn vers . . ioh. . . . as to the first and third consideration , the gospel is alwayes new to children , ignorant persons or heathen , &c. and therefore if socinians will be true to their own principles , they cannot plead against a called ministry . . in the dayes of the apostles the truths of the gospel were owned by all the churches , and so not new as to their apprehensions , yet then came none to the ministry without a call. witnesse the epistles to timothy and titus . thus at last we have vindicated this text from all those mists that are cast upon it to darken it , and made it to appear , that none ought to take upon them the office of a minister , unlesse they be lawfully called and ordained thereunto . our second argument is taken from heb. . , . and no man taketh this honour unto himself , but he that is called of god , as aaron ; so also christ glorified not himself to be made an high-priest , but he that said unto him , thou art my sonne , this day have i begotten thee . no man taketh , ( i. e. ) ought to take . verbs active , as our english annotators upon the place observe in the phrase of scripture sometime import not the act it self , but onely an office , as gen. . . levit. . , . psa. . . this honour ] the priestly office is not only a b●rthen but an honour , what ever the carnal world esteem of it . the apostle here makes a general proposition , no man ought to take the ministerial honour upon him unlesse called by god. this proposition is not limited but illustrated , first , by aaron , who undertook not this office till called thereunto , exod. . . no more did any other of the priests in the old testament , chron. . . & . . it cost c●rah and his company dear for doing otherwise . the prophets also make mention of their commissions in the beginning of their prophecies . the word of the lord came to isaiah , ieremiah , hosea , &c. and when amaziah objected against amos , amos did not plead any general liberty the israelites had of prophesying , but tels amaziah , i was no prophet , i was an herdsman , and a gatherer of sycamore fruit , and the lord took me as i followed the flock , &c. if then the priests and prophets of the old testament could not take this honour upon them , till call'd and appointed , who can shew any just reason , why any under the new testament should do otherwise , especially if we consider , that the gospel-ministry is more weighty and glorious then the legal was . secondly , by christ , who though he be god blessed for ever , the true god , coequal and coeternal with the father , yet he glorified not himself ; to be made an high-priest , but was sealed and inaugurated by his father into this great office. and therefore he saith expresly iohn . . if i honour my self , my honour is nothing , it is my father that honoureth me , of whom you say that he is your god. now we desire all christians in the fear of god to consider , that if the lord jesus would not honour himself to become our mediator till he was anointed by his father , and designed to this office , it cannot but be great presumption for any man to glorifie himself , and make himself a minister before he be lawfully ordained thereunto , we may truly say to such , as christ doth , you that thus honour your selves , your honour is nothing . thirdly , we argue from the titles that are g●ven to the ministers of the gospel : they are called embassadours , cor. . . stewards , tit. . . me● of god , tim. ▪ . compared with . king. . . watchmen , ezek. . . angels , revel , . . which are all names of office , and require a special designation from god. stewards do not use to officiate without warrant , luke . . embassadours do not go forth to treat with forain states without publick commission . as they must have instructions for the matter of their message , so they must be enabled with publick authority for the managing of their work. adde further , that ministers are called gods mouth , and how shall a man take upon him to be gods mouth who is not sent from god ? they are called the good souldiers of iesus christ , souldiers in an eminent degree , to fight against iniquity and heresie , and therefore must be listed by christ into that number , and must have his warrant for the discharge of their duty . they are gods servants and ministers , and therefore must be sent by him , or else they are their own masters , not gods servants . and that all these things concern our ministry as well as theirs in the primitive times , is evident , because these titles are applied not onely to extraordinary , but to ordinary ministers . the ministers of the seven churches of asia are called angels ; the ministers ordained by titus ; stewards , the elders of the church of ephesus , overseers or bishops ; now a ruler is a name of office , and implieth a commission to constitute him in that capacity . fourthly , we argue from the constant distinction that is made in scripture between gifts and calling ; we reade ioh. . , . first christ gives his apostles their commission ; as my father hath sent me even so send i you : then he gives them their gifts , receive the holy ghost : thus also isa. . , , . god touched his lips with a coal from the altar , and gifted him ; afterwards he gives him his commission : thus also it was with the prophet ieremy . , . god sends him , and then puts forth his hand , toucheth his mouth , and fi●s him : even as it is in all civill governments : gifts make not any man a judge , or a lord-maior , sheriff , or common-counsell man , though he be never so richly qualified for these offices , unlesse he be lawfully appointed thereunto ; so is it in church-affairs , it is not gifts but calling that constitutes a minister ; therefore that distinction of a minister by gifts and a minister by calling hath no footing in the word of truth : if gifts were sufficient to make a minister , then women might preach as well as men , for they may have as eminent gifts . indeed gifts are a necessary qualification of the person to be called , but make him not a lawfull minister till called and ordained : and if he take the office upon him unsent , he is an usurper , and may fear to perish in the gain-saying of corah , notwithstanding his gifts . fifthly , we argue from the rules laid down in scripture for the calling of men to the office of the ministry : the word of god doth exactly tell us the qualifications of the person , that is to be called tim. . , . &c. the scripture also directs for the manner of his calling to the work , who are to ordain , how he is to be ordained , tim. . . &c. now either these directions are superfluous and unnecessary , or else it is a truth that no man ought to take this office upon him without such a call ; nor were these directions given for that age only , but for all the ages of the church to the end of the world , as appears evidently from tim. . . compared with tim. . . . in the first place he is charged to keep those commands without spot to the appearance of iesus christ ; and in the second place there is as solemn a charge particularly applied to quicken his diligence and faithfulnesse about matters of the church , and especially the ordination , honour and maintenance of the ministry , in ordinary , as appeareth by the context before , and after from ver . . to ver . . the same charge is laid down also by way of direction , chap. . and particularly committed to timethy's care , ver . . and one main ground why paul chargeth timothy to be so carefull about these particulars especially at ephesus , was , that thereby false doctrine might be prevented , tim. . , . for which there is scarce a more effectuall means in the world , then a publike and regular care of calling persons duely qualified to the ministry : and we cannot but look with sad hearts upon the spreading of errours in these daies of generall apostasie , as the righteous judgement of god upon the supine negligence of men in this particular among others ; the same charge upon the same ground is laid upon titus , cha. . , , . where also the apostle gives singular directions for the qualification of the person to be ordained , both in point of gifts and grace , which are all vain and unusefull , if any may enter upon the ministry without ordination . sixthly , we argue from that confusion which would come into the church , if every man that presumes himself gifted should intrude himself into the office of the ministry , without a regular call : saint ierome held it an infallible sign of a church falling into ruine , vbi nulla ministrorum est electio manifestum cognosce collab●nt is christianismi judicium ; where there is no choice of ministers , acknowledge this a manifest evidence of christianity decaying : the reason is apparent ; the prostituting of this sacred and weighty office to the wils of men , opens a door to all disorders , and the introducing of all heresies and errors ; how much did the church of antioch suffer from such as came from the apostles , and had no commission , act. . gal. . . besides that contempt and scorn which it exposeth the ministry unto ; admit the same in the common-wealth or in an army : might he that would make himself a maior , judge , constable , a colonell , captain , &c. what an iliad of miseries would thence ●nsue is easier to be imagined then expressed . chap. v. containing part of the third proposition . proving , that none may do the work of the ministry without ordination . no man may perform the work of the ministry but he that is solemnly set apart and ordained to be a minister . having in the precedent chapter asserted the necessity of ordination to the work of the ministry against the presumptuous usurpation of such as run and are not sent ; we shall by the grace of god in this chapter vindicate the work of the ministry unto those whom god hath set as officers in his church . that there is a work belonging to the ministry is out of question , and what that work is , is confessed by all ; it belongs to them to dispense the mysteries of god , the keys of the kingdom of god are in their hands ; it is their work to watch for souls as they that must give an account of them at that great day ; to preach the word , and by sound doctrine to convince gain-sayers , to administer the sacraments of baptism and the lords supper , to pray for and blesse the people in the name of god , to rule and govern the church , having a care of discipline , and all these as in the place and person of christ. of how great necessity these works are unto the church , is evident unto understanding christians , and hath been demonstrated already : it now remains to be enquired , whether all or any of these works may be performed by men uncalled , though gifted , or whether they be peculiar unto ministers . those with whom we have to do , yeelding all the rest to the ministry , challenge in their writings a liberty to preach the word , and in their practises ( some of them ) a power of praying for and blessing the people , how justly we shall shew when we have first stated the question , which we shall do briefly and plainly , that we may not seem to disallow what we ought to countenance , commend , nay to command in the name of the lord , and that we may prevent and anticipate the cavils of some gain-sayers . for the right stating of the question , we shall declare what we mean by preaching of the word , and from thence premise some few distinctions , which well considered of , might put an end to this whole controversie . by the preaching of the word we understand an authoritative explication and application of scripture , for exhortation , edification , and comfort , to a congregation met together for the solemn worship of god , in the stead and place of christ ; and we desire that every branch of this description may be well weighed in the balance of the sanctuary . the subject of preaching is the word of god , mat. . . let him that hath my word speak my word faithfully , jer. . . this is that sound doctrine , and form of sound words which the apostle enjoyns timothy and titus to hold fast . and themselves and christ himself taught no other things then were written in moses and the prophets , &c. this work is the explication and application of this word : as ezra read in the book of the law , and gave the sense , and caused all israel to understand , neh. . . and it is to this which paul presseth timothy when he exhorts him to shew himself a workman that need not be ashamed , rightly dividing the word of truth , tim. . . the end of this work is the exhortation , edification , and comfort of the church , cor. . . which is the profitable use of all scripture , tim. . . the object of this work is a congregation met together for the solemn worship of god , cor. . . when you are come together into one place ; it is true , that the word ought to be preach'd to infidels , mat. . mar. . go into all the world ; but the principall object of this work is the church ; prophecy is not ( i. not so much ) for them that beleeve not , but for them that beleeve , cor. . . hence it is , that god hath s●t his officers in the church , cor. . . for the church , eph. . . the manner of the doing of this work , is , authoritatively , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 magisterially as lords of faith , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ministerially , as being over the church in the lord , thes. . . thus is titus enjoyned tit. . . these things speak and exhort , and rebuke with all authority , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with all command . secondly , in the stead and place of christ ; thus the apostle cor. . we beseech you , as if god did beseech you , we pray you in christs stead , be reconciled to god ; and hence it is that christ saith to his disciples , luk. . . he that heareth you heareth me , &c. from hence , first , we distinguish between a private brotherly teaching , admonition , exhortation of one another ▪ and an authoritative publique teaching ; the first grounded on charity is the common duty of all christians , by the royall law of love , and prescribed to all , even to women , by the law of god under pain of sin , and this especially in evil times . this practise we are far from disallowing or discouraging ; we call god to witnesse it would be the joy of our hearts to see our people full of knowledge , and full of goodnesse , able and willing to admonish one another with prudence , love , zeal , and a spirit of meeknesse ; and this we exhort and charge in the name of christ that they neglect not : it is authoritative teaching only which we deny . secondly , we distinguish between the teaching of parents and masters in their families ( to which also the teaching of school-masters may be reduced ) and ministeriall preaching : we call upon parents , masters , school-masters , not only to bring their families , and scholars to publike ordinances , but to make their houses the churches of christ ; to reade the scriptures in them ▪ to catechize them , to train them up in the nurture and admonition of the lord , to teach them in their youth , in the trade of their way , as they will answer it at that great day : and unto this duty we exhort even mothers ; but we deny unto them ministeriall preaching , thirdly , we distinguish between the exhortation of a general in the head of an army , and of a judge in his charge upon the bench , and preaching the word of god : though we deny not the lawfulness of the one or the other of the two former , because we have the approved examples of ioab , sam. . of abijah , chro. . of iehosaphat , chro. . . ioshua cha. . . yet we say , first , that properly thus to do was the ministers work ; for thus the lord prescribes deut. . . and it shall be when ye are come nigh unto the battell , that the pri●st shall approach and speak to the people , and shall say unto them , hear o israel , as it follows , ver . . and thus iehosapha● practiseth , chron. . where he joyns priests and levites to the judges whom he sends abroad in all the cities of iudah . secondly , we say that there is a vast difference between this action and the work of the ministry for neither is the object of it a congregation sacred , but meerly civill ▪ neither is the authority ecclesiasticall and from christ , but meerly politicall . these officers perform this work as custodes utriusque ●ab●lae , and their work is rather reducible to a charitative admonition then a ministeriall dispensation ; should it not be done by them , their sin was rather against charity then justice ; and ceased not to discharge the duty of a generall , or a judge , though they ceased to do the duty of a christian generall , or a christian judge . fourthly , we distinguish between divinity-exercises in the schools , and university , and the preaching of the word . for though these lectures are performed either only by such as have received ordination , and ar● ministers of the gospel , or such a● are candidates of the ministry ; either prophets , or the sons of the prophets , and so not wholly without commission , ye● are they not performed to a congregation met together for the solemn worship of god ; they are rather reducible to the work of school-ma●●ers instructing their scholars , and scholars rendring account to their masters , then ministerial preaching . fifthly , we distinguish between the act of members in any sacred or civil assembly , debating , counselling , and admonishing one another out of the word of god , and the preaching of the word ; because this action of theirs towards one another is not authoritative , but meerly brotherly , is rather 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a christian conference , then preaching , and no other then private christians met together by mutual consent may perform ; neither is their meeting such a one as is the object of preaching of which we speak . sixthly , before we proceed to argument , we desire it may be observed that we dispute not what may be done in extraordinary cases , either in regard of times or places where ordination may not possibly be had ; whether in such a case private gifted men may not preach , we do not dispute : davids necessity made it lawfull for him and his men to eat the shew-bread , which it was not lawfull for any but only the priests to eat ; but our question is , what may be done in an ordinary way , in churches where ordained ministers either are or may be had ; though we will not prescribe against necessity , yet we would not have necessity pretended where none is : for we reade that the indians were converted to the christian faith by the means of aedesius and frumentius two private men , but we reade not that either of them took upon them the office or work of the ministry ; frumentius was ordained bishop of the indians by athanasius . theod. eccl. hist. l. . c. . and it is observable how great a journey he undertook rather then to run or officiate without a call. the iberians were converted ( as the same authour relates ) by the means of a captive maid , but they sent to constantine for ordained ministers by whom they might be further instructed and guided in the waies of god , which probably our gifted men would never have done . these things thus premised , we come now to prove our proposition , that none may undertake the work of the ministry but he that is solemnly set apart thereunto , not respecting so much the number as weight of arguments . first , we argue thus , that work for the doing of which god hath designed speciall officers of his own , neither ought , nor may be performed by any that are not designed unto that office. but god hath designed speciall officers of his own for the preaching of the word ; therefore , none ought or may preach the word , but such as are designed unto this office. the major of this argument is confirmed by these reasons . first , because god hath severely punished such as have done the work appointed by him to speciall officers , though they had no intent to invade the office unto which that work was by god designed : this appears manifestly ; first in the case of saul , sam. . , . &c. he lost his kingdom for offering sacrifice , though but once , and that in a great straight . the philistims were ready to assault him , he had not made his peace with god , samuel delaied his coming , the people began to scatter from him , whereupon he constrained himself , and offered a sacrifice , yet for this one presumptuous ( though as it might seem ) necessitated act , he hears from samuel that he had done foolishly , i. wickedly , and from god , that his kingdom was irrevocably rent from him . secondly , in the case of vzzah , chro. . , . who put his hand to the ark , and that out of a good intention to keep it from falling , when the oxen shook it , and yet the anger of the lord was kindled against him , and he smote him that he died : better it had been for vzzah to have kept his hands farther off , then to have touched the ark without warrant , and better for the people of god that he had so done , for for his rashnesse god made a breach upon them , and smote him , and this act of his did not help but hinder the bringing of the ark up into the place prepared for it . thirdly , in the case of vzziah , chro. . , , . &c. who when he was strong , had his heart lifted up to his destruction , for he transgressed against the lord his god , and went into the temple of the lord to burn incense upon the altar of incense , but the priests of god withstood him , and said , it appertaineth not to thee uzziah to burn incense to the lord , but to the priests the sons of aaron that are consecrated to burn incense ; go out of the sanctuary , for thou hast transgressed , neither shall it be for thine honour from the lord god , and though he was a king , yet the lord smote him immediatly with the plague of leprosie , of which he was not healed till his death . this famous history holds forth these great truths . . that it is a transgression against god in any to enter upon the work designed by god to another calling . . that the original of this transgression is pride of heart . . that it is the ministers duty to testifie and bear witnesse against such transgressions . . that it is dishonourable in the sight of god ( whatever foolish people may imagine ) thus to transgresse . . that god will not be alwaies silent to suffer such transgression unpunished in the greatest , when his ministers warnings are rejected ; vzziah would enter into the sanctuary , and is separated from the congregation : now though god be not so immediate in the severe punishing of such presumption in our daies , yet these things are written for our instruction , upon whom the ends of the world are come , that we should not be presumptuous , as some of them were , lest we also perish as these did . secondly , because this practice doth make void , or at least unnecessary or insufficient those officers which god hath appointed . this is in it self a truth of clearest evidence : what needs a peculiar officer to be set apart to a common work ? as in the naturall body there is no peculiar member set apart as the organ of feeling , because this sense is common to every member ; so in the body of christ there need not any speciall officer be designed for such a work as is common to , and may be performed by every christian. thirdly , because this practice doth confound and disturb that order which god hath set in his church ; therefore it must needs be sinfull . god is the god of order , and not of confusion , cor. . and hath commanded that every one should do his own work , thess. . rom. . and abide in his own calling , cor. . he hath condemned those that walk disorderly , thess. . and are busie bodies ; he hath placed in his church different orders , some shepherds , some sheep , some teachers of the word , some to be taught , as their places , so their works are distinct , as the different members of the body have different offices ; but now as in the body there would be confusion if any member should do the work of another member ; so is it in the church , if any member shall invade the duty of another . this takes away distinction between shepherds and flock , pastor and people , rulers and ruled , and with the new astronomers casts down stars towards the centre , and advances and wheels the dull earth to , and in an heavenly orb . no marvel such phaetons burn up the spiritual world by presuming to govern the chariot of the sun. thus the major being cleared we come to the minor or assumption ; that god hath set peculiar officers apart for the preaching of the word . for the proof of this , these two things are to be done , first , we must prove , that ministers are officers , the ministry an office set up by god in his church ; for this we referre to the foregoing propositions , in which this point hath been largely discussed . and indeed who can in reason deny that those that are set by god in his church , as stewards , heraulds , watchmen , &c. are set by god as officers in his church ; the apostle himself reckon● them up as special members in the body of the church , having 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a proper office , rom. . secondly , that the preaching of the word ( amongst divers others ) is one work assigned to these officers ; which is manifest both in the old and new testament . the priests work was not only to bring sacrifices and burn incense , but also to teach iacob , deut . ever were the priests lips to preserve knowledge , and the people to enquire the law at his mouth , mal. . and the greatest complain● of god against those officers , was the neglect of tha●●uty , that they were dumb dogs , isa. , i●le idol shepher●s , ezek. ● . our blessed saviour when he had ordained . sent them out to preach , and afterwards sent out the to preach ▪ the apostle saith of himself , that he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that was his work , rom. . . that he was intrusted with the gospel , tit. . . according to the commandment of god , that he and other ministers were allowed of god to be intrusted with the gospel , thes. . . thus the same apostle gives direction to timothy , tim. . . to commit the things which he had heard of him to faithfull men , who shall be able to teach others : which must of necessity be understood of some speciall trust , because of the speciall qualifications required in the persons that might be trusted ; they must be faithful and able to teach : if the apostle had understood by this word commit , only the making known of these things , this was to be done to all , in which respect paul professeth himself a debtor both to the greeks , and to the barbarians , to the wise and to the unwise , rom. . . but inasmuch as he requires that the parties should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the two special qualifications of such a one as might be ordained a bishop , it is plain , that by this word commit he understands the giving of the work in especiall charge . indeed the preaching of the word is not only a work assigned to the ministry , which they may not omit without incurring the wo , cor. ▪ because a dispensation is committed to them ; but the greatest , weightiest work they are entrusted with , cor. . . i was not sent ( i. so much sent ) to baptize but to preach the gospel ; a work it is , which the people can least want , because it is the power of god to salvation , and requireth the greatest learning , prudence , meeknesse , faithfulnesse in the dispensers of it , that they may shew themselves workmen that need not be ashamed , tim. . and fullfill their ministry . it is not for nothing that the apostle tels us , that ordinary teachers were set in the church , that we might not be children in knowledge , ephes. . . seeing therefore that god hath provided officers of his own , to whose trust he hath committed the preaching of the word , and no man can without blasphemy averre , that this provision of god is either unnecessary or insufficient , it evidently follows , that the practice of men howsoever gifted , that preach without a solemn setting apart to the office of the ministry , is both unnecessary and unlawfull . and thus much of our first argument against the preaching of un-ordained men . our second argument shall be this ; no religious service may be performed unto god by any other sort of persons then such as are appointed or otherwise warranted thereunto . the preaching of the word is a religious service unto which persons gifted , not ordained , are neither appointed nor warranted : therefore , the preaching of the word may not be performed by gifted persons un-ordained . the major proposition is clear from this principle : every positive act of religion must have an affirmative warrant , and the service which we tender must be obedience , or righteousness , obedience it ●annot be unless it be commended , nor righteousness unless it be at the least indulged . if it be either commanded or indulged , we have warrant sufficient , but if the thing we do be neither required nor allowed , we sin presumptuously , though what we do be to a good intent , and very plausible to humane wisedom . as to the minor or assumption , first , it will not be denied that the preaching of the word is a religious service . secondly , that all gifted persons are not appointed to preach , nor otherwise warranted thereunto , it appears in the parts . first , they are not appointed , for then , . every gifted man that preaches not is guilty of the sin of omission . . preaching must be looked upon as a common duty enjoyned unto all beleevers as such , and every one should study divinity in order to preaching , and wo to him that preaches not , though he could preach but one sermon only , and do not ; the judgement of the unprofitable servant shall be upon him . secondly , they are not otherwise warranted , for the ministry of the word is only cultus institutus , founded in institution , and therefore must be regulated according to it ; for the preaching of publique officers we finde the institution to be clear , but of another institution for the publique exercise of gifts by those who are no ministers , we finde nothing ; that which is pretended concerning prophesying , or the like , we shall answer when we come professedly to deal with objections . thirdly , we argue thus , if no man may do the work of a magistrate in the civil , or of a deacon in the ecclesiasticall state , but he that is called to the office of a magistrate , or of a deacon , then much lesse may any man preach the word ( which is the work of a minister ) but he that is called to the office of the ministry . but no man may do the work of a magistrate in the civil , or of a deacon in the ecclesiasticall estate , but he that is called to the office of a magistrate or of a deacon : therefore , the minor is evident , . that no man may do the work of a magistrate unlesse he be a magistrate , from luk. . . where our saviour christ refuseth to meddle with dividing inheritances , because he was no judge ; man , who made me a iudge ? . that no man may do the work of a deacon in the ecclesiastical state , unlesse called to the office , is evident from act. . where men full of the holy ghost , and faith , chosen by the people to that work , yet might not minister till they were appointed by the apostles ; and that generall rule laid down , tim. . . let him be first proved , so let him minister . now the reason of the connexion is evident , for by how much the work of the ministry is of greater consequence , difficulty and danger , then either of these ; by so much greater care and circumspection is to be taken , that it be not performed promiscuously to quicunque vult , but performed by such men as are triedly sound in the faith , and able to teach others also : galen stomacks empericks and mountebanks in physick , for ( saith he ) if a stone-cutter miscarry he loseth but a stone , if a shoe-maker he spoils but a piece of lether , but if a physician miscarry , he destroys a man ; what may we say of those that intrude upon the work of the ministry , if they miscarry they destroy souls , and this is indeed to destroy the man ; si navem poscat sibi peronatus arator , non meritò exclamet frontem melicerta perisse de rebus ? in brief , shall an exact scrutiny passe upon such as are to feed the bodies of poor men , and not upon such as feed the souls ? act. . . the work of the ministry , the preaching of the word is a work of the highest consequence and importance that ever god committed to the sons of men ; the reconciling of men to god , cor. . . even an heavenly embassy of infinite and eternall consequence : now if god allow not these works which are of an inferiour nature to be done by men untried and unappointed to the office , how shall he approve of such as adventure upon this work of preaching the word , which is negotium negotiorum the work of works , without any trial or commission . if none may administer the sacrament but he that is lawfully called and ordained thereunto , then neither may any preach but he that is lawfully called and ordained . but none may administer the sacraments but he that is lawfully called and ordained thereunto . therefore , the minor is easily granted and proved from the nature of the sacraments : they are seals of the righteousnesse by faith . if it be an intolerable usurpation amongst men for a private man to take the broad seal of the kingdom , and put it to what instruments he pleaseth , much more intolerable is it for a private man to usurp the dispensation of the broad seal of the kingdom of heaven : as in all states there are keepers of the seals appointed , whose office it is to dispose them according to law : even so it is in the church of god , jesus christ hath appointed keepers of his seals , those whom he cals stewards of the mysteries of god , to whom he hath committed the word of reconciliation , and to whom he hath given power to baptize , and to administer the lords supper . the connexion is clear , because that these two works are joyntly in the same commission , mat. . , . and of the two the preaching of the word is the greater work . this the apostle intimates , cor. . . christ sent me not to baptize but to preach the gospel : the negative particle is here ( as in many other places ) taken for the comparative , he was sent rather to preach then to baptize , and by this manner of expression it appears , that to preach was his more proper and especiall work : this account all the rest of the apostles had of it , therefore they did put off ministring to tables , that they might give themselves to the word and praier . in the consideration of the greatnesse of this work , the prophet isaiah being sent about it cries out , wo is me , i am undone ; the prophet ieremiah , ah lord god , behold , i cannot speak , for i am a childe , and paul also , who is sufficient for these things ? of this account it hath been alwaies had in the church of god ancient and modern till these unhappy times of licentiousnesse . and therefore we humbly entreat all those that do conscienciously ( and as we beleeve justly ) scruple to have their children baptized by , or receive the lords supper from the hands of any un-ordained person , that they would seriously consider upon what warrant they hear un-ordained men preach : seeing there is the same commission for preaching , and for baptizing ; and that preaching is the great , if not the greatest work of a minister . to usurp authority over the church is a sin . but to preac● without calling and ordination to the work , is to usurp authority over the church . therefore , the first proposition is clear by its own light , the other is easily proved , by asserting preaching to be an act of authority , which is evident both in that the apostle , thes. . . gives this charge , know them that are over you in the lord , and admonish you , where to admonish is to be over , heb. . without controversie the lesser is blessed of the greater , and this is further evi●enced in that the apostle suffers not women to preach , because they may not usurp authority over the man , tim. . but is commanded to be in subjection , upon which place oecumenius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the very act of teaching is to usurp authority over the man. besides them the publike work of the ministry of the word is an authoritative administration , like unto that of criers , heralds , and embassadors , to be performed in the name of the lord jesus , and therefore may not be performed by any but such as are authorized , and immediatly or mediatly deputed by him , cor. . , . appears , because in preaching , the key of the kingdom of heaven is used , to take men in or shut men out , and this key is in the hand of ordinary teachers as well as extraordinary , yea , the power of binding and loosing is exercised , for though to preach be no act of jurisdiction strictly so called , yet it is an act not only of order but of power , not such as is common to every member of the church , but peculiar to such as are in publike office. now to perform any authoritative act without authority , what is it other then to usurp authority ? gifts conferre the faculty of administration but not the power : the question which the pharisees put to our saviour being propounded to these men , by what authority dost thou these things , and who gave thee this authority ? could they answer as christ ? ioh. . . i am not come of my self . that which the scripture reproves may no man practice , but the scripture reproves uncalled men for preaching : therfore . the major will not be denied : the minor appears , in that the false prophets are reproved , ier. . , . not only for their false doctrine , telling their own dreams , and stealing the word of god from his people , but also for running when they were not sent . i am against them saith the lord : a fearfull commination ; if god be against them who shall be with them ? if they finde not acceptance with god , all that approbati●n and applause which they finde from men , what will it profit ? he is not approved whom man approves , but he whom god approves . the false prophets themselves accuse ieremiah , jer. . . for making himself a prophet , which though it was a most unjust and false imputation , yet it holds forth this truth , that no man ought to make himself a prophet , the false prophets themselves being witnesses . it is very observable , that shemaiah the nehelamite , a false prophet and a dreamer , writes to zephaniah the sonne of maasiah the priest , and to all the priests , and accuseth ieremiah for a mad man in making himself a prophet , and tells them , that upon this account they ought to put him in prison , and in the stocks . it seems by this that it was no little sin , and deserves no little punishment ( even in the judgement of false prophets ) to preach without a lawfull call . the apostles in the synod of ierusalem , speak of certain men that went out from them , and troubled the gentiles with words subverting their souls . they went out , they were not sent out , but they went out of thei● own accord ; this is spoken of them by way of reproof . and then it followes , they troubled you with words , subverting your souls . he that preacheth unsent , is not a comforter , but a troubler of the people of god , not a builder but a subverter of souls . there be many in our daies like ahimaaz , they will be running without either call or message , and haply they may out-run gods cushi's , we wish they meet with no worse successe then he ( in a spirituall sense ) to prove uselesse messengers . we argue from the practice of the ministers of christ , if they have been as carefull to make proof of their mission as of their doctrine , then is mission required in him th●t will preach the word ; but they have been thus carefull , therefore : if any gifted man may preach without a call , why doth the apostle so often make mention of his call , rom. . . gal. . , . cor. . . when the disciples of iohn murmured against christ for baptizing , ioh. . , . iohn answers , a man can receive nothing unlesse it be given him from heaven , ye your selves bear witnesse of me that i said i am not the christ , but that i am sent before him . here christs undertaking to baptize , is justified by his mission . when the chief priests and the scribes with the elders asked christ , luk. . . tell us by what authority doest thou these things , or who gave thee this authority ? christ makes answer by demanding another question , the baptisme of iohn , was it from heaven or of men ? which teacheth us these two truths : first , that none ought to preach without being authorized and sent . secondly , that this call and sending is not only from men , but from heaven . true it is , such as is the ministry , such ought the call to be ; if the ministry extraordinary , the call extraordinary ; if the ministry ordinary , the call must be ordinary ; but we reade of no ministry allowed in scripture without a divine call : there is a threefold call to the ministry mentioned , gal. . . the first is of or from man only , when any is designed to this work errante clave , that hath no inward qualification or call from god. this though it authorizeth to outward administrations in the church , yet will not satisfie the conscience of him that so administers . the second is by man , as the instrument , when any is designed to the ministry by those whom god hath intrusted with the work of ordination according to the rule of the word ; these god cals by man , act. . this is the call of ordinary pastors . the third by jesus christ immediatly , and by this it is that paul proves himself an apostle , an extraordinary minister . lastly , we argue thus : that work may not be performed by any , which cannot by him be performed in faith ; but preaching by a brother gifted , but not called nor ordained , cannot be done in faith : therefore a gifted unordained brother may not preach . concerning the major we shall say little ; the apostles general canon , rom. . whatsoever is not of faith is sin , doth evidently demonstrate it . the truth of the minor appears in that there is no warrant in scripture ( which is the ground of faith ) for such a practice . for first there is no . precept that such should preach ; if there were a precept , it was then a necessary duty that every gifted person ought to perform , it was a sin if any gifted person should not preach , though he could preach but one sermon only in all his life . where is the necessity laid upon them ( as the apostle speaks of himself ) that they preach the gospel ? . there is no precept that any should hear them , or obey them in the lord , or maintain them ; these duties of the people areappropriated to those that are preachers by office , mal. . the priests lips should preserve knowledge , and the people should enquire the law at their lips . luk. . . the hearing of them is the hearing of christ , and the refusing of them is the refusing of christ : it is not so said of any that preach without mission ; but contrarily there is a strict charge not to hearken to such , ier. . . and a complaint of them that heap to themselves teachers , tim. . thus the apostle , heb. ▪ , . remember them , obey them , submit your selves to them that have the rule over you , and have spoken to you the word of god. so tim. . . let the elders that rule well be accounted worthy of double honour , &c. nothing of this is spoken of gifted brethren , yet if they may lawfully preach , all this may they challenge , and all that hear and plead for them are bound in conscience to yield , because all this is due for the works sake , thess. . . secondly , there is no promise in scripture made unto any that preach and are not thereunto lawfully ordained : we say no promise , either of . assistance : a minister must depend upon god for his inabling unto the great work which he undertakes , for all our sufficiency is of god , and we have no sufficiency of our selves so much as to think any thing , cor. . . and god hath promised this assistance only to those whom himself sends . thus exo. . . go , saith the lord to moses , and i will be with thy mouth . isa. . , ▪ god touches the mouth of isaiah and sends him . ioh. . , . christ sends and gives the holy ghost to the apostles , and to them is the promise . ioh. . the spirit of truth shall lead you into all truth . doth god do thus to those that run and are not sent ? o let the great errours broached of old by origen , and others that presumed the the undertaking of this work without a call ; and in our daies by anabaptists , socinians , and others that despise a regular lawfull call , bear witness . surely we may say that if any amongst us preach without a call ▪ and yet preach the truth , they have not their assistance by vertue of any promise from the hand of god. . protection : thus god hath promised to those whom he sends on his message . thus the lord encourageth ieremiah , ch . . , . i have made thee this day a defenced city , and an iron pillar , and a brazen wall against this whole land ; and they shall fight against thee , but shall not prevail against thee , for i am with thee , saith the lord , to deliver thee . thus also act. . . the lord incourageth paul , be not afraid , but speak and hold not thy peace , for i am with thee ▪ and no man shall set on thee to hurt thee . so also act. . . be of good chear paul , &c. and as we finde that god hath promised protection to those he sends , so also the ministers of god have incouraged themselves to a faithfull discharge of their duty against all opposition , especially upon this ground that they had their commission from god , and his immutable promise for protection : isa. . , , , , . isa. . . ier. . , . but no where hath god made any such promise to those that intrude themselves into this work , but threatens to be against them as hath been declared ; the angels of god have a charge to keep us in our waies , psal. . but they that go out of them may fear the portion ●f the sonnes of sceva the jew , act. . . that they be beaten by the evil spirit they undertake to cast out . . success , in respect of the weighty ends of the ministry , the principall the glory of god , the secondary the conversion and salvation of souls ; how is it possible that he who intrudes himself into the work of the ministry should glorifie god in the work , since god is honoured only in his own waies and means , and therefore cannot be glorified when his waies are not observed . to obey is better then sacrifice , saith the prophet , and to hearken then the fat of rams . christ glorified not himself to be made an high-priest ; such therefore as assume the ministry , glorifie themselves and not god. neither is there any promise made , neither is it to be expected , that he who assumes this work of the ministry without a call , should ever become the instrument of the conversion and edification of souls , faith comes by hearing , and hearing by the preaching of such as are sent , rom. . , . but unsent preachers have the curse of god upon their labours , that they shall not profit the people at all , ier. . . luther hath a good saying to this purpose , deus non fortunat labores corum qui non sunt vocati , & quamvis salutaria quaedam afferant tamen non aedificant : that is , god doth not prosper their labours , who are not called , and though they preach some profitable truths , yet do they not profit the people . hence it comes to pass that they that hear uncalled preachers , fall i nto so many errours , as a just punishment of god upon them ; according to that the apostle saith , tim. . , . for the time will come that they will not indure sound doctrine , but after their own lusts shall they heap to themselves teachers , having itching ears , and they shall turn away their ears from the truth , and shall be turned unto fables ▪ gods blessing of conversion is promised only to his own ordinance , which they cannot expect ▪ who either by preaching without a call , or hearing such as so preach , do overthrow . thirdly , there is no one approved example recorded in scripture of any one not being sent and called , either immediatly or mediatly by god , especially in a constituted church , that undertook this work of preaching , or any other work appropriated by god to the ministry . and thus we have also finished this second chapter , and sufficiently and clearly proved , as we suppose , that it is unlawfull for any man not lawfully called and set apart to the office of a minister to undertake and intrude upon the work of preaching appropriated by god to that office. chap. vi. answering the arguments brought for the preaching of men out of office. in this chapter we shall give answers to the chief and main arguments produced by such as maintain this unwarrantable practice of preaching by men out of office ; for though a christian ought not to depart from the plain rule of the word of god , though he be not able to satisfie all the sophistical cavils of gain-saying adversaries , yet that we may remove all stumbling blocks , and occasions to fall out of the way , that if it be possible some may be reclaimed from their ●rrour , others may be more firmly established in the truth , when they see discovered the vanity and invalidity of pretenders arguments for the preaching of gifted men out of office , we shall likewise undertake this task . the first and principal argument is drawn from cor. . . ye may all prophesie one by one , that all may learn , and all may be comforted : whence is thus inferred ; that the apostle giving liberty to the gifted brethren of the church of corinth out of office to prophesie ( you may all prophesie ) warrants this practice of preaching in all men that have gifts , though they be not set apart to this office. in answer to this argument we first lay down this rule , which is also of excellent use for the understanding of many other places of scripture , viz. that this universal all is to be restrained and limited according to the subject or matter treated of . as when the apostle saith , all things are lawfull for me , he means not simply all things , but restrainedly all indifferent things of which he was there treating , . cor ▪ . . and . . in like manner when the same apostle , cor. . . saith , all things are made new . this proposition is to be restrained from the subject and matter of which he was speaking , unto beleevers . the like may be observed in many other places , luk. . . cor. . . isa. . , &c. these things thus premised , we say first , in this place of the apostle , ye may all prophesie , the word all is to be restrained according to the subject of which the apostle speaks : he saith not of the body or people of the church of corinth , that they might all prophesie , but of the prophets in that church , that they might all prophesie . this is evident both from the antecedent and subsequent words . in the th verse the apostle saith , let the prophets speak two or three , &c. then he subjoyns , for ye may all prophesie : and then it follows immediatly , and the spirit of the prophets shall be subject to the prophets . by this discourse of the apostle it evidently appears that the liberty of prophecying was not given to every member of the church of corinth , but only to the prophets that were in that church : now it is clear they were not all prophets ( c. . . are all prophets ? i. all are not prophets : ) and therefore all had not granted them this liberty of prophecying : and thus far we have the consent not only of beza and others upon the place , but even of the most sober of our adversaries , who will not assert a promiscuous liberty of prophecying to every member of the church , but only to such as are gifted and qualified for the work , and desired by the church to exercise that gift . secondly , the prophets both in this place , and where ever else in the scriptures mentioned , were an order of ministry , not only gifted brethren , but constituted officers in the church . thus cor. . . god hath set in his church , first apostles , secondly prophets , thirdly teachers , &c. as the apostles and teachers were officers set by god in his church , so also were the prophets . reade also eph. . , . when christ gave 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gifts , officers for the good of the church , he gave amongst these officers prophets . and we do not beleeve , that there can an instance be given of any text either in the old or new testament , in which the word prophet doth not signifie one in office peculiarly called and sent . now if this be an irrefragable truth ( as indeed it is ) then the apostles permitting all prophets ( i. men in office ) to prophesie , is no warrant for gifted brethren ( if out of office ) to do that work . thirdly , though what hath been already said be sufficient to infringe the argument drawn from this place to warrant the preaching of men out of office , yet we adde for the more full vindication of this scripture , that the prophets here mentioned , yea , and throughout the new testament , seem not to be only officers in the church , but extraordinary officers immediatly inspired and sent by the holy ghost , which appears in that first , they are not only mentioned and preferred before pastors and teachers , the ordinary officers of the church , act. . . cor. . . but also before the evangelists themselves , eph. . , . who are acknowledged by all to have been officers extraordinarily sent . secondly , the gift of prophecy is reckoned amongst the extraordinary gifts of the spirit , and put in the midst of them , cor. . , , . and contra-distinguished from ordinary gifts , vers . , . the word of wisedom , the word of knowledge ; the word of wisedom denotes the pastors work , the word of knowledge the teachers work ; but prophesying is different from both these , c●●sisting partly in the fore-telling of future events , as act. . , . in those daies came prophets fr●m ierusalem unto anti●●h , and there stood up one of them named agabus , and signified by the spirit that there should be a great dearth throughout the w●rld . . partly in an infallible explication and application of ( the m●st difficult places of ) scripture , not by industry , and labour , but by the immediate illumination , and teaching of the holy ghost by whom the scriptures were inspired . thirdly , it is evident by the series of this chapter , that the prophets herein spoken of , and their prophesying was extraordinary , ver . . when you are come together every one of you hath a psalm , hath a tongue , hath a revelation , hath an interpretation ; tongues , interpretation , revelation , are joyned together , ver . . if any thing be revealed to another that sitteth by , let the first hold his peace , by which it appears that the prophets here spoken of were inspired by the holy ghost ; and that this gift of prophecy was an extraordinary dispensation of god given to the primitive church , but now ceased ; and therefore this text cannot justifie our lay-preachers , who cannot without impudency pretend to such extraordinary revelations as these had . we might fill many pages with quotations of authours that consent with us in this last , calv. inst. l. . c. . sec. . &c. pet. mart. loc . com . clas . . c. . p. . aret. prob . lo. . de prophetia . gerh. com . loc . tom . . de minist . ecc. . diodat . in cor. . , , . gomarus on rom. . . synops. purioris theolog. disp . . thes . . our english annotat. in cor. . against this third position asserting the prophesying in this chapter , mentioned to be extraordinary , there be many things objected which we shall answer for the further manifestation of the truth . object . . the apostle exhorteth the faithfull to desire this gift , vers . . and to seek to excell therein , and therefore it is not likely that it was a miraculous and extraordinary gift . answ. it doth not follow that because it was to be desired therefore it was not extraordinary ; other spiritual gifts were extraordinary , yet saith the apostle desire spirituall gifts , as much as he saith of prophesying ; elysaeus desires a double measure of elias spirit , king. . . was not that extraordinary ? the faithfull might in those daies in which such extraordinary gifts were usually given in the church , lawfully seek after them , especially by praying to god for them , which is the way prescribed , vers . . let him that speaketh in an unknown tongue pray that he may interpret . and it is apparent that in the schools of the prophets many did study and prepare that they might be fitted for this extraordinary gift of prophecy , sam. . . kin. . , . and kin. . . and out of them god usually made choice of such as he emploied as his speciall embassadors to his church . object . . the apostle speaketh of such prophesying as is to the edification , exhortation , and comfort of the church ; therefore of ordinary prophesying . answ. it follows not , because extraordinary prophesying ( as well as ordinary ) was given for the edification of the church , cor. . . the manifestation of the spirit is given to every one to profit withall , eph. . , , . all the extraordinary as well as ordinary officers were given by christ for the gathering and edification of the church : and all gifts are to be emploied to this end , cor. . . whether you have a psalm , or doctrine , or tongue , or revelation , or interpretation , let all things be done to edifying . object . . the apostle in this chapter speaks not of any thing extraordinary , but laies down a generall liberty , for all the members of the church of corinth to prophesie . and this appears because he pres●ribes rules : . for men , how they should order their liberty for edification , and then . for women forbidding them altogether the liberty of prophesying ; let your women keep silence in the churches : women ( say they ) are here named in opposition to men , and they only being prohibited , all men may and ought to be allowed to prophesie in publique . answ. . it is absolutely false to say , that the apostle speaks of nothing extraordinary in this chapter , for he speaks of the gift of tongues , vers . , , ● , . and of extraordinary psalms and revelations . answ. . it is also as false to say , that the apostle gives a generall liberty of prophesying to all , to all the members of the church of corinth ; it hath been already proved that the liberty was given to such only as were prophets , v. , , . and these prophets were persons in office , as hath been demonstrated , and that they were ex●raordinary officers , superiour to evangelists , pastors , and teachers ; now all the members of the church of corinth were not p●ophets , cor. . . nor had the gift of prophe●y , as appears by the apostles prayer for them , cor. . . i would that ye all spake with tongues , but rather that ye prophesied , &c. answ. . women are not mentioned in opposition to the men in corinth simply , but in opposition to such as had extraordinary gifts , whether of tongues , or of prophecy , or any such like : and the scope of the apostle is not to give liberty to all , but to lay down rules to those that were prophets and men in office , how they should regulate their prophesying , for the edification , exhortation , and consolation of the people , and then he wholly excludes the women from this work . answ. . we may further answer , that by women here are not meant women simply , but women-prophetesses , in opposition to men-prophets formerly spoken of . this seems to be intimated in the words of the text , let your women keep silence in the church , i. your prophesying women : that there were women that did prophesie appears from act. . . now the apostle doth inhibit all women-prophetesses from prophesying in the church . it is not permitted to them ( of what rank soever ) to speak , but they are commanded to be under obedience , as also saith the law. thus also tim. . . but i suffer not a woman to teach nor to usurp authority over the man : these prophetesses might teach in private , but nature it self forbids them to usurp authority over the man , by teaching him in publique . object . but doth not the apostle say , cor. . . every woman that prayeth or prophesieth with her head uncovered dishonoureth her head ? it seems by this text that the women did pray and prophesie in publique . answ. women are said to pray and prophesie , not by doing so actually in their own persons , but by joyning with men in praying and prophesying : and the meaning of the text is , every woman that joyneth in praying or prophesying ; thus solomon is said to offer . sheep , not in his own person , but by joyning with the priests that did it . thus pilate is said to scourge jesus , which he did not do in his own person , but by his officers . object . . these prophets were to be tried , examined , and judged , ver . . and therefore they were not officers extraordinarily inspired . answ. . it follows not , their doctrine might be tried , therefore they were not extrordinary officers or immediatly inspired ; for the apostles were extraordinary officers ( as is confessed ) and yet their doctrines were to be tried ; the bereaus are commended for it , act. . . ans. . those who were extraordinarily inspired , thoug● they could not erre , so far forth as they were inspired by the holy ghost , yet might sometimes in some particular cases give an answer out of their own hearts in which they might erre and be deceived ; such was the case of samuel when he saw eliab , sam. . doubtlesse the lords anointed is before me , but it was not so . thus nathan permitteth and encourageth david to build the temple , sam. . but herein he was mistaken , act. . . the foretelling of pauls danger at ierusalem was from god ; but the consequence drawn from hence by the prophesying disciples , that therefore he should not go up to ierusalem , was from their own spirit . vide bezam . object . . a second objection is taken from pet. . , . as every man hath receivid the gift , even so minister the same one to another as good stewards of the manifold grace of god ; if any man speak let him speak as the oracles of god ; if any man minister let him do it as of the ability which god giveth , &c. from hence is inferred , that every man that is gifted may lawfully preach the word , though he be not called and solemnly set apart to this work . answ. to this we reply , . that we heartily assent to this truth , that every man that hath received a gift of god , ought to improve it to the good of others : and we limit not the word gift in the text ( as some do ) only to the gift of liberality ( though the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be sometimes put for that gift , as cor. . . cor. . , , . ) but extend it , as oecumenius not only to the possession of riches , but to all endowments of nature , which whosoever is possessed of is bound to communicate to those that want them , as having received them of god to be thus distributed , yea , and with piscator , calvin , bullinger , and others , to all spirituall gifts ; as knowing that the manifestation of the spirit is given to every one for the profit of the whole , and mindefull of the heavy sentence pronounced upon the slothfull servant who hid his talent in a napkin . mat. . . but we assert , that these spirituall gifts are to be exercised by every one in his own sphere , by private persons privately , by those that are in office publikely , and in the congregation : it is very observable , that aquila and priscilla , private persons , yet of eminent gifts ( insomuch as they knew the way of christ more perfectly then apollos himself , who was an eloquent man and mighty in the scriptures ) kept their own place , and whereas apollos being a minister in office ( as appears cor. . . ) preached publiquely in the synagogues , they as gifted christians did not undertake to preach publikely but took him to them , and privately expounded to him the way of god more perfectly , act. . this is a notable patern for private christians even of the highest form to walk by ; in this way they may finde emploiment for all their gifts , in this way they may honour god , and be promoters of the gospel , as were those women whom the apostle honours with the title of labourers with him in the gospel , phil. . . they laboured not by publike preaching , for this the apostle permits not to women , tim. . but by private advertisements and admonitions , as opportunities were administred . . therefore it follows not , that because all gifts are to be improved , therefore a gifted brother may preach ; for first , there are other waies of making use of our most excellent gifts then by preaching only : and secondly , it is required in him that will preach warrantably , not only that he be fitted for the work , but that he be appointed to the office of the ministry , as hath been before fully demonsttated ; and therefore that we do not the same work twice , we here supersede . object . but doth not the apostle in the . verse , where he saith , if any man speak , let him speak as the oracles of god , warrant every man that hath the gift of speaking publikely to the edification of the congregation , to preach publikely , provided he speak as the oracles of god. answ. we answer negatively , those words permit not every gifted man to be a preacher , but direct every preacher in the right dispensation of that weighty office ; calvin excellently upon these words , he that speaketh observes , qui publicâ authoritate rite ordinatus est , he that by publike authority is rightly ordained to speak ; let him speak as the oracles of god : and estius , qui ad hujusmodi munus in ecclesiâ vocatur , he that is called in the church to this work , let him speak as the oracles of god , and thus some restrain the word gift in the th verse , as every man hath received a gift , i. an office , even so minister , &c. and that not with out probability , for it is evident that the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are taken sometimes in scripture not for gifts simply but for an office ; as rom. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , having gifts which the apostle in the verses following expounds of offices : so also tim. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , neglect not the gift which was given thee by prophecy , that is , the office , if the apostle may be his own interpreter , cha. . . this charge i cummit to thee my son timothy , according to the prophecies that went before of thee , &c. where by the way observe , against those that scornfully ask , what gift the imposition of hands by the presbytery can now conferre ? that it confers as much as the imposition of hands by the presbytery did to timothy , viz. the office of a presbyter ; if timothy had any extraordinary gift , that was given by the imposition of the apostles hands , tim. . . stir up the gift that is in thee by the laying on of my hands ; as it was in those times usuall for extraordinary gifts to be conveighed . so also the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used in the same sense , eph. . . to me that am lesse then the least of all saints is this grace 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 given , that i should preach among the gentiles , his being made the apostle of the gentiles is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so also rom. . . by whom we have received grace and apostleship , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by the grammaticall figure hendyadis , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the grace of apostleship , as piscator in his scholia , and others . secondly , it is worth our observation , to take notice of that order which the apostle seems to make between gifts , administrations , and operations , cor. , , , . gifts qualifie for ministries , ministry authoriseth for operation ; as no man may lawfully undertake a ministry or office , if not qualified ; so may no man do the work of the ministry which he hath not taken upon him ; abilities do not authorize to act out of our own sphere and calling ; a physician might not judge of leprosies though he had skill , nor a butcher kill the sacrifice though he knew how ; these things belonged to the priest ; every able lawyer may not usurp the office or work of a judge , nor every gifted brother undertake either the office or the work of a minister . object . it is argued for the lawfulnesse of preaching by gifted men , not ordained to the ministry : that eldad and medad prophesied in the camp without a calling , and were approved of by moses in the praier , would god that all the lords people were prophets , and that the lord would put his spirit upon them , numb . . , . answ. . to this we reply , that nothing in this story doth in the least patronize the practices of our preaching un-ordained gifted brethren , because , . the prophesying of eldad and medad was extraordinary from an immediate and divine inspiration ; for the spirit of god is said to have rested upon them , as upon those others that were round about the tabernacle , as appears ver . , . but our gifted men are not thus immediatly inspired and taught of god. ans. . this gift of prophecy was given them as a seal of their commission for the government of the state , not directly for the edification of the church : it was visibile signum , a visible sign ( saith calvin ) that god had chosen them to assist moses in the government : non enim erant prophetae , sed voluit deus hâc externâ not â testari novos esse homines , quò majori reverentiâ eos ex●iperet populus : by this spirit of prophecy they were inaugurated to their civil government . thus the spirit of prophecy was given to saul in confirmation of his election to the kingdom of israel , sam. . , . and therefore many learned men are of opinion , that eldad and medad did not prophesie praedicendo or praedicando , that their prophesying was not a prophetical or ecclesiastical preaching , but a politicall or prudentiall speaking of things appertaining to the government of the state : some others think that enthusiasmo acti they did laudes deo can●re , that by divine instinct they did celebrate the praises of god : all agree that it was extraordinary , and therefore makes nothing for the justification of such as preach without office . mr ainsworth observes excellently , that this prophesying of eldad and medad was only for the day , and therefore whereas it is said vers . . they prophosied and did not cease , ainsworth reades the words , they prophesied and did not adde ; so it is in the hebrew non addiderunt , that is , they prophesied no more but that day . the same word is used deut. . . these words the lord spake in all your assembly , and he added no more , that is , spake no more , or in such a manner to the people . thus the septuagint readeth the words , and sol. iarchi saith , they did not adde , i. they prophesied not save that day only . the chaldee indeed translateth it , they ceased not ; and so also it translateth deut. . . the lord spake the ten words , and ceased not , which translation if it be allowed , it will admit ( saith ainsworth ) of this favourable interpretation , the lord ceased not speaking , that is , till all his ten words were finished ; and the seventy elders prophesied , and ceased not , that is , they continued all day prophesying , not alwaies ; ( as saul in naioth is said to prophesie all that day and all that night , sam. . ) for this prophesying of theirs seems ( saith ainsworth ) to be a temporary gift and miracle , for the ratification and confirmation of their office . but howsoever whether this prophesying was for a day or for a longer time , whether it was ecclesiastical or only political , certain we are it was extraordinary , and a visible inauguration of them into their office. answ. . certain we are that these men ha● a lawfull call to do what they did , for they were two of the seventy elders whom the lord commanded moses to choose , and unto whom he promiseth to give his spirit , numb . . , . and therefore this example doth not at all prove the lawfullnesse of private mens preaching : that these two were of the number of the seventy elders , appears by three arguments from the . verse . . it is said ver . . that god took of the spirit that was upon moses , and gave it to the seventy elders , and when the spirit rested on them , they prophesied , and ceased not , then followeth , but there remained two of the men in the camp , that is , two of the seventy . as if we should say , there were seventy men chosen to be common-councell men to sit at guild-hall , but two of the men did remain in their houses , and did not go , must we not necessarily understand that the two remaining were two of the seventy common-councel men . . the spirit of god is said to rest upon these two , vers . . just as it is said of the other elders , ver . . . it is said expresly , that they were of them that were written , but went not out into the tabernacle , that were written , that is , saith deodate , inrolled and delegated among the seventy elders , or as ainsworth saith , they were written by moses in a book , and so were appointed among the rest to come to the tabernacle , ver . . . quest. . but why did not they go unto the tabernacle as the rest did ? ans. tostatus saith , it was out of a modest bashfullnesse and sense of their own unworthinesse , ainsworth saith , that it is probable , that as saul when he was to be made king , withdrew and hid himself among the stuffe , sam. . . so these two , unwilling to take the charge upon them , withdrew their shoulders , and came not to the tabernacle , yet the lord by his spirit found them out : for whether shall men go from his spirit , or whither shall they go from his presence , psa. . . see more for this out of ainsworth upon the place . quest. . but if these were two of the seventy elders , why doth ioshua desire moses to forbid them ? ans. . because he might not know that they were set apart to be members of the senate as well as the rest . . because they obeyed not moses , to come out to the tabernacle as he commanded , for the disciples forbad one that cast out devils in christs name , because he followed not them , luke . , . . especially thus he spake out of an envious zeal for his master moses sake ( as the verse following sheweth ) that he would not have the use of the gift of prophecy common , ●nd therefore moses answereth , ver . . enviest thou , for my sake ? but though ioshua would have had them inhibited prophesying , yet moses did not forbid them , which is argument sufficient to prove , that they were persons lawfully chosen to this office ; for if moses so sharply rebuke corah and his company for intruding into the office of the priesthood without a call ▪ surely he would not have approved of eldads and medads taking upon them the office of prophets without a call. quest. . but what then is the meaning of moses prayer , would god that all the lords people were prophets , and that the lord would put his spirit upon them ? answ. this was an excellent and imitable desire in moses , for though he knew that god had decreed not to diffuse this gift of prophecy unto all , yet he here discovers his humility in wishing that all the lords people had the gift of prophesie . and the man is ●ot worthy the name of a minister , that doth not heartily desire that all gods people might excell in gifts and graces . hunc spiritum charitatis imitentur omnes concionatores ( saith cornelius de lapide ) qui non suam , sed dei unius gloriam quaerunt , petuntque quod martha petiit a christo dic sorori ut adjuvet me . but this doth not at all prove , that a private man without a lawfull call may do the work of a publique preacher , for eldad and medad were lawfully called , and though ioshua knew it not , yet it appears plainly by this very praier of moses , that he knew that they both were prophets , and that the spirit of god did rest upon them even the same that rested upon the other elders , and therefore he praieth , would all the lords people were as th●se two , and the rest of the elders . and this is our daily prayer , that the lord would multiply his gifts and graces upon his people , and because the harvest is great and the labourers are few ; that the lord of the harvest , would send forth more and more able labourers into his harvest . object . . another objection is from the example of iehosaphat , chro. . , , . who in the third year of his reign sent to his princes even to benhail , and to obadiah , &c. to teach in the cities of iudah , and with them he sent levites , even shemaiah , &c. and they taught in iudah , and had the book of the law with them , &c. here the princes are said to teach as well as the levites . answ. . the princes are thought by some to have been sent to teach not ecclesiastically but politically , viz. by countenancing the levites , and by their civil authority , compelling the people to hear them , they taught the people regaliter not ministerialiter ; thus r. sol. iarchi upon the place . it was proper ( saith he ) to the priests and levites to teach , inasmuch as it is written , deut. . . according to all that the priests and levites shall teach you , do ye , but the princes went with them lest they should have rebelled against their words , that they might compell them to obey : great men are said in scripture to have done those things which they did not in their own persons , but were done by their authority and command . solomon is said to offer a sacrifice of oxen , and sheep , that is , not in his own person ( for he should have sinned vzziahs sinne in so doing ) but by the priests . pilate is said to scourge jesus , that is , by his officers ; and the chief eunuch dan . to teach daniel and the rest of the israelitish women , that is , by appointing them masters to teach them , so also in this place , the princes may be said to teach , that is , by the levites whom they did accompany , countenance , and encourage in the work . answ. . iehosaphat intending a full reformation , and establishing his kingdom in righteousnesse and religion , in matters of god and matters of the king , he sends out mixt commissioners , for the civil affairs his princes , for the businesses of god the levites : the princes taught ius regium , the levites ius dei ; and so there was no interfering in their employment ; vide pelican . in loc . this answer seems the more probable , because in his second visitation of his kingdom mentioned ch . . iehosaphat himself making ( as here ) joynt commissioners , divides the work into civil and ecclesiastical , the matters of god and the matters of the king , over the former he sets the priest , over the latter the prince ; as was observed in the stating of the question . object . . some argue from luke . . the man dispossessed went about preaching what christ had done for him ; and from ioh. . the woman of samaria preached christ to the samaritans , and many beleeved ; and the man that had but one talent , and hid it , was therefore cast into hell ; and from the example of the saints in evil times , speaking often one to another ; lastly , from the command of the apostle to stir up the gift of god that is in us . answ. to which we answer shortly ; to the first , we answer , that the dispossessed did no more then he had a commission from christ to do , and therefore is no president for such as preach without a calling ; if he did more he sinned . to the second , the woman of samaria did not preach but only charitatively , and as private persons may , declare what she had seen and heard ; and if any thing can be concluded from hence for preaching without ordination , the lawfulness of womens preaching must be concluded . to the third , the man was cast into hell for hiding and not imploying his talent , that is in his own calling , as hath been often suggested ; it is the duty of every christian to stir up the gift ofgod that is in him , and for christians to speak often one to another in evil times , to teach , admonish , exhort one another , to pray together and one for another ; but all this comes short o● the ministers duty , there being a vast difference between this private charitative way of exhorting which belongs to all christians , and the office , and work of the ministry , as hath been above distinguished . object . . private christians , act. . . & . . when they were scattered abroad , went every where preaching the word , therefore gifted men though not ordained may also preach the word . answ. this instance which is much insisted upon by many , is not of strength to conclude the lawfulnesse of preaching by gifted , un-ordained persons ; for , first , some allowing these scattered christians to have been private persons , yet do rationally distinguish between a church constituted , and a church scattered and dissolved , between what may be done in a church gathered , and in an ordinary way , and in the gathering of a church , and in the ●ase of necessity : it is not recorded that these did preach while they were at ierusalem in a setled church , but when they were scattered , then they went every where preaching ; what warrant soever this instance may give to persons uncalled to preach amongst indians , and in places where no churches nor ministers are , yet can it not warrant them in their preaching in our churches , in which ministers are or may easily be had . secondly , it may justly be denied , that the christians here spoken of were private christians , it may be asserted that they were men in office , and had commission to do what they did . this appears , . from the first verse , where it is said , at that time there was a great persecution against the church which was at ierusalem , and they were all scattered abroad throughout the regions of iudea and samaria , except the apostles ; these all that were scattered must be either all the teachers and church-officers , or all the beleevers ; not all the beleevers , for it is said in the . verse , that saul made havock of the church , entring into every house , and haling men and women , committed them to prison . and act. . . there is expresse mention made of the church at ierusalem , notwithstanding the persecution . had all the beleevers been scattered what should the apostles have done at ierusalem , their tarrying would have been dangerous to themselves and useless to the church . and therefore we judge that by all is meant all the church-officers ( of whom there were many at ierusalem ) were scattered except the apostles , and when they were scattered they went every where preaching the word . to make the interpretation clearer observe , first , that the word all is used here with an exceptive particle , which necessitates it to be meant not of beleevers but of men in office ; for if all relate to beleevers , then it will follow that there was not one beleever left in ierusalem except the apostles . the particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with the genitive case in the new testament , being alwaies exceptive to the utmost , as appears ioh. . . act. . . & . . mar. . . but this we are sure is false , as hath been already proved . secondly , that it is said , that they that were scattered went every where preaching the word ; it is not said teaching which may be actus charitatis , but preaching which is actus officij ; how can they preach except they be sent , rom. . the reverend assembly of divines in their answer to the reasons of the dissenting brethren , observe , that those that were scattered went about 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 refers to the act of men in office , and they desire the brethren to produce one scripture where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used concerning any that are not preachers by office , they bring many where it is used concerning those that were in office , even by the pen-man of this history , and conclude , that these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had their commission to preach before this persecution , though the persecution occasioned their preaching in iudea and other places . thirdly , act. . . there is but one of this scattered number named , and he was a person in office , to wit philip , not the apostle , but who is numbered among the deacons , act. . and called an evangelist , act. . by the singling out of this one who was in office , we may judge that the rest were persons in office as well as he . fourthly , 't is probable , that these that were scattered did baptize as well as preach , which we gather from act. . . it is said there , there was a church setled at antioch , which could not be unlesse they were first baptized , but there were none in antioch to baptize them , if they of the dispersion did not ; for barnabas , agabus , and other prophets came not to antioch till the church was founded , act. . , , . and this church of antioch is expresly said to be founded by the scattered brethren , act. . . now baptism is to be performed only by men in office , mat. . . fifthly , these scattered brethren are said to be prophets and teacher● , act. . . where mention is made of lucius of cyrene , who in all probability was one of the scattered preachers , as appears act. . , . where it is said , that some of these scattered were men of cyrene . if it be said , that there is no where mention made of the ordination of , or any commission given to these scattered brethren : it is answered , that it doth not follow that therefore they had none , because none is mentioned . it is sufficient for us that there are scripture-reasons to perswade us that they had a commission ; they did a work peculiar to officers of the church , as hath been proved , which godly men out of office durst not have done ; they had successe , and the blessing of god upon their labours , which he promiseth not to those that go in an evil way , as hath been demonstrated : but let thus much suffice for this instance . obj. . all the people of god are called priests , rev. . . why then may they not preach ? answ. they are indeed all made priests unto god , and kings unto god not unto men ; they are priests not ministerially but spiritually , not as to the ministeriall function , but as to the offering up of spirituall sacrifices unto god. thus it is expounded pet. . . praier , thanks-giving , and almes-deeds are called sacrifices in scripture , and these a beleever offereth up to god , and so he is made a priest to god. secondly , all are made priests unto god , but are all made prophets ? are not all made kings ? and may therefore all exercise regall jurisdiction amongst men ? may all be magistrates ? away with such fanatick monasterian conceits ; if we be priests let us sacrifice our lusts , if kings let us rule over our passions and our pride , this would quickly prevent such unwarrantable practices , and put a happy issue to these disputes . object . . but if a master of a family may instruct his own family , why may he not preach in the publique congregation ? answ. because he hath a calling to do the one , and no calling to do the other ; you may as well ask , why may not the lord-maior of london exercise his jurisdiction at york as well as at london ? or why may not a justice of peace send warrants out of his own county ? or why might not vzziah as well offer incense in the temple as pray in his own family ? the answer to all these questions is easie , for the one they have a lawfull calling but not for the other . obj. . but why then do you your selves suffer men whom you call probationers and expectants for the ministry , to preach without ordination ? may not private men preach as well as they ? answ. there is a great difference between a private mans preaching that never intends the ministry , and a probationers preaching that intends the ministry , and preacheth by way of triall , that so the people that are to choose him may have experience of his gifts . a probationer , and a minister differ but in degree , but a private man and a minister differ toto genere . in the old testament there were prophets , and sons of the prophets that were trained up in the schools of the prophets : these sons of the prophets did prophesie by way of trial and exercise , sam. . . king. . . king. . , . . that these sons of the prophets , or as they are commonly called , these expectants , are not allowed in the presbyteriall government to preach without approbation and license . the directory stablished by both nations , is , that such as intend the ministry may occasionally both reade the scriptures , and exercise gifts in preaching in the congregation , being allowed thereunto by the presbytery . and therefore even probationers under the presbyterian government are not to preach though but occasionally , and for a little while , without a license and authority so to do , from them to whom christ hath given this power to authorize men for such an employment . so much in answer to objections , and so much for the third proposition . the fourth proposition . concerning the severall waies and means of calling men to the ministry , which is the subject of all the following chapters in the first part. chap. vii . wherein are handled three questions about an imm●diate call to the ministry . having shewed , that no man ought to take upon him the office or the work of the ministry , but he that is lawfully called and ordained thereunto ; we shall now proceed ( according to our method formerly propounded ) to speak something concerning the divers waies and means of calling men unto the ministry . that which we have to say , we shall comprehend in the ensuing propositions . that the power and authority of calling men to the ministry belongs properly to god only ; it is he that is the lord of the harvest , and therefore he only it is that can send forth labourers into his harvest ; ministers are his embassadours , and therefore to be sent by him : he only can give the heavenly unction and make us able ministers of the new testament , cor. . . and it is for the great honour and encouragement of the gospel-ministry , that all the three persons are said to call men to this sacred office . of god the father it is said , cor. . . and god hath set , &c. and mat. . . pray unto the lord , &c. of god the son , eph. . . of god the holy ghost , act. . . that there are two waies by which god doth call men to the office of the ministry , the one immediate , the other mediate . the immediate call is when a man is chosen by god without the intervention of man ; thus were the prophets and apostles called : paul saith of himself , that he was an apostle not of men nor by men , but by christ , &c. where the apostle tels us of three sorts of ministers : . such as are called neither of men nor by men , but by christ and god immediatly , such were the apostles , such as are called by god , and also by men appointed by god for this work , such were the apostles successors . . such as are neither called by god immediatly or mediatly , but only of man , that is , by the meer authority of men ; such were the false apostles . zanchy tels us out of hierom of a fourth sort , and they are such as are neither of man , nor by man , nor by christ , but by themselves ; qui per seipsos ministerium sibi sumunt non vocati , who take upon themselves the work of the ministry uncalled ; and these he saith are omnium pessimi , the worst of all . of these the prophet ieremy speaks , i have not sent these prophets yet they ran , i have not spoken unto them yet they prophesied . we purpose not to speak much of this immediate call ; only because there are some who are ordinarily called anabaptists or enthusiasts , or as chemnitius cals them fanaticos homines fanatick men , that boast much of heavenly revelations and of divine impulses , and pretend to an immediate call , we will for our peoples sake briefly answer these three questions . quest. . how may we distinguish between an immediate call from god ; and the imposture of fanatick men that say they are so called , and are not ? quest. . whether are we to expect any immediate call in these daies ? quest. . whether the call of the first reformers of religion from the errours of popery , was an immediate call or no ? quest. . how may we distinguish between an immediate call from god , and the imposture of men that say they are so called when they are not ? answ. . they that are immediatly called to the ministry are endued by god either with the gift of miracles , or with some other testimony of the spirit , by which they are enabled to give proof of their immediate call. when christ called his twelve apostles , he gave them power against unclean spirits to cast them out , and to heal all manner of sicknesse , and all manner of disease . and the apostle paul cals this power of working miracles a sign of his apostleship , cor. . . truly the signs of an apostle were wrought among you in all patience , in signs and wonders , and mighty deeds . when christ called his disciples he adorned them also with power of miracles , luke . . thus when god called moses immediatly , he inabled him to work miracles , that so the israelites might beleeve that he was not an impostor , but that the lord god of abraham , isaac , and iacob had appeared unto him , exod. . , , , , . after this manner was the calling of elias and elisha confirmed . and yet from hence we dare not ( as some do ) gather a generall rule , that an immediate call is alwaies joyned with the gift of miracles , for it is said expresly of iohn baptist , that he did no miracle , and yet he was immediatly called : neither do we reade of many of the prophets of the old testament , that they wrought any miracles ; but we say , that an immediate call is alwaies joyned either with the gift of miracles , or the gift of tongues , or some other extraordinary thing , by which men are enabled undoubtedly to demonstrate to others their immediate call. thus the prophets were all of them endued with the gift of fore-telling things to come , and iohn baptist was enabled to make proof of his immediate call by shewing the prophecies both of isaiah and malachy that were concerning him ; which prophecies were applied to him by the angel , luke . , , . before he was born ; appropriated by himself , ioh. . . and confirmed by christs testimony of him , mat. . , , . and therefore let all those that boast of their revelations , and say they are called by god to preach as the apostles were , shew the signs and tokens of their apostleship , as the apostles did ; let them shew the gift of miracles , or of tongues , or of foretelling things to come , or some supernaturall prediction , that such as they should be sent into the world , or at least some rare and extraordinary work of god , that so the world may beleeve , that they are in truth sent by god , and are not impostors and seducers , as the false prophets were , ier. . . secondly , they that are immediatly called by god will preach no other doctrine but what is agreeable to the word of god. this is the distinguishing character brought by the prophet ieremy , jer. . . hearken not unto the words of the prophets , &c. for they prophesie a lye unto you , for i have not sent them , saith the lord , yet they prophesi● a lie in my name . thus ier. . , . let not your prophets and your diviners deceive you , neither hearken to your dreams , &c. for they prophesie falsly unto you in my name ; he that boasteth of dreams , vision● , ●nd revelations , and holds forth any doctrine contrary to the written word , he is an impostor and a seducer . and this is the chief note of difference , without which the former i● insufficient ; prima ac praecipua probationis regula ( saith gerhard ) est harmonia & congruentia doctrinae , cum doctrinâ a deo revelarâ , the first and chief rule of triall is the harmony and agreement of the doctri●e they preach with the doctrine of th● script●res . for our saviour christ tel● us , that false christ● should arise and false prophets , and should shew great signs and wonders , insomuch ( if it were possible ) they should de●eive the very elect. and the apostle tels us , that the coming of antichrist shall be after the working of satan , with all power , and signs , and lying wonders . these wonders are called lying wonders , either because they should be false and counterfeit , or if ●rue , yet they may be called lying wonders ( miranda not miracula ) because wrought by satan to confirm erroneous doctrines and lies : such are popish miracles ( falsly so called ) which are ( as our annotations upon the place say ) either lyi●g prodigies , or prodigious lies . this caution was given to the children of israel by moses , deut. . . if there arise among you a prophet , or a dreamer if dreams , and giveth thee a sign or a wonder , and the sign or the wonder come to passe , whereof he spake unto thee saying , let us go after other gods , &c. thou shalt not hearken unto the words of that prophet , or that dreamer of dreams , for the lord your god proveth you , to know whether you love the lord your god with all your heart , and with all your soul , &c. from all which we gather , that whosoever groundeth his authority of preaching upon an immediate call , and braggeth of heavenly visions and divine revelations , if he preach strange doctrine contrary to the doctrine of christ and his apostles , although he should confirm it by signs and wonders , and although he should undertake to foretell things to come , and these predictions should come to passe , yet notwithstanding we are not to hearken unto him but to reject him as a seducer , and his wonders as lying wonders , and to say with the apostle paul , though we or an angel from heaven preach any other gospel unto you then that which we have preached unto you , let him be accursed : excellently to this purpose doth austin answer to the donatists , boasting of their revelations , but departing from the sincerity of evangelical doctrine . * let them not therefore say it is a truth , because donatus or pontius or any other did such and such miracles , or because this brother or that sister saw such a vision , or dreamed such a dream ; let these fictions of deceitful , men or wonders of lying spirits be laid aside , &c. and having laid them aside , let them demonstrate their church , not by such lying prodigies , ( because against giving heed to such we are warned in the word of god ) but by the prescript of the law , the predictions of the prophets by the book of psalms , by the voice of the great shepherd , by the preachings and writings of the evangelists , that is , by ●…the authority of canonicall books of scripture . so much for the first question . quest. , whether are we to expect any immediate and extraordinary call to the ministry in these daies ? answ. though we cannot , nor ought not to set bounds to the infinite power of free-will of god , nor will we dispute what god may do out of his free-grace in times of generall apostacy , yet we shall make bold to give in this answer to this great question . that we do not reade that we are commanded in scripture to wait for and expect such a call , neither do we know of any promise that god hath made to encourage us to wait , nor do we conceive that there is any absolute necessity of such an expectation . for god ( as chemnitius observes ) hath by his apostles delivered and prescribed to his church a certain form by which he would have men enter into the ministry , and that is a mediate call , neither is there now any need of an immediate ; for it is gods will , that the ministry even to the end of the world should be tied to that doctrine which is delivered to the church by the apostles . adde to this , that the apostles , though they themselves were called immediatly by god , yet notwithstanding they did not wait till others that should succeed them in the work of the ministry , were chosen also immediatly by god ; but they themselve● ordained ministers , and gave order to timothy and titus about the way and method of electing and ordaining elders , which we are assured they would never have done if the immediate call had not ceased , together with their persons . when christ went up to heaven he gave two sorts of officers to his church , some extraordinary as apostles , evangelists , prophets , and these were temporary : some ordinary , as pastors and teachers , and these are perpetual . now as we are not to expect in our daies such extraordinary officers , as apostles , evangelists , and prophets , no more are we to expect such an extraordinary way of calling , as they had ; but as our officers are ordinary , so the calling we are to expect is ordinary . adde , that god hath promised to preserve an ordinary ministry in the world till the coming of christ , cor. . . eph. . , . mat. . . isa. . . and therefore there is no need of waiting for and expecting an extraordinary and immediate call. as it is necessary ( saith learned zanchy ) that there shall be alwaies a church upon earth , because christ hath promised , that the gates of hell shall not prevail against it ; so also it is every way as necessary that a lawfull ministry be preserved : vnum enim ab altero separari non potest , nec ecclesia a ministerio , nec ministerium ab ecclesiâ ; for the one cannot be separated from the other , neither the church from the ministry , nor the ministry from the church : and from hence it appears ( saith the same authour ) that even in the church of rome , though the worship of god be most corrupt in it , yet god hath preserved in it so much of the substance of religion as was necessary to salvation ; so that as the church is not wholly extinct therein , so neither was the ministry . we deny not but that there are some learned divines that pleade much for an immediate and extraordinary call in times of publique and generall defection from the truth ; for our parts we will not espouse this quarrell : we cannot , we ought not to set bounds to the infinite power and free-will of god ; we dispute not what god may do at such times , only we say with gerhard , destituimur promissione quòd debeamus hoc tempore post confirmatum novi testamenti canonem immediatam vocationem expectare ; we have no promise that we ought after the confirmation of the canon of the new testament to expect an immediate call . and afterwards he saith , nulla apparet immediatae vocationis necessitas , there appears no necessity of this immediate call. and besides , even those that are for an immediate call do lay down divers limitations which are very worthy to be considered by the people of our age , lest they should suck poison from such a doctrine . one that pleads much for it gives these rules . . that this extraordinary and immediate call then only takes place , when a mediate and ordinary cannot be had , and that such a call ought not to be pretended unto in contempt of the ordinary way . . that whosoever shall pretend to this immediate call ought first to be tried before he be admitted , that his doctrine ought to be examined by the word , that his life and conversation ought to be diligently lookt into , lest he prove one of those concerning whom the apostle speaketh , that serve not our lord iesus christ but their own belly , and by good words and fair speeches deceive the hearts of the simple . after this he puts this question , anne cessante ordinaria vocatione ? &c. whether when the ordinary call ceaseth , it be then lawful for every private christian , verst in the scriptures , to go up into the pulpit , and preach against false doctrines , and assert the truth ? and answers , god forbid ! for this would open a door euivis ubivis , qui se sapientem existimaret , &c. to every one every where who thinks himself wise , under a pretence ( whether true or false ) of confuting false doctrine , to have clandestine meetings , as the anabaptists and libertines of our daies are wont to do , following the evil example of those that first at antioch , afterwards in galatia , and elsewhere , creeping in privately , brought great tumults and confusions into the church ; of whom the apostle speaks : forasmuch as we have heard that certain which went out from us have troubled you with words , subverting your souls , saying , ye must be circumcised and keep the law , to whom we gave no such commandment . thus farre bucanus ; and much more to this purpose in the same chapter . by this it appears , that even they that justifie an immediate call , in some cases , do notwithstanding flatly condemn the disorderly practices of our times : so much in answer to the second question . the third question is , whether the call of luther and the rest of the best reformers of religion from the errors of popery , was an immediate and extraordinary call , or no ? answ. he that would be satisfied about the call of luther to the ministry , let him reade gerhard de ministerio , where he shall finde proved , that luther though he did alwaies pleade his doctrine to be of god , yet he did never so much as pretend to an immediate and extraordinary call , but that he was called after a mediate and ordinary way ; that he was ordained presbyter in the year of our lord . at years of age ; that when he was ordained presbyter he did receive power to preach the word of god ; that the next year after he was called by iohn staupitius , with the consent of elector frederick , to be divinity professor of the church and university of wittenberg , by the statutes of which university he was bound to this , sc. vestrum est legem divinam interpretari & librum vitae docere ; it is your office to interpret the divine law and to teach the book of life . object . if it be objected , that luther received his ordination from the church of rome , and therefore it is null and void . answ. to this gerhard answereth , that although the rite of ordination in the church of rome was corrupted with many superstitious and vnprofitable ceremonies , yet ordination it self was not nullified ; we must distinguish between the impurity of the bishop ordaining , and the ordination which is done in the name of the whole church : and in the ordination we must distinguish that which is divine from that which is humane , that which is essential from that which is accidentall , that which is godly and christian from that which was antichristian . as in the israelitish church they were to use the ministry , sacrifices , and ordination of the scribes and pharisees , who sate in moses chair , yet the people were warned to take heed of the leaven of the pharisees , mat. . . so also is the church of rome ; we use the ministry , sacraments , and ordination of those that were in ordinary succession , but we reject the leaven of their superstition . but to this objection we shall speak more fully in our fifth proposition . the like to that , is said of luther , may be said of zuinglius , oecolampadius , bucer , peter martyr , &c , zanchy saith , that luther was a lawful teacher , and a minister created in the church of rome with imposition of hands , and with authority to create others . the like he saith of zuinglius , bucer , &c. and of himself , qui in papatu fuimus creati doctores cum authoritate alios creandi ; we were made teachers under the papacy with authority to make others . we confesse that zanchy , bucanus , and divers others speak much ( if not too much ) of an extraordinary call that these blessed reformers had ; but yet we desire it may be considered , that the same authours make mention also of the ordinary call which they had . that none of our first reformers ever renounced their ordinary call , but rather asserted it and pleaded it upon all occasions , as gerhard sheweth of luther in particular . bucan tels us , that the call of our first reformers was ordinary and extraordinary . ordinary , because they were doctores pastores & presbyteri ex institutione ecclesiae romanae , sed abstersis istius sordibus à deo ; doctors , pastors , and presbyters by th● institution of the church of rome , god having washed away the defilements that cleaved to that ordination : it was extraordinary , because they were indued with extraordinary gifts , and ( blessed be god ) with incredible successe , even to a miracle . and if this be all that is meant by an immediate and extraordinary call , in this sense we willingly and freely own it ; and acknowledge , that our blessed reformers were men raised up by god after a wonderfull manner , to do great things for his church ; that they had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they were indued with a singular knowledge of divine mysteries , with a rare and peculiar gift of utterance , with an heroique spirit and an undaunted courage , and owned by god with miraculous successe , maugre all the opposition of the enemies of christ against them : the papists upbraid the protestants , and demand what miracles did your first reformers work ? we answer , that this was a great miracle , that so few men under such great opposition without working of miracles , should be able to convert so many thousands to the protestant religion : so much in answer to the . questions , and also about an immediate call. chap. viii . wherein is handled the mediate call of men to the ministry , and therein one assertion about the peoples election of their minister , viz. that the election of a minister doth not by divine right belong wholly and solely to the major part of every particular congregation . the mediate call , is when a man is called to the ministry by men lawfully deputed thereunto . concerning this mediate call we shall offer these propositions . that the mediate call though it be by men , yet it is from god and by divine right as well as the immediate ; a necessary proposition for the people of our unhappy age , that vilifie the gospel-ministry , because they are not called as the apostles were , nor have the apostolical gifts of tongus and miracles . know therefore that when christ went up to heaven , he gave not only apostles and prophets to his church , but also pastors and teachers : that the apostle paul tels the elders of ephesus , that were ordinary officers , that the holy ghost had made them overseers over the flock : he cals not only extraordinary but ordinary officers embassadors of christ and stewards of the mysteries of god. our saviour christ cals the ministers of the seven churches of asia , angels : the apostle commands the thessalonians , to know them that labour amongst them , and to have them in high esteem , &c. who yet notwithstanding were but ordinary ministers . and to the hebrews he commands , to obey them that had the rule over them , and to submit themselves , &c. all which texts prove , that ministers made by men after a lawfull manner , are made by god , are ministers of christ , are to be obeyed , submitted unto , and had in high esteem for their works sake ; and we may adde , that such ministers may expect protection from god , direction and successe of their labours as well as if they were immediatly called : those rare promises isa. . . isa. . . ier. . , . are their rich portion : the apostle joyns apollo with himself , not only in the fellowship of the ministry , but also in the promise of a blessing upon it : who then is paul , and who is apollo ? but ministers by whom ye beleeved , even as the lord gave to every man ; i have planted , apollo watered , but god gave the encrease . that this mediate call is either extraordinary or ordinary ; the extraordinary mediate call is ( as paraeus saith ) proxima immediatae , neer to the immediate , but yet not the same with it . for though every immediate call be extraordinary , yet every extraordinary call is not immediate . thus god chose aaron to be priest after an extraordinary manner , yet it was a mediatecall , by moses his internuncius or messenger . thus also he chose elisha by the intervention of elias : thus matthias his call to the apostleship was extraordinary by the use of a lot , and yet also by the choise of the people . pareus writes a story of the fratres bohemici , the bohemian brethren , who in the year of our lord . when all their ministers were driven from them by persecution , tres ex novem sorte sibi designarunt non sine miraculo , chose three out of nine by lot to be their ministers not without miracle ; but of this immediate extraordinary call we spake sufficiently in the former questions . the mediate ordinary way by which god would have all men to enter into the ministry is by election and ordination . they are both of them distinctly set down in the choise of deacons , act. . , , . look ye out seven men whom we may appoint , &c. now though we do not purpose to speak much concerning popular election , yet because there are many that lift it up too high , and make the whole essence of the ministeriall call to consist in it , and that look upon ordination , if not as antichristian , yet at best but as a circumstance of the ministeriall call which may be as well omitted as used ; therefore we are necessitated to propound unto our people these ensuing propositions concerning popular election . that the election of a minister doth not by divine right belong wholly and solely to the major part of every particular congregation . this we shall prove , . by examining those three texts that are brought for the divine right of popular election . . by shewing the mischiefs that will inevitably follow from this assertion , . we will examine the texts . the first is taken from the choice of matthias into the office of an apostle , which was done ( say they ) by the . disciples there present ; and if the people have power to choose an apostle , much more to choose an ordinary minister . but we answer , . that those words , and they appoined two , ioseph called barsabas , and matthias , do in all probability relate to the apostles , and not to the disciples : they appointed two , that is , the apostles appointed two ; thus our annotators ; they appointed two , that is , the fore-mentioned apostles put two in election . and if the history be well observed , it will appear that the . disciples are named only in a parenthesis , and that peter in his whole discourse relates especially if not only to his fellow-apostles . it is said ver . . he was numbred with us , that is , with the apostles not with the disciples . and so ver . . which have companied with us , that is , with the apostles . ver . . must one be ordained to be a witnesse with us , &c. that is , with us apostles . and then follows , and they appointed , that is , the apostles , and not the . disciples . but suppose that they had been appointed by the . disciples , yet we answer . . that the whole and sole power of choosing was not in the people , for they were guided and directed in their choice by the eleven apostles : it was electio populi praeeuntibus & dirigentibus apostolis , by the guidance and direction of the apostles ; and so it comes not up to the proof of the proposition : the apostle tels them in expresse terms , ver . , . of those men which have companied with us all the time that the lord iesus went in and out among us , beginning from the baptism of john , &c. . that the people cannot ( in any good construction ) be said to have chosen matthias any more then barsabas : for they appointed two : and when the people had made their choice , barsabas was as capable of being an apostle , as matthias . the truth is , matthias was chosen by god himself , and by god only , and therefore it is said , vers . . thou lord which knowest the hearts of all men , shew whether of these two thou hast chosen . it was the divine lot , not the . that chose the apostle . object . but it is said ver . . he was numbred with the eleven apostles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , say they , he was together chosen by suffrage of the . disciples . answ , the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 primarily ●nd properly signifieth to choose by stones or counters , with which they were wont to give voices in commission or judgement . but here it must necessarily be taken in a more general sense , for the generall consent and approbation of the whole company : for it is certain , that matthias was chosen by lot and not by stones , by god and not by the people ; and therefore when it is said he was numbred , the meaning is , he was acknowledged to be one of the . apostles , they all rested contented with the lot , as being confident that god disposed and approved the event thereof , and as our annotations say , by a common declaration of their generall consent he was numbred among the eleven apostles . the second text is , concerning the choise of deacons , where the whole and sole power of choosing is put into the hands of the people : and therefore ( say they ) the choise of a minister belongs by divine right wholly and solely unto the people . answ. . the people had not the whole and the sole choise of the deacons , but were herein guided , directed , and limited by the holy apostles ; they were limited to the number of seven , and to the company out of which those seven were to be chosen , and to certain qualifications which must be in these seven : look ye out among you seven men of honest report , full of the holy ghost , and wisedom , whom we may appoint over this businesse : and we are confident that if the brethren had failed in any of these particulars , the apostles would have refused to have laid their hands upon them . and therefore this text comes not up to the proof of the objection . but suppose , that the people had had the whole and sole choice of the deacons , yet it will not follow that therefore they should have the whole and sole choise of their ministers : for it is a certain rule , argumentum a minori ad majus non valet affirmativè . it is no good way of arguing to say , that because a man is able to do the lesser , therefore he is able to do the greater . now the office of a deacon is inferior to the office of a presbyter . and besides , it will no way follow , that because people are able without advice and direction from others to choose men to gather and distribute money to the poor , that therefore they are able wholly and solely to choose men that shall divide the word of god amongst them , as skilfull workmen that need not be ashamed . the third text is act. . . and when they had ordained them elders in every church , and had praied with fasting , &c. the greek word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. which signifieth a choosing by lifting up or stretching out the hand ; and beza translates the words , cumque ipsis per suffragia creassent per singulas ecclesias presbyteros , and when they had created for them by suffrages elders in every city . this text seems to make much for the whole and sole power of the people in the election of a minister . but we answer . that though the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth primarily and properly to choose by lifting up of the hands , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth to choose by stones or counters , yet also it oftentimes signifieth simply to choose or to appoint , or to ordain without the use of the ceremony of lifting up of hands ; thus it must necessarily be taken , act. . . and thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , act. . . is also to be understood for a bare numbring and accounting ; we could here cite multitude of authors where the greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used for decerning , appointing , constituting , and that without lifting up of hands , but they are reckoned up to our hands by many authors , to which we refer those that desire to be satisfied herein : for our parts , we incline rather to this latter signification of the word . and to the text we say , . that whatsoever is meant by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , yet certain we are that the persons that did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were paul and barnabas , and not the people ; for it is said expresly , and when they had ordained them elders , this they must needs be paul and barnabas : it is six times used of them in five verses , ver . , . when they had preached , &c. they returned to lystra confirming the souls of the disciples , and ver . . when they had ordained , &c. and had prayed , they commended them to the lord , and ver . . after they had passed throughout pisidia , they came , &c. and they preached : by all which it appears , that the persons that did ordain were paul and barnabas , and therefore whether this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were a creating by suffrages ( which we think not , ) for being but two there could be no place for suffrages , or a bare ordaining and appointing ; sure we are that in grammaticall construction this ordaining must be the act of the apostles , and not of the people , and therefore this text comes not up to the proof of the objection . object . it is objected by a learned man , that the syriack version doth insinuate , that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to be understood not of the apostles ordination of elders , but of the churches election of elders , thus , and when they , that is , the disciples fore-mentioned had by votes made to themselves elders in every church , and had prayed , they commended them ( that is , paul and barnabas ) to the lord. answ. . this interpretation cannot consist with the antecedents and consequents , as we have already shewed . . if this interpretation were true , it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it is illis not sibiipsis . . tremellius that translates the syriack of the new testament , renders it , et constituerunt eis in omni coetu seniores . and they appointed ( that is , paul and barnabas ) to them that is , to the people . the hebrew is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 illis . object . there is another that confesseth , that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , can agree with no other but paul and barnabas , and therefore he labours to finde the election of the people in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which ( saith he ) doth not signifie in every church , as it is translated , but according to the church , instancing in the orators phrase , faciam secundum te , i will do it according to thy minde : so they ( that is , paul and barnabas ) ordained them elders according to the church , that is , according to the will and minde of the church . answ. if this were granted , it would not prove the matter in hand , that the major part of a congregation by divine right have the whole and the sole power of election : it would only conclude an acquiescency in the people , and that they had satisfaction in the ordination carried on by paul and barnabas . a phrase to the same purpose is used , tit. . . where titus is left in crete to appoint elders , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and we may as well say , that the whole city had their vote in election in crete , and that every thing was done according to the minde of the city , as to say here , that every thing was done according to the minde of the church . see more of this in m. blake his treatise of the covenant . so much for the first argument . the second argument by which we prove , that the power of election of ministers doth not by divine right belong wholly and solely to the major part of every particular congregation , is drawn from the mischiefs that will inevitably flow from this assertion . for , . it is certain that every one that is to be made a minister is first of all to be tried and proved whether he be fit for so great an office , tim , . . let these also be proved , &c. these also , that is , the deacons as well as the bishops ; the bishop therefore is to be tried and examined whether he be apt to teach , whether he be able to convince gainsayers , whether he be a workman that needs not be ashamed , rightly dividing the word of truth . now there are many congregations wherein the major part are very unfit to judge of ministeriall abilities , and if the whole and sole power were in them they would set up idol-shepherds instead of able shepherds . . there are some congregations wherein the major part are wicked , and if left to themselves wholly , would choose none but such as are like themselves . . there are some wherein possibly the major part may be hereticall , and will never consent to the election of an orthodox and sound minister . . sometimes there have been great dissentions and tumults in popular elections , even to the effusion of bloud , as we reade in ecclesiasticall story : sometimes congregations are destitute of ministers for many years by reason of the divisions and disagreements thereof , as we see by wofull experience in our daies . now in all these or such like cases if the whole and sole power of election were in the major part of every congregation , how sad and lamentable would the condition be of many hundred congregations in this nation : and therefore it is , that in all well-governed churches great care is had for the avoiding of these church-undoing inconveniences . in the church of scotland the power of voting in elections is given to the presbytery of the congregation , with the consent of the major or better part thereof . and therefore m. gillespie though a great friend to the due right of particular congregations , yet when he comes to state the question about election of ministers , he puts it thus , whether the election of pastors ought not to be by the votes of the eldership , and with the consent ( tacit or expressed ) of the major or better part of the congregation , &c. he durst not state it precisely upon the major part , and afterwards he tels us , that the election of a minister is not wholly and solely to be permitted to the multitude or body of the church , and that an hereticall and schismaticall church hath not just right to the liberty and priviledge of a sound church ; and that when a congregation is rent asunder , and cannot agree among themselves , the highest consistories , presbyteries and assemblies of the church are to end the controversie , and determine the case after hearing of both parties . bucanus tels us , that the election of a minister for the avoiding of confusion ought not to be by every member of a congregation , but by the presbytery , or by the pastors and teachers of neighbouring congregations directing and guiding the people , as being most fit to judge of ministerial abilities . the lutheran churches put the power of calling of ministers into the presbytery , magistracy , and people . to the christian magistrate they give nomination , presentation , and confirmation : to the presbytery , examination , ordination , and inauguration ; to the people , consent and approbation . he that would be further satisfied in this point , may reade the discourse of our reverend brother dr seaman about ordination , where he shall finde the custome and practice of most of the reformed churches in calling of ministers , for the avoiding of the forementioned mischief . so much for the first proposition . chap. ix . wherein a second assertion about election is largely proved , namely , that the whole essence of the ministeriall call doth not consist in election without ordination . that the whole essence of the ministeriall call doth not consist in election without ordination . there are many learned and godly men whom we much reverence , though we dissent from them in this particular , that say , that ordination is ▪ only adjunctum consequens & consummans , an adjunct following and consummating the ministeriall call , but not at all entring into the constitution of it : that ordination is nothing else but the approbation of the officer , and a setling and confirming him in his office , and that election is that which gives him the essentials of his office. dr ames saith , that the vocation of a minister doth properly and essentially consist in election . mr hooker saith , that the election of the people rightly ordered by the rule of christ , gives the essentials to an officer , or leaves the impression of a true outward call , and so an office-power upon a pastor . our brethren in new-england in their platform of church-discipline say , that the essence and substance of the outward calling of an ordinary officer in the church , doth not consist in his ordination , but in his voluntary and free election by the church , and in his accepting of that election , &c. for our parts we crave leave to dissent from these worthy men , and that upon these grounds . arg. . because our brethren do not bring any one text of scripture to prove this their assertion ( as we can finde ) nor do we think that any can be brought . arg. . because that those very texts fore-mentioned , which are the chief ( if not the only ) texts that are brought for popular election , do seem to us to hold forth the quite contrary to this assertion . when matthias was made an apostle , it was not the election of the people that did constitute him an apostle . the people chose two , ( if they chose at all ) but that which did constitute him an apostle was the determination by lot ; as in a corporation , when the community chooseth two , and the aldermen one of these two ; in propriety of speech , it is the aldermen that choose the mayor , not the community : all that the . did ( if they did that ) was to set two before the lord , but it was god that did constitute and appoint matthias to be the apostle : in the choise of deacons the people nominated seven persons to be deacons , but it was the apostles ordination not the peoples election , that did constitute and make them deacons ; so saith the text expresly , look ye out among you seven men whom we may appoint or constitute over this businesse . the essence and substance of the deacons call , is placed not in the peoples nomination but in the apostles ordination . as for act. . . we have already shewed that they that did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were the apostles and not the churches ; and that if they did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by suffrages , it was per suffragia propria non aliena by their own suffrage not the peoples , though we think ( as we have formerly said ) that the word is to be taken for a bare decerning and appointing , without the ceremony of lifting up of hands , as it is taken act. . . there is nothing at all in this text that proves , that the whole essence of the ministeriall call is in the peoples election ; but it rather proves the quite contrary , that the apostolicall ordination was that which did constitute elders in every church . arg. . all those texts that we shall hereafter bring for the asserting of the divine right of ordination , do prove that the essence of the ministeriall call doth consist in ordination and not in election : there are more and more clear texts for ordination then for election , and texts that make it not to be an adjunct but an essentiall constituent of the ministeriall call , as we shall hereafter ( god willing ) prove at large . arg. . we argue from the nature of popular election ; election by the people properly is nothing else but their designation of a person that is to be made their minister , or that is already a minister , to his particular charge : it is not simply a making of a minister , but the making of him a minister of such a place ; as it is one thing ( saith mr rutherford ) to make a gold ring , another thing to appropriate it to such or such a finger ; election is nothing else but the appropriation of a minister for the exercise of his ministry in such a place : it doth not give him the office , but the opportunity of exercising his officiall authority over those that choose him . this appears in the election of deacons ; all that the people did by election was only to design the persons and to set them before the apostles , but it was the apostles praying and laying on of their hands that made them deacons . this likewise appears from deut. . . which place though it speaks of the choice of civil officers , yet it doth very clearly describe unto us the nature of election ; take ye wise men and understanding , and known among your tribes , and i will make them rulers over you : the peoples taking of men did not give them the essentials of their office ; they nominated the persons , but it was moses that made them rulers . our brethren of new-england in their platform of church-discipline , tell us , that all office-power is proper to the eldership , and that the brotherhood have only a power of priviledge . now then we demand , if the people have no office-power belonging to them , how can they by election make an officer ? indeed they may and do design persons unto office by choosing of them , but that they that have not the power of office neither formally nor virtually committed unto them , and that cannot act or exercise an office-power , that they by a bare election should communicate office-power , and give the essentials of a ministeriall call , is to us a riddle we understand not ; nihil dat quod non habet nec formaliter nec eminenter ; the lesser is blessed of the greater , not the greater of the lesser . adde further , if election be ( as our brethren say ) the constituting of a minister , and the giving him the essentials of his office , why then did the apostles take so much pains to return to lystra , iconium , and antioch , to ordain them elders in every church ? and why did paul leave titus in crete to ordain elders in every city ? why did they not spare their journey , and send to the people to make their own ministers by election ? can we imagine that they took such pains only to adde an adjunct to the ministeriall call , an adjunct , which doth not give essence , but follows the essence , supposing the subject compleat in its essence before ? for our parts we are far from so thinking , but rather conceive it much more sutable to scripture to say , that tit●● was left to make ministers in crete , and that the apostles went about from church to church to give the essence of the ministeriall call , and that all that the people did was to nominate the person to be ordained , or rather to approve and accept of the ministers made them by the apostles . arg. . if election gives the essentials to a minister , then may a minister elected administer the sacraments without ordination . for as mr hooker well saith in another case , he that hath compleat power of an office and stands an officer without exception , he cannot justly be hindred from doing all acts of that office ; for to be an officer compleat without an office , or being compleat in his office , yet according to rule to be hindred from doing any thing belonging to his office , implies a contradiction ; for it 's all one to say a man is bound to a rule , and yet by a rule he should not do it . but a person elected cannot administer the sacraments without ordination ; he cannot do it lawfully , it being cross to scripture-presidents , nor can he do it in the opinion of those reverend men with whom we now dispute : mr hooker cals it an anabaptisticall phrensie , to say , that an un-ordained person may baptize : and besides , this is contrary to their own practice in new-england , where it is frequent to have a man elected , and preach half a year , a whole year , nay ( as mr gi. firmin once a preacher there saith ) he knew one elected , and preached two years to his people , and they maintained him all that while , and yet all that time he never administred a sacrament , but he and they when they would partake the lords supper , went ten miles to the church out of which they issued to receive the sacrament ; which practice without doubt was very unnecessary , if election gives the whole essence of the ministeriall call , and ordination be only an adjunct : we say in logick , forma dat operari , effects depend upon the form , not upon extrinsecall circumstances : this is argumentum ad hominem . arg. . if the whole essence of the ministeriall call consisteth in election , then it will follow , that a minister is only a minister to that particular charge to which he is called , and that he cannot act as a minister in any other place . this consequence is confessed by reverend mr hooker who saith , that a minister preaching to another congregation , though he ceaseth not to be a pastor , yet he doth not preach as a pastor , nor can he do any pastorall acts but in that place , and to that people to whom he is a pastor . thus also it is said in the answer of the elders of severall churches in new-england unto nine positions . pos. . if you mean by ministerial act , such an act of authority and power in dispensing of gods ordinances as a minister doth perform to the church whereunto he is called to be a minister , then we deny that he can perform any ministeriall act to any other church but his own , because his office extends no further then his call : this is also confessed in the new-england platform of church-discipline . and therefore we need not say more for the proof of the consequence . but as for the minor , that a minister can perform no pastorall act out of his own congregation , is an assertion . unheard of in the church of christ before these late years . . contrary to the practice of the brethren themselves with whom we dispute ; it is acknowledged by all of them that the administration of the sacrament is a ministeriall act , and cannot be done but by a pastor or teacher , and yet it is ordinary both in old england and in new england for members of one congregation to receive in another congregation . m. firmin tels us , that m. phillips pastor of the church in water-town , while m. wilson pastor of the church of boston was here in england , went to boston and administred the lords supper to that church ; this surely was a pastorall act , and m. phillips acted herein as a pastor to those that were out of his own congregation . and if we may argue from our brethrens practice we may safely conclude , that a minister may act as a minister out of his own congregation . thirdly , contrary to scripture ; for the scripture tels us , . that there is a church generall visible as well as a particular church visible , act. . . gal. . . cor. . . gal. . . eph. . . cor. . . tim. ▪ . . that ministers are primarily seated in the church generall visible , and but secondarily in this or that particular church , cor. . . teachers are set by god in the same church with the apostles , eph. . , . pastors and teachers are given by christ for the perfecting of the saints , and for the building of the body of christ in general . . that every minister hath a double relation , one to his particular church , another to the church general visible . and though he be actually to exercise his ministry , especially over that charge where he is fixed , yet he hath a virtual and habitual power to preach as a minister in any place where he shall be lawfully called . therefore ministers are spoken of in scripture under a general notion , to shew the indefinitenesse of their office. they are called ministers of god , cor. . . ministers of christ , cor. . . ministers of the new testament , cor. . . ministers of the gospel , thess. . . and ministers in the lord , ephes. . . embassadours for christ , cor. . . but never ministers of the people . indeed they are for the people , but not of the people . that a minister is a minister of the church catholick visible , appears thus : he that can ministerially admit or eject a member into , or out of the church-catholick visible , is a minister and officer of the church-catholick visible : but every minister , by baptism or excommunication admitteth or ejecteth members into , or out of the church-catholick visible . therefore , &c. this argument is urged by apollo●i●s , and also by that godly , learned minister mr hudson ▪ who hath largely handled this point , and to whom we must necessarily referre the reader that would be further satisfied about it . we shall onely relate a passage out of mr ball , in his trial of the new church-way , p. . collected by mr hudson . a minister chosen and set over one society , is to look unto that people committed to his charge , &c. but he is a minister in the church universal . for as the church is one , so is the ministry one , of which every minister ( sound & orthodox ) doth hold his part . and though he is a minister over that flock which he is to attend , yet he is a minister in the church universal . the function or power of exercising that function in the abstract , must be distinguished from the power of exercising it concretely , according to the divers circumstances of places . the first belongeth to a minister every where in the church , the later is proper to the place and people where he doth minister . the lawful use of the power is limited to that congregation ordinarily ; the power it self is not so bounded . in ordination presbyters are not restrained to one or other certain place , as if they were to be deemed ministers there onely , though they be set over a certain people . and as the faithfull in respect of their community between them , must and ought to perform the offices of love one to another , though of different societies ; so the ministers in respect of their communion , must and ought upon occasion to perform ministerial offices toward the faithfull of distinct societies . and one more passage out of mr rutherford in his peaceable plea , pag. . ordination ( saith he ) maketh a man a pastor under christ formally and essentially , the peoples consent and choice do not make him a minister , but their minister , the minister of such a church ; he is indefinitely made a pastor for the church . fourthly , this assertion , that a minister can perform no pastoral act out of his own congregation , as it is contrary to the universal church , to the practice of our brethren themselves , to the holy scriptures ; so also it is contrary to sound reason . for hence it will follow , . that when a minister preacheth in his own congregation to members of another congregation , he doth not preach to them , nor they hear him preach as a minister , but as a gifted brother . and that at the same time he preacheth as a minister by vertue of his office to those of his own congregation , and to others of another congregation then present , onely as a gifted brother ex officio charitatis generali , out of the general office of charity , which to us is very irrational . . hence it will follow , that when a minister preacheth out of his own congregation , he preacheth only as a private christian , and not as an ambassadour of christ , and when he acts in a synod , his actings are the actings of a private christian , and when he preacheth a lecture out of his own congregation ( though it be in a constant way ) yet he preacheth only as a gifted brother . now what a wide door this will open to private men to preach publickly and constantly in our congregations , we leave it to any indifferent man to judge . . hence it will follow , that when a minister baptizeth a childe , he baptizeth him only into his own congregation . for if he be not an officer of the catholick-church , he cannot baptize into the catholick-church , which is directly contrary to cor. . . . hence it will follow , that a christian who by reason of the unfixednesse of his civil habitation , is not admitted into a particular congregation , hath no way left him to have his children baptized , but they must all be left without the church in satans visible kingdom , because they are no particular members , and ( according to our brethrens opinion ) there is no extension of the ministerial office beyond the particular congregation . . we adde , that according to this assertion , there is no way left us by christ for the baptizing of heathens , when it shall please god to convert them to the christian faith . we will suppose an hundred heathens converted . we demand , by whom shall these be baptized ? not by a private christian. this our brethren abhorre as well as we . to baptize is an act o● office , and can be done only by officers . not by a minister : for a minister ( say they ) cannot perform any pastoral act ( such as this is ) out of his own congregation . neither can these hundred converts choose a minister , and thereby give him power to baptize them ; for they must first be a church before they have power to choose officers , and a church they cannot be till baptized . neither can they joyn as members to any other church , and thereby be made capable of baptism by that minister into whose church they are admitted . for in the way of christ a man must first be baptized before he be capable of being outwardly and solemnly admitted as a member of a particular church . the three thousand were not first added to the church , and then baptized , but first baptized , and thereby added to the church . we cannot conceive how such heathen converts should regularly be baptized , unlesse it be granted , that every minister is a minister of the church-catholick , and that every minister hath an habitual , indefinite power to act as a minister in any place of the world where he shall be lawfully called : that the desire of these hundred converts to be baptized is a sufficient call to draw forth this habitual power into act , and that he may ( being thus desired ) according to the rules of the gospel regularly and warrantably baptize them . . hence it will follow , that a minister preaching out of his own congregation , cannot lawfully and warrantably pronounce the blessing after his sermon ( which yet is practised by our brethren . ) for to blesse the people from god is an act of office , and to be done only by an officer , numb . . , , , . compared with revel . . . where the same blessings and persons from whom they come are expresly mentioned ) and so also isa. . . where under the name of priests and levites to be continued under the gospel , are meant evangelical pastors , who therefore are by office to blesse the people , and they onely , deut. . . cor. . . ephes. . . . hence it will also follow , that when a minister of a particular congregation is sick , or necessitated to be a long while absent upon just occasion , that all this while ( though it should be for many years ) the congregation must be without the sacrament of the lords supper , without having their children baptized , and without any preacher that shall preach amongst them , as a minister of christ , but only in the capacity of a private christian. neither can it be answered by our brethren ( as some of them do ) that a neighbour minister ( in such cases ) may come in at the desire of the congregation , and administer the sacraments amongst them by vertue of communion of churches , unlesse they will also hold communion of offices , which they do not . for these acts being acts of office , cannot be done , unlesse there be an habitual , indefinite power of the ministerial office , which by the desire of the congregation is drawn out into act . there are divers other absurdities that flow from this assertion , that a minister cannot act as a minister out of his own congregation , brought by mr hudson , to whom we refer the reader . onely we shall cra●e leave to cite a passage out of mr ball , alledged by the fore-named author . that to suppose a minister to be a minister to his own congregation only , and to none other society whatsoever , or to what respect soever , is contrary to the judgment and practice of the vniversal church , and tendeth to destroy the vnity of the church , and that communion which the church of god may and ought to have one with another . for if he be not a minister in other churches , then are not the churches of god one , nor the flock which they feed one , nor the ministry one , nor the communion one which they had each with others . again , pag. . he saith , if a minister may pray , preach , and blesse another congregation in the name of the lord , and receive the sacrament with them , we doubt not but being thereunto requested by consent of the pastor and congregation , he may lawfully dispense the seals among them , as need and occasion require . that disti●ction of preaching by office , and exercising his gifts onely , when it is done by a minister , and desired of none but ministers , and that in solemn , set , constant church-assemblies , we cannot finde warranted in the word of truth , and therefore we dare not receive it . before we part with this argument we must necessarily answer two objections . obj. if a minister be a minister of the church universal visible , and can act as a minister out of his particular congregation , wherein doth he differ from an apostle ? was it not the peculiar priviledge of the apostles , evangelists , &c. to have their commission extended to all churches ? this objection is made by mr hooker . answ. though we believe that every minister is a minister of the universal church , yet we are far from thinking , that he is actually an universal minister . the apostles had the actual care of the church universal committed unto them , and wheresoever they came had actual power to perform all ministerial offices without the consent or call of particular churches . and besides they were not fixed to any particular charge , but were ministers alike of all the churches of christ. but it is far otherwise with ordinary ministers : they are fixed to their particular congregations , where they are bound by divine right to reside , and to be diligent in preaching to them in season and out of season . all that we say concerning their being ministers of the church universall , is , that they have power by their ordination in actu primo ( as m. hudson saith ) to administer the ordinances of christ in all the churches of the saints , yet not in actu secundo , without a speciall call , which is farre differing from the apostolicall power . object . if a minister may act as a minister out of his own congregation , why do you your selves ordain none but such as have a title to some particular charge ? answ. it is true , we say in our government , that it is agreeable to the word of god , and very convenient , that they that are to be ordained be designed to some particular church or ministerial employment , not hereby limiting their office , but the ordinary exercise of their office. we distinguish between a minister of christ and a minister of christ in such a place , between the office it self and the ordinary ●xercise of it to such or such a people ; and yet notwithstanding we ordain none without a title , thereby to prevent , . a vagrant and ambulatory ministry ; for we conceive it far more edifying for the people of god to live under a fixt ministry . . a lazy and idle ministry ; for when men shall have an office , and no place actually to exercise it , this might in a little space fill the church with unpreaching ministers . . a begging and so a contemptible ministry ; for when ministers want places they are oftentimes wholly destitute of means , and thereby come to great poverty , even to the very contempt of the office it self . so much for the sixth argument . arg. . if the whole essence of the ministeriall call consisteth in election without ordination , then it will necessarily follow , that when a minister leaves , or is put from that particular charge to which he is called , that then he ceaseth to be a minister , and becomes a private person , and that when he is elected to another place , he needs a new ordination , and so toties quoties , as often as he is elected so often he is to be ordained , which to us seems a very great absurdity . that this consequence doth necessarily follow , is confessed by the reverend ministers of new-england in their platform of church-discipline , where they say , he that is clearly loosed from his office-relation unto that church whereof he was a minister , cannot be looked upon as an officer , nor perform any act of office in any other church , unlesse he be again orderly called unto office , which when it shall be , we know nothing to hinder , but imposicion of hands also in his ordination ought to be used towards him again ; for so paul the apostle received imposition of hands twice at least , from ananias act. . . and act. . , . but this seems to us to be a very great absurdity , and contrary to sound doctrine , which we prove , . because every minister hath a double relation , one to the church-catholique indefinitely , another to that particular congregation over which he is set . and when he removes from his particular congregation , he ceaseth indeed to be a minister of that place , but not from being a minister of the gospel ; and when called to another he needs no new ordination , no more ( as m. hudson well saith ) then a physician or lawyer need a new license or call to the barre , though they remove to other places , and have other patients and clients . for ordination is to the essence of the ministeriall office , and not only in reference to a particular place or charge . the reverend assembly of divines in their advice to the parliament concerning church-government , say , that there is one generall church visible held forth in the new testament , and that the ministry was given by iesus christ to the génerall church-visible , for the gathering and perfecting of it in this life , until his second coming ; which they prove from cor. . . eph. . , . compared with ver . , , , , , . of the same chapter . now if ministers be seated by christ in the church-catholique as well as in their particular churches , then it followeth , that they have a relation as ministers to the church-catholique , and though their relation to their particular church ceaseth , yet their ministeriall relation ceaseth not , because they were officers of the church-catholique , and there doth still remain in them a power in actu primo to dispense all the ordinances of christ , though their call ad actum secundum , sive exercitum pro hic & nunc ( as m. hudson phraseth it ) ceaseth . even as every private christian hath also a double relation , one to the church generall , another to the particular place whereof he is a member : and when he removes from his congregation , he doth not cease to be a member of the visible church ( for then his baptism should cease , for every baptized person is a member of the church ) but only of that particular church . and when he joyns with any other congregation he needs not to be baptized again , but is received by vertue of his former baptism ; so it is with a minister of the gospel : when he leaves his particular congregation , he continueth still to be a minister , though not their minister , and needs no more to be ordained anew , then a private christian to be baptized anew ; because neither ordination nor baptism do stand in relation to the particular congregation , but to the church-catholique . secondly , if a minister when he removes or is removed from his particular congregation ceaseth to be a minister , then it will follow , . that if the church that called him prove hereticall , and wickedly separate from him , that then the sin of the people should nullifie the office of the minister ; or. . if the church refuse to give him competent maintenance , and starve him out from them , or if the major part unjustly combine together to vote him out ( for such power our brethren give to particular churches ) that then the covetousnesse and injustice of the people should make void the function of their minister . nay , . by this doctrine there will be a door opened for the people of a city or nation to un-minister all their ministers , which things are very great absurdities , and contrary to sound doctrine . thirdly , because there is no scripture to warrant the iteration of ordination in case of removall . the apostles went about ordaining elders in every church ; and titus was left in crete to ordain elders , &c. but there is no mention made of any command for reiterated ordination , neither indeed can it be ; for ordination being a setting a man apart to the office of the ministry ( as we shall hereafter prove ) and not only to the exercise of it in such a place , though the local exercise should cease yet his office still remains , and therefore needs not be reiterated ; to this truth we have the consent of the universall church , who do not only not allow but condemn a second ordination ; neither do we know any of the reformed churches that teach or practise after this manner , but many that teach and practise the contrary . object . what then will you answer to the example of paul who had hands twice laid upon him , once by ananias , act. . and afterward at antioch , act , ? answ. . it will not easily be proved , tha● the imposition of hands by ananias upon paul was for the consecration of him to the office of an apostle , and not rather for the recovering of his sight , and for that only : the text seems to hold out the last ; sure we are that paul was baptized after this imposition of hands ; and it is not probable that he was outwardly and visibly ordained to his apostolical office before his baptism . as for act. . m. hooker in his survey par . . pag. . saith expresly , that here is no ordination to office at all , for the apostles had their office before , and if so , then it makes nothing for our new-england brethren to prove an iterated ordination unto the same office. of the like minde with m. hooker is learned chamier , who saith , that before this ordination paul and barnabas had preached and exercised the offi●e of their apostleship ; and therefore we doe not think ( saith he ) that this imposition of hands was an ordination properly unto any new ecclesiasticall function , but onely a confirmation of their sending to the gentiles , to whom they were not yet professedly sent : for in that excursion of theirs unto antioch there is no mention made of the gentiles , and that was a kinde of prologue to that great work which now they were to put in full execution . the text it self seems to give countenance to this interpretation , because it saith , separate me paul and barnabas for the work , &c. not for the office but for the work whereunto i have called them ; called they were before , and designed by god to be preachers to the gentiles , and now they were publiquely inaugurated to that great and eminent service . chrysostome , theophylact , and oecumenius ( as they are cited by chamier ) say , that this imposition of hands was unto the office of an apostle : thus deodate , they laid their hands on them , that is , for a sign of consecration unto the office of an apostle . but how can this be , when the apostle paul himself tels us , that he was an apostle , not of men , neither by men , but by iesus christ immediatly ? and also when he was an apostle ( as calvin saith ) long before this time ? and therefore we rather think , that this separation was not unto the apostolicall office , but unto that great and ( as calvin cals it ) now unusual work of preaching unto the gentiles . but howsoever , whether this imposition of hands were unto the apostolicall office , or only unto a peculiar work , it makes nothing for the proof of that for which it is brought , to wit , that an officer loosed from his office-relation , may be ordained again unto the same office : for paul was never loosed from his office after he was once called unto it ; if the imposition of hands by ananias were unto the office of an apostle , as we beleeve it was not , yet if it were , we then demand , either this ordination was afterward null and void , or remained firm and valid ? if it alwaies remained firm , what need a new ordination ? if null and void , we desire a proof of it , which we are sure they cannot produce , and till that be done , this instance makes nothing for the proof of their assertion . besides all this , we adde , that this separation and imposition of hands was by the immediate appointment of the holy ghost ; the holy ghost said , separate me , &c. and ver . . they were sent forth by the holy ghost ; this was an extraordinary thing , and therefore not sufficient to ground an ordinary practice upon . thirdly and lastly , if the whole essence of the ministerial call consisteth in popular election , then will two other great absurdities follow . . that ordination can in no case precede such election . . that there must be churches before there be ministers . first , that ordination can in no wise precede election . now though ordinarily no man is ordained in the presbyterian way without a title to some ch●rge , yet we conceive many cases may be put , in which ordination may lawfully go before election : we shall only give two instances . . when an ordained minister removes upon warrantable grounds from one charge to another , the people to whom he removes ●hoose him not as o●e that is to be made a minister , but as one already made , and now to be made their minister , for his removing from his former place doth not nullifie his ministerial office , as we have sufficiently proved . . when there is a necessity of sending men ( as there is now in new-england for the conversion of heathen people ) we th●●k it very agreeable unto scriptur●-rules , that these men sho●ld be first ordained before they be elected by the heathen to whom they are sent . and the reason is because that the conversion of souls is the proper work of the ministry : when christ went up into heaven he left not only apostles , prophets , and evang●lists , but also pastors and teachers , for the perfecting of the saints , for the work of the ministry for the edifying of the body of christ , eph. . , . and the office of o●dinary ministers is to be embassadors for christ , and in christs name or in christs stead to beseech people to be reconciled unto god , not only to build them up in grace when reconciled , but to be instrumental to reconcile them , to open their eyes and to turn them from darknesse to light , and from the power of satan unto god , &c. we finde no place in scripture to warrant a church to send out gifted brethren without ordination for the work of conversion ; what may be done in extraordinary cases where ordination cannot be had we dispute not ; but where it may be had , there we conceive it most agreeable to the word , that men should be first ordained before sent : hereby they shall have a divine stamp upon them , they shall go with more authority , and shall have power to baptize those whom they do convert , which otherwise they cannot lawfully do : it is an unscriptural opinion , and of pernicious consequence that some amongst us have taken up , that a minister should preach only for the building up of saints , and not for the conversion of sinners , that when a minister converts any out of his own congregation , he doth it not as a minister but as a gifted brother ; that the great work of conversion which is the chief work of a minister , doth properly belong to gifted brethren . all this ariseth from that groundlesse conceit , that a minister is no minister out of his own congregation , which we have abundantly disproved . secondly , it will also follow , that there must be churches before there be ministers , which is against scripture and sound reason : we do not deny but that there must be a church before their minister , but not before a minister : the church-entitative is before the church ministerial , but yet a minister must needs be before a church : for every church must consist of persons baptized ( unbaptized persons cannot make a church : ) and therefore there must be a minister to baptize them before they can be made capable to enter into church-fellowship . our saviour christ chose his apostles for the gathering of churches ; there were first apostles before churches , and afterward● the apostles ordained elders in these gathered churches . and one great work of these elders was to convert the neighbouring heathen , and when converted to baptize them , and gather them into churches ; and therefore elders as well as apostles were before churches : and whosoever with us holds ( as our brethren do ) that none but a minister in office can baptize , must needs hold that there must be ordinary ministers before churches , and that therefore the whole essence of the ministeriall call , doth not consist in the election of the church . so much for the proof of the second proposition . it will be expected that we should answer to the arguments that are brought by these reverend men that hold the contrary to this proposition : as for texts of scripture there are none brought nor ( as we said before ) can be brought . the great argument used by d. ames and improved by m. hooker is this . arg. . one relate gives being and the essentiall constituting causes to the other , but pastor and people , shepherd and flock are relates . ergo. he addes further , that they are simul natura , and that the one cannot be without th● other ; there cannot be a pastor before there be a people which choose him , &c. answ. we shall answer to this argument according to the grounds formerly laid ; that every minister hath a double relation , one to the particular church of which he is a minister , the other to the church universall : as to his relation to his particular church , it is very true , that pastor and people are relates and simul naturâ ; he cannot be their pastor but by their submission to his ministry , and when he leaves them he ceaseth to be their minister . but now besides this particular relation he hath a relation also to the church universall , and by his ordination is invested ( as we have said ) with habituall power to act as a minister beyond his particular church when he is lawfully called thereunto ; and as long as this correlative ( the church universall ) lasteth , so long his ministeriall office lasteth , though his particular relation should cease . in a word , the people give being to a minister as to be their minister but not as to be a minister . another argument brought by m. hooker is , arg. . it is lawfull for a people to reject a pastor upon just cause ( if he prove pertinaciously scandalous in his life , or hereticall in his doctrine ) and put him out of his office , ergo , it is in their power also to call him outwardly , and put him into his office. the consequence is proved from the staple rule , ejusdem est instituere , & destituere , he that hath power to invest hath power to devest . the antecedent is as certain by warrant from the word , mat. . . mat. . . beware of wolves , phil. . . beware of false prophets . answ. if by putting him out of his office be meant only a putting him from being their officer , then the argument must be thus framed ; they that have power to put out a minister from being their minister , have power to choose him to be their minister ; and this we deny not . but if by putting him out of office be meant a putting him absolutely from being an officer , we deny , that the people in this sense have power destituere , to put him out of office , or instituere , to put him into office : and we retort the argument . they that have not power instituere have not power destituere ; they that have not power to put a minister into office , have not power to put him out of office : but people ( not being officers ) have not power to make an officer , as hath been shewed ; ergo. but it seems that mr hooker by the peoples rejecting their pastor , and putting him out of office , doth mean their excommunicating of him , for he saith afterwards , that this rejection cuts him off from being a member in that congregation where he was , &c. for answer to this we refer the reader to what is said by a minister , that is come out of new-england , who saith , that if reverend mr hooker had been alive , and had seen what work church-members make here in england in very many churches , it would have caused him to bethink himself again of the peoples power . something we hear of ( saith he ) is done in a church not farre from the place where he lived , it cannot be kept close , the light of that fire shines into england . afterwards he brings mr cotton to confute mr hooker . mr cotton saith , that excommunication is one of the highest acts of rule in the church , and therefore cannot be performed but by some rulers . then he cites mr burroughs . if the church be without officers , they cannot do that which belongs to officers to do , they have no sacraments amongst them , neither can they have any spiritual iurisdiction exercised amongst them , only brotherly admonition , and withdrawing from such as walk disorderly , for their own preservation . much more to this purpose is brought by this author , to whom we refer the reader . as for those two texts of scripture , matth. . . phil. . . by which mr hooker proves his antecedent , they do not at all come up to the point in hand . though people are to beware of wolves and of false prophets , it doth not therefore follow that a people may excommunicate their minister . indeed this will follow , that people are to be careful to preserve themselves from heretical ministers , and to withdraw from them , and this withdrawing if it be upon just grounds , makes him cease to be their minister , but not from being a minister , as we have often said . we will not trouble the reader with answering any more arguments , because they seem to us to have no weight in them , these two already answered being the chief that are brought . only we shal speak a little to a similitude that is often brought by our brethren of the contrary judgment . for it is ordinarily said ▪ that there is the same relation between a minister and his particularcongregation , as is between a man and his wife . and as it is the mutual choise one of another that makes them man and wife : so it is the peoples choise , and the ministers accepting that choise that makes them to be pastor and flock . dr ames saith , that ordinatio episcopalis sine titulo est aquè ridicula , ac si quis maritus fing●ritur esse absque uxore . and indeed saith mr hooker , it is ridiculous to conceit the contrary . in another place the same doctor saith , oves rationales possunt eligere sibi pastorem , sicut sponsa eligit sibi sponsum , non per jurisdictionem aut gubernationem , sed potius per subjectionem . but we answer , that symbolical theology is not argumentative , similia ad pompam non ad pugnam , similitudes do beautifie not fortifie . there is nothing almost more dangerous in divinity , then to overstretch similitudes , of which fault we believe our brethren are much guilty . as for the similitude it self , we conceive it will not hold . for . if minister and people be as man and wife , then it will follow that they may not separate till death , unlesse it be in case of adultery . the wife is as much bound to the husband as the husband to his wife . but there are few people ( if any ) that think themselves obliged to abide with their ministers till death . ( it is ordinary even with men professing godlinesse to forsake their minister , and that oftentimes upon worldly interest . ) and there are few ministers ( if any ) that think that they may in no case leave their people . there are three cases in which we conceive all agree , that a minister may remove from his people ; if he cannot have his health where he is , if he be denied competent maintenance , and if the glory of god may be in an eminent manner advanced . but we hope that it will not be said that a husband may separate from his wife in these cases . . this similitude sounds ill . for it makes every minister to be as a husband to his church , and so by consequence the head of his church , which complies too much with the antichrist of rome , who cals himself the husband and head of the church . the church hath no husband but christ , cor. . . . this similitude makes christ to have as many wives as there are particular churches . our brethren hold , that every particular congregation is the body of christ , and the spouse of christ , which if it were true christ should have as many bodies and spouses as there are particular churches , which ( we conceive ) cannot be right . for it is as absurd to say , that one head hath many bodies , and one husband many wives , as to say , that one body hath many heads , and one wife many husbands . but now we say , that the whole church of christ throughout the world is but one . that christ properly hath but one body , and one wife . and that particular churches are but members of this one body , and limbs and members of this one spouse , even as every particular saint also is . and that every minister hath a relation to this church-catholick as a member thereof , and seated therein , and as one that by his ordination hath power to act as a minister wheresoever he is ( if called ) for the good of the whole . and that he is placed in a particular church for the actual and constant exercise of his ministry , as in a part of christs body , or a limb or member of his spouse . and that they by their choice make him their minister , their pastor , their shepherd ; but not a minister , a pastor , a shepherd . so much in answer to the arguments against the second proposition , and also concerning election of ministers . chap. x. concerning ordination of ministers , wherein the first assertion about ordination is proved : namely , that ordination of ministers , is an ordinance of christ. that the method which we propounded in the beginning may not be forgotten , we crave leave to put the reader in minde of what we have already said , that the call of men to the ministry , is either immediate or mediate . that the mediate call is by election and ordination . and having finished what we thought fit to say about election , we are now to proceed to speak about ordination , concerning which we shall offer this general proposition . that the work of ordination , that is to say , an outward solemn constituting and setting apart of persons to the office of the ministry , by prayer , fasting and imposition of hands of the presbytery , is an ordinance of christ. for the more methodical proving of this general proposition , we shall undertake to make good these four assertions . . that ordination of ministers is an ordinance of christ. . that the essence of the ministerial call consisteth in ordination . . that ordination ought to be with prayer , fasting and imposition of hands . . that ordination ought to be by the presbytery . that ordination of ministers is an ordinance of christ. for the understanding of this assertion we must distinguish between the substance , essence , and formal act of ordination , and the rite used in ordination . the essential act of ordination , is the constituting or appointing of a man to be a minister , or the sending of him with power and authority to preach the gospel . the rite is imposition of hands . in this assertion we are not at all to speak of imposition of hands , but onely of ordination , as it relates to the setting of a man apart to the office of the ministry . now that this is an ordinance of christ , we shall not need to spend much time in proving it . . because we have already made this out in our third proposition , where we asserted , that no man ought to take upon him the office of a minister , but he that is lawfully called and ordained thereunto . . because the proving of the other three will prove this also . . because we have not so many enemies to contest withall in this , as in the other three propositions . for though there be many that hold ordination to be onely an adjunct of the ministerial call , and not an essential ingredient , which is against the second proposition . and many that deny imposition of hands against the third . and many that say , that a church without officers may ordain against the fourth proposition . and though there be very many that hold , that an unordained man may preach as a gifted brother , yet there are but few ( in comparison ) who say , that a man may enter into the office of the ministry , and preach authoritatively as a pastor , without ordination . our brethren in new-england , in their plat-form of church-government say , that church-officers are not only to be chosen by the church , but also to be ordained by imposition of hands and prayer , &c. and in their answer to the thirty two questions , they say expresly , that ordination is necessary by divine institution . the very socinians themselves , though great enemies to the ministerial calling ( and no wonder , when such great enemies to christ himself ) though they deny the necessity of ordination , yet they acknowledge that for order and decency it is fit to retain it in the church . for our parts we think the scripture to be so clear for the proof of this assertion , that we wonder there should be any found to stand up in opposition against it . for first , in the old testament not onely the high-priest , but all the other priests and levites were by divine appointment inaugurated to their ministerial offices , and when any men unconsecrated intruded themselves into the priestly or levitical office they were remarkably punished by god himself ▪ witnesse corah and his company , of whom we have formerly made mention . now surely this was written for our instruction upon whom the ends of the world are come , to teach us , that it is the will of christ that no man should enter into the ministerial office unordained or unconsecrate . to hint this , the prophet isaiah tels us , that in the times of the new testament the lord would take from among christians some to be priests , and some to be levites , where the new testament ministers are cloathed with old testament titles , and are called priests and levites , not in reference to any real unbloudy and propitiatory sacrifice by them to be offered , as the papists falsly imagine , but as we conceive to signifie unto us , . that there should be an office of the ministry distinct from all other offices unde● the new testament as well as under the old ( and therefore it is said , that god would take of them for priests not take all them for priests . ) and , . that these ministers were to be consecrated to their respective offices , as the priests and levites were . secondly , in the new testament we read , . that in the very choice of deacons , which was but an inferiour office and serving only for the distribution of the temporal estates of people , the apostle requires , that they should not onely be elected by the people , but also ordained to this office . much more ought this to be done in the choise of persons who are called to the work of preaching , and dispensing sacramental mysteries , a service of all others of greatest weight and worth . . that even the very apostle paul , though chosen immediately by christ unto the great office of preaching unto the gentiles , and that in a miraculous way , yet notwithstanding it was the pleasure of the holy ghost , that he must be separated and set apart by men for this great work . and if this was thought necessary for an extraordinary officer : if paul that was separated from his mothers womb to preach christ to the heathen , and was separated by an immediate voice from heaven to bear christ's name before the gentiles , must also have an outward solemn separation by the prophets at antioch unto this work , how much more is this necessary in ordinary officers ? . that paul and barnabas who were themselves separated to the work of the ministry , act. . . went about , act. . . ordaining elders in every church . the greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth ( as we have shewed ) not a choosing by the suffrages of the people , but a special designing and appointing of ministers by the apostles paul and barnabas . . that titus was left at crete to ordain elders in every church , which surely had been very vain and superfluous if ordination be not an institution of christ , and necessary in his church . . that timothy was ordained not only by the laying on of pauls hands , but also by the laying on of the hands of the presbytery . by laying on of hands , as by a synecdoche is meant the whole work of ordination , and hence we see that it is the will of the holy ghost that not only paul an apostle , as formerly , but timothy an evangelist must be set apart unto his office by ordination . . that timothy is commanded to lay hands suddenly on no man , neither to be partakers of other mens sin , but to keep himself pure . this negative command implies an affirmative , that it was his office to lay on hands , that is , to ordain elders , but his care must be not to do it rashly and unadvisedly upon men insufficient , lest he should thereby be made partakers of other mens sins . this text doth necessarily imply a precept for ordination . . that timothy is commanded to commit those things which he had heard from paul among many witnesses , to faithful men who shall be able to teach others also . where we have , . a separation of some men to be teachers in christs church . . the qualification of these teachers , they must be faithfull men , and such as are able to teach others . . we have an injunction laid upon timothy that he should commit what he had heard of paul unto these faithfull men . now this committing was not only to be by way of instruction , but also by way of ordination . pauls charge committed to timothy was not so much to make men fit to teach others , as by ordination to set men apart for the teaching of others , that there might be a perpetual succession of teachers . for the further making out of this truth , let the reader consider what is said by mr gillespy in his miscellany questions , and what we have before said , pag. . . that laying on of hands is reckoned not only as an institution of christ , but as one of the principles of the doctrines of christ : but of this text we shall speak more in the third assertion . by all these places it is evident , that it is the will of christ that those that enter into the ministerial calling should be consecrated , set apart and ordained thereunto . most of the objections brought against this assertion , have been answered at large in the handling of the third proposition . if any shall further object and say , obj. . that these are but examples , and examples do not amount up to a rule . answ. . that apostolical examples in things necessary for the good of the church , and which have a perpetual reason and equity in them , have the force of a rule . of this nature is ordination . . if we should not follow the examples of the apostles in those things in which they acted as ordinary elders , we should be left at uncertainties , and every man might do what seemeth good in his own eyes , which would tend to confusion , and the dissolution of the church . . the apostles taught the churches to do nothing but what they had a commandment from christ to teach them , matth. . . cor. . . and in all their disciplinary institutions , which were not meerly occasional , and had only a temporary reason of their institution ( of which kinde ordination we are sure is not ) are to be imitated as though they were the immediate institution● of christ. . for ordination of ministers we have not only apostolical example , but apostolical pre●●pt , as we have already proved out of tim. . . object . . if it be further objected . that the ordination mentioned in the text fore-named , was onely for those times , and not to continue to the end of the world . answ. . this is not true . for if the ministry he to continue to the end of the world , then the way of entring into the ministry enjoyned by the apostles , is also to continue . and there can no reason be brought why the one should be abolished , and not the other . . timothy is enjoyned to keep this commandment without spot , unrebukable , untill the appearing of our lord iesus christ. beza translates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 haec mandat● , keep these commandments , that is , ( saith he ) all the commandments commanded him in the whole epistle . thus deodate , that thou keep this commandment , that is , not only that which is contained , vers . . & . but generally all other commandments which are contained in this epistle . now this commandment of laying hands suddenly on no man , is one of those commandments which he was to keep without spot untill the appearing of our lord jesus christ ; which evidently proves that ordination is an ordinance of christ , and is to last to the end of the world . it is worth observing which is also hinted by a reverend minister , that there are . descents of men sent and ordained . . christ himself was sent and had his commission from his father , ioh. . , . iesus christ did not glorifie himself to be made an high-priest , but was anointed thereunto by god his father , act. . . . christ jesus as he was sent of his father , so he sent forth his apostles , ioh. . . it is said mat. . . that christ called unto him his twelve apostles , and sent them forth , and gave them their commission : nay , it is said mar. . . and he ordained twelve ; the greek is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and he made twelve that they should be with him , and that he might send them forth to preach ; this making was an authoritative appointing them to their office. the apostles would not have dared to have preached the gospel , had they not been commissionated by christ thereunto . . the apostles went about ordaining elders in every church ; paul ordained timothy , tim. . . . timothy and titus did ordain others as they themselves had been ordained , and that by the apostles own appointment , tit. . . tim. . . nay , we reade of a presbytery ordaining , tim. . . and as timothy was intrusted with the word of christ , so he is commanded to commit the same trust to faithfull men able to teach others also , that so there may be a succession of teachers : thus we have four descents recorded in scripture . . god anoints jesus christ and ordains him to his ministerial office . . christ ordains his apostles . . the apostles ordain extraordinary and ordinary officers . . and these ordain others . and this commandment is given to be observed till the coming of our lord jesus christ. and thus ( as the authour fore-mentioned saith ) the apostles admitted men in their own practice into the ministry , and thus they appointed for succeeding times , and can any think that ordination ended with that age ? is there not the same cause , necessity , use and reason for it in after ages as in the first times of the church , when there were as yet extraordinary gifts stirring in the church which are now ceased , and therefore the more need of a standing ministry ? sure we are of two things . . that there are more , and more clear texts for ordination then for popular election ; our brethren in new-england and many in old england are very much for election by the people ; and so are we if it be rightly ordered and managed ; but we desire them to shew us as clear scriptures for election , as we have done for ordination . . that there is as much ( if not more ) in scripture for the justification of ordination as for any other part of church-government , as for the divine right of synods , of excommunication , of ruling elders , or any other part of discipline , in which we agree together . how then it should come to passe that many in our daies should cry up the divine right of election by the people , of excommunication , and other parts of church-government , and cry down the divine right of ordination , we know not : indeed we confesse , that the papists do too much extoll it , calling it a sacrament , and not only a sacrament in a generall sense , as calvin seemeth to do , but a sacrament in a proper sense , as baptism and the lords supper are called sacraments ; and also in appropriating it to bishops , as distinct from presbyters : hence it may be it is , that some in our age running into the other extream ( as the nature of man alwaies is apt to do ) do too much vilifie and undervalue it , and because they like it not , brand it with the black mark ( as they do other of the ordinances of christ ) of antichristian ordination . but we hope better things of our people , and beseech them to take heed of those that call good evil and evil good , and that call the institutions of christ the doctrines of antichrist . so much for the first assertion . chap. xi . proving the second assertion about ordination , to wit , that the essence of the ministeriall call doth properly consist in ordination . the second assertion is , that the essence of the ministeriall call doth properly consist in ordination . the contrary to this assertion is maintained by many reverend divines , who set up election in the room of ordination , and make ordination ●o be but an adjunct unto , and a consequent of this ministeriall call , and a confirmation of a man into that office which he hath bestowed upon him by his election . the essence and substance of the outward calling of an ordinary officer in the church ( say the ministers of new-england in their platform of church-government ) doth not consist in his ordination , but in his voluntary and free election by the church , and in his accepting of that election . in opposition to this we have already endeavoured at large to prove , that the essence of the ministeriall call doth not consist in popular election . and therefore we intend to be very brief in proving the contrary ; that it doth consist in ordination : this we make out by these ensuing arguments . . if election doth not give the essentials of the ministeriall office , then ordination doth : for the outward call of a minister ( as it is agreed on all sides ) doth consist only in his election or ordination . but election doth not , &c. as we have formerly shewed by divers arguments . ergo. ordination doth . . if ordination makes a man a minister that was not one before , then it gives the essence of the ministeriall office. but ordination makes a man a minister that was not one before , ergo , &c. that this is so appears , . from the ordination of deacons , act. . . look ye out seven men , &c. whom we may appoint over this businesse , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to put a man into an office which he had not before . thus it is said of ioseph , act. . . and he made him governour over egypt , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . &c. this act of pharaohs did not confirm him in that office which he had before , but conferred upon him an office he never had . the like we reade deut. . . take ye wise men and understanding , and known among your tribes , and i will make them rulers over you . it was not the peoples taking , but moses his appointing that did make them rulers . thus exo. . . thou shalt provide able men , and place such over them to be rulers of thousands , &c. it was moses his placing that did give them the formality of rulers . the hebrew word in exod. and deut. is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which answers the greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tim. . . where it is said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and it was the apostles appointing of deacons that did make them deacons : all that the people did was to set seven men before the apostles whom they by ordination made deacons . . this appears also from tit. . . for this cause left i thee in crete , that thou shouldest — ordain elders in every city , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , et constituas ; and ordain o● appoint : it is evident that there was a great want of elders in crete , and titus was left to appoint and set elders over them : titus was not left only to adde an adjunct ( as we have formerly said ) to the ministeriall call , or to establish and confirm those in their places that had right to them before , but he was left 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is all one as in a civill sense , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as one saith , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 constituere & praeficere rectores & judices , to constitute and make rulers and judges : thus it is said , luk . . who then is that faithfull aend wise steward whom his lord shall make ruler , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this act of the lord of the house is that which gives the formall being of a ruler unto this steward . and it is ordination that doth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and is essentiale constituens of the ministeriall office . argum. . if ordination be the sending of a manforth with power and authority to preach the gospel , and administer the sacraments , then it is that which gives the essence of the ministerial office. but ordination is so , ergo. the minor is proved from rom. . . and how shall they preach except they be sent , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this sending it an authoritative mission to preach the word as criers and heralds ( for so the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth ) and also as embassadors are sent forth by their prince with their letters missive and credentials , which appears by the words immediatly following , as it is written , how beautiful are the feet of them that preach the gospel of peace , and bring glad tidings of good things ! hence it is , that some divines do very well define ordination to be missio potestativa , a sending of a man forth with power and authority to preach and administer the sacraments . it is not an installing of a man into an office to which he hath right before , but it is a giving of him his commission and authority ; and of this kinde of sending is this text to be understood . that it cannot be understood of providential sending we have formerly proved , nor of a sending by the election of the people : for the people cannot be said to be sent to themselves , but ministers are said to be sent to them . and we now further adde , that it cannot be understood only of an extraordinary mission by god , such as the apostles had , which was to cease with the apostles , but it must be understood of such an authoritative sending which was to continue to the end of the world : for the apostle in that climax of his makes it as necessary and perpetuall as calling upon the name of the lord , as beleeving and hearing the word : for this the apostle affirmeth , that as calling upon the name of the lord is perpetually necessary to salvation , so is faith to the calling upon the name of the lord , and so is hearing of the word necessary to beleeving , so is preaching of the word to hearing , and so is ordination and mission necessary to the orderly preaching of the word . and therefore we conclude , that by sending is meant a sending by ordination , and that this sending is a deputation of a man to an ecclesiasticall function with power and authority to perform the same , and that it is to last as long as preaching , beleeving , and praier , which is to the end of the world . arg. . if ordination be that which gives the ministeriall office , then the essence of the ministeriall call consisteth in ordination . but ordination is that which gives the ministerial office . that this it so appears from tim. . . wherefore i put th●e in remembrance that thou stir up the gift of god which is in thee by the putting on of my hands : and by tim. . . neglect not the gift that is in thee which was given thee by prophecy , with the laying on of the hands of the presbytery . by laying on of hands is meant ( as is aforesaid ) the whole work of ordination ; and by gift is meant docendi officium , ( as most interpreters say ) the office of the ministry , and the power and authority conferred thereby upon him . the greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is often taken not only for the grace by which we are fitted for an office , but for an office unto which men are through grace fitted . thus it is taken ephes. . . rom. . . and thus it is here to be taken , paul by ordination did not onely declare timothy to be an officer , and confirm him in that office which he had before ●ollated upon him by the choice of the people ▪ but he together with the presbytery gave him the gift or office of the ministry . object . the text saith , that this gift was given by prophecy , and therefore not by the laying on of the hands either of paul or of the presbytery . answ. these words by prophecy do signifie onely the moving cause , and that encouraged paul with the presbytery to lay hands on timothy , viz. it was prophesied , that timothy should be an excellent minister , timothy . . this charge i give unto thee , sonne timothy , according to the prophecies that went before of thee : so that the meaning is , paul by prophecy , that is , according to the prophecies that went before of him , or paul directed by the spirit of prophecy conferd the gift or office of the ministry upon timothy . but here we must of necessity adde one caution left we be mis-understood . when we say that ordination gives the ministerial office , we mean onely as to the essence of the outward call , for we know , that it is the prerogative royall of the lord jesus to appoint officers and offices in his church . it is christ onely that institutes the office , and that furnisheth and fitteth men with graces and abilities for the discharge of so great an employment , with willing and ready mindes to give up themselves to so holy services : it is christ onely that sets the laws and rules according to which they must act . all that man doth in ordination is in a subordinate way as an instrument under christ to give the being of an outward call , and to constitute him an officer according to the method prescribed by christ in his word . all that we say ( that we may be rightly understood ) may be reduced to these three heads . . that it is the will of christ who is king of his church , that men should be outwardly called to the ministry as well as inwardly fitted . and that without this call none can warrantably do any act that belongs to an officer , as not having the specificall form of an officer , and ( as mr hooker saith ) whatsoever is done without this , is void and of none effect . . that this outward call consisteth in election and ordination . . that ordination is that which gives the being of this outward call , that makes a man a minister , that ( in this sense ) gives him his ministeriall office. election doth only design the person , but it is ordination that bestoweth the office upon him . arg. . we might argue in the fifth place from the persons appointed by christ to ordain , and from the great solemnity used in ordination , and from the blame that is laid upon those that ordain unworthy persons unto the ministerial office. . the persons that are said in scripture to ordain , are ( as we shall prove hereafter ) either apostles , prophets , evangelists or presbyters . and this is a sufficient argument to us to prove that it is ordination that constitutes the minister , and not election . for it is not likely , that christ would appoint his apostles , and his apostles appoint extraordinary and ordinary elders to convey onely an adjunct of the ministerial call , and leave the great work of conveying the office-power unto the common people . . the solemnity used in ordination , is prayer , fasting , and imposition of hands . we do not reade the like solemnity expressed in scripture in election , and therefore it is against reason to think , that election should constitute the minister , and give him all his essentials , and ordination only give him a ceremonial complement . . the blame laid upon timothy if he should lay hands suddenly upon any minister , is very great . for hereby he makes himself impure , and becomes accessory to the sins of those whom he makes ministers . now we may thus reason , where the greatest blame lies for unworthy men coming into the ministry , surely there must lie the greatest power of admitting men into the ministry , else the blame is not just . but the greatest blame is laid upon the ministers . ergo. if the constituting cause of the ministerial call did lie in election . the minis●ers may well excuse themselves , and say , we do but ordain , we do but give an adjunct , the people did the main act , they gave the essence , and therefore the blame belongs to them , and not to us . see more of this in separation examined by mr firmin . pag. . much more might be added for the proof of this assertion , but we shall purposely wave what else might be said , least we should be overtedious . chap. xii . wherein the third assertion is proved , viz. that ordination of ministers ought to be by prayer , fasting and imposition of hands . the third assertion is , that ordination of ministers ought to be by prayer , fasting , and imposition of hands . here are two things to be made out , . that ordination ought to be with prayer and fasting . prayer and fasting , though they be not necessary to the very being and essence of ordination , yet they are very necessary to the better being of it , as divine conduits to convey the blessing of god upon it . first , for prayer . it is observable in the old testament , that aaron and his sons did not enter upon their ministry , till they had been sanctified by the holy oyl , and sprinkling of bloud , and had been seven whole dayes before the lord , abiding at the door of the tabernacle of the congregation , levit. . . in the new testament our blessed saviour , when he chose his apostles is said to have spent all the night before in prayer , luk. . , . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and to our remembrance we do not reade that our saviour spent a whole night in prayer , but upon this occasion , which sheweth , of how great consequence it is , that those who preach the gospel should be sent out with solemn and earnest prayer . and this is the more observable if we compare the th of matth. , , . with luke . , , . when christ saw the misery of the people in the want of faithful ministers , that they were as sheep not having a shepherd , he directs them to pray to the lord of the harvest to send forth labourers into his harvest , and then as seemeth by luke's relation , he put that in practice which he commended to do for themselves , he spent the whole night in prayer , and then mat. . , . he chose and sent out his twelve apostles to preach the gospel . secondly , for joyning of fasting with prayer , we may consider , that it was not ordinary and common prayer , or some few and occasional petitions that were put up , but as in c●ses of greatest concernment , when some great evil was to be averted , or some singular mercy to be obtained , fasting was joyned with prayer . in the acts , where you have the records of the primitive churches practice , as the best president for succeeding ages , it is recorded , that persons designed to the work of the ministry , were set apart and commended to god for his assistance , support and successe by fasting and prayer . acts . , , . it is said of the prophets and teachers of antioch , as they ministred to the lord , and fasted , the holy ghost said , separate me barnabas and saul for the work whereunto i have called them . and then when by a new fast , as it may seem purposely called upon that occasion , they had sought god on that behalf , they fasted and prayed , and laid their hands on them , and sent them away to preach . and as it was thus done to paul and barnabas , so when they had travelled farre in preaching the gospel , and had found that happy successe on their ministry , that many among the gentiles were converted , because themselves could not make their constant abode in anyone place ( the greater service of the church calling them forth to other places ) that there might be a foundation of a fixed ministry , for the building up of those that were already converted , and for the bringing in of others yet uncalled . they ordained them elders in every church , which should stay with them , and watch over them in the lord , act. . . and these they sent out with the like solemnity in seeking god by fasting and prayer , and then commended them to the lord in whom they believed . the reasons why ministers should be set a part with prayer and fasting , are weighty , and still the same . . the inidoneousnesse and insufficiency of any meer man ( though of the greatest abilities and indowments , whether for nature , art , or grace ) for such a work wherein we have to do withthe highest mysteries of god and heaven , and with the most precious things on earth , the truths of god , and souls of men . . the discouragements which every where attend this work ( when most faithfully performed ) from satan and wicked men . . the successe of every ones ministry depends wholly on gods blessing . for neither is he that planteth any thing , neither he that watereth , but god that giveth the increase . nor doth the faith of believers depend at all on the wisdome or or power of the minister , but on the power of god , cor. . . and therefore it is necessary in the most solemn manner , that is , by prayer and fasting to implore aid from god whensoever we ordain ministers . but this will be granted by all sides , and therefore we will adde no more about it . the second thing we are to make out , is that ordination of ministers ought to be with imposition of hands . that we may more orderly handle this assertion , which is so much controverted in our unhappy dayes , and be rightly understood , we shall crave leave to premise three things : . that imposition of hands is not a proper gospel-duty , never used but in the new testament , but it is a rite and ceremony borrowed from the old testament , and by christ made a gospel-institution . that which grotius saith in his annotations , that the whole government of the churches of christ , was conformed to the patern of the synagogues , is true in many things , and especially in this of imposition of hands . we finde it was used in four cases under the old testament , . in benediction and blessing , gen. . , . . in offering of sacrifices unto god , lev. . . . in bearing witness , lev. . . . in ordaining or appointing unto an office. thus moses when he ordained ioshua to succeed him , he was commanded by god to lay his hands upon him , and to give him a charge in the sight of the people , num. . , . under the new testament it is used , . in benediction , mark . . . in curing of bodily diseases , luke . . mark . . acts . . . in conveying the miraculous gifts of the holy ghost , act. . , . act. . . . in ordination of church-officers , and of this last way of imposition of hands are we now to speak . secondly , that it is not our purpose accurately to enquire whether imposition of hands be an essential part of ordination , without which it is null and void , or an integral part , without which it is deficient and imperfect , or onely an inseparable adjunct . it is enough for us to assert , that it is lawfull and warrantable , and not onely so , but that it is the duty of all that are to ordain ministers to lay hands upon them , and that it is a sin in any that is to be ordained , to refuse it . thirdly , that though we assert the divine right of imposition of hands , yet we plead for it onely in a scripture-sense , but not in a popish-sense . the papists make it to be an outward sign of an inward and spiritual grace . they make ordination a sacrament , and imposition of hands an operative instrument of conveying not only grace in general , but even justifying grace . hence it is that some few of our divines speak a little too slightly of it ( at which those that are enemies to it take much advantage ) but yet there are no reformed churches ( that we know of ) but do retain it and plead for it , some as a rite and circumstance , and moral sign ; others as an integral part , and others as an essential part of ordination . these things premised , we come now to prove , that it is the will of christ , that all that are ordained ministers should ●lave imposition of hands . this appears . from the examples of this ceremony used by the apostles in ordination , . we finde that the deacons though inferiour officers must have hands laid on them . . we finde that the apostles paul and barnabas , though extraordinary officers had hands layed on them . . we reade that paul layed hands upon timothy , and also the presbytery . hence it is that calvin saith , though there be no certain precept extant concerning imposition of hands , yet because we see it was in perpetual use by the apostles , that , their so accurate observation ought to be in stead of a precept to us . and it is a wonder to us that they that are so exact in urging every other circumstance in church-government , and have suffered much prejudice in their outward estate rather then they would forbear sitting at the sacrament ( which yet is but an outward gesture ) should take such strange liberty to themselves in dispensing with a duty that hath so many examples for the enforcing of it . . from that command of paul to timothy , lay hands suddenly on no man. this is a divine precept for imposition of hands . for when timothy is forbidden to lay hands suddenly , it is implied , that it was his duty to lay on hands . hence it is that the new-england ministers do assert , that church-officers ought to be ordained by imposition of hands . and from this text walaeus hath a memorable passage , which though it be long , yet we will not think much to transcribe . i see this ( saith he , speaking of imposition of hands ) to be required in almost all confessions . and truly since that the apostles have alwayes used it , yea the apostle gives a precept to timothy , to lay hands suddenly on no man ; we judge it ought not to be omitted , because in that negative commandment , an affirmative is included , that he should lay on hands upon men that are worthy , where because it is taken by a synecdoche for the whole calling of a pastor , certainly it is to be esteemed either for a rite , or an essential part , otherwise it could not be taken for the whole , or at least for a proper adjunct , and common to this with all other callings . so far walaeus . thirdly , because the whole work of ordination is comprehended under this ceremony of imposition of hands , tim ▪ . . tim. . . ordination is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 imposition of hands , and the gift or office of the ministry is said to be given by this as by the sign , tim. . . now then , if imposition of hands , as a part , be put for the whole work of ordination , it seems very strange to us that there should be any amongst us that expresse a willingnesse to be ordained , and yet an unwillingness to have imposition of hands . we rather judge , that they that refuse imposition of hands , which is put for the whole , will in a little time make no conscience of refusing the whole it self . we reade in scripture , that prayer and keeping the sabbath are sometimes put for the whole worship of god , ier. . . isa. . . and as it is a good argument , keeping of the sabbath and prayer are put for the whole worship of god , and therefore they are parts of it , if not chief parts . so it is a good argument . imposition of hands is put for the whole work of ordination , and therefore it is a part of it , if not a chief part . and we desire our people further to consider , that there is but one text for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or lifting up of hands in the election of a minister ( and this also but a shadow without a substance , as we have proved ) and yet how zealous are many amongst us for popular election ? and why should not they be much more zealous for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or imposition of hands , which hath so many substantial texts for the justification of it , and which is so often put for the whole work of ordination ? fourthly , because it is placed by the apostle heb. . , . amongst the principles of the doctrine of christ , therefore leaving the principles of the doctrine of christ , let us go on unto perfection , not laying again the foundation of repentance from dead works , and of faith towards god , of the doctrine of baptisms , and of laying on of hands , and of resurrection of the dead , and of eternall judgement . the great question is , what is here meant by laying on of hands . the papists understand it of the sacrament of confirmation : but it never hath nor ever will be sufficiently proved , that either there is such a sacrament appointed by christ , or that it was a custome in the apostles daies to lay on hands , or ( as was formerly phrased ) to bishop baptized christians who were grown up to years of discretion ; others by laying on of hands understand the extraordinary gifts of the holy ghost , which in these daies were given by laying on of hands . but this cannot be the meaning . . because it cannot be proved , that the gift of the holy ghost was given with every laying on of hands in those times . for the laying on of hands , tim. . . tim. . . was not for giving the holy ghost , but for ordination . . because the giving of the holy ghost by laying on of hands was proper to the primitive age , and doth not concern after ages ; but the catechetical heads enumerated by the apostle concern all ages . . because it would be hard to think , that the knowledge or profession of the doctrine concerning the giving of the holy ghost by such laying on of hands , was such a principle as that none ignorant thereof , though instructed in all the other articles of christian faith , could be received as a church-member , and as one grounded in catechisticall doctrine . and therefore by laying on of hands , as by a synecdoche , we suppose is meant the whole ministry . thus d. ames in his confutation of bellarmine ; by laying on of hands ( saith he ) is here meant totum ministerium , the whole ministry . bullinger on the place , by laying on of hands , understandeth also the ministry and their vocation , mission , and authority given them . mr. hooker in his survey of church-discipline , par . . pag. . by laying on of hands as by a metonymy of the adjunct , understandeth ordination , and ordination as one particular is put ( saith he ) for the whole of church-discipline . and from this very text he undertakes to prove church-discipline to be a fundamentall point of religion : but we may more safely and more rationally assert the same of the church-ministry : for whosoever denieth a ministry overthroweth all gospel-ordinances and gospel-churches . and here we will make bold to put our people in minde of a passage in m. cartwrights confutation of the rhemists , who was a man sufficiently opposite to the bishops and their ceremonies , yet he is pleased to use these words upon this text. by imposition of hands the apostle meaneth no sacrament , much lesse confirmation after baptism , but by a trope and borrowed speech the ministry of the church upon the which hands were laid , which appeareth in that whosoever beleeveth , that there ought not to be a ministry by order to teach and govern the church , overthroweth christianity ; whereas if confirmation of children were a sacrament as it is not , yet a man holding the rest , and denying the use of it , might notwithstanding be saved . so cartwright . now then ▪ if imposition of hands be taken in scripture not only for the whole work of ordination , but also for the whole ministry ; we may ( we hope ) safely and convincingly conclude , that it is the will of jesus christ , that they that enter into the ministry should have hands laid upon them : and that they that oppose imposition of hands may as well oppose the whole gospel-ministry , and therein overthrow christianity it self . we will not trouble the reader with answering all the objections that are brought against this thesis , but only such as seem to carry most weight in them . object . . we do not reade that the apostles were made ministers with imposition of hands . answ. . no more do we reade that they were made ministers by the election of the people ; this objection fights as much against election as against imposition of hands . . a negative argument from scripture doth not hold in matters of this nature ; it doth not follow , because it is not recorded , therefore it was not done . many things were done by christ which are not written ; it is said , that christ ordained twelve , but after what manner is not set down . . the apostles were extraordinary officers , and had an extraordinary call. our thesis is of ordinary officers ; they that oppose this assertion must prove , that ordinary officers were made without imposition of hands , or else they prove nothing to the purpose . object . . when the apostle left titus to ordain elders in crete , he saies not a word of imposition of hands . answ. . nor a word of election by the people . . the apostle left him to ordain elders as he had appointed him . now it is irrationall to think that he would appoint titus to do otherwise then according to what he himself practised . he ordained deacons , elders , and timothy by laying on of hands : and therefore it is without dispute to us , that he appointed titus to do so also . . if we compare tit. . . with act. . , . it will appear , that by appointing or ordaining elders in crete , is meant , ordaining by imposition of hands : for there is the same word in both , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : now 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in act. . was by laying on of hands , and so was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in tit. . . object . . imposition of hands was used by the apostles only for the present occasion , as other things were observed , as bloud was forbidden , as paul used circumcision and shaving , viz. for the jews sake who had their publique officers thus set apart . answ. . no circumstance of any one text where imposition of hands is mentioned to be used , gives ground for stating this to be the reason of its practise . . this was not only practised at ierusalem but at antioch , and not only among and by the jews , but elsewhere , and by others . it is said of paul and barnabas that they ordained elders in every church . object . . imposition of hands was used by the apostles in a miraculous way , and it did conferre the holy ghost and gift of tongues , &c. and therefore as the miracle is ceased , so ought the ceremony to cease . as in extream unction , &c. answ. . the giving of the holy ghost and conferring of extraordinary gifts was one , but not the only use which the apostles made of imposition of hands . and as praier is still to be continued in the church , though it did sometimes conveigh extraordinary blessings , act. . , , . act. . . iam. . , . because it had other ordinary ends and uses ; so is imposition of hands to be continued upon the same account . answ. . we never read of the holy ghost given by imposition of hands in ordination : that gift which timothy received by the laying on of the hands of the presbytery , is no other then the gift of office. neglect not the gift , i. e. neglect not the office . if timothy had had power by laying on of hands to have conferred due qualifications for the ministry ; why doth paul require him to lay hands suddenly on no man ? and why must he be so carefull to see them first fit , in case his laying on of hands would fit them ? there needed not such triall of their gifts , in case a touch of his hands could have gifted them . this proves clearly , that there was no extraordinary gift conferred in ordination . . there is a double imposition of hands , the one miraculous and extraordinary , which consisted in healing the sick , and conveighing the extraordinary gifts of the spirit . and this was temporary and is now ceased as extream unction is ; the other is ordinary , such is the imposition of hands in ordination , and therefore to be perpetually continued in the church . we reade not only that paul who was an extraordinary officer , but that presbyters who were ordinary officers imposed hands upon timothy . and the example of the primitive churches were intentionally left upon record for this end , that they might be binding patterns in like cases in after ages . and this seems to be one singular ground and reason of the writing of the acts of the apostles , that the apostles acts in the primitive churches might be our rules in succeeding ages . obj. . to what purpose then is imposition of hands used , if the extraordinary gifts of the holy ghost be not conveighed thereby ? answ. . we use it , because the apostles did use it in an ordinary way without giving the holy ghost , as well as in an extraordinary way , because there is the same standing reason , and because the apostle bids us , tim. . . sufficit pro universis rationibus , deus vult . . we use it not as an operative ceremony , but as a moral sign , so declare publickly who the party is that is solemnly set apart to the work of the ministry . . we use it as it is a rite and ceremony by which the office is conveyed , tim. . . . we use it as it is a consecrating , dedicating and offering up of the party unto the lord and his service , as in the old testament hands were laid on for this end . . we use it as it is an authoritative and ministerial benediction of the party ordained , as it was used by iacob in his fatherly blessing of ephraim and manasses , and by christ in his blessing and praying over the little children , mat. . . mark . . and thus we have made out the divine right of imposition of hands , and our exhortation to our people is , that they would not stumble at that way of ordination which hath so much of god in it , nor be easily led aside into by-pathes by the seducers of this age. and that they would not rest contented with ministerial examination ( though that ought to be , and that in all exactnesse ) nor with ministerial approbation , nor yet with authoritative mission without this apostolicall ordinance of imposition of hands . chap. xiii . wherein the fourth assertion about ordination is proved , viz. that ordination of ministers ought to be by the laying on of the hands of the presbyterie . our last assertion is concerning the persons who are by divine authority appointed to ordain , and it is this . that ordin●tion ●f ministers ought to be by laying on of the hands of the presbytery . for this we have an expresse text , tim. . . which that we may the better understand , we will give a brief answer to some few questions . qu●st . . what is meant by the word presbytery ? answ. by presbytery is not meant the office of a presbyter , but collegium f●o● confess●● presbyter●rum , a colledge or company of presbyters . for as mr rutherford well observes , the office hath no hands . and the word is used but in two other places , luke . . acts . . in both which it must necessarily be taken for the officers , and not for the office. for the office of elders could not meet together , as in that plac● of luke , nor could the o●●●ce of elders bea● witnesse to paul , as in that place of the acts. besides as mr hooker well saith , not onely reason doth reject , but the very ear would not relish such an unsutable sense , neglect not the gift which is in thee , which was given thee by prophecy , with the laying on of the hands of the office. how harsh and unpleasant is such an expression ? here calvin is brought in by some who are in other things his utter enemies , to countenance this interpretation . and mr gillespy reckoneth it as one of calvins few ( for they were but very few ) mistakes . but looking upon his commentary upon the place , we finde these words , presbyterium qui hîc collectivum nomen esse putant pro collegio presbyterorum positum , rectè sentiunt meo judicio . they who think presbytery in this place to be a noun collective put for a colledge of presbyters , do think rightly in my judgement . and therefore though he thinks the other interpretation non male quadrare ( which was his errour ) yet he is not to be reckoned amongst those that deny that by presbytery is meant an assembly of presbyters . quest. . whether this presbytery was a presbytery of bishops , or of single presbyters ? answ. to this we shall give this short reply , that in scripture a bishop and a presbyter is all one , as we shall have occasion hereafter to prove . and therfore we answer , that it was an assembly of bishops , that is , of presbyters . quest. . whether this presbytery were congregational or classical ? answ. mr hooker of new-england confesseth , that he never yet heard any argument that did evince either , by dint of undeniable evidence . and for our parts , we do not conceive it necessary , as to our purpose , to disquiet the reader with a debate about it . for we deny not but that a congregation sufficiently presbyterated , that is , wherein there are many ministers , may ordain , though we believe that there are but very few such , if any ; and therefore are of the opinion of the reverend assembly , in their advice to the parliament concerning ordination , that it is very requisite that no single . congregation that can conveniently associate , do assume to it self all and sole power in ordination . quest. . what part hath the ruling elder in ordination ? answ. supposing that there is such an officer in the church ( for the proof of which we referre the reader to our vindication ) we answer , that the power of ordering of the whole work of ordination belongs to the whole presbytery , that is , to the teaching and ruling elders . but imposition of hands is to be alwayes by preaching presbyters , and the rather , because it is accompanied with prayer and exhortation , both before , in , and after , which is the proper work of the teaching elder . quest. . whether may one preaching presbyter lay on hands without the assistance of other ministers ? answ. imposition of hands ought to be performed not by one single presbyter , but by a combination of preaching presbyters . in the ordination of deacons , not one apostle alone , but a company of them laid on hands , act. . . when paul and barnabas were separated unto the work whereunto they were called by god , the prophets and teachers joyned together in laying on of hands . it is observable that in all the texts where mention is made of imposition of hands , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is joyned with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the plural , not with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the singular or dual number , and so there must of necessity be more then one imposer of hands . timothy was ordained by the imposition not onely of pauls hands , but also of the presbytery . and therefore when we reade that timothy is enjoyned to lay hands suddenly on no man , and titus left in crete to ordain elders , we must not imagine that they were indued thereby with the sole power of ordination . for surely the apostle would not require timothy or titus to do that which he himself would not do . if paul with the presbytery laid hands upon timothy , then no doubt timothy was also , together with other presbyters , to lay hands upon those whom he should ordain . the naming of one doth not exclude others , especially if we consider that titus was left to ordain elders , as paul had appointed him . now it is without all peradventure , that paul did appoint him to do according as he himself practised . quest. . whether a company of believers associated together may ordain without ministers ? answ. the answer to this question , is that which we especially aim at in this our fourth assertion , and wherein we desire most of all to satisfie the expectation of the reader . for this end we shall offer this proposition in answer to the question . that ordination of ministers doth belong to church-officers , and not to a church without officers . and that ordination by people without ministers is a perverting of the ordinance , and of no more force then baptism by a midwife , or consecration of the lords supper by a person out of office. for the proof of this we might argue from what is recorded by jewish writers , concerning the custom of creating men members of their great council or sanhedrin . when moses by gods appointment assumed the seventy elders to assist him in government , and part of his spirit was by god put upon them , this was done saith maimonides sanhedr . cap. . by moses laying hands upon them . and at length before his departure out of this life , when a successour was to be provided for him , god commands him to take ioshua , and lay his hand upon him , &c. and accordingly it was done , numb . . . and so for those seventy elders , it is certain from the jewish writers , that the succession of these was continued through all ages , by their creating others in the place of those that died by this ceremony of imposition of hands . to this purpose are the clear words of maimonides , moses our master created the seventy elders by imposition of hands , and the divine majesty rested on them , and those elders imposed hands on others , and others on others . and they were found created untill the house of judgement of ioshua , and unto the house of judgement of moses : that is , from time to time ascending to the sanhedrin in ioshua's and moses's time . petrus cunaeus de rep. hebrae●rum cap. . saith , this senatorian dignity , because it was most honourable , was granted to none without a legitimate act , namely , imposition of hands . so moses laid his hand upon ioshua , and the seventy elders , which solemnity being performed , presently a divine spirit from above fell down upon them , and filled their brests . and these being thus initiated themselves , admitted others after the same way . the same authour tels us also out of maimonides of a constitution made , that no man should after such a time use imposition of hands , but by grant from rabbi hillel that divine old man , who was prince of the great council ; and how afterwards it came to cease : and what care was taken by juda the son of baba to support and uphold it . but because these things are not recorded in scripture , we shall wave all such way of arguing , and rather dispute , first , from the constant practice of the church of christ , as it is set down in the apostolical writings . we challenge any man to shew any one text in all the new testament for the justification of popular ordination . we reade of ordination by apostles , act. . act. . and by prophets and teachers , act. . and by evangelists , tit. . tim. . . and by a presbytery , tim. . . but for ordination by the people we meet not at all with it . and without all peradventure , if ordination be an ordinance of christ , it is to be managed according to the will of christ , and that is by ministers , and not by the community of believers . may we not say to such churches that usurp upon this work , as it is said , matth. . . by what authority do you these things ? and who gave you this authority ? shew us your warrant out of the word ? we reade indeed of ordination in churches , act. . . and in cities , tit. . . but no where of ordination by churches , or by cities , taking them for believers without officers . we adde secondly , that ordination by the people is not onely not written in scripture , but it is against the scripture . for to what end and purpose should jesus christ appoint officers extraordinary and ordinary for the doing of that work which the people themselves may do ? to what purpose did paul and barnabas go from place to place to ordain elders ? why was titus left in crete to appoint elders in every city ? might not the people say , what need paul leave titus to do that which we can do our selves ? frastra ●it per plura , &c. if this doctrine were true , the apostles needed only to have preached and to have converted the people to the faith , and when they had done to have said , we have now done our work , you may now elect and ordain your officers your selves , the power to do these things belongs to you . but the apostles did quite contrary , and therefore certainly ordination is not the peoples , but the ministers office. adde thirdly , that which to us seems to be of weight , that all that is written in the epistles concerning the ordainers and the qualification of the ordained , &c. is all written in the epistles unto timothy and titus who were church-officers . in the other epistles which were written unto the churches , there is no mention made of these things , which doth abundantly prove unto us , that the work of ordination is a work belonging to ministers , and not to the people . lastly , we might argue from the nature of ordination . it is a potestative and authoritative mission . it is an eminent act of jurisdiction , not onely confirming a minister in that office which he had before by election , but conveying the very office-power of preaching and administring the sacraments . it is that ( as we have said ) which gives the essentials of the ministerial call. and therefore by the rule of the gospel it belongs to officers , and not to private persons . the scripture doth accurately distinguish between church-rulers and private believers , heb. . , . thess. . . private persons can with no more lawfulnesse convey power to another , to administer the sacraments , then they can themselves lawfully administer the sacraments . church-power is first seated in christ the head , and from him committed to the apostles , and from them to church-officers . and they alone who have received it from the apostles can derive and transmit it to other ministers . and though we freely confesse , that all church-power is in the people , finaliter & objective , that is , for their use and benefit , according to that of the apostle , cor. . . all things are yours , whether paul , or apollo , or cephas , all are yours , i.e. for your service and salvation ; yet we are farre from thinking that all things are theirs formally and originally , that is , of their making and authorizing . or that they that are not ministers themselves can derive the ministerial office to others . this we beleeve to be both against scripture and reason . the serious consideration of these things is of marvellous concernment for the people of our age upon this one account especially , because there are a generation of men risen up amongst us , that renounce and disclaim all ordination from ministers , as unwarrantable and antichristian , and take it up from the people as the only way of the gospel , herein committing amongst many other these three evils . . in renouncing the ordinance of christ , and calling that which is truly christian , antichristian . . in setting up a new way of ordination , which hath not the least footing in the new testament , or in all antiquity . . in plunging themselves into this inextricable difficulty ; for he that renounceth ordination by ministers as antichristian , must of necessity renounce not only our present ministry , but all the ministers and churches in the christian world , he must turn seeker , and forsake all church-communion , as some in our unhappy dayes do . for all ordination by the people is null and void , as being not only not grounded upon scripture , but against scripture . and to intrude into the ministerial office without ordination , is as the sinne of corah and his company , as we have formerly shewed . our desire is that these particulars may be duly weighed by all sober christians . it will not be amiss here to consider what is said against this thesis by the elders of new-england . in four things they agree with us , . they say , church-officers are to be ordained . . and to be ordained by imposition of hands . . that where there are elders imposition of hands is to be performed by those elders . . that where there are no elders , if the church so desire , imposition of hands may be performed by the elders of other churches . but they differ from what we have asserted , when they say , in such churches where there are no elders , imposition of hands may be performed by some of the brethren chosen by the church thereunto . for the proof of this they bring a reason and a scripture . the reason is , if the people may elect officers , which is the greater , and wherein the substance of the office consists , they may much more ( occasion , and need so requiring ) impose hands in ordination , which is the lesse , and but the accomplishment of the other . answ. . if this argument were valid , it would follow that people might ordain their own ministers , not only when they want elders , but when they have elders . for if election give the essence to a minister , and ordination only an adjunct , we see no reason why they that give the essence , should not also give the adjunct ; and why an adjunct should belong to the officers in that church , to whom the essence doth not belong . but . we say , that scripture-light being judge , election is not the greater , and ordination the lesse . it is possible that it is upon this ground that some men have made so slight of ordination , that so they might entitle the people thereunto . but we have abundantly shewed , . that election doth not give the essence of the ministerial call. that election is only the designation of the person that is to be made a minister , not the making of him a minister . . that ordination is that which gives the essence . that it is an authoritative appointing of a person to the ministry , and an actual investing him into the office . that it is held forth in the scripture as the greater , and therefore not given to one and the same persons , but this later referred to the more honourable persons , as appears from acts . , . tit. . . tim. . . tim. . . the text they quote in the margine for the proof of this , is not out of the new testament but the old , out of numb . . , . and thou shalt bring the levites before the lord , and the children of israel shall put their hands upon the levites : and aaron shall offer the levites before the lord , for an offering of the children of israel , that they may execute the service of the lord. ans. . this text doth not prove that for which it is brought , but makes rather against our brethren . for they say , that where there are elders , imposition of hands is to be by the elders , and not by the people , but in case of want of elders . but here aaron and his sons were present . and if it proves any thing , it proves that the people may ordain where there are elders , which our brethren will in no case consent unto . . that the children of israel were commanded by god immediately to lay on hands upon the levites . but in the new testament , we meet with no such command laid upon the people . we reade that timothy and titus , and the presbytery are to lay on hands , but not a word of command for the people , but rather against it , as we have shewed . . when it is said , that the children of israel laid on hands , it is not imaginable that all the israelites did put on hands , but it was done by some chief of them in the name of the rest . and as ainsworth observes , it was done by the first-born : for the first-born was sanctified and consecrated unto the lord , exo. . . because the lord when he destroyed the first-born in egypt , spared the first-born of the israelites , therefore he challengeth a right in all their first-born , and they were to be given to him . and now the levites were taken by god in stead of the first-born , as appears numb . . , . and hence it was that the children of israel , that is , the first-born of israel , were to lay on hands upon them , for the levites gave an atonement for them , and were offered up unto the lord in their stead , and as the rabbins say , every first-born laid on hands on the levite that was for him . which if it be so , will afford us two other answers to this text . . that the children of israel had not onely a special command , but a special reason also for what they did . and therefore this example cannot be made a patern for new testament practice . . that this laying on of hands upon the levites , was not for them to set them apart for the service of the lord , but rather a setting them apart for a sacrifice unto the lord. it was the command of god that the children of israel must put their hands upon the sacrifices they did offer unto the lord. the levites were now to be waved or offered before the lord for an offering of the children of israel , and to be offered in stead of the first-born . and therefore the first-born did put their hands upon them as their propitiation and atonement . it is very observable , that notwithstanding this imposition of hands , the levites were not thereupon invested into their office , and made able immediatly to execute it . but aaron the priest was to wave them before the lord for a wave-offering , that they might execute the service of the lord. it was aarons waving of the levites , and separating them from among the children of israel , that did constitute and make them church-officers . and thus at last we have put an end to our first part concerning the divine right of the gospel-ministry , and have , as we hope , sufficiently cleared to the consciences of our people , that there is such an office as the office of the ministry perpetually to be continued in the church of christ. that no man ought to take upon him either the office or the work of the ministry , unlesse he be lawfully ordained thereunto . that ordination of ministers is an ordinance of christ , and ought to be by the laying on of the hands of the presbytery , &c. we cannot but expect to meet with many adversaries that will oppose what we have here written . some will deny the very office of the ministry . others will grant that there was such an office in the apostles dayes , but will say that it is now quite lost . some will grant that the office of the ministry is perpetually necessary , but will adde , that it is lawfull for all men gifted , to enter upon the publick work of the ministry , though they be not called and ordained thereunto . some are for an immediate and extraordinary call to the ministry . some will deny all ordination of ministers . others will grant ordination but deny imposition of hands . others will grant imposition of hands , but say , that it ought to be done by private church-members , and not by the presbytery . by this it appears that our adversaries differ as much one from another , as they do from us . and therefore we need not be much afraid of their opposition , for in writing against us they will be necessitated also to write one against another . it is , we confesse , a great lamentation , and shall be for a lamentation , that there should be such differences and divisions amongst christians , and especially amongst those that professe the protestant reformed religion , and have made a necessary and just separation from the idolatry and superstition of the church of rome . hereby god is greatly dishonoured . true religion hindered and disgraced . the wicked are hard●ed in their wickednesse . the popish party is encouraged . the godly party weakned , and great stumbling blocks are laid before weak christians to deter them from true conversion . but we hope that this which we have written will contribute something towards the healing of these differences , and uniting of all godly and unprejudiced people in peace and truth . this is our design , this is the success we pray for . we have been necessitated to make frequent mention of a platform of church-discipline , agreed upon by the elders and messengers of the churches in new-england , and have expressed our dissent from some things therein contained . but we desire the reader to take notice , . that in the preface to this platform they assure us of their hearty consent to the whole confession of faith ( for substance of doctrine ) which the reverend assembly presented to the parliament ; and tell us of an unanimous vote of a synod at cambridge , . which passed in these words , this synod having perused and considered ( with much gladnesse of heart , and thankefulness to god ) the confession of faith published of late by the reverend assembly in england , do judge i● to be very holy , orthodox and judicious in all matters of faith , and do therefore freely and fully consent thereunto , for the substance thereof , &c. and do therefore think it meet , that this confession of faith , should be commended to the churches of christ amongst us , and to the honoured court ▪ as worthy of their due consideration and acceptance . . that as we agree wholly in the same confession of faith , so also we agree in many things of greatest concernment in the matter of church-discipline . . that those things wherein we differ are not of such consequence , as to cause a schism between us , either in worship , or in love and affection . our debates with them are ( as it was said of the disputes of the ancient fathers one with another about lesser differences ) not contentiones , but collationes . we can truly say ( as our brethren do in the fore-named preface ) that it is far from us so to attest the discipline of christ , as to detest the disciples of christ ; so to contend for the seamless coat of christ , as to crucifie the living members of christ ; so to divide our selves about church-communion , as through breaches to open a wide gap for a deluge of antichristian and prophane malignity to swallow up both church and civil state. the main intendment and chief drift of this our undertaking , hath been , to oppose those that say , that there is no such office as the office of the ministry ; or , that this office is quite lost ; or , that every man that thinks himself gifted , may intrude into the ministerial office. these opinions we judge destructive to christian religion , and an in-let to popery and all errour , to all disorder and confusion , and at last to all profaneness and atheism . there are four things that justly deserve to be abhorred by all good christians . . an vniversal toleration of all religions . . an vniversal admittance of all men to the lords supper . . vniversal grace , that is , that christ died equally for all , and that all men have free-will to be saved . . vniversal allowance of all that suppose themselves gifted to preach without ordination . this last is that which we have abundantly confuted , and which we conceive to be unsufferable in a well-ordered christian commonwealth . and our prayer to god is , that our respective congregations may be established in the truth against this and all other errours ; and that they may take heed least being led away with the errour of the wicked , they should fall from their own stedfastness . and ( for the preventing of this mischief ) that they may grow in grace and in the knowledge of our lord and saviour iesus christ , to him be glory both now and for ever . amen . the end of the first part. the second part , containing a iustification of the present ministers of england , both such who were ordained during the prevalency of episcopacy , from the foul aspersion of antichristianisme , and those who have been ordained since its abolition , from the unjust imputation of novelty ; that a bishop , and presbyter are all one in scripture ; and that ordination by presbyters is most agreeable to the scripture pattern . together with an appendix , wherein the judgment , and practice of antiquity , about the whole matter of episcopacy , and especially about the ordination of ministers is briefly discussed . cor. . . let a man so account of us as of the ministers of christ , and stewards of the mysteries of god. thess. . , . and we beseech you , brethren , to know them that labour among you , and are over you in the lord , and admonish you . [ . ] and to esteem them very highly in love for their work sake . cor . . if i be not an apostle unto others , yet doubtlesse i am to you , for the seal of mine apostleship are ye in the lord. revel . . . and i will give power unto my two witnesses , and they shall prophesie a thousand two hundred and threescore dayes clothed in sackcloth . acts . . take heed therefore unto your selves , and to all the flock over the which the holy ghost hath made you overseers , or bishops . london , printed by i. l. . the justification of our ministry is comprised undertwo propositions . . that , the call to the office of the ministry which some of our present ministers did receive during the prevalency of episcopacy , was lawfull , and valid ; which is proved , . by arguments drawn from the principles of our adversaries , wherein , by the way , is proved , . that the churches of england are true churches . . the two great objections against them , taken from their parochial and national constitution , are sufficiently answered . . by arguments taken from our own principles , and the nature of the thing . and here our ministry is largely vindicated from that foul aspersion of antichristianisme which is cast upon it , because conveyed unto us ( as is said ) by popish , and antichristian bishops . . that , the call to the office of the ministry which our present ministers do receive , since the abolition of episcopacy , is lawful , and valid . in which is shewed , . that a bishop , and presbyter are all one in scripture . . that the instances of timothy and titus , and the asian angels do not prove the contrary . and because ordination by presbyters without bishops is highly accused of novelty , as having not the least shadow of antiquity , and thereby many candidates of the ministry are discouraged from this way of entring into the ministry , and ordination so received is accounted null , we have therefore added an appendix , wherein is briefly held forth the judgment , and practice of antiquity , both in reference to ordination , and the whole matter of episcopacy . the preface . having sufficiently proved , that there is such an office as the office of a minister , and that this office is perpetual ; and that no man ought to assume this office unless he be lawfully called thereunto ▪ and that this call is by ordination with the imposition of the hands of the presbytery . it remains now that we should speak something concerning the justification of our own ministry . for what are we the better that there is a ministery by divine institution , if our ministry be of man , and not of god ? what are we the better that there is a ministry from christ , if our ministry be from antichrist ? it will be said to us as it was to christ , physitian cure thy self . trouble not the world with a general assertion of the necessity of a ministry unlesse you will bring it down to particulars , and make out unto us the divine right of your ministry . this then is the work that is now before us , which we shall the rather undertake ▪ first , for our peoples sake , that they may with all chearfulnesse and conscienciousnesse submit unto our ministry , when it shall appear plainly unto them , that we are ministers sent by god ; tha● we are over them in the lord ▪ that we are the lords stewards , and the lords ambassadors . and that they may with confidence expect a blessing from god upon our ministry , as not doubting but that god will make use of his own instruments , and that a minister sent by god , will be blessed by god : wh●reas they that hear men not lawfully called , have no promise of a blessing , but rather a threatning that they shall not profit by such preachers , as we have formerly proved . hence it is that such hearers run from one errour to 〈…〉 as a just punishment of god upon them , 〈◊〉 to the saying of the apostle , tim. . , 〈…〉 will come , when they will not endure sound 〈…〉 after their own lusts shall they heap to themselves 〈…〉 having itching ears . they shall make 〈◊〉 upon teacher , they shall heap up teachers . and these teachers shall be sent by themselves , and not by god : and after their own lusts , not after the divine rule . for so saith the text , they shall after their own lusts heap to themselves , &c. and the reason why they do this , is not because they have more judicious eares , then other people , or because they are more holy ; but because they have ●●ching eares . but mark the curse that attends all such , vers . . they shall turn away their eares from the truth , and shall be turned unto fables . secondly , for our brethren's sake in the ministery . for there is nothing that will more inable a minister to discharg● his office with courage , faithfulnesse ; and chearfulnesse , maugre all opposition of unreasonable men , nothing will more encourage him to persevere in it , and to expect a blessing from it , than the evidence that he is deputed by god to this office , that he is feeding the flock over which the holy ghost hath made him overs●er . this was gods encouragement to ieremy and isaiah . there is required in ministers a singular confidence in gods assistance , and a singular expectation of direction , protection , provision , supportation , and benediction , which they cannot have , unlesse they be fully assured , that their function and ministry is from heaven heavenly : hence it is that paul (a) laboureth to make out the authority of his calling to the corinthians , and (b) iohn unto the pharisees , and (c) christ unto the iewes . thirdly , for our enemies sake , that cry down the pr●●ent ministers as ●●als priests , as popish and antichristian ; that goliah-like defie the armies of the living god ▪ that tread under their feet not onely the ministers , but their ministry ; and say to us , bow down that we may go over ; that make our bodies as the ground , and ●s the street for them to go in . that say of us just as the jewes did of christ , crucifie them , crucifi● th●● . now that such as these may know , that when they fight against our ministry , they fight against god , whose ministry it 〈◊〉 ▪ and that when they persecu●e us , they persecute christ , whose servants we are . and that it is in vain to kick against pricks ; that we are 〈◊〉 in christ's right hand , and that they shall feel the power of his right hand , that would pluck us out of his right hand ; that even ieroboam's hand ( though a king ) shall wither , if he stretch it out against a true prophet of the lord ; that we are a plant of gods planting , and therefore shall not be rooted up : therefore it is that we have undertaken this work . the thesis we shall lay down is this , that the ministers of the church of england that now are , and have been since the reformation of religion , are lawfully called to their office , so as they need not renounce their ordination ; nor have their people any just ground of separation from them in that respect . the present ministers of the church of england are of two sorts , either such as have been made ministers since the abolishing of prelacy by the imposition of the hands of preaching presbyters ; or such as were ordained heretofore by the laying on of the hands of the bishop , together with other ministers . and there are two sorts of dissenters amongst us . there are some that dislike our present way of ordination , and say it is invalid , because performed by ministers without a bishop . there are others dislike our former way of ordination , and say it is null , and of no validity , because we were made by antichristian bishops . one side deny our ministry to be of god , because we want bshops to ordain us : the other side deny our ministry to be of god , because we had once bishops to ordain us . and thus is the present ministry like jesus christ himself crucified between two opposite parties . but as christ , though crucified , yet rose again and is ascended up into heaven : so we doubt not but the ministers of christ , though they prophesie in sackcloth for the present , and may perhaps ●e slain , and lye in the streets for three dayes and an half , yet they shall rise in spight of all their enemies , and be called up into heaven in the sight of them . in opposition to these two sorts of dissenters , we shall lay down these two propositions : that the cal● to the office of the ministers , which some of our present ministers did receive during the prevalency of episcopacy was lawful and valid . that the call to the office of ministry , which our present ministers do now receive since the abolishing of episcopacy is lawful , and valid . chap. i. containing the first pr●position , and proving it by arguments drawn from the principles of our adversaries , that the call to the office of the minist●ry , which some of our present ministers did receive during the prevalency of episcopacy was lawful and valid . there are some amongst us that refuse to hear our ministers , because they were ordained ( as they say ) by antichristian bishops , and think they are bound in conscience to renounce our ministery , till we have renounced our ordination . and as the antipaed●-baptist would rebaptize all that are baptized amongst us : so the brownist would re-ordain all that are ordained amongst us . for our parts , we are confident that there is neither warrant out of the word of god for rebaptization , nor re-ordination . that the latter ( which is our present work ) may the better appear , we must premise a distinction which we have formerly made use of in our vindication , where we have also spoken something about this subject . we must distinguish between a defective ministery , and a false ministery ; as we do between a man that is lame or blind , and a man that is but the picture of a man. we do not deny , but that the way of ministers entring into the ministery by prelates ●ad many de●ects in it , for which they ought to be truly and greatly humbled ; but yet we adde , th●t notwithstanding all accid●nt●l corr●ptions , it is not substantially and essentially corrupted , so as there should be need of re-ordination . the scribes and pharisees were not onely wicked in their conversation , but mingled the leaven of false doctrine with their teachings , and had many defects in their entrance ; yet our saviour saith , matth. . , . the scribes and p●●risees si● in mos●s his seat . all therefore , &c. if they that sate in moses his chair were to be heard in all things that they taught according to the word , though they did not live as they taught , and had many failings in their entrance , much more they that s●t in c●th●drá christi , in the ch●i● of christ , and teach 〈◊〉 quae sunt christi , those things which christ would have them teach , and live according to what they ●each , although there were many defects in their entrance into the ministry : a● every defect in a christian , doth not make him no christian , and every defect in the administration of the gospel-ordinances , doth not make them no gospel-ordinances : so ●very defect in the way of entrance into the ministry , doth not make that ministry a false ministry , or no ministry . now that our ministry during the prevalency of episcopacy , was lawfull and valid for the substance of it , though mingled with many circumstantiall d●fect● , appears two manner of wayes . . we will ar●ue ●ccordi●● to the judgement of those , who hold , that the whole essence of the ministeriall call consisteth in the election of the people , and that ordination is nothing else but a solemne installing of a minister into that office , which he had before conveyed unto him by his election : our brethr●n of new ●ngland , though they hold ordination by imposition of hand● to be of divine institution , yet not so necessary , as if a ministers call were a nullity without it ; for , they say in the same place , that the outward call of a minister consisteth properly and essentially in election by the people , and that this election is so necessary , as that the minister● c●ll withou● it is ● nullity ; but not so without ordination . the brownist● and anabaptists doe speake f●rre more slightingly , and undervalui●gly of ordination ; and therefore we ●rave leave to use ●rgumentum ad h●minem * thus they that are lawfully elected by the people , are lawfull ministers . but suc● are the minister● of engl●●● , &c. ergo. or thus , if a minister rightly chosen by the people be a true minister , though not at all ordained , then a minister rightly chosen by the people is a true minister , though ●orruptly ordained . but ( according to these men , ) a mi●ister rightly chosen by the people is a true minister , though not at all ordained . erg● . but many ministers during the prevalency of episcopacy w●re not at all el●cted by the p●ople . but m●ny were , ●nd thi● argument serves to justifie their ministry . . though there are some , that were at first obtruded unjustly and unduely upon the people , yet the p●ople● aft●r ●cceptance ●nd ●pprob●tio● 〈◊〉 supply th● want of el●ction ●t first , 〈…〉 af●er ●onsent ●nd ●●ceptance of leah , made her to be his wife , though he chose her not at first : and by thi● ( s●y o●r brethren in new-england ) we hold the calling of many ministers in england may be excused , who at first came into their places without the consent of the people . but the people that ●hose them were wicked and ungodly , and therefore they were not rightly chosen . this is not true of many place● where ministers , were chosen by congregations , wherein there were many godly people . . visible saints and unblameable livers are sufficient to to make up the matter of a true church ; and who can deny , but that there are such in many , if not in most , of the congregations in england . but what though we judge that the whole essence of the ministeriall call consisteth in popular election , yet the ministers whom we plead against , look upon their ordination , as that which give● them the essence of their call , and think they stand ministers by that . what is that to you what they ●hink their 〈◊〉 ●hin●ing in your opinion is their personal errour , but it c●nnot nullifie their ministry ; for , he that hath the essentials of a true minister , is a true minister ; but he that is rightly elected hath the essenti●ls of ● true minister ●ccord●ng ●o you ▪ and therefore whatsoever his judgement is about ordination , he must stand a true minister to you , unlesse you will crosse your own position . suppose ( as one saith ) a deacon thinks his ordination gives him the essentials of his office , the people think their election doth ; what then ● will you separate fro● him , and not go to him for reliefe in case of want ? he hath election and ordination , so that to be sure a deacon he is : the case is the same with the present ministry . this instance is urged by mr. burroughs , of which we shall have occasion afterwards to make further use . we shall add another argument of the same nature , to prove that the ministry of england , is a true ministrie . if there were true churches in england , during the prevalency of episcopacy , then there was a true ministry : for , ( according to those men ) it is the true being of a church , that giveth being to the truth of ministry , and ordinances , and not the ministry and ordinances that give being to a church . but there were true churches in england , during the prevalency of episcopacy . ergo , &c. that there were true churches appears , from what the new-england ministers say in their answer to the . questions , pag. . . . . and in their apologie for the church-covenant , pag. , , , , . where they shew . . that the gospel was brought into england in the apostles dayes or a little after , and that churches were by them constituted in england according to the evangelicall pattern . . that though popish apostacy did afterwards for many ages overspread all the churches of england ▪ ( as in other countries ) yet still god reserved a remnant , according to the election of grace amongst them , for whose sake he preserved the holy scriptures amongst them , and baptisme in the name of the trinity onely . . that when god of his rich grace was pleased to stir up the spirit of king edward the ●ixt , and queen elizabeth to cast off the pope and all fundamentall errors in doctrine & worship and a great part of the tyranny of popishchurch-government , &c. the people of the nation generally re●●ived the articles of religion , &c. wherein is contained the marrow , and summe of the oracles of god , &c. . that wheresoever the people do with common and mutuall consent , gather into settled congregations , ordinarily every lords day ( as in england they do ) to teach and hear this doctrine , and do professe their subjection thereunto , and do binde themselves and their children ( as in baptisme they do ) to continue therein , that such congregations are true churches , notwithstanding sundry defects and corruptions found in them , wherein ( say they ) we follow the judgement of calvin , whitakers , and many other divines of chief note : nor can we judge or speak harshly of the wombes that bare us , nor of the paps that gave us suck . this also appears , . from that mr. phillips of watertown in new-england saith in a book of his written for the justification of infant-baptisme , and also concerning the form of a church therein he proveth , that there is a true ministry in england , because there are true churches ; and that there are true churches in england and in other reformed churches of the like consideration , he proveth . . because the true visible state of christs church is by gods promise to continue unto the end of the world. luk. . . matth. . . and . . . mat. . , . cor. , . then he argueth . if the visible church-state be to continue , then either it continued in england , and other places of like consideration , or in some other places of the world. but not in other places of the world , &c. ergo. again , if there be no other churches in the world , nor have bin for many hundred years , but popish , or reformed . then ( if the visible state of christs church must abide for ever ) either the popish , or the reformed churches must be the true churches of christ. but not the popish : ergo the reformed . . he argueth : if antichrist must sit in the temple of god , and the courts of the temple be given unto the antichristian gentiles for a certain time to tread under foot , then there was a true church-state where he sate , and whilest he sate there , and it was the true measured temple , whose courts he treads under foot ; nor can there be antichrist , unlesse there be the temple and courts thereof where he is . and if antichrist ●ver sate in england , then there was the temple of god there before he sate in it , and whilest he sate in it : as also in other reformed churches . the temple or church is the subject wherein ; he must sit , the antichristian seat is not the subject , nor constitutes it , but is an accident vitiating the subject ; the removing therefore of antichristianity doth not destroy the subject , or make it to ●ease to be , but changeth it into a better estate . he adds , . if ever there were true churches constituted in england , they remain so still , or else god hath by some manifest act unchurched them . but there were true churches in england in the apostles dayes or a little after , and god hath by no manifest act unchurched them . " ergo. thus farr this reverend author , that there are true churches in england , and so by consequence true ministers , appears further . . where there are a company of visible saints meeting constantly together in publike , to worship god according to his own way prescribed in his word for the substance of it , there are ( according to these mens opinion ) a true church , and a true church-state , and a true ministry . but during the prevalency of episcopacy there were in our congregations companies of visible saints meeting together , to worship god according to his own way , prescribed in the word for the substance of it ; ergo. the congregations in england are not combined together by a church-covenant , which is the essential form of a particular church , and therefore are not true churches , and so by consequence have no true ministry , we acknowledge no such church covenant as commanded in scripture distinct from the covenant of grace . supposing , but not granting , that a church-covenant is necessary to the being of a church , yet we desire that our brethren in new-england may be heard pleading for us . mr. hooker saith , that this church covenant is dispensed after a double manner , either explicitely , or implicitely . an implicite covevant is when in their practise they do that whereby they make themselves ingaged to walk in such a society , according to such rules of government , which are exercised amongst them , and so submit themselves thereunto , but do not make any verbal profession thereof . thus the people in the parishes in england , when there is a minister put upon them by the patron or bishop , they constantly hold them to the fellowship of the people in such a place , attend all the ordinances there used , and the dispensations of the minister so imposed upon them , submit thereunto &c. by such actions and a fixed attendance upon all such services , and duties they declare that by their practise which others do hold forth by their profession . and therefore it is a great scandal for any to say that for want of a church-covenant we nullify all churches but our own , and that upon our grounds received there must be no church in the world but in new-england &c. so likewise in their apology , for a church-covenant they say . though we deny not but the covenant in many congregations of england is more implicite , and not so plain as were to be desired , yet we hope we may say of them with mr parker polit. eccl. l. . c. . pag. . non abest realis & substantialis ( quanquam magis quam par erat implicita ) coitio in faedus , eaque voluntaria professio fid●i substantialis , qua ( deo gratia ) essentiam ecclesiae idque visibilis hucusque sartam tectam in anglia conservavit . that is , there wants not that real and substantial coming together , or agreeing in covenant ( though more implicite then were meet ) and that substantial profession of faith , which ( thanks be to god ) hath preserved the essence of visible churches in england unto this day . but the congregations of england are parochiall churches , and therefore no true churches of christ , and so by consequence have no true ministry . there is much opposition in our dayes against distinguishing of congregations by local bounds , and much endeavour to break this bond asunder , and to leave people at liberty to joyn ( notwithstanding their dwellings ) with what church they please , & with no churches if they please ; and most people speak of parochial churches in a most contemptible way , as of so many cages of unclean birds , and of parochiall ministers , as of so many parish priests : but we hope this ariseth not so much out of malice , and from a spirit of opposition , as from a misunderstanding of our judgement concerning parochial congregations . we will therefore briefly declare what we do not hold , and what we do hold . . we do not say that the bare dwelling in a parish is sufficient to make a man a member of the church of christ within that parish . a turk , or pagan , or idolater may be within the bounds of a parish , and yet we do not hold him a member of the church in that parish . . we do not say , that all that dwell in a parish , and that joyn constantly in hearing of the word of god therein preached , should upon that account be admitted to the lords table . we heartily desire , and sincerely endeavour to keep all ignorant and scandalous people from the sacrament although they dwell within the same bounds with those that are admitted . . we do not allow , but much dislike the unequal division of parishes , and we heartily desire a redresse herein . but we say . . that it is most expedient for edification , and most agreeable to the evangelical pattern , that congregations should be distinguished by the respective bounds of their dwellings . thus all the christians in corinth did belong to the church of corinth , and all the believers in eph●sus , to the church of ephesus . the churches in the new testament are distinguished one from another by the places where the believers dwel● . as the church at corinth from the church at ephesus . and we do not read of any of one town member of a church in another town distinct from it . the reverend assembly gave . reasons for the proof of this assertion . . because they who dwell together , being bound to all kind of moral duties one to another , have the better oportunity thereby to discharge them , which moral tie is perpetual , for christ came not to destroy the law , but to sulful it . . the communion of saints must be so ordered , as may stand with the most convenient use of the ordinances ▪ and discharge of morall duties without respect of persons , cor. . . let all things be done unto edifying . heb. . , . iam . . . . the pastor and people must so nearly cohabit together , as that they may mutually perform their duties each to other with most conveniency . . we say , that all that live within the same parish being baptized persons , and making profession of christianity may claime admission into the society of christians within those bounds , & enjoy the priviledges and ordinances there dispensed , if by their scandalous lives they make not themselves unworthy . for we believe that all baptized persons are members of the church general visible , and have right unto all the ordinances of christ as the circumcised iew had , and wheresoever they come to fix their dwellings may require an orderly admission unto the ordinances there dispensed , unlesse by their sins they have disinherited themselves . . we say , that it is agreeable to the will of christ and much tending to the edification of his church , that all those that live within the same bounds , should be under the care of the same minister or ministers , to be taught by them and governed by them , and to have the other ordinance● dispensed unto them sutable to their condition , as they shall manifest their worthinesse to part●ke of them . and ●hat to remove altogeher those parochial bounds would open a gap to thousands of people to live like sheep without a shepheard , and insteed of joyning with purer chur●he● , to joyn with no churche● ▪ and in a little time ( as we conceive * ) it would bring in all manner of prophanenesse and athiesme . suppose a godly man living under a wicked minister or ●n hereticall minister , or a minister that admits all men promiscuously to the sacrament without any examination ; would you have this man bound to hear him and to receive the sacrament from him ? if the government of the church were once setled , and countenanced by the civil magistrate , care would be taken that there should be no place for such kind of objections . . such a person in such a case ought rather to remove his habitation ( if it may be done without any great prejudice to his outward estate ) then that for his sake that good and old way of bounding of parishes rightly understood should be laid aside . suppose he cannot remove without very great prejudice to his outward estate . in suc● a case , it is much better as we conceive ( till the church government be further setled , and hath further countenance from civil authority ) to relieve such a one by admitting him into another congregation for a while , than wholly to break and dissolve that laudable and church edifying way of distinguishing congregations by local bounds . but would you then have every man bound to keep constantly to the minister under whom he lives ? we are not so rigid as to tie people from hearing other ministers occasionlly even upon the lords day , but y●t we beli●ve that it is most a greeable to gospel order upon the grounds for●mentioned ▪ that he that fixet● his h●bit●tion wher● there is ● godly able orthodox minister , should ordinarily waite upon his ministry , & joyn to that congregation where he dwells rather then to another . in scripture to appoint elders in every church and in every city is all one . they that were converted in a city ( who were at first but few in number ) joyned in church-fellowship with the elders and congregation of that city , and not with any other . but the church of england is a national church , and therefore cannot be a true church , because , the church of the iewes was the only national church , and there are no national churches now under the new testament . this objection lies as a great stumbling block to hinder many christians from joyning with our churches , and therefore we shall take some pains to remove it . for the better answering of this objection , we shall premise this distinction of a national church . a church may be called national in a two fold respect , either because it hath one national officer , worship , and place of worship . thus it was among the iewes , they had one high priest over all the nation ; they had one place to which all the males were bound thrice in a year to assemble , and one special part of worship , to wit , sacrifice which was confined to that publick place , unlesse in case of extraordinary dispensation . such a national church we are far from asserting or endeavouring to establish . or a church may be called national , when all the particular congregations of one nation , living under one civil government , agreeing in doctrine and worship , are governed by their lesser and greater assemblies ▪ and in this sense we assert a national church . but there is no example of any national church in the new testament . the reason is , because we have no example there of any nation converted to the faith . . there are prophesies , and promises of national churches , psal. , , , . isai. . . isai. . , in that day shall five citi●s sp●ak th● languag● of ca●aan , ●nd swear to the lord of host● & ● . and v. . — then shall be an altar 〈◊〉 the midst of the land of egypt and a pilla● at th● border t●●reof to the lord. and so on to vers . . in that day shall isr●●l be the third with egypt , and with assy●ia , ●ven a blessing i● the midst of the land ; whom the lord of hosts shall bless● saying , blessed be egypt my people , and assyria the work of mine hands , and isra●l mine inheritance . from this full place we gather , . that in the times of the new testament there shall be national churches . . that these churches shall combine in one way of worship by oath and covenant . . that the lord own 's those churches thus combined , as hi● own ▪ and promiseth to blesse them . . even the iewes themselves , when their nation shall be turned to the lord , and return to their own land , shall become a national church ; ( not as having one high priest , one place of worship , and one special publick worship in that one place ( for these things were typical , and ceremonial , and so were to vanish but as ) agreeing together in the same way of doctrine , worship , and covenant as other christian nations do●● . this is evident from ezek. . . to the end of the chapter . but we do not find in the new testament , that the particular churches of any nation are called a church in the singular number ▪ but church●● ▪ and therefore we look upon it as an unscriptural expression to call the congregations of this nation the church of england . we find that several congregations in the same city are called a church , as in ierusalem , act. . . that there were many congregations in ierusalem is evidently proved , both in the reasons of the assemblie of divines against the dissenting brethren ( where they prove it both from the variety of languages , and from the multitude of professours , and ministers ) as also in our vindication of the presbyterial government : and so act. , , . and act. . , . thus it was with the ephesians ; called ● church act. . . and revel . . . and yet had many congregations , as appears from the booke● fore-quoted . ( and if five congregations may be called one church , why not five hundred ? ) . we might instance , that the churches in divers cities are called a church : compare gal. . . , . with act. . . where the churches of divers cities are called expresly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . yet further it appears that all the visible churches in the world are called a church , cor. . . ephes. . . cor. . . and if all the churches in the world are called one church , let no man be offended if all the congregations in england be called the church of england . but how doth it appear that it is the will of christ that the churches of one nation should be governed by lesser and greater assemblies , and so become a nationall church . for this we desire the reader seriously and impartially to peruse the vindication of the presbyterial government , wherein this very thing is largely proved both by the light of nature , and by the scripture : see vindicat. p. . & . and thus we have endevoured by two arguments to convince those that oppose our ministry from their own principles , and to give them to understand that according to their own tenents they are bound in conscience to acknowledge many of our ministers , at least , to be true ministers , although it should be granted them , that our ordination is unwarrantable and antichristian . for most of these men are amongst the number of them that vilify ▪ and disregard ordination . the best of them make it but a meer circumstance or adjunct to the call of the ministry . and who knowes not but circumstances may be wanting or corrupted , and yet the substance remain intire ? if we be true churches , then ( according to their own positions ) we are true ministers . if rightly elected , then we have that which ( they say ) is essential to the ministerial call . suppose ordination by bishops should be an humane addition not agreeable to the rule , yet notwithstanding hum●n● additio●● do not nullify divine institution ▪ . mr. burroughs in his heart-divisions hath this saying , i confesse for my part i never yet doubted of the lawfulnesse of the call of many of the ministers of the parishional congregations in england ; though they had something superadded which was sinfull yet it did not nullify that call they had by the church , that communion of saints , amongst whom they exercised their ministery . if a man be baptized in the name of the father , son , and holy ghost , though there should be many ceremonial additions of s●le , spi●●l● , 〈◊〉 , the sign of the crosse , &c. yet these additions would not nullify the ordinance of baptism● . now more can the superaddition of ordination unto our election ( though it be supposed by them to be sinful ) nullify our ministry , which in their judgements is , for the 〈◊〉 of it , confer●ed by election . chap. ii. wherein the same proposition is proved by arguments taken from our own principles . but omitting this way of argumentation , we shall now ( god assisting ) undertake to prove according to our own principles ( who hold that ordination is that which gives the ess●rice to the ministerial call . ) that the call to the office of the ministry which some of our ministers did receive during the prevalency of episcopacy , was lawful and valid , for the substance of it , though mingled with many circumstantial defects . this appears by these ensuing arguments . they that ( for the substance of their call ) were called to the ministry according to the mind of christ , are lawful ministers of christ. but the ministers that were ordained during the prevalency of episcopacy were ( for the substance of their call ) called according to the mind of christ , ergo. ( here we desire the reader to take notice , that in this argument , we shall not at all speak of the peoples election of their minister . not because we are enemies to popular election rightly managed and ordered , or because we think that the ministerial call doth not consist in election as well as ordination ( for we have formerly declared the contrary . ) but because the great stumbling stone and rock of offence against the present ministry is in reference to to their ordination , therefore it is that we insist upon that onely . ) the minor is proved by surveying the book of ordination established by act of parliament according to which ministers were to be ordained , during the prevalency of episcopacy . out of which we thus argue . they who were sufficiently gifted and qualified for the ministry , and were inwardly called by god , and outwardly called by prayer ▪ and fasting , with the imposition of the hands of preaching presbyters , were called to the office of the ministry ( for the substance of it ) according to the mind of christ. but such were they who were ordained during the prevalency of episcopacy , ergo. that they were such that is ▪ ought to have been such according the rule established , and that many were such de facto , and if any were not such , it was vi●ium personae ordinantis , not vitium regulae , the fault of the person ordaining , not of the rule for ordination , appears by viewing the book it self in which we shall find . . that the party to be ordained is to be one that is apt to teach , willing to take pains in the ministry , found in the faith , of honest life and conversation . and sure we are , many were such , and if any were not , it was a personal , not a church error . . the party to be ordained is to be examined touching his perswasion of an inward calling by the spirit , whether he be inwardly moved by god to the work of the ministry , and touching his faith of the sufficiency of the scriptures , his purpose to execute his ministry according to the word of god , to oppose all erroneous and strange doctrines , to fashion his conversation according to what may become a minister of the gospel , &c. . the party thus qualified , after a sermon preached and prayer made to god for a blessing is to be ordained , and set apart to the work of the ministry by the laying on of the hands of the bishop , together with other preaching presbyters . this is the substance of the book as touching the ordination of ministers , from which it appears that ministers made during the prevalency of episcopacy , were ( for the substance of their call ) called according to the mind of christ , and therefore lawful ministers . but it will be objected , that the ministers we plead for were made by bishops distinct from presbyters ▪ who had no power nor authority to ordain them ; and not onely so , but by bishops who held themselves to be a superiour order of ministry by divine right above presbyters , who were not onely bishops but lord bishops , who were wicked and antichristian , and whom we have renounced and sworn to endeavour to extirpate in our late solemn league and covenant . what our opinio n is concerning the divine right of episcopacy , and what difference there is between a presbyter bishop , and a bishop over presbyters , between a scripture bishop and the bishop that obtained in the primitiv● times and the bishop of our times , we shall have occasion to declare hereafter . for the present , before we return an answer to this great objection consisting of many particulars , we must crave leave to premise these few conclusions , many of which we shall in the next proposition prove at large . that according to the mind of god a bishop and a presbyter are all one : the scripture owns no bishop over presbyters , but onely a presbyter-bishop . that the lawes of the realme acknowledge nothing by divine right in a bishop but his being a presbyter . sir edward cook makes it one part of the kings jurisdiction to grant to bishops that ecclesiastical power they now exercise over us ( speaking of his times ) and also to take it from them at pleasure , &c. in henry the th● . dayes there was a book printed for all his subjects to receive , seen and allowed by both houses of parliament , wherein is said of these two orders onely , that is to say , priests and deacons , the scripture maketh expresse mention , and how they were conferred by the apostles by prayer , and imposition of hands . by which it is evident , that the lawes of the realme do not acknowledge the divine right of prelacy . that most of our bishops in king edwards and queen elizabeths dayes did freely confess , that episcopacy as it differed from presbytery was onely of humane right and not from divine institution . this bishop iewel confesseth in his answer to harding , and brings divers of the ancient fathers of the same judgement , whose sayings we shall hereafter mention . the same is affirmed by archbishop whitgift against carewright , and by bishop downam in the preface to his defence of his sermon preached at the consecration of the bishop of bath and wells . that the best learned ▪ even amongst the papists themselves ▪ do confesse , that a bishop is not a superiour order of ministry above a presbyter , but onely a superiour dignity ▪ that sacerdotium , that is , as they call it , the priesthood , is the highest order in the church . that a bishop is onely 〈◊〉 presbyter ; the first presbyter , or , as bellarmine calls him ▪ major 〈◊〉 , episcopacy is not another order distinct from the priesthood saith caepr●●lus . no prelate hath more concerning sacramental power , or of order , then simple priests . so armachanus , as concerning sacerdotal order , and things that pertain to order , they are equal . thus bellarmine himself . although a bishop and presbyter are distinguished , yet as concerning sacrifice they exercise the same ministry , and therefore they make one order , and not two . cusanus goeth further ; all bishops , and haply also presbyters , are of equal power in respect of jurisdiction , although not of execution ; which executive power is shut up and restrained by certain positive lawes , the master of the sentences saith , that the canons acknowledge onely two sorts of holy orders ; diaconatum , sc. & presbyteratum , quia hos solos primitiva ecclesia legitur habuisse , & de his solis praeceptum apostoli ●abamus . that is , the deacon and the presbyter . because the primitive church had no other , and the apostolique precept speaks of no other . estins tells us , that aquinas , waldensis , bonaventure , and most of the other schoolmen are of this opinion : and doctor field in his th . book of the church hath this remarkeable passage touching the preeminence of bishops above presbyters , there is some difference among the school divines : for the best learned amongst them are of opinion that bishops are not greater then presbyters in the power of consecration or order , but only in the exercise of it and in the power of jurisdiction ▪ seeing presbyters may preach and minister the greatest of all sacraments by vertue of their consecration and order ▪ as well as bishops . touching the power of consecration or order , saith durandus , it is much doubted of amongst divines , whether any be greater then an ordinary presbyter : for hierome seemeth to have been of opinion , that the highest power of consecration or order i● the power of a priest or elder , so that every priest in respect of his priestly power , may minister all sacraments , confirm the baptized , give all orders , all blessings , and consecrations , but that for the avoiding of the peril of schisme , it was ordained that one should be chosen , who should be named a bishop , whom the rest should obey , and to whom it was reserved to give orders , and to do some other things which none but bishops do . and afterwards he saith , that hierome is clearly of this opinion , and much more to this purpose . now hence it followeth necessarily . that the power of ordination of ministers exercised for these many hundred years by bishops , did belong to them as presbyters and not as bishops , and that the act and exercise of it was restrained to them potius ad honorem sacerdotii & in remedium schismatis quam ad legis ●●cessitatem : rather for the honour of the priesthood , and ( as was then their opinion ) for the remedy of schisme , then for any necessity of law. for the scripture warrants no such practise , as we shall shew hereafter . now this floweth from the former conclusion . for if episcopacy be the same order of ministers with presbytery , and the ecclesiastical power equal in both , and a bishop be nothing else in the opinion of antiquity , but a chief presbyter , or the president of the presbytery , and of the same rank with them , then all the acts he doth , he must do by vertue of his presbyterial consecration . this is demonstrable ( even our adversaries being judges ) from this argument . because a bishop made per saltum , that never had the ordination of a presbyter , can neither consecrate and administer the sacrament of the lords supper , nor ordain a presbyter , himself being none , nor do any act peculiarly appertaining to presbyters . ordination therefore ( saith mr. ball ) is reserved to the bishop , not in respect of superiority in degree of ministry above his brethren , for if he be no presbyter he cannot make presbyters , but for order sake , and to prevent schisme and division , being for substance of the same order and consecration with them . dr. field manageth the same argument these or words . a presbyter ( saith he ) ordained per saltum that never was consecrated or ordained a deacon , may notwithstanding do all those act● that pertaine to the deacons order ( because the higher order doth alwayes imply in it the lower and inferiour in an eminent and excellent sort . ) but ● bishop ordained per saltum , that never had the ordination of a presbyter , can neither consecrate and administer the sacrament of the lords body , nor ordaine a presbyter , himself being non● , nor do any act peculiarly , pertaining to presbyters . whereby it is most evident ( saith dr. field ) that that wherein a bishop excelleth a presbyter , is not a distinct power of order , , but an eminency and dignitie onely , specially yeelded to one above all the rest of the same rank , for order sake , and to preserve the unity and peace of the church . what peace and order was preserved hereby in the church , we shall shew afterwards : for the present it is most clear , even from the testimony of episcopal men themselves , that a bishop is of the same order and rank with a presbyter , and that his acts of ordination were exercised by him as a presbyter , not as a bishop . these things premised , we now come to answer to the objection , and to every branch of it . the ministers we plead for were made by bishops distinct from presbyters who had no power nor authority to ordain them . the bishop though distinct from his presbyters , yet he did not ordain them alone , but together with the laying on of the hands of other presbyters he being as the first and chief presbyter , or is pr●ses presby●●rii , the president of the presbytery . the bishop that ordained them was also himself a presbyter , and had power as a presbyter to ordain , and therefore by vertue of his presbyterial capacity his ordination must needs be valid and lawful . even as when a bishop conse●rateth the bread and wine at the lords supper , he doth it not as a bishop ( though he be one ) but as a presbyter ; so also when the ordaineth a minister ( which is an act of a far● inferiour nature ) he doth it by vertue of a power belonging to him as a presbyter , not as a bishop distinct from a presbyter , much lesse as a lord-bishop . this is that which is said in the ordinance of parliament for ordination . whereas the word presbyter , that is to say elder , and the word bishop , do in the holy scripture intend and signifie one and the same function , although the title of bishop hath been by corrupt custome appropriated to one , and that unto him a●cribed , and by him assumed as in other things ▪ so in that matter of ordination that was not meet ; which ordination notwithstanding being performed by him , a presbyter joyned with other presbyters , we hold for substance to be valid , and not to be disclaimed by any that have received it . and that presbyters so ordained , being lawfully thereunto appointed and authorized , may ordain other presbyters . in the office and calling of bishops two things ar● to be considered saith mr. ball. . the substance of their office and ministry whereunto they are separated , to wit , to preach the gospel , dispense the sacraments , and administer the discipline of jesus christ. and this is of god. . the superiority they take or challenge over their brethren whether in ordination or jurisdiction , and this is of man. but they make not a difference or nullity in the substance of their ministry . all ministers of the gospel are stewards of jesus chris● , se● apart to do his work wherein if any one shall challenge more th●● of right appertaineth to him , or do ought out of pride , partiality , sinister affection , tyranny , or sedition : or receive such authority to himself alone , as belongeth not to his place and office , or is common to many ; in that he is blame worthy : but thereupon his ministry or ministerial acts done by him are not made void , or of none effect . but the bishop that ordained these ministers you plead for , ordained them as a bishop by vertue of his episcopal consecration , and not as a presbyter , by vertue of his presbyterial order . this is not true of all bishops ▪ for as mr. firmin tells us , he heard a reverend minister of a congregational church in essex , say that when the bishop ordained him , he told him : i do ordain you as i am a presbyter . . suppose he did , this wa● his personal errour , but did not ●word ; his power of ordination as a presbyter . suppose a man made a constable by lawful authority , should afterwards unwarrantably assume the power of a justice of the peace , and should do things which belong to his place as a constable under the title of a justice of peace , should not this act of his be valid though he pretends to do it upon a wrong title . mr. burroughs in his heart-divisions hath this observable passage . if a man doth a thing that he may do by vertue of relations , or either of them , it may be he thinks he stands in one of these relations which indeed he doth not , yet he doth the action by vertue of it in his own thoughts , in this he sins ; but there is another relation wherein he stands , that is enough to warrant the action that he doth to be lawful . now though he doth not intend the acting by this relation , the action may be sin to him , but not at all sin to those that joyn with him in it . if he will go upon a false ground , when he may go upon a true , let him look to it . i will joyn with him in that action as warranted for him to do by vertue of his second relation , which it may be he will not own himself . he gives this instance . giving alms is a work that a man may do either by vertue of church-office , as a deacon , or as a christian , whom god hath blessed in his estate , or betrusted with the distribution of what others betrust him with , now suppose a man is in the place of a deacon , he thinks , himself to be in that office by a right call into it , and he gives out the alms of his church by vertue of his call ; but i am perswaded his call to that office is not right , he is not a true deacon ; yet if i be in want , i knowing that bothhe and those who have given him monies to dispose , may and ought to distribute to those that are in need , by vertue of another relation , as men , as christians , enabled by god , surely then i may receive alms from him lawfully , though his principle by which he gives them me is sin to him . i may communicate with him in this thing , though he acts by vertue of that offece that he had no true call unto &c. much more may the like be said of receiving ordination from a bishop , who hath power to confer it as a presbyter , though he gave it by vertue of his episcopal consecration . but the ministers whose ordinations you defend were made by bishops , who held themselves to be a superior order of ministry above presbyters by divine institution . whether they did so or no , we know not , but sure we are , that the bishops of king edwa●d and queen elizabeths dayes were not of this opinion , as we have shewed . that the lawes of the realm do not countenance it , that the learnedest of the papists are against it , and if any of the bishops of late years were of this opinion , it was their personall error , and not at all essentiall to the episcopall office . the ministers we speak against were made not onely by bishops , but lord bishops . but not as lord-bishops . the lordly dignities of bishops were meere civil additaments annexed to their bishopricks by kingly favour , not essential ingredients into their office. and therefore when they were taken from them they continued not onely presbyters , but bishops . the bishops from whom these ministers received their ordination were wicked and ungodly , and therefore their ordination must needs be wicked and ungoldly . this is not true of all of them . some of them were godly , and some of them have shed their bloods for the gospel sake . and he that shall call such bishops wicked and ungodly , is notoriously guilty of the breach of the . commandement . . supposing , though not granting , that all of them were wicked and ungodly , yet notwithstanding though we are far from justifying their ungodlinesse , we answer . that some evil men may and alwaies have de facto been officers and ministers in the church . in the church of the jewes hophni and phinehas , in the dayes of christ ▪ scribes and pharises . . that the wickednesse of such men did not null or evacuate their ministerial acts . the scribes & pharisees that sat in moses his chair were to be heard , though they said and did not . christs commission did as well authorize iudas as any other to preach and baptize , &c. and surely if the principall acts belongingto the ministerial function , as preaching , baptizing , adminstring the sacrament of the lords supper , be not nulled or made void by the personal wickedness of ministers , then , consequently not their ordination . so that if iudas had been an apostle when christ sent his apostles to ordain elders ▪ his ordination should have been as valid as his preaching , and baptizing formerly had been . the leprosie of the hand doth not hinder the growing of the corn which that hand soweth . but these bishops were antichristian , and their office antichristian , and therefore the ministers ordained by them must needs be antichristian ministers and not the ministers of christ. for satisfaction to this objection , we shall first propose what the ancient learned & godly non-conformists have left in print about it , and then we will lay down our own answer . the old non-conformists by joynt consent have written , that they did not see how our bishops could be called antichrists , or antichristian . . because the word m●rks out antichrist by his false doctrine : nor do we find in holy scripture any such accounted antichrist or antichristian , which holding the truth of doctrine , swerveth , either in judgement or practise , from christs rule for discipline . now it is evident that our bishops do hold and teach all fundamental doctrines and truths , and some of them have soundly maintained them against hereticks , converted many to the truth and have suffered persecution for the gospel . . their hierarchy and other corruptions , charged upon the calling of our bishops , were rather to be esteemed the staires and way to antichristianity , then antichristianity ●t self ; for they were in the church , before the pop● , who is the antichrist , and the chiefe head link of all antichristianity , was revealed . . the antichristian bishops hold their preeminence as from gods law , which is unchangeable ; whereas our bishops since his majesties reign to this day ( for the most part ) hold superiority by no other right then the positive law , which is variable ; yea it appeares by the institution of the court of delegates , and the continuance thereof to this day , that they do and ought by law to hold their jurisdiction , not as from god , but is from the prince . thus they . and as to the ministers ordeyned by bishops , they say . bishops are able to judge of such gifts as are required for the sufficiencie of ministers , that many of them have been such ministers themselves , as to whose labours th● lord hath set to his seal . we are perswaded , that though it were not necessary , yet it cannot be unlawful for him that entreth into the ministery to be approved , and authorized even by them . andif our ordination be in this behalf faultie , how will our brethren justifie the calling of their own ministers that have received ordination ever from the people , who neither by commandement nor example can be found to have any such authority , nor are in any degree so capable of it as the bishops . thus much is said by the old non-conformist . for our own particulars we shall return an answer to this objection by distinguishing of the word bishop and the word antichristian . there are three sorts of bishop , the scripture-bishop , th● bishop of the first primitive times , and the bishop of latter times now we are far from thinking that the scripture bishop ( that is to say the presbyter ) or the bishop of the first primitive times ( who was nothing else but a chief bresbyter or the moderator of the presbytery and had a priority , not of power but of order onely , like a speaker in the parliament ) were antichristian . the question onely is about the bishop of latter times . the word antichristian may be taken prope●ly or improperly . an antichristian minister prope●ly is one that own 's the pope as a visible monarchical head over the church , and that stands a minister with subjection and subordination to the church of rome , and that professedly maintains the popish religion . an antichristian minister improperly is one that in his calling and office hath divers things that are antichristian . in the first sense we believe none will say our bishops were antichristians . but yet we cannot deny , but that those bishops who did take upon them by divine right the care of whole diocesses , and did assume the whole power of jurisdiction over the people and ministers therein ▪ and did challenge a majority and tantum non a sole power in ordination ▪ did symbolize herein too much with antichrist , and had in this sence much of antichristianisme in them ; yet notwithstanding this is not sufficient to denominate them antichristian , no more then the having of some hypocrisy and covetousnesse , doth denominate a godly man , an hypocrite , or a covetous person . the denomination is alwaies á meliore , our bishops for the most part were very orthodox in doctrine and pure in the substantialls of worship , and have written many learned treatises against popery and antichristianisme . indeed in matters of discipline and ceremonies they were exceeding faulty , and some of ●hem of late yeares began to apo●●atize both in doctrine and worship , for which god hath grieviously punished them ; yet all this is not sufficient to make them antichristian properly so called , much lesse to null all their acts of ordination no more then their acts of preaching , baptizing , and administring thelords supper specially if we consider that they had power enabling them to perform all these acts as they were presbyters , though they never had been bishops . b●t let us suppose ( though not grant ) the bishops were antichristian , and their office antichristian yet we answer . that it will not follow that the ministers made by them are antichristian unlesse it can also be made out ( which never can be done ) that they were antichristian in the very act of ordination . for as a maimed man may beget a perfect child , because he begets him not as maimed but as a man. so an antichristian bishop may ordain a true minister , because he ordaines him ; not a● antichristian , but as a presbyter , that by divine warrant hath authority so to do . as austin against the donatists proves the validity of baptisme by hereticks , if they baptized with water in the name of the father , son , and holy ghost , though in other points they were heretical . so certainly a minister ordained to preach the word and administer the sacraments according to the mind of christ is a lawful minister , though ordained by a bishop in other points antichristian , considering that in that one act he is not antichristian , but doth that which he hath warrant from the scripture to do though he were not a bishop . the word sacraments , and ministery are the institutions of jesus christ. and these are not made null and void though the power to dispence them in foro externo be conveighed to us by corrupt instruments , no more then the scriptures were polluted because offered by hophni and phinehas , or the chair of moses defiled , because the scribes and pharisees sat in it . we must carefully distinguish ( as a learned minister well saith ) the acts of office ( which have their form and being from a root or fountain without us ) from the qualities of the man that performes the office . the man may be naught , yet his office good ; and acts done by vertue of his office , just and allowable , although the man and his religion be naught . as for instance . a popish landlord makes you a l●ase of a farme , your lease is not antichristian , but good in law , though he that demised it , be for his religion , a papist . a popish judge doth passe a sentence in court , which stands good in judicature , his sentence is not popish ▪ though he that pronounced it be a papist ; the reason is , because the legall sentence is not of him , nor from him , as a papist , but as a judge , who doth but deliver that which he hath received from an higher root , the law. so in this case , ordination is an act of office received from christ and is not antichristian , though executed by one that is in other things antichristian . we do not rebaptize them that were baptized by a popish priest , because the power ofgods ordinance depends not on theperson that does execute the same , but upon an higher foundation , the institution of christ. ministerial acts are not vitiated or made null , though they p●sse through the hands of bad men ; but stand good to all intents and purposes to such as receive them aright , by vertue of their office authoritatively derived from the first institution . a bishop in his presbyterial capacity hath divine right to ordain , and therefore his ordination is valid , though it be granted that he is antichristian in his episcopal capacity . if a minister made by a bishop be a lawfull minister , why then did you in your late covenant abjure episcopacy with all its dependencies ? we did not swear in our covenant to endeavour the extirpation of scripture episcopacy which is presbytery ; but of prelacy , that is , of those lordly titles which bishops were invested withal , and of their unjust usurpation of a sole power of jurisdiction and of a majority of power in ordination together with their chancellours and commissaries and the rest of the hierarchy ▪ but we never did and never shall ( by god● grace ) renounce them as presbyters , which by consent of all sides are by divine right , nor ordination by them upon that account , which we doubt not but is lawful and valid , and will appear so to be at the great tribunal . and thus we have answered this objection with all the branches of it . there is one objection of great concerment yet behind . but before we mention it we shall propose three other arguments for the justification of the ministry , made during the prevalency of episcopa●y . from the glorious successe god gave unto it during the raign of prelacy . for since our ordination , god hath sealed to the truth of our ministry , and hath blessed it with the conversion of many thousand souls unto god. now that ministry that god doth ordinarily blesse with bringing forth sons and daughters unto god , that ministry must needs be a ministry sent of god ; for god hath threatned ( as we have often said ) that a false ministry shall not profit . and the apostle proves the lawfulnesse of his ministry , by the successe it had upon the hearts of the corinthians . cor. . , . there are many of those that cry down our ministry as antichristian , and separate from us as no ministers , that cannot deny but that they had their conversion ( if they are at all converted ) from us . and if our ministry be antichristian , how is their conversion christian ? from the ends and purposes for which we were ordained . they that were ordained by bishops , together with other ministers for no other end and purpose , but to preach the word , and administer the sacraments according to the will of christ , are lawful ministers of christ. but so were the ministers ordained during the prevalency of episcopacy . ergo. he that shall say , that a minister that preacheth christ and his truths , and administreth ●he sacraments according to the mind of christ , is an antichristian minister , because of some defects in his entrance , doth more advance and honour antichrist , then he doth disparage or disgrace us . mr. ball ( no friend to episcopal government ) in his answer to mr. can , hath these words . in every true church where the word of god is intirely preached and received , and the sacraments for substance rightly administred , there is a true ministry ' and a true calling to the ministry , though in some things maimed and faulty . from the destructive mischiefes , and church-ruining consequences that do naturally flow from this assertion . for he that shall undertake to make good this desperate proposition ( as that learned and godly man so often cited , justly calls it ) that a minister made by a bishop , is no minister of christ , but of antichrist , must also be forced to confesse and acknowledge ; . that mr. bradford , mr. rogers , mr. philpot , dr. tayl●r , mr. saunders , and the rest of those blessed saints and ministers , who laid down their lives in defence of the gospel against antichrist . were antichristian ministers . . he nulli●ieth and and maketh void all the ministerial acts performed by the ministers of england ever since the reformation . for if our ministry be no true ministry , then is our baptisme no true baptisme , the sacrament of the lords supper no true sacrament , our church no true church . . he must acknowledge that there was neither church , sacraments , nor ministry in the whole christian world for many hundred years past . for it is without dispute , that there was no other way of entring into the ministry for many hundred years in the church of christ , but by the ordination of bishops . . he must be forced ( if a minister ) to renounce his ministry , and take it up again from the people , who ( as the old non conformists well say ) have neither commandement nor example in all the new testament , to authorize them to ordain him . and by this means he overthroweth the whole ministry a nd church of jesus christ , and will be necessitated at last to renounce all churches , and all ministry and turn seekers , as some do in our dayes , even upon these very gro unds and principles . now then if the denying of our ministry during the raign of episcopacy to be a lawful● ministry be the parental cause of such horrid and desperate consequences , we doubt not but it will be abhorred and abominated by all sober and godly christians . and that our people that read these lines will be rooted and established in this great truth . that the call to the office of the ministry which some of our ministers did receive during the prevalency of episcopacy was lawful and valid for the substance of it , though mingled with many circumstantial defects . chap. iii. wherein the great objection against our ministry as being derived from rome , is answered . but the great objection ( of which we even now spake ) against this proposition , is , if we justifie the lawfulnesse of episcopal ordination , then it will also follow that we must justifie the ordination that is in the church of rome . for if ordination by our bishops be lawful , then these bishops themselves must be be lawful ministers , and then their ordination must also be lawful , and so by consequence it will follow , that those in the church of rome , from whom the protestant ministers in the beginning of the reformation had their ordination , were true ministers of christ. for if they were not , then were not our ministers made by them the ministers of christ. and if they were , then may a minister of antichrist be a minister of christ , and ordination received from the pope of rome be a scripture ordination . before we answer to this great objection we shall premise this one distinction it is one thing to receive a ministry from the apostate church of rome as the author of it , another thing to receive a ministry from jesus christ through , the apostate church of rome . our antiministerial adversaries , if they would argue aright , their objection must be thus framed . the ministry which hath the pope of rome , or ( which is all one ) that hath antichrist for the author of it , is popish and antichristian . but such is the ministry of the church of england . ergo. we deny the minor : for we say , that our ministry is derived to us from jesus christ. we are his ministers and his ambassadors . it is he that gave pastors and teachers to his church as well as apostles and evangelists .. we say , that ordination of ministers by ministers , is no romish institution but instituted by the lord jesus himself long before antichrist was . that our ministry is descended to us from christ through the apostate church of rome , but not from the apostate church of rome . and that this great objection ( which some say is unanswerable ) must of necessity be summed up into this argument . those ministers which stand by an institution of christ descending to them from the apostles through the antichristian church of rome , are ministers of antichrist and not of christ. but such are our ministers , ergo. but here we deny the major as utterly false ; we say , that the ministry which is an institution ofchrist , passing to us through rome , is not made null and void , no more then the scriptures , sacraments , or any other gospel-ordinance which we now enjoy , and which do also descend to us from the apostles , through the romish church . now that this great truth so necessary to be known in these dayes , may be fully made out to our respective congregations , we shall crave leave a litle to enlarge our selves in the proof of it , and shall for this end offer these ensuing considerations to be seriously weighed by all that fear god amongst us . that the lord jesus hath given the ministery to the church to continue till we all come to the unity of the faith , and of the knowledge of the son of god , unto a perfect man unto the measure of the stature of the fulnesse of christ ; which will never be till the day of judgement . and he hath promised to be with the apostles teaching and baptizing alway even unto the end of the world ; which must needs be understood of them and their successors . he hath promised that the gates of hell shall not prevail against the church ( which mr. hooker mr. cotton and others , expound of the universall visible church existing in its particulars ) the apostle paul also saith , that the sacrament of the lords supper is to be observed , and to continue till the comming of christ. and that glory is to be given to god by christ jesus in the church [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] throughout all generations and ages . it is also prophesied concerning the kingdom and government of jesus christ , both invisible and visible , that it shall abide to the end of the world . luc. . . isaiah . . . by all these te●ts , it is evident , that there was , i● , and shall be a true church , and a true ministery preserved by jesus christ , even unto the end of the world. how can glory be given to god in the church throughout all ages , if there should be an age in which the church should be utterly lost ? how can the sacrament be continued in the church till christ come , if there were so many hundred years in which there was no true ministery ? how can it be said that christ is with his ministers alway even unto the end of the world , and that the gates of hell shall not prevail against the church , and that there is no end of christs government , if during all the raign of antichrist , there was no true church-state in the world , no true ordinance , as some say , no true ministery ? and therefore though we should not be able to tell how the church and ministry was preserved in the midst of that great and general apostasie that hath been in the christian world ; yet notwithstanding we ought to believe that it is so , because christ hath said it shall be so , and heaven and earth shall ●asse away , but not one title of gods word shall passe away . mr. bartlet , in his model of the congregational way , spends the most part of a chapter to prove that the essentials of a church-state together with the officers , ordinances and administrations thereunto appertaining , hath , and shall abide for ever in the world. this he proveth both by prophesies , promises , and precepts of scripture , and also by divers reasons . the same task is also undertaken by mr. philips of watertown in new-england ; but for brevity we forebear transcribing them . we read revel . . of a great wonder in heaven , a woman cloathed with the sun &c. this woman represents the christian church , she is persecuted by the heathen emperours and overthrows them by the blood of the lambe , and by the word of her testimonie and by not loving her life unto the death . afterward she is persecuted by antichrist , and then she flies into the wildernesse where she hath a place prepared her of god , that they should feed her a thousand two hundred and threescore dayes vers. . and she i● said to be nourished in the wildernesse for a time , times and half a time , from the face of the serpent , verse . note here . . that by the daies , and a time , times , and half a time , is meant the whole time of antichrists raign . . that the church during the whole raign of antichrist should be in a sad lamentable and wildernesse condition . . that maugre all the fury of the ten-headed , or two-headed beast , yet notwithstanding the church of christ should be preserved and kept safe . for there were two wings of a great eagle given unto her to enable her to fly into the wildernesse where she is fed and nourished . moneths . and all this is to be understood not onely of a church entitative , or a church without officers , but of a church instituted or ministerial , a church administring ordinances . for this woman is not onely kept alive in the wildernesse all the time of antichrists raign , but she is fed and nourished by gospel-administra●ions . ●he is fed by the two witnesses ( for the prophesying of the witnesses is contemporary with the womans flight into the wildernesse ) even a● elias was nourished in the wildernesse and kept safe from the fury and rage of iezebel . and as god reserved . that had not bowed their knees to baal &c. and by good obadiah preserved an hundred prophets of the lord alive all the time of ahabs bitter opposition against them ▪ even so was the woman , that is , the church of christ , reserved and nourished by the ordinances , scriptures , and ministry of christ , ( though in a wildernesse-condition ) all the time of antichrist's prevalency . the like to this we read of in the . of the revelation , where we have two things very observable for our purpose . the one concerning the temple measured , and the outward court unmeasured . the other concerning the two witnesses . . concerning the temple measured and the outward court unmeasured . the outward court was to be left out or cast out , to wit , as prophane , and that which god will make no account of ; it was not to be measured , but to be given unto the gentiles ( that is the antichristian party ) to be trod under foot , forty and two moneths ; that is , all the time of antichrists raign . the meaning is , ( as mr. m●de well observeth ) ▪ that the antichristian apostasie which he calls redivivus ethnicismus ) shall prevail over the christian chur●h , and shall bring in a new kind of idolatry into the places where the true religion was professed . but now the temple and the altar , and they that worship therein are to be measured with a divine reed . this measuring is an allusion to ezek. . . &c. where the temple , with all in it , was to be measured by gods appointment , to shew , that that building was of god. so must the true church of christ under antichrist be measured , that is , kept pure from antichrist's idolatry , walking exactly according to the rule of the word , and also kept safe from antichrist's rage and fury . . note here , that though the outward court was given to the gentiles to be troden down , yet the temple with the worshippers therein was not given . . that during the prevalency ofantichrist , the temple and altar and worshippers therein , that is , a true church , and a true ministry , and true gospel-ordinances , are preserved and kept safe . while the outward court is worshipping the beast , the true church is serving god according to his word , as in the inner court of the temple . our english annotations say ; that by the measuring of the temple and altar , and the worshippers therein , is signified . . the fewnesse ●f the true christians under antichrist , in comparison of the id●latrous , ones as the priests and levites , that worshipped in the inner court , were few in comparison of the people that worshipped in the outward . . that gods people , while antichrist raged , should have a place in the wildernesse where they might serve god according to his will , as the jewes offered sacrifices on the alt●r in the temple , and which should be for safety , as a sanctuary unto them , isai. . . ezek ▪ . . therefore temple , and altar , and worshippers , and all are measured . so jerusalem is measured after the captivity , that it may be inhabited again . zech. . , , , . &c. . the second thing observable is concerning the two witnesses , who are said to prophesie in sackcloth . dayes , that is , all the time of the raign of antichrist . by the two witnesses in general are meant omnes veritatis divinae interpretes & assertores ( saith mr. mede ) . all the interpreters and assertors of divine truth , qui soedam illam & lachrymabilem ecclesi ae christi contaminationem assiduis querelis deflere●t &c. who should by their daily complaints bewaile the foul and lamentable pollution of christ's church . these witnesses are said to be two for the fewnesse of them , and because two witnesses were sufficient to confirm any truth , and also in al●usion to mos●s and a●ron in the wildernesse , to elijah and elisha when the israelites worshipped the calves , and baal ; to zerubbabel and i●hoshua in babylon , and after the return of the israelites from captivity . for our parts , we conceive that by the two witnesses in a more especial manner are meant the true ministers of jesus christ who are called witnesses of christ , act. . . and whose proper office it is to bear witnesse to truth and holinesse , against all the heresies , blasphemies , idolatries , and ungodlinesse of antichrist . now these two witnesses are said to prophesie ( though cloathed in sackcloth ) all antichrists reign , which is a clear and demonstrative argument to us , that there hath been a true ministry , preserved by god from the beginning of the christian church even to this very day , notwithstanding the great and universal apostacy that hath been in it . and our learned protestants in divers books have given us a catalogue of the faithful ministers of god , and other godly men whom the lord raised up in all ages of the church to bear witnesse against the growing and spreading abominations of antichristianisme in the christian world. . the third thing we offer to consideration is . to beseech our people , accurately to distinguish between the church of rome and the antichristianisme of the church of rome , as between a man and the plague-sore that is upon him ; and between a field that is full of tares , and yet hath some wheat in it . it is certain that the church of rome was a true church in the apostles dayes when the faith of it was spread throughout the world , and it is as certain that afterwards by little and litle it apostatized , till at last antichrist set up his throne in that church . and yet still we must distinguish between the church , and the apostasie of it ; between the corn and the tares that are in it . thus the apostle seems to do , thess. . . where he puts a difference between the temple of god , in which the man of sin shall sit as god , and between the man of sin sitting in this temple . the man of sin is no part of this temple of god , but as a plague of leprosie infecting , defiling , and polluting it . but yet the temple of god ( which is his visible church , as appears from cor. . , . revel . . , revel . . , . cor. . . ) doth remain where the man of sin sits , even as the church of pergamus did , where the seat of satan was . and though we renounce the antichristianisme which pollutes the temple of god , yet we do not renounce the temple in self . this is that which some of our divines say : that we differ no more from rome then rome differs from it self , and from what it was in the apostles dayes , neither do we refuse any doctrine that they hold , simply because they hold it , unlesse it can appear to us , that that doctrine is part of the antichristianisme of that church . the religion of the church of rome , is like a peece of bread mingled with a great deal of poison . they hold many truthes , but then they poison them by their heretial additions . they hold most that we hold , and their apostasie consisteth rather in adding to the truth , then in detracting from it . they hold the scriptures we hold , but they add apocryphal to the canonical scriptures . they hold christ the head of the church , but the pope also . they hold justification by faith as we do , but they add justification by works also ; they hold praying to god , but add praying to saints ; they hold two sacraments , but add five more &c. thus their religion is bread and poison mingled together , and whosoever living amongst them can separate the bread from the poison , shall find bread enough to nourish him unto eternal life . and the reason why we separated from them , was because they would not suffer us to eat the bread unlesse we would eate the poison also . even as a man that is drinking a cup of wine , and another comes and puts a toade in it , and will not suffer him to drink the wine unlesse he will drink the toade also . this was our condition unlesse we would swallow down all their antichristian additions to gods word , they would not suffer us to live amongst them , and hereupon we separated , and may justly be said to be non fugitivi , sed fugati . not withdrawing , but driven away . and which is very observable ; when the protestant churches did separate , they did not erect a new church but reformed a corrupt church . and therefore ours is called the protestant reformed religion . not , a new religion . we take away their hereticall superstructions , but still keep the truths which they hold ; we put away the poyson , but keep the bread ; we take out the toad , but yet do not fling away the wine ; we remove the rubbish of antichristianisme , but yet we do not renounce any thing of god , or of the scriptures that is yet remaining sincere in that church . all this we the rather observe , that thereby we might heed our people of that great cheat that is now put upon the saints of god in this nation , in crying down all the truths of jesus christ , as antichristian , and scaring people from the doctrine of christ by perswading them to avoid antichrist . there is hardly any truth of christ but it is charged by some or other in our unhappie dayes to be antichristian . thus. . the doctrine of the souls immortality was , excogitata ab antichristo ad stabiliendam suam culinam per fictum purgatorium , et invocationem sanctorum , invented by antichrist to uphold his kitchin &c. as is said by the cracovian-socinians . and in the book called mans mortality it is said , that the most grand and blasphemous heresies that are in the world , the mystery of iniquity , and kingdom of antichrist doth depend upon this doctrine of the souls immortality . . the doctrine of the trinity is said to be a doctrine that hath antichrist for the author of it . zanchius in responsione ad arianos . . that christ is god coaequal and coaeternal with the father , this also is called antichristian doctrine . sic clamat antichristus . so cryeth ▪ antichrist , say the arrians ; zanch. in responsione ad arianos . . the doctrine of the magistrates power in punishing anti istian heresies and blasphemies ( which the scripture saith will be the way by which god will at last destroy antichrist ) is said to be antichristian . thus blackwood in his storming of antichrist . . the doctrine of infant-baptisme is also called antichristian . . the doctrine of humiliation , repentance , sanctification , and of good works , done out of obedience to gods command , is antichristian , as say the antinomians . and who knoweth not , that the very places where we meet to worship god , and the worship which we perform in those places , and that our government of the church by lesser and greater synod● , is called antichristian ? and therefore it is no wonder if our ministry be also so called . for we are now come to that height , that there are some that renounce all churches as antichristian , even those churches themselves that renounce us as antichristian . and thus by the great subtlety of satan under the notion of avoiding antichristianisme there are many people tumbling down apace to direct athiesme ; and are brought to renounce christ himself , lest therein they should comply with antichrist . and therefore we earnestly beseech and intreat our respective congregations not to be affrighted at the bugbear word antichristian or popish . but to examin , whether the charge be true , and to renounce whatsoever is truly antichristian : but to take heed that they be not frighted from christ and from his ordinances , and government , & worship , & ministery under the notion of renouncing antichristianisme . so much for the third consideration ; these three first considerations are more general . we shall now apply our selves more punctually to the answer of the great objection , and desire it may be considered . consid. . in the fourth place . that it hath pleased god out of his infinite wisdom and providence to continue the two great ordinances of baptisme and ordination found for the substantials of them in the church of rome even in their greatest apostacy . we deny not but they have been exceedingly bemudded and corrupted , baptism● with very many superstitious ceremonies as of oyl , spettle , crossings &c. ordination with giving power to the party ordained to make the body of christ &c. but yet the substantials have been preserved . children were baptized with water in the name of the father , the son , and holy ghost . and the parties ordained had power given them to preach the word of god. now the protestant religion doth not teach us to renounce baptisme received in the church of rome , neither is a papist , when converted protestant , rebaptized . nor doth it teach us simply and absolutely to renounce ordination ; but it deals with it , as the jewes were to do with a captive maid when they had a mind to marrie her . they must shave her head and pare her nailes , and put the raiment of ●er captivity from off her , ●nd then take her to wife . so doth the protestant reformed religion . it distinguisheth between the ordinances of god and the corruptions cleaving unto the ordinances . it washeth away all the defilements and pollution● contracted in the church of rome both from baptisme and ordination , but it doth not renounce either the one or the other . . because they are none , of antichrist's posts or antichrist's inventions , but are the institutions of jesus christ , and were in the church of rome long before antichrist sat there . . because they have been preserved sound for the substantials and essentials of them , and the truth is he that renounceth the one must needs renounce the other ; which were well if some of our dissenting brethren would seriously consider . now that this position may not seem strange , we will a a little compare the apostacy of the . tribes with the apostacy of the church of rome . the . tribes did not onely worship god after a false manner by setting up their golden calves in dan and bethel , but afterwards in the raign of ahab they directly worshipped false gods , and set up baal and ashtaroth , and fell away wholy from the true god ; and yet notwithstanding all this , when the prophet came to ●noint jehu , he saith unto him . thus saith the lord god of israel , i have anointed thee king over the people of the lord , ●ve●over israel here note , that they are called the people of god notwithstanding their apostacy . and the ordinance of circumcision , which was retained amongst them in this their apostacy , was gods ordinance and they that were circumcised under that apostacy not onely did not renounce their circumcision , but had sinned against god if they had done it , and were accordingly admitted to the passeover by h●●●kiah as truly circumcised . for gods ordinance● are not to be renounced for mans corruptions cleaving to them , but the corruptions are to be removed and the ordinances embraced . and afterwards in christ● time it is evident , that the office of the priest and the high-priest was exc●edingly corrupted . they came ordinarily into th●ir office by bribery , & faction . and as many learned men think there were two high priest● together ( an●as and caiaphas ) when christ was crucified . the priests and high-priests had their chief stroak in the crucifying of christ. and yet we read iohn . caiaphas is owned by the holy ghost as high priest &c. act. . when paul said to the high-priest , god will s●it● thee thou whited wall &c. and they that stood by said , r●vilest thou the high-priest ? paul answered , i wist not ▪ brethren , that he was the high-priest . for it is written , thou shalt not speak evil of the rul●r of thy people . here also paul as many think , acknowledged him as an high-priest , though the priesthood at that time was tyrannical , heretical , and they came by most unjust wayes into their places and offices . from all this it appears ; that corruption● cleaving to gods ordinances do not null gods ordinances . that we are not to renounce divine ordinances because of circumstantial defilements annexed to them . that baptisme and ordination were found for the substance in the church of rome , and therefore to be reformed , but not renounced . . the fift thing we desire may be considered is . that it is no disparagement to the present ministry of the church of england to say , that we receive our ministry from christ and his apostles , and from the pr●mitive churches , through the impure and corrupt channel of the church of rome . for , . it was no disparagement to jesus christ that he received his humane nature from adam through many unclean channels , as thamar , rahab , bethshebah , &c. . it is no disparagement to the holy scriptures of the old testament , that the christians received them from the church of the iewes even after they had crucified that christ who was the center of the whole old testament . nor is it any disparagement to the old and new testament , that we receive them as delivered to us by sucession from the apostles through the church of rome , although that church by their corrupt glosses and interpretations had much depraved and corrupted them . . it was no disparagement to circumcision that it came from god through the hands of idolaters unto christ and his apostles : nor to baptisme , that it comes to us from christ through the antichristian church of rome ; insomuch as many of those that renounce ordination do yet retain their baptisme , though it may be easily made to appear that it was as much corrupted as ordination . . it is no disparagement to the ordinance of marriage , that many have been married in the church of rome , and married with all the popish ceremonies ; yet we never heard of any that have renounced their marriage as unlawful , because solemnized in the church of rome , which yet notwithstanding doth hold marriage to be a sacrament in a proper sense and have many corruptions in their way of marriage , and yet it is by the law of god and man , valid for the sustance of it . . it was no disparagement to the vessels of the temple that they had been . years in babylon , and abused and prophaned by belshazzar , who in contempt of the god of heaven drank wine in those holy , and consecrated vessels ; for afterwards the israelites made no scruple of receiving them , and restoring them to the temple . this is the fift consideration . . the sixt consideration is ; that the receiving of our ordination from christ and his apostles and the primitive churches , and so all along through the apostate church of rome is so far from nullifying our ministry , or disparaging of it , that it is a great strengthening of it when it shall appear to all the world , that our ministry is derived to us from christ and his apostles by succession of a ministry continued in the church for . years . and that we have . a lineal succession from christ and his apostles . . not onely a lineal succession but that which is more , and without which the lineal is of no benefit , we have a doctrinal succession also . we succeed them in preaching the same doctrine that they did deliver to the churches . the papists boast much of a lineal succession , but they want the doctrinal . they succeed the apostles as darknesse succeeds light , and as manasseh succeded hezekiah . but this is the happinesse of the present ministry , that we have both a lineal and doctrinal succession from christ and his apostles . but doth not this discourse of ours , ( when we say , that the essentials of a 〈…〉 true ministry , and that baptisme and ordination for the substantials of them were preserved in the church of rome during the prevalency of antichrist ) make rome to be a true church of christ. there are indeed some learned orthodox divines that say , that the church of rome is v●rè ecclesia , though not vera ecclesia , is truly a church , though far from being a true orthodox church . there are others that say , that till the last councel of trent the church of rome remained a true church for the essentials and substantials of it , and then it ceased to be a true church . the scripture saith , that antichrist sits in the temple of god , though he be no part of it ( as we have formerly said ) no more then satan who had his seat in pergamus was part of the church of pergamus . but for our parts we conceive we are not at all forced by any thing that we have said to entermeddle with this controversie . for it doth not follow , that because ordination , which is an ordinance of christ for the substance of it , was preserved in the church of rome , that therefore the church of rome is a true church , no more then it followeth that a theefe having the goods of an honest man in his house , which he hath stolen , should thereupon be accounted a true man. surely the theefe is still a theefe . and so is rome still the mother of harlots , notwithstanding her possessing the essentials of ordination and baptisme . even as babylon of old , ( a type of rome was babylon still and far from being the church of god ▪ although it had the vessels of the temple with her : so is the church of rome still an antichristian church , the mother of harlots and abominations of the earth , although it hath had the essentials of a true ministry by gods overruling providence continued in her . . the seventh and last consideration doth more immediately concern the ministry of england , and it consisteth of three branches . . that the first conversion of the english nation from heathenisme unto christia●ity did not proceed from rom● , but from hierusalem . mr. fox , and dr. iohn white have learnedly demonstrated out of gildas and sundry other authors , who affirm that britaine received the gospel in the time of tiberius the emperour , under whom christ was crucified , from some of the apostles , or some apostolical men . it is mostly received , that ioseph of arimathea was sent by philip from france to britaine about the year . and laid the first foundation of the christian faith amongst us . to this tertullian attesteth in his book against the iewes . and therefore it is a falsity for rome to challenge the conversion of the english nation , and no lesse absurdity for us to derive our succession from them . . that the churches of england in their first plantation were rightly gathered and constituted , as being planted by the apostles or men apostolical . and that true christianity after it's first settlement in britaine was never wholy ex●●nguished , but hath continued from the very first plantation of it , to this very day . this dr. vvhite proveth ●gainst the papists in his way to the church , § . . where he sheweth ; that the faith continued here from king lucius to the coming of austin the monk , whom gregory sent hither . years after christ ; who when he came found divers britaine bishops and learned men , with a monastery at bangor who did oppose arrianisme and p●lagianisme , and the pride of austin the popes ambassador . . that during the raign of antichrist here in england , god reserved unto himself many thousands that never bowed their knees to baal , as appears in the book of martyrs . and amongst other● he raised up mr. vvickliffe , and made him a great and famous instrument of church-reformation . our london divines in their appendix to the jus divinum of church government prove out of good authors , that in this church of england the corruptions which the church of rome would have introduced about ordinations of ministers and other ecclesiastical affairs , were withstood , and opposed by the kings of england , &c. so that if the whole be well considered , it will puzzle our antiministerial adversaries to prove that the church of england was beholding to the church of rome for either the first plantation , after reformation , or continuation of the gospel , church and ministry therein , from the begining to this day . we will conclude this consideration , with the remarkable speeches of two new-england ministers . the first is mr. philips of watertown , who having proved . that england was not beholden to rome for its first conversion , nor after reformation , at last hath these words when it pleased god more fully to clear up the light of his gospell in this nation , so as many thousands were redeemed from amongst men antichristian , and were made the first fruits unto god and the lambe , the church-state was not essentially altered all this time nor were these first fruits unto god , new constituted churches , but members of some churches , clearing themselves from corruption , and by reformation recovering themselves out of a desperate diseased condition , into a more healthful and sound estate . in which course the lord went on mightily in many places , especially after luthers time , yea even in england , something by henry the th . more by edward the th . and queen elizabeth , who did not constitute new churches , but reformed the churches deeply degenerated from the first constitution and the pure state thereof ; as they did the like in the state of iudah often , sometimes better and more fully , and sometimes not so fully in the dayes of the judges , david , asa , iehoshaphat , hezekiah , iosiah , ezra , and nehemiah . the other is mr. cotton in his way of the churches of christ in new-england chap. . pag. iii. where he saith : four things , we observe in the state of the churches in england which make way for reformation amongst them . first , the efficient instruments of their first plantation , which were either apostles , or apostolicall men , whether philip , or ioseph of arimathea , or simon zelotes , as any of our countrymen may read in mr. foxe's book of acts and monuments , in the beginning of it next after the story of the ten persecutions , out of gildas , tertullian , origen , beda , nicephorus ; which being so , we cannot but conceive , , the churches in england were rightly gathered , and planted according to the rule of the gospel ; and all the corruptions found in them since have sprung from popish apostacy in succeeding ages ▪ and from want of through and perfect purging out of that leaven in the late times of reformation in the dayes of our f●ther● . so that all the work now i● , not to make them churche● , which were non● before , but to reduce and restore them to th●ir primitive institution , &c. and thus we have ●t l●st finished our several consider●tions , in answer to thi● great objection , and sh●ll here put an ●nd to our first proposition , to wit ▪ that the call to the o ffice of the ministry , which some of our minister● did receive , during the prevalency of episcopacy , was l●wfull and valid , for the substance of it , though mingled with many circumstantiall d●fects . we have proved it by arguments drawn from the principles of our adversaries , and also from our owne principl●● . we have indeavoured to give full satisfaction to all the objection● that are brought against it : we had thought to have given our people a summary recapitulation of the chiefe heads of this large discourse , but because we have been overlong ( we feare ) already , we shall forbeare it , and conclude with that saying of the apostle , consider what w● have said , and th● lord give you understanding in all things . chap. iv. containing the . proposition , and proving it by clearing from scriptures , and other t●stimonies , that a bishop , and a presbyter are all one . that the call to the office of the ministry , which our present ministers doe now rec●ive sinc● the abolishing of episcopacy is lawfull and valid . for this you must know , that this way of making of minister● doth not essentially differ from the former , but is the same for substance , onely this i● more ●urified , and refined and agreeable to scri●ture-pattern ▪ the forme● w●s by bishops that did claim a greater power in many thing● th●● wa● due u●●o th●m by 〈…〉 by b●shops also , bu● they are scrip●●●e-bishop● , that 〈◊〉 pre●byters . there are some among us ( and these not a few ) t●●t do so idolize a bishop over presbyters , as that they ●ffirm ●ll ordi●●tions to be null and void , that are made by the presbyte● bishop , withou● a bishop over pre●by●ers . for their s●tisfaction ( if possibl● ) and for our own people● edification ●nd instruction , we will bri●fly undertake two things . . to prove that a bishop over presbyters is an apocryphall , not a canonical bishop , that a bishop and a presbyter are synonym●'s in scripture . . we will speake something about the a●tiquity of episcopall government , and concerning the judgme●t of the an●ient church ●bout it . . we shall undertake to prove , that according to the scripture pattern ( which is a perfect rule both for doctrine ●nd government ) a bishop and a presbyter are all one , not onely in name , but in office . and that there is no such officer in the church ordained by christ as a bishop over presbyters , this appears evidently . . from titus . . . where the apostle leaves titus in creet to ordain elders in every city , and then shews how these elders are to be qualified , and adds the reason of his advise ; for a bishop must be blam●l●ss . this for is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or causall , and sheweth clearely not onely the indentity of names , but of office between an elder and a bishop , otherwise his argument had not onely been a false reasoning , and failed in forme , having foure termes , but in ●ruth had been no reason at all . if a chancellour ( saith smectymnuus ) in one of the universities should give order to his vice-chancellour to admit none to the degree of bachelour in arts , but such a● were able to p●●●ch or k●ep a divinity act ▪ ( for bachelours in di●in●●y 〈…〉 so ; ) what reason or equity were in this ? so if 〈…〉 so . had ● bishop been an order or calling ●istinct from , o● superiour to a pre●by●er , and not the same , this had been no more rationall or ●quall then th● former : the●efore under the name of bishop in the seventh verse , the apostle must needs intend the elder mentioned in the fifth ve●se ; to this purpo●● spe●keth ▪ g●rrard de minis●●rio eccl●stastico , ex hoc loco manifestum eosdem dici , & fuiss● episcopos qui dicebant●● ▪ & e●ant pr●sbyt●ri , ali●● 〈…〉 in textu apostolic● connexio , quam tam●n particul● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] diser●è ponit , qu●●ui● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hac forest illi consti●u●ndi sum pr●sbyt●ri , qui sunt s●ne crimin● , quia episcopum , cujus officiu● , potestas , j●risdictio & gr●d●s diff●rt à pr●sbyt●ro , 〈◊〉 esse fine crimine : from this plac● it is manif●s● that the same were called , and were bishops , who were call●d , and w●re pr●sbyt●rs , otherwise there would b● no connexion in the text of the apostl● , which yet the ca●sall particle [ for ] evidently makes out . for what juncture of r●●son would be in this ? they are to be made presbyters who are blamelesse , because a bishop ▪ whose office , pow●r , jurisdiction , and deg●●● diff●●● from a pr●sbyter , ought to blamelesse . . the same is manifested , act. . . . paul sends from miletum to eph●sus , and cals the presbyters of the church , and this he doth when he wa● to leave them , and never see their faces more , vers ▪ . to these elders he saith , take he●d th●●●fore unto your selves , and to all the flock , ●ver which the holy-ghost hath made ●ou over-sears ( or as it is in the greek-bishops ) to feed the church of god , which he hath purch●s●d with his own blood . from hence we gather . . that elder● are called bishops . and not onely so , but , . that the apostle gives the whole episcopall power unto them , and chargeth them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifieth to feed ; by government ●s w●ll as by life and doctrine : if it belongs to bishops to ord●in elders , ●nd to exercise jurisdiction in 〈…〉 , then this also belong● to elders ; for th●y are bishops , and their duty is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . from pet. . , . the elders which are among you i exhort who am also an elder , and a witness of the sufferings of christ , &c. feed the flock of god which is among you , taking the oversight thereof , ( or ( as in the greek , ) performing the office of a bishop over the flock of god ) not by constraint but willingly , not for filthy lucre , but of a ready mind . here again observe , . that the apostle cals himselfe a presbyter , and so doth iohn epistle , and . epistle , vers . . and therefore the presbyters are the successors of theapostles . . that presbyters are called bishops , and that they have not onely the name but the office of bishops given to them ; for their work and office is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the elders are not onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as it is said , act. . . but here they are comm anded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is to perform all those offices to the church ▪ which belong to a bishop , which are to preach , ordain and govern , &c. . we argue from tim. . where the apostle makes but two standing ordinary officers , for the service of the church , bishops and deacons : and therefore after he hath set down the qualification of a bishop , he presently propoundeth the qualification of a deacon , not at all interposing the qualification of a presbyter , thereby giving us to understand , that a bishop and a presbyter are all one in scripture language . and from hence we may safely argue , after this manner . * they which have the same name , and same qualification to their office , and the same ordination , and the same work , and duty required of them , are one and the same officer . but a bishop and a presbyter have one and the same name , ( as we have already proved from act. . and . pet. . ) and the same qualification to their office ( as appears here and titus . ▪ . ) and the same ordination ( for ought we can read in scripture ) and the same work and duty , as appears from act. . , and ▪ p●t . . . and shall presently be more fully proved . therefore a bishop and a presbyter are one and the same officer . . this is further manifested from phil. . . — to all th● saints in christ i●sus who are at philippi , with the bishops and d●acons . here again note . . that a bishop and a presbyter are all one . for by bishops cannot be meant bishops over presbyters ; for of such there never was ( as our episcopal men say ) but one in a city . . that there are but two orders of ministry in the church of christ of divine institution , bishops and deacons ▪ and that therefore a bishop over presbyters is not a plant of gods planting , nor an officer appointed by christ in his church . . we argue , from these very texts in which the holy ghost doth on purpose set down all the several sorts of ministry which christ hath ordained in his church , as cor. . . ephes. . , . rom. . . , . when christ went up to heaven he left extraordinary , and ordinary officers , for the perfecting of the saints , and for the work of the ministry , &c. but here is no mention made of a bishop distinct from a presbyter , much lesse of a bishop superiour to a presbyter , in the power of ordination and jurisdiction . here are apostles , prophets , and evangelists , who were extraordinary officers , and temporary , and had no successors ( properly ) in ●undem gradum ; and here is mention of pastors and teachers , who are the onely ordinary standing and perpetual ministers : but no mention of the pope ( by which argument our learned protestant divines prove him to be none of christ's ministers ) nor of patriarches , nor of archbishops , or bishops distinct from pastors and teachers . . all distinct officers must have distinct works and operations ( nam operari sequitur esse ) and they must have distinct commissions . but presbyters have the same commission with bishops , and the same work and operation , erg● they are the same with bishops . that they have the same commission appears from ioh. . . as my father sent me , so send i you . this was said to all the apostles equally , and to all their successors indifferently . and whose sins you forgive are forgiven , &c. this is common with bishops to all presbyters . so matth. . . go teach all nations , baptising them , &c. and lo i am with you alway unto the end of the world . this is common to all presbyters ; and as for their work and operation , the presbyters are called rulers , governours and overseers in scripture tim. . . tim , . . thess. . . heb. . . , . and the keyes of the kingdom of heaven are committed to them matth. . . the scripture puts no distinction between the bishop and the presbyter , nor gives us any the least hint to make us believe , that the key of doctrine should belong to the presbyter , and the key of discipline to the bishop . ordination is performed by the presbytery tim. . . jurisdiction likewise is given to the presbyters . for they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and when the apostle saith to the church of corinth , do not ye iudge them that are within ? and put ye away from among your selves that wicked person ; and when christ saith , tell the church , these texts cannot be understood of a biship distinct from a presbyter ; for one man cannot be called a church which signifieth a company . and the apostle speaks to the corinthians , not in the singular , but in the plural number ; nor can they be understood of the whole congregation promiscuously ; for the apostle saith expresly , that the punishment executed upon the incestuous person , was inflicted by many , not by all . and by the church of which christ speaks , and to which scandals are to be brought , must of necessity be meant , a ruling , and governing church . and it is most clear in scripture , that private members are not church-rulers . for the apostle puts a distinction between saints and rulers heb. . . salute all them that have the rule over you , and all the saints . if all were the eye , where were the hands and feet ? and therefore these texts must be understood of the presbytery . from hence then it followes . if jurdifiction and ordination o●dination belong to the presbyter as well as the bishop , then a bishop and a presbyter , are one and the same office . . we might add , that the scripture acknowledgeth no superiority or inferiority , between officers of the same kind . for th●●gh we read that one order of ministery is said to be above another ; yet we never read that in the same order of officers there was any one superior to others of the same order . , we believe , that the apostles were above the evangelist● and the evangelists above pastors and teachers , and pastors and teachers above deacons ; but we likewise believe , that there was no apostle above ●n apostle ; but that they were all equal in power and jurisdiction , no evangelist above an evangelist , no deacon above another , and so by consequence , no presbyter , by divine right over other presbyters . . las●ly , if there be any distinction ▪ between a bishop and a presbyter in scripture , the greater honour and pre●●inence must of necessity be given to the presbyter above the bishop , which we believe will never be granted . for according to our prelatical divines , the office of a bishop as distinct from presbyters , is to rule and govern ; and the office of a presbyter is to preach and administer the sacraments . now sure we are , that preaching and administring the sacraments are far more excellent works then ruling and governing . and the apostle saith expressely , that they that labour in word and doctrine deserve more honour then they that rule well , . tim. . . hence we argue . if there be a bishop distinct from a presbyter , either he is equal , or inferior , or superior . our adversaries will answer , that he is superior . but this cannot be . for superiour orders must have superior acts and honour belonging unto them above their equalls or inferiours . but bishops have not . for preaching is an act above ruling , and most worthy of double honour , and so is administring of the holy sacraments . and therefore the act and honour of a presbyter is above the act and honour of a bishop , and ●rgo , a bishop is not superior , and ergo , there is no bishop at all in scripture distinct from a presbyter . this is all we have to say out of scripture for the identity of a bishop and a pre●byter and that this may not seem to be our own private judgment , or that we do herein hold any thing that is contrary to the doctrine of the catholique church or our own church of england , we shall crave leave to set down what hath been the opinion of the church of christ , and also of our own church concerning the divine right of episcopal government . first we will begin with st. ierome , who upon the first of titus hath these words . a presbyter and a bishop is the same : and before there were , through the dive●● instinct , divisions in religion , and the people began to say , i am of paul , and i of apollo , and i of c●phas ; the churches were governed by the common councel of the presters . but after that each man begun to account those whom he had baptized , his own , and not christs , it was decreed through the whole world , that one of the presbyters should be set over the rest ; to whom the care of al the church should belong , that the seeds of schisme might be taken away . thinkes any that this is my opinion , and not the opinion of the scripture ▪ that a bishop , and an elder is the same , let him read ▪ the words of the apostle to the philippians , saying , paul and timothy the servants of iesus christ to them that are at philippi with the bishops and d●ac●ns . philippi is one city of macidonia , and certainly in one city there could not be many bishops ( as they are now called ) but because at that time they called the same men bishops , whom they called presbyters . therefore he speaks indifferently of bishops , as of presbyters . if thi● yet seems doubtful to any unlesse it be proved by another testimony , let him consider ; that in the acts of the apostles it is written , that when paul came to miletu● he sent to eph●sus and called the elders of that church , and amongst other things saith unto them : take heed to your selves , and to all the flock over which the holy ghost hath made you bishops to feed the church of god which he hath purchased with his own blood . and here let yet be diligently observed : that calling the presbyters of one city of ephesus he afterwards called the same persons bishops . if any will receive that epistle which under the name of paul is written to the hebrewes . there are care of the church is divided amongst many . for thus he writeth to the people : obey them that have the rule over you , and submit your selves , for they watch for your souls , as they that must give an account ▪ that they may do it with joy , and not with grief , for that is unprofitable for you . and peter if called from the firmnesse of his faith saith in his epistle . the elders which are among you i exhort also who am an elder and a witnesse of the sufferings of christ , and also a partaker of the glory that shall be revealed . feed the flock of god which is among you &c. not by constraint but willingly . these things i have written to shew that amongst the ancients , bishops and presbyters were one & the same , and that by little & little , that all the seeds of dissention might be pluckt up , all the care of the church was delegated to one . and therefore as the elders may know , that they are to be subject to him that is set over them by the custom of thechurch , so let the bishops know , that it is more from custom , then from any true dispensation from the lord , that they are above the presbyters , and that they ought to rule the church in common , imitating moses , who though he had it in his own power to govern the people of israel yet notwithstanding chose . with whom he would judge the people . we have thought fit to transcribe this quotation at large , because it gives the same interpretation of scriptures which we do , and makes it the result of all his discourse . that bishops over presbyters are from the custom of the church onely , and not from any divine original . we might here likewise set down the epistle that st. hierome writes to evagrius , wherein he brings not only the scripture forementioned , but most of the other places which we have brought , and gives the same explication of them ; but because it is very long , we think fit to omit it , and desire the diligent reader for his own further satisfaction to peruse it . the next that we shall cite is st. austin who in his th . epistle writing unto st. hierome saith , that though according to words of honour which the custome of the church hath brought in , episcopacy be greater then presbytery , yet in many things austin is inferior to hierome . and in quaest. veteris et novi testamenti quaest. . what is a bishop but the first priest ? that is to say , the highest priest. in the third place we shall add dr. reynolds in his epistle to sir francis knowls , who shewes out of chrysostome , hierome , ambrose , augustin● , theodoret , pri masius , sedulius , theophylact , that bishops and presbyters are all one in scripture , and that aerius co uld no more be justly condemned for heresie , for holding bishops and presbyters to be all one , then all those fathers ; with whom agree ( saith he ) oecumenius , and ansolme arch-bishop of canterbury , and another anselme and gregory , and gratian : and affirmes , that it was once enro lled in the canon law for sound and catholique doctrine , and thereupon taught by learned men ; he adds further , that it is unlikely that anselm● should have been canonized for a saint by the pope of rome , and the other anselme and gregory so esteemed in the popes library , that gratians works should be allowed so long time by so many popes for the golden fountain of the canon law , if they had taught that for sound doctrine , which by the whole church in her most flourishing condition was condemned for heresy , and concludes th at they who have laboured about the reformation of the church , these five hundred yeares ( of whom he names abundance ) have taught that all pastors be they intitulated bishops or priests have equal authority and power by the word of god. in the fourth place we might urge the saying of michael medina lib. . de sacris origin . who affirmes , that not onely st. hierome , but also that ambrose , austin , sedulius , primasius , chrisostome , theodoret , oecumenius , theophylact , were of the same judgement with aerius , and held that there was no difference between a bishop and a presbyter by scripture . the next we shall instance in is cassander in his book of cons●ltation , article , who saith , whether episcopacy be to be accounted an order ecclesiastical distinct from presbytery , is a question much debated between the theologues and the canonists . but in this one particular all sides agree , that in the apostles dayes there was no difference between a bishop and a presbyter , but afterwards for the avoiding of schisme the bishop was placed before the presbyter , to whom the power of ordination was granted , that so peace might be continued in the church . add further , that in the oecumenical councels of constance and basil after long debate it was concluded , that presbyters should have dicisive suffrages in councells as well as bishops ; because that by the law of god bishops were no more then they , and it is expressely given them act . . . erasmus upon . tim. . . saith , that in ancient time there was no difference between a bishop and a presbyter , ( but afterwards for the avoiding of schisme , a bishop was chosen by many , ) and so many pres byters , so many bishops . . bishop iewel in the defence of his apoology part . cap . divi● . . proveth against harding , that aerius could not be counted an heretick for holding that bishops and presbyters are all one iure divino , and citing for it hierom , austin , cyhrsostome , closeth up for answer with these words . all these and many more holy fathers together with the apostle st. paul for thus saying must by hardings advice be held for heretiques . . bishop morton in his cathol . apology part . cap. . affirmeth that divers other divines besides hierom were of the same opinion with aerius , that there was no difference by divine right between a bishop & a presbyter . for which he also citeth medina , anselme , sedulius , erasmus and alphonsus a castro who saith that hierome was of this opinion , that a bishop and a presbyter are ejusdem ordinis et authoritatis of the same order and the same authority . . bishop bilson ( whatsoever he saith to the contrary in his book called the perpetual government of christs church ) in his book against seminaries lib. . pag. . affirmeth out of hierome , that the church at first was governed by the common councel of pr●byters ; and therefore bishops must understand that they be greater then ministers , rather by custome then the lords appointment , and the bishops came in after the apostles times . . dr. whitakers respon ad campiani rationes , ratio , affirmeth that iure divino a presbyter and a bishop are all one . and whereas durans affirmeth with many words that bishops and presbyters were iure divino divers , he telleth him that if he will retain the estimation of a modest divine , he must not so confidently affirm that which all men see to be so evidently false . for , what is so well known , saith he , as this which you acknowledge not . hierom plainly writeth , that elders and bishops are the same , and confirmeth it by many places of scripture . . dr. holland the kings professor in oxford , at an act iuly . . concluded against mr , lanes question ; an episcopatus sit ordo distinctus a presbyteratu , ●oque superior jure divino ▪ and said : that the affirmative was most false against the scriptures , fathers , the doctrine of the church of england , yea , the very school-men themselves , lombard , thomas , bonaventure , &c. we might cite divers others , as arch-bishop whitguife against car●hright , and dr. fulk upon titus the . ver . . and deane nowell , &c. but we forbeare , and the rather because we shall have occasion hereafter to touch upon the same argument . now by all this it appears , that by scripture , & the judgment of the antient church , and our own church of england , a bishop and a presbyter are all one , and that therefore they that are made ministers by presbyters , are made ministers by bishops , and are lawfully ordained because ordained in a way most agreeable to scripture pattern . chap. v. answering objections taken from the pretended episcopacy of timothy and titus . before we leave our scripture-proofs , it will be expected , that we should answer to what is brought out of scripture for for the ius divinum of prelacy , and also to what is brought in answer unto our arguments out of scripture against it . for the first , there are two chiefe and principall arguments , the one from timothy and titus , the other from the . asian angels . as for timothy and titus , it is said , that they were constituted bishops of ephesus , and cree● by the apostle paul , and did exercise episcopall power in these places both in ordination and jurisdiction , and this power was derived by them unto their successors , as being necessary to continue in the church , as well as the power of preaching and administring the sacraments . to this we answer . that timothy and titus were not bishops in a prelatical sense . we deny not but that they did exercise episcopal power both in ordination and jurisdiction , and that this power is necessary to be continued in the church . but we say , that they did this , not as bishops in a formall sense , but as extraordinary officers or evangelists , which were officers in the church distinct from pastors and teachers . to make this out , we will briefly do two things . . we will prove that timothy and titus were not prelaticall bishops . . that they were evangelists . . that they were not prelaticall bishops . this we make out . . because the scripture no where cals them bishop● . but in the postscripts they are called bishops . these postscripts are no part of canonicall scripture . the papists themselves ( baronius , serarius , and the rhemists ) confesse that there is much falsity in them . smectimnu●s hath everlastingly blasted the authority of them . the first epistle is said to be writ from laodicea , whereas b●za in his annotations proves apparently that it was written from macedonia , to which opinion baronius , and serarius and athanasius and theodoret , in his epistle before his commentary upon timothy , subscribe . it is also called the first epistle . but how was paul sure that he should live to write a second ? and it is also said to be written from laodicea , which is the chiefest city of phrygia pa●atiana . but as b●za well observes , there is no mention of phrygia pacatiana in the writers of those ages , sed apud recentiores illos , qui romani ●mperii jam inclinantis provincias descripserunt . the second epistle i● thus subscribed . the second epistle unto timothy , ordained the first bishop of the church of the ephesians , was written from rome when paul was brought , &c. now these words , ordained the first bishop , are wanting saith b●za , in quibusdam v●t●stis codicibus , in veteri vulgatâ editione , & apud syrum interpretem . the syriack interpreter reads it , here ends the second epistle to timothy , written from rome . if st. paul had written this postscript , he would not have said to timothy the first bishop , &c. whereas it was not yet certain whether ever there should be a second . neither would it be said , when paul was brought , &c. but when i was the second time brought before nero. the epistle to titus is said to be written from nicopolis ; whereas it is cleare that paul was not at nicopolis when he wrote it titus . . be diligent to come to me to nicopolis , for i have determined there to winter ; he doth not say , here to winter , but there ; where note for the present he was not there , and besides it is said , that titus was ordained the first bishop , &c. and who was the second ? or was there ever a second ? but we forbear transcribing any more &c. this is abundantly sufficient to invalidate the authority of the postscript written ab hominibus v●l indoctis vel certe non s●tis attentis , as beza saith . but some of the fathers call them bishops . they that call them bishops borrow their testimonies from eusebius , of whom scaliger saith , and dr. r●yn●lds approves of it : that he read ancient histories paru● attente , which they prove by many instances . and all that eusebius saith , is only sic scribitur , it is so reported . but from whence had he thi● history ? even from clemens fabuleus and hegesippus not extant . . it is no wonder that timothy and titus are called bishops by e●sebius and theodoret , because that the apostles themselves are called bishops by the writers of those times , who spake of former times according to their own . thus peter is said to be bishop of rome , and iames of hi●rusalem . now it is evident ( as we shall hereafter prove ) that the apostles were not bishops properly and formally , but onely eminently and vertually . . as they are called bishops , so also they are called apostles , theodoret calles titus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and timothy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and yet we believe that there are few of our episcopal divines will undertake to prove them to be veri nominis apostolos . some call them archbishops , metropolitans , patriarches , and yet will not be easie to perswade a person disengaged from prelacy that there were archbishops and metropolitans in the apostles dayes . the truth is , that which thucydides saith of the ancient greek historians , may as truly be said of eusebius , irenaeus and others , &c. that those things which they received from their fore-fathers they delivered to their posterity without strict examination , and thereby in many things more deceived themselves , and were the cause of deceiving others , as we shall have occasion to shew afterwards . for our parts we answer clearly ; that the fathers and councels speak of the officers of former times according to the stile of their own times . that timothy had an office above a bishop , ( as wale messalinus saith ) though afterwards from the custome of the church and some acts that bishops did like his ( but not solely ) he was allusively , if not abusively , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 called a bishop . and as another faith ; timothy and titus are called bishops by the ancients , because they did those acts that by humane custome were afterwards appropriated to bishops in regard of presidency , but they did them not as bishops ( which they are not called in scripture ) hut as evangelists which they were , and so one of them is called , tim. . . . the second argument to prove that timothy and titus were no bishops , relates especially to timothy , and it is this . if timothy was bishop of ephesus , it must be when the first epistle was written . for it is in that epistle in which he is said to receive his pretended charge of exercising his episcopal power in ordination and jurisdiction . but now this first epistle was written when paul was at macedonia ▪ as the learned , both new and old , papists and protestants , agree . and it was after this when paul came to miletum accompanied with timothy , and sends for the elders of the church of ephesus unto him , and commends the government of the church unto these elders whom he calls bishops . now surely if timothy had been constituted their bishop ( in the sence of our adversaries ) the apostle would not have called the elders bishops before their bishops face , and in stead of giving a charge to the elders to feed the flock of christ , he would have given that charge to timothy , and not to them , and no doubt he would have given some directions to the elders how to carry themselves toward their bishop . and because none of these things were done ; it is a clear demonstration to us , that timothy was not at that time bishop of ephesus . to avoid the force of this argument , there are some that say , that timothy was not made bishop of ephesus till after pauls first being a prisoner at rome , which was after his being at miletum . but these men while they seek to avoid the scylla of one inconvenience , fall into the carybdis of another as great ; for if timothy was not made bishop till pauls first being at rome , then he was not bishop when the first epistle was written to him ( which all agree to be written before that time ) and then it will also follow , that all that charge that was laid upon him , both of ordination and jurisdiction , and that intreating of him to abide at ephesus , was given to him not as to the bishop of ephesus ( which he was not , ) but as to an extraordinary officer sent thither upon special occasion , with a purpose of returning when his work imposed was finished . from both these considerations we may safely conclude . that if timothy were neither constituted bishop of eph●sus before pauls first being prisoner at rome , nor after ; then he was not constituted bishop at all : but he was neither constituted bishop before nor after &c. ergo not at all . . to prove that timothy and titus were not bishops in a prelatical sence , we argue from the matter contained in these epistles . in the first epistle ( wherein all that is alledged for episcopacy is contained , for in the epistle there is nothing at all said about it ) chap. . vers. . he beseecheth timothy to abide at ephesus when he went into macedonia , which had been a needless importunity ( as smecttymnuus well observes ) if timothy had had the episcopal charge of ephesus committed to him by the apostles , for then he might have laid as dreadful a charge upon him to abide at ephesus , as he doth afterwards to preach the gospel tim. . , . and in his epistle to titus chap. . . he saith . for this cause left i thee in creete , that thou shouldst set in order the things that are wanting &c. in which words the apostle specifieth the occasional imployment for which he was desired to stay in that place . now ( as the reverend presbyters in their conference at the isle of wight have well noted . ) these expressions — i besought th●e to abide still at ephesus , i left thee in creete , do not sound like words of instalment of a man into a bishoprick , but of an intendment to call him away again . and if we consider his actual revocation of them both ( of which we shall afterwards speake ) and the intimation in these texts of his intention , that they should not stay there for continuance ; and the reason of his beseeching the one to stay , and of his leaving the other behind him , which was some present defects and distempers in those churches , they will put fair to prove , that the apostle intended not to establish them bishops of those places , and therfore did not . add to this , that when paul undertook in tim. . to set out the office of a bishop , he mentioneth nothing in that office which is not competent to a presbyter , and therefore omits the office of a presbyter ( as we have formerly said ) including it in the office of a bishop , which certainly he would never have done , if he had at the same time made timothy an hierachicalbishop , with a power to do that formally which was unlawful for a presbyter to do . and in his epistle to titus , he directly confounds the names and offices of presbyters , and bishops , and makes them one and the same titus . . . which he certainly would not have done , if he had made them at that time distinct order● with distinct offices , or if he had made titus at that time bishop ( or as some would have it ) arch-bishop or primate and metropolitan of the hundred cities that were in creet . so much for the proof that timothie and titus were not bishops in a prelatical sence . . the second thing we are to prove is , that timothy and titus were evangelists , and not onely so in a general signification ( as all preachers of the gospel may be called evangelists ) but in a special and proper sence . this will the better appear , if we consider what an evangelist is , and the difference between evangelists and other officers of the church . evangelists , properly so called , were men extraordinarily imployed in preaching the gospell without a settled residence upon any one charge ; they were comites , et vicarii apostolo●um , vice-apostles who had curam vicariam omnium ecclesiarum , as the apostles had , curam principalem ; and they did ( as ambrose speakes ) evang●lizare sine cathedra . bishops or presbyters were tyed to the particular care and tuition of that flock over which god had made them overseers , act. . . but evangelists were not tyed to reside in one particular place , but did attend upon the apostles , by whose appointment they were sent from place to place , as the necessity of the churches did require . to this agreeth mr. hooker in his ecclesiastical policy ; evangelists , saith he , were presbyters of principal sufficiency whom the apostles sent abroad , and used as agents in ecclesiastical affaires wheresoever they found need . they were extraordinary and temporary officers ( as the apostles and prophets were ) and officers of a rank higher then pastors and teachers , and so they are reckoned ephesians . . now that timothy and titus were such officers is made evident . not onely because one of them is in direct terms called an evangelist tim. . . but also , from the perpetual motion of both of them from place to place , not onely before they were sent to ephesus and creet , but as much after , as before . and that they did so move , appears from divers authors who have exactly set down their several peregrinations both before and after . we shall not trouble the reader with their travailes before they were sent to ephesus and creet , but shall onely relate what is said by the reverend minsters in their humble answer , at the isle of wight of their journeyings after their going thither . and first of timothy . if timothy say they , was bishop of ephesus , he must be so when the first epistle was sent to him , in which he is pretended to receive the charge of exercising his episcopall power in ordination , and government ; but it is manifest that after this epistle sent to him , he was in continual journeyes , or absent from ephesus . for paul left him at ephesus when he went into macedonia , and he left him there to exercise his office , in regulating & ordering that church and in ordaining ; but it was after this time that timothy is found with paul at miletum : for after paul had been at miletum , he went to ierusalem whence he was sent prisoner to rome , and never came more into macedonia , and at rome we find timothy a prisoner with himand those epistles which paul wrote while he was prisoner at rome namely the epistle to the philippians , to phil●mon , to the colossians , to the hebrewes , do make mention of timothy as his companion at these times ▪ nor do we ever find him again at ephesus , for we find that after all this , towards the end of saint paul● life , after his first answering before nero , and when he said his departing was at hand , he sent for timothy to rome , not from ephesus ; for it seems that timothy was not there , because paul giving timothy an account of the absence of most of his companions sent into divers parts , he saith tychieus have i sent to ephesus . now if your majesty shall be pleased to cast up into one totall what is said , the severall journeys and stations of timothy , the order of them ; the time spent in them , the nature of his imployment , to negotiate the affaires of christ in several churches and places , the silence of the scriptures as touching his being bishop of any one church , you will acknowledge that such a man was not a bishop fixed to one church or precinct , and then by assuming that timothy was such a man , you will conclude that he was not bishop of ephesus . the like may be said also concerning titus after he was left at creet , he was sent for by paul to nicopolis , and after that he is sent to corinth , from whence he is expected at troas , and not with paul in macedonia , whence he is sent againe to corinth , and after all this is neere the time of pauls death at rome , from whence he went not into creet , but unto dalmatia , and after this is not heard on in the scripture . from all this we gather . conclusions . that timothy and titus were not bishops in our brethrens sense , that is , were not fixed stars in ephesus or creet . and whereas it is answered , that the necessities of those times made even the most fixed stars planetary , calling them frequently , from the places of their abode , to those services that were of most use for the successe of that great work , yet so that after their errands fully done , they returned to their own charge , and that therefore they might be bishops notwithstanding their severall journeys . we challenge any of them to shew in all the new testament , any one that was appointed overseer of a particucular church , whose motion was as planetary , as we have shewed that of timothy and titus to have been , or if that fail , to shew that after timothy and titus went abroad upon the service of the churches , they did constantly or ordinarily return either to ephesus or creet , and not to the places either of the apostles present abode , or appointment . but we are fully assured that they can shew neither the one nor the other , and therefore we may safely conclude , that they were not bishops in our brethrens sense . that timothy and titus were evangelists , and evangelists in a proper sense , and officers distinct from pastors , and teachers and officers of an higher rank and order . that they were not onely evangelists before they were sent to ephesus and creet , but afterwards also , as hath been abundantly proved . and the truth is , if they were evangelists at any time , we cannot conceive how they can come to be bishops in our brethrens sense . for we thus argue , they that were made evangelists in a proper sense by the apostles , were never afterwards made bishops in our brethrens sense by the apostles . for this had been to degrade them from a superiour office to an inferiour . and if ( according to the councell of chalcedon ) it be not onely incongruous , but sacrilegious to bring back a bishop to the degree of a presbyter ; if it be an eternall reproach and shame to a bishop to be ▪ degraded from a bishop to a presbyter , much more reproach and shame it must needs be , for an evangelist to be brought down unto the office of a bishop . but timothy and titus were once made evangelists by the apostles , when they were chosen to travell up and downe with them as their companions , and before they were setled ( as our brethren suppose ) the one at ephesus , the other at creet . this is confessed by bishop hall , bishop downham , and all episcopall men , that we have read of this subject . and the great debate between them and us is , not whether they were once evangelists , and vice-apostles or no , but how long they continued so , and whether ever they were made bishops in our brethrens sense . and therefore we may undoubtedly conclude , that because they were once evangelists , therefore they were never bishops , neither before they were sent to ephesus and cre●● , nor afterwards . before we leave our discourse concerning timothy and titus , we must of necessity answer one objection . it is said , that the work imposed upon timothy and titus in ephesus and creet , both of ordination and jurisdiction is as necessary to be continued in the church as the work of preaching and adminstring the sacrament , and that after their deaths , those that did succeed them did the same work , and were called bishops by the ancient fathers . and that therefore timothy himselfe was a bishop , because his successors in the same place were called so . timothy and titus were evangelists , and therefore temporary and extraordinary officers , and therefore could not have any successors in office. indeed the power they did exercise in ephesus and creet , was necessary for the church of christ , and there were some that succeeded them in that work , but none in the office , the apostles and evangelists had some that came after them and did the same work that they did in governing ordaining and preaching : but they had no successors in office , for then they had not been extraordinary . and as one wel saith ; when the apostles and evangelists dyed , their offices ceased , what parts of their office were of perpetuall use , as praying , preaching , administring sacraments , and the use of the keyes , were left to those ordinary officers called pastors and teachers eph. . . the distinction made afterward between a pastor-bishop , and a pastor-presbyter , was but an humane invention for order , and to avoid accidental inconveniencies , of which we shall speake more hereafter . in a word the successors of timothy and titus were presbyters , who by common consent govern the church , and ordain elders , and did the same work as ordinary standing officers which timothy and titus did as extraordinary and temporary officers , &c. so it was at first , till afterwards , for avoiding ofschisme , ( as hierom saith ) one was chosen from amongst the presbyters and called a bishop ; but whether this invention were of god , and whether it were hurtfull or profitable for the church , we shall , god willing , shew at large when we come to speak of the practise of antiquity in point of episcopacy . so much for timothy and titus . chap. vi. answering objections from the pretended episcopacy of the seven asian angels . the second scripture ground brought to prove the divine right of prelacy is from the angels of the seven churches of asia . these angels ( say they ) were seven single persons : and ( as one hath lately written ) not onely bishops , but metropolitans and arch-bishops . this is said with so much confidence , that all men are condemned as blinde , or wilfull that indeavour to oppose it . and it is reckoned as one of the great prodigies of this unhappy age , that men should still continue blinde , and not see light enough in this scripture , to build the great fabrick of episcopacy by divine right upon . it is further added , that some of the ancient fathers , mention the very men that were the angels of those churches . some say timothy was bishop of ephesus , when iohn writ his epistle to it : others say onesimus : others say that polycarp was bishop of smyrna . and from hence they conclude with a great deale of plausibilitie , that the angels of the churches were seven individuall bishops . for answer to those things , we must of necessity referre the reader to what is said in the bookes quoted in the margent , wherein they are fully , clearly , and ( as we conceive ) satisfactorily handled , we shall crave leave to borrow a few things out of them , adding something of our own . in answer therefore to this scripture , we do desire those things may be considered . . that st. iohn the pen-man of the revelation , doth neither in it , nor in any of his other writings , so much as upon the name bishop , he names the name presbyter frequently , especially in the revelation ; yea , when he would set out the office of those that are nearest to the throne of christ in his church , revel . . he cals himselfe a presbyter , epist. . and whereas in st. iohn's dayes some new expressions were used in the christian church , which were not in scripture ; as the christian sabbath began to be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * and christ himself 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 † now both these are found in the writings of st. iohn . and it is strange to us , that the apostle should mention a new phrase , and not mention a new office erected by this time ( as our brethren say ) in the church ▪ especially if we consider that polycarp ( as i● related ) was made bishop by him ; and no doubt if he had been made bishop in a prelaticall sense , we should have found the name bishop in some of his writings ▪ who lived so long as to see episcopacy setled in the church , as our adversaries would make us believe . add to thi● , . that there is not the least intimation in all st. iohns writngs of the superiority of one presbyter over another , save onely where he names and chides diotrephes , as one ambitiously affecting such a primacy . consider , thirdly , that the same authors , that say that st. iohn made polycarp bishop of smyrna , and that st. peter made ignatius bishop of antioch , do also say that st. iohn himself sate many yeares bishop of ephesus , and was the metropolitan of all asia , which is an evident demonstration to us , that these authors did not use the word bishop in a prelaticall sense . for it is certain that the apostles cannot properly be called bishops : for , though they did eminently contain the episcopall office , yet they were not formally bishops . for , this were to degrade the apostles , and to make their office ordinary and perpetuall , this were to exalt the bishop above his degree , and make him an apostle , and to make the apostle a bishop . it doth not much differ from madness , to say that peter or any one of the apostles were properly bishops , as learned whitaker saith , whom we shal have occasion to cite this purpose hereafter . . consider fourthly , that the word angel ( which is the title given to those supposed bishops ) doth not import any peculiar jurisdiction or preheminence , but is a common name to all ministers , and is so used in scripture : for all ministers are gods messengers , and ambassadours sent for the good of the elect , and therfore the name being common to all ministers , why should we think that there should be any thing spoken to one minister , that doth not belong to all ? the same may be said of the word starre ( which is also a title given to those supposed metropolitans . ) it is evident that all faithfull ministers are called stars in scripture , whose duty is to shine as lights unto the churches in all purity of doctrine , and holiness of conversation . there is nothing in these titles , that argue these ministers to be bishops in our brethrens sense , insomuch as had they not been called bishops , by some authors that succeeded them ( who spake of former times according to the language of their own times ) this way of arguing would have been counted ridiculous . . add lastly , that these titles of stars and angels are mysterious and metaphoricall . it is said rev. . the mysterie of the seven stars , &c. and certainly it cannot be safe or solid , to build the structure of episcopacy by divine right upon mysterious and metaphorical denominations ; theologia symbolica non est argumentativa . especially if we consider , that there are abundance of cleare texts , that make presbyters and bishops to be one and the same : and it cannot be praise-worthy for any men ( though never so learned in the esteem of the world , ) to oppose certain allegoricall , and mysterious titles , to so many express testimonies of scripture . against all this it will be said , that our saviour christ in his epistles to these seven churche● , singles out one angel in every church from all the other ministers that were there , and dedicates his epistle unto these angels , thereby giving us to understand , that these angels were superiour to all the other ministers , angels of an higher orbe , superintendents & not only bishops overpresbyters , arch-bishops over other bishops , as a high prelatist is pleased to tell us . to this objection there are solid and every way sufficient answers given in the books forementioned ; we shall reduce all to these two head● . . that the word angel is not to be taken 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not individually , but collectively , for all the pastors and ministers of the respective ministers ; this answer we confesse is called a poore shift & vain conceit , and a manifest wresting of the plain words of our saviour by our episcopal men ; but we conceive there are such reasons brought for the justification of it that cannot be answered . as for example . it is certain that our saviour christ speakes to this angel often in the plural number , rev. . . but unto you i say and the rest of thyatira rev. . . fear none of those things which thou shalt suffer . b●hold , the divel shall cast some of you into prison , that ye may be tryed , and ye shall have tribulation ten dayes : be thou faithful unto death &c. this see rev. . . by which is evident , that by the word angel is not meant one singular person , but the collective body of rulers . but some copies leave out the conjunction 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and read it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he that shall view the antecedent , and consequent and consider that verse . . it is said i will give to every one of you &c. and then followes but i say unto you , and in the conclusion of the verse , i will put upon you no other burden , will confesse that the old copies are better then that which is said to be tecla's manuscript . . it is certain that the church of ephesus was a collective body , and that there were many presbyters to whom st. paul at his final departure from them committed the charge of that church . and these presbyters are called bishops , and were all of them stars of the same magnitude , and ange●s of the same order without a difference & distinction . . it is usuall with the holy ghost , not onely in other books of the scripture , but in this very book of the revelation , in mysterious and prophetick writings and visional representations ( such as this of the stars and golden candlestick is ) to expresse a number of things or persons in singulars . and this in visions is the usual way of representation of things , a thousand persons making up one church , is represented by one candlestick ; many ministers making up one presbytery by one angel. thus revel . . . it is said , that iohn say seven angels which stood before god. by these seven candlesticks dr. reynolds doth not understand seven individual angels , but all the angels . for there are no seven individual angels that stand before god , but all do , dan ▪ . there are many more instances brought in the book● forementioned . . add lastly , that though but one angel be mentioned in the fore●front ; yet it is evident , that the epistles themselves ( though we are far from thinking in that formall denomination the angels and candlesticks are the the same ) are dedicated to all the angels and ministers in every church , and to the churches themselves , as appears rev. . . rev. . . . . and therefore when it is said in the singular number , i know thy workes , this thou hast , repent and do thy first workes &c. all these and the like places are not to be understood as meant of one individuall person , but of the whole company of ministers , and also of the whole church , because the punishment threatned is to the whole church rev. . . . . now we have no warrant in the word to think that christ would remove his gospel from a church for the sin of one bishop , when all the other ministers and churches are far from those sins . these are some of those reasons that are brought to prove that this our interpretation is no wresting or offering of violence to the text , but such a one that floweth naturally from it . we might for the confirmation of it cite mr. brightman , mr. perkins , mr. fox , ( who citeth primasius , haymo , beda , richardus , thomas &c. of the same judgment ) dr. fulk , mr. mede , gregory , and st. austin , all of them interpreting this text as we do . but we forbear , because they are quoted by smectimnuus . but it will be said that as some autohors say , that timothy was bishop of ephesus when our saviour wrote this epistle to it ; others b) that onesimus was bishop , ( c ) others that polycarp was bishop of smyrna at that very time ; and therefore these angels must needs be taken individually for for so many single persons . they that say that timothy was then bishop , offer no little injury to him ; for they thereby charge him to be guilty of apostacy , and of losing his first love , and so out of a blind zeal to episcopacy , they make that glorious saint to stand charged as an apostate . the like injurie is offered by objections to onesimus . . we have already proved , that timothy was an evangelist in a proper sense , and therefore cannot be called a bishop of ephesus in their sense . it will not follow because onesimus was bishop of ephesus in . st. johns dayes , that therefore he was the onely person to whom christ wrote his epistle ; for st paul tells us that there were many bishops at ephesus ( besides the supposed onesimus ) and christ may very well write to him and to all the rest as well as him . the like may be said concerning polycarpe : for our saviour speakes to the angel of the church of smyrna in the plural number rev. . . and therefore he may truly be said to write to all the other angels that were at smyrna as well as to one . so much for the first head of answers . . but now in the second place , let us suppose it ( though we will not grant it ) that these angels were personae singulares , and that the word angel is to be taken individually ; yet , we conceive , that this will not at all advantage the episcopal cause . for , . first mr. beza ( no great friend to episcopacy ) acknowledgeth , that by these words to the angel is meant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the president as whom it behoved specially to be admonished touching those matters , and by him both the rest of his colleagues , and the whole church likewise . but then he addeth . but that episcopal degree which was afterward by humane invention brought into the church of god , certainly neither can nor ought to be hence concluded ; nay not so much as the office of a perpetual president should be of necessity as the thence arising olig●rchical tyranny ( whose head is the antich●istian beast ) now at length , with ●he most certain ruine not of the church onely , but of the word also maketh manifest ; by which quotation it is evident , that though beza h●ld the angel to be a singular person , yet he held him to be angelus pres●s not ang●lus princeps . and that he was praeses pr● tempore , just as a moderator in an assembly , or as a speaker in parliament . to this effect do the reverend divines speak in their humble answer at the isle of vvight , where they say , that these writings to the angels are directed as epistolary letters to collective bodies usually are ; that is , to one , but intended to the body , which your majestie illustrateth by your sending a message to your two houses , and directing it to the speaker of the hou●e of peers ; which as it doth not hinder , we confesse , but that the speaker is one single person ; so it doth not prove at all , that the speaker is alwayes the same person ; or if he were , that therefore because your message is directed to him , he is the governour or ruler of the two houses in the least , and so your majestie hath given clear instance , that though these letters be directed to the angels , yet that notwithstanding , they might neither be bishops , nor yet perpetual moderators . secondly , dr , reynolds ( who hath written a letter in print against the j●s divinum of episcopacy ) acknowledgeth also , ( in his conference with hart dial . ) that this angel was persona singularis . for he saith , that presbyters when they met together for the carrying on of the affairs of the church by common councel and consent , chose one amongst them to be the president of their company , and moderator of their actions . as in the church of ephesus , though it had sundry elders and pastors to guide it ; yet amongst those sundry , was there one chief , whom our saviour calleth the angel of the church , and writeth that to him , which by him the rest should know . from which saying we may safely conclude , that though we should grant ( which yet we do not ) that this angel is a single person , yet it will not at all help the episcopal hierarchy . for this angel is but a moderator of the presbytery , having no superiority of power either in ordination , or jurisdiction , above presbyters ; is himself also a presbytery , and ( for ought appears to the contrary , from the judgment of dr. reynolds ) a moderator onely pro tempore : which kind of government is purely presbyterial , and not at all episcopal , much lesse ( as some would have it , even from this text ) archiepiscopal and metropolitical . but it is objected by some learned men , that the seven cities in which these seven asian churches had their seat , were all of them metropolitical , and so had relation unto the rest of the towns , and cities of asia , as unto daughters rising under them ; and that therefore these churches were metropolitical churches , and their angels metropolitical bishops . to this we answer , . that it will hardly be proved that these seven cities were all of them metropolitical cities in st. iohn● dayes ; and the situation of the most of them lying near together by the sea side , makes it very improbable . . but suppose it would , yet we answer . . that it is no good argument from the greatnesse of the cities , to inferr the greatnesse of the churches : for , though the cities were great , yet the churches were but small , and the number of believers very few in comparison of the rest of the people . . we do not believe that ever it can be proved , that the apostles did model the government of the church according to the government of the roman state. this was the after-policy of christian emperours and bishops , but no part of apostolical policy ; and therefore it doth not follow , that because there were divers cities under the jurisdiction of these seven cities , that therefore there should be divers churches subordinate to these seven asian churche● . . we are fully assured , that it can never be made out , that any of these asian angels were archbishops , or bishops over other bishops ; or bishops over divers settled churches . the seven starrs are said in scripture to be fixed in their seven candlesticks or churches , not one star over divers candlesticks , or churches . if this opinion were true , then tertullian did no● do well in saying , that st. iohn made polycarpe bishop of smyrna , but he should rather have said , that he made him arch-bishop . and our saviour christ had not given unto these seven angels their due titles . for he must have written . to the angel of the church of ephesus , together with all those churches in the cities subordinate to ephesus . and so likewise of the other six : surely this device was found out for the honour of archiepiscopacy by some that did aspire unto that dignity ; but we hope that our more moderate brethren are far from stamping a divinum jus upon archbishops and prim●tes and patriarchs , for fear lest by the same proportion of reason they be forced to put a divine stamp at last upon the pope himself . and therefore we forbear to say any more about it . for the conclusion of this discourse about the asian angels , we shall add ; . that it can never be proved , that these asian angels were bishops in a prelatical sence , much lesse arch-bishops and metropolitans . for it is agreed upon on al parts , that believers in great cities were not divided into set and fixed congregations or parishes , till long after the apostles dayes . and that parishes were not united into diocesses till . years after christ. and therefore sure we are , that there could not be diocesan churches , and diocesan bishops formally so called in the apostles dayes . these angels were congregational , not diocesan . in the beginning of christianity the number of believers , even in the greatest cities , were so few , as that they might well meet , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in one and the same place . and these were called the church of the citie , and therefore , to ordain elders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are all one in scripture . afterwards we conceive , that believers became so numerous in these great cities as that they could not conveniently meet in one place . thus it was in the church of hierusalem : and thus possible , it might be in most of these asian churches in st. iohns time . but yet notwithstanding all this , there are three things diligently to be observed . . that these meeting places were frequented promis●uously , and indistinctly , and that believers were not divided into set and fixed churches or congregations in the apostles dayes . . that notwithstanding these different meeting places , yet the believers of one city made but one church in the apostles dayes , as is evident in the church of hierusalem , which is called a church , not churches , act. . . & . . & . . and so likewise it is called the church of ephesus , and the church of thyatira , &c. not churches &c. . that this church in the city was governed in the apostles dayes by the common councel of presbyters , or bishops . for the apostles went about ordaining presbyters in every church ; and act. . . paul calls for the elders of the church of ephesus ( one of these seven churches ) and calls them bishops , and commits the whole government of the church unto th●m . the like may be said of the other six churches . from all this we gather , that the asian angels w●re not dioces●n bishop● , but congrecongregational presbyter● seated each of them in one church , not any of them in more then one . and though poly●arpe , by tertullian and irenaeus , be called bishop of smyrna , and on●simus by others , bishop of ephesus , yet it is confessed by all , that bishops and presbyters had all one name in the apostles dayes , and long after , even in irenaus his time . and therefore the question still remains , whether they were bishops phrasi apostolica , that is , presbyters ; or phrasi pontificia ; whether bishops antonomastic● , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so called , or whether , as we believe ( and have proved as we conceive sufficiently ) in a general sense , as all presbyters are called . this is all we shall say about the second answer ; though for our parts , we professe that we adhere unto the first answer , that the word angel is to be taken collectively , not individually . and so much in answer to the scripture-argument drawn from the asian angels . chap. vii . containing our reply to the answers given to our scripture-arguments . the next thing we are to take in hand is to make brief replyes unto those answers that are given to some of our arguments ( for to some of them no answer at all is given ) brought against the jus divinum of prelacy , and for the identity of a bishop and presbyter in scripture . the general answer that is returned unto all our texts of scripture is ; that these texts do onely prove an identity of names , but not of offices , and that it is the great presbyterian fall●cy . to argue from the samenesse of names to a samenesse of function . but we answer . . that it is of no small consequence , that there is a constant identity of denomination between a bishop and ● presbyter . for the proper end of names being ( as smect●ymnuus saith ) to distinguish things according to the difference of their nature , and the supream wisdom of god being the imposer of these names , who could neither be ignorant of the nature of these offices , nor mistake the proper end of imposition of names , nor want variety to expresse himself , the argument taken from the constant identity of denomination is not so contemptible as some would make it . . but we answer further , that our argument is not drawn from the identity of denomination onely , but also from the identity of office , & it is this . they that have the same name , and the same office , and the same qualifications for their office , and the same ordination to their office , they are one and the same : but so hath the presbyter , and bishop , ergo . this we proved from titus . . . . . tim. . and other places never yet answered . more particularly , to that place act. . , . where the apostle commits the government of the church of ephesus unto the presbyters of that church whom he there calls bishops &c. it is answered , that these elders were not meer presbyters , but bishops properly so called . and though they were sent for from ephesus , yet they are not said to be all of ephesus . but they were all the bishops of asia called from divers parts , and gathered together at ephesus , and from thence sent for by paul to mil●tum . to make the new-minted answer seem probable , they bring the . verse , where it is said , and now behold i know that ye all among whom i have gone preaching the kingdom of god , shall see my face no more . this must needs relate , say they , to all the bishops of asia amongst whom he had gone preaching the kingdom of god. and so also they bring the . verse . ther●fore watch and remember that ●y the space of three years i ceased not to warne every one night and day with tears . now with whom did paul spend his three years ? not with the elders of one city of ephesus , but with all the bishops of asia . and therefore they conclude , that this was pauls metropolicall visitation , not of a few elders of one city , but of all the asian prelates . to all this we reply . . that this interpretation is a manifest wresting of the text , contrary to most of the ancient fathers , to hierom , theod●ret , chrys. &c. and contrary to many councells , and purposely found out to avoid the deadly blow that this text give● to episcopacy by divine right . . there is no sufficient ground to build that conjecture upon , that the bishops of all asia were gathered together at ephesus when paul sent from miletum to ephesvs . the text saith that paul from miletum sent to ephesus and called the elders of the church . of what church ? surely of that church to which he sent , and that was ephesus . he sent not , for ought we read , for any other elders , neither is there any mention of any other elders then present at ephesus . . the syriack translation reads it . he sent to ephesus and called the elders of the church of ephesus . so hierom , presbyteros ecclesiae ep●esinae . so concilium aquis-granense . . if the apostles by the elders of the church had meant the bishops of all asia , he would have said , not the elders of the church , but of the churches . it is an observation brought by one of those that makes use of this answer we are now confuting , that when the scripture speakes of churches in cities , it alwaies useth the singular number , as the church of hirusalem , the church of corinth &c. but when it speakes of provinces in which were many cities , then it useth the plural number . as the churches of iudaea and the churches of asia rev. . . according to this observation , if the apostle had meant of the bishops of all asia , he would have said , the elders of the churches . but because he saith the elders of the church , it is evident he meanes onely , the elders of the church of ephesus , and so by consequence it is as evident , that by elders ▪ the apostle understands meer presbyters , & not bishops in a distinct sense , unlesse our brethren will confesse ▪ that there were more bishops then one in ephesus which is wholly to forsake theircause , and to confesse that which we affirm , that the bishops of ephesus were true presbyters , and the presbyters true bishops . . whereas it is said , that paul sent not onely for the bishops or superintendents of ephesus , but of all asia . we demand , who was the bishop of ephesus that paul sent for ? surely it was not timothy . for timothy was then present with him , and needed not to have been sent for , and yet timothy was ( according to our brethrens judgement ) the first bishop of ephesus . and if timothy was the first bishop , then surely there was none in ephesus for paul to send for , and if ephesus at that time had no bishop which was the metroplis of all asia ; how came the daughter churches to have bishops before their mothe● church , as they call it ? . but , sixtly , we desire it may be proved , that there were any bishops over presbyters in asia when paul was at miletum . this is taken for granted by episcopall men , but this is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the very thing which is in question . we say that the bishops of asia were of the same nature with the bishop of ephesus , that is , they were elders and presbyters of the churches to whom the holy ghost had committed the care of teaching and governing &c. . as for that which is gathered from the . verse , it beares no weight at all with it ; for these words , all ye , relate onely to the elders of the church of ephesus that were then present . should a man say unto ten members of the house of lords , and ten of the house of commons , and say unto them , all ye are now dissolved ; would it imply a presence of all the lords and all the commons , because the speech concerned them all , and was true of them all ? who ●nows not it would not ? so it is here , &c. as for that which is hinted from the vers . it doth not ●t all prove that which it is brought for . for if we look into act. . we shall find , that paul spent most of his three years at ephesus o●●ly , and not in other parts of asia . ephesus was the chief city of asia , and greatly given to idolatry , and there p●●l fixed his habitation . it is the observation of hiro●● , that paul tarried . years at ephesus in praedicat●ous evangelis assiduns & 〈◊〉 minister , ●t id●lolatriae arc● destructa facile mi●orum , urbi●●● fa●a & superstitio●●s convell●●et . a daily and stro●uous minister in the preaching of the gospel : that by destroying the chief fort and castl● of idol●try , h● might the ●asilier demolish the temples and , the s●●●●stitions of the less●r cities . the te●t it self ●entioneth two years and three moneths . and therefore this verse doth not at all prove that all the bishops of asia were present with paul at mi●etum . so much for the justific●tion of our ●gument drawn from act. . . . . whereas we have proved from phil. . . that there ●re but two ordinary ●nd st●nding officers constituted by christ in his church &c. to this divers answers are given , and some of them quite contrary one to the other . . first it is said by some , that though in the place cited there be but two orders of the ministry mentioned , yet it doth not follow , but that there may be mention in other scriptures of ●nother standing officer . we desire that these scriptures may be produced : we say ▪ that there is no mention in any place of any others , and we add , that there is no mention of any rules for ordaining any others , or of any way of mission for any others , no qualifications for any others . and therefore that there is no other standing officer in christ's church of his appointing . . it is confessed by others , that the bishops in philippi were meer presbyters , and that the apostles in the churches which they planted , did not at first appoint any bishops , but presbyters onely , to whom they gave the power of preaching , but reserved in their own hands the power of governing , till towards the latter end of their lives . this conceit , though it be frequently urged , and much insisted on by the learnedest of our brethren , yet that it is but a meer conceit , appears . . because that when the apostles placed preaching presbyters over the churches , they did not only give unto them the power of teaching , but also of governing . they are called rulers and governours , and their charge was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as we have proved at large . our saviour christ committed both the keyes ( as they are called ) the key of doctrine and discipline , into the hands of preaching presbyters . and whom the apostles did constitute teachers , the same they made also rulers and governours . . because that when paul took his solemn leave of the elders of ephesus , and was never to see their faces more , he did not set a bishop over them to rule and govern them , but he left the power of government in the hands of the elders ▪ charging them to feed the flock ( over which the holy ghost had made them bishops ) both by doctrine , and discipline . . this answer doth yeeld thus much ; that the apostles at first did place presbyters in the churches by them planted , and that to these presbyters , he gave the power of teaching , and ( as we have proved ) the power of governing also . now it lyeth upon our brethren to prove a super-institution of a bishop over presbyters by the apostles , in some after times , which we are sure they cannot do . it is evident they did the quite contrary at ephesus : and therefore we may safely conclude , that there was no such officer in the apostles dayes . . as for the apostles reserving in their own hands the power of governing . to this it is well answered by the reverend divines in their humble answer &c. that the apostles could no more devest themselves of power of governing , then ( as dr. bilson saith ) they could lose their apostleship . had they set up bishops in all churches , they had no more parted with their power of governing , then they did in setting up presbyters ; for we have proved that presbyters being called rulers , governours , bishops had the power of governing in ordinary , committed to them as well as the office of teaching &c. nor do we see , how the apostle could reasonably commit● the government of the church to the presbyters of ephesus , and yet reserve the power of governing ( viz. in ordinary ) in his own hands , who took his last farewell of them as never to see them more . as the reserving of that part of the power of governme nt called legislative , in the apostles hands hindred not , but that in your majesties judgment timothy and titus were bishops at ephesus and creet , to whom the apostle gives rules for ordering and governing the church : so likewise there is no reason , why the apostle reserving of that part of the power of government called executive , in such cases and upon such occasions as they thought m eet should hinder the setting up of bishops , if they had intended it ; and therefore the reserving of power in their hands can be no greater reason why they did not set up bishops at first , then that they never did . there is a third answer given which is quite contrary to the second , and that is , that these bishops of philippi were bishops in a proper sence , and that at that time when the apostle wrote his epistle there ▪ were no single presbyters at philippi . . this answer is quite contrary to the sence that hierom , theodoret , and theophylacts , and others give of this text . . this answer supposeth , that there were more bishops then one planted in one city by the apostles , which is quite contrary to the judgment of episcopall divines , and quite destructive of the episcopal hierarchy . theodoret sayth that the apostles by bishops understands single presbyters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 otherwise it had been impossible for many bishops to go vern one , city . and so also theophylact , the apostle calls presbyters , bishops , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for there were not many bishops in one city . and the truth is , to affirm ▪ that there were many bishops in one city in the apostles dayes is in plain english to grant the cause and to say , that the apostolicall bishops were mere presbyters . . another text brought by us to prove the identity of a bishop , and presbyter was . tim. . where the apostle reckoning up the qualifications of a bishop passeth from bishops unto deacon● , leaving out the qualifications of presbyters , there by giving us to understand that presbyters and bishops are all one . to this it is answered , that because paul wrote to timothy and titus who were bishops , therefore there was no need to write any thing concerning the choice or qualification of any other sort of officers , then such as belonged to their ordination and inspection , which were presbyters and deacons onely , and no bishops . . this answer would have some weight in it , if it could be proved , that timothy and titus were bishops in a for●all sence , or if there could be found any rule for the ordination of an hierarchicall bishop , or for the qualification of him in some other place of scripture ; but we are sure that neither the one , nor the other can be made out . . it is reasonable to think ( as our divines at the isle of wight say ) the apostle when he passeth immediately from the bishop to the deacon ( in the place forementioned ) would have distinctly exprest , or at least hinted , what sort of bishop he meant whether the bishop over presbyters , or the presbyter bishop , to have avoided the confusion of the name , and to have set , as it were , some mark of difference in the eschocheon of the presbyter-bishop , if there had been some other bishop of a higher house . . according to the judgement of episcopal men ( as our divines do well observe ) bishops might then have ordained bishops like themselves ; for there was then no canon● forbidding one single bishop to ordain another of his own rank : and there being many cities in creete titus might have found it expedient , to have set up bishops in some of those cities . so that this answer fights against the principle of those that hold timothy and titus to have been bishops . . this answer is opposite to all those that hold timothy and titus to have been made by the apostle arch-bishops of eph●sus and cr●●t● . if they were arch-bishops , then their office was to constitute bishops in a proper sence . there is one of no little note among our prelatical brethren that stoutly maintains this ; and till our brethren be reconciled among themselves , we need make no other reply to this answer . . whereas out of pet. . we proved ▪ that the elder● are not onely called bishops , but have the whole episcopal power committed unto them , being commanded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to feed and take the episcopal charge of the flock of god. to this it is said , that by elders are meant bishops in our brthrens sense ; because these elders are required to feed the flock 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not as being lords over gods heritage ; so it is translated . but say some , it must be translated , not as being lords ●ver the clergy committed to your care , which hints unto us ( say they ) that these elders were bishops over presbyters , and not meer presbyters . this interpretation is novel , and not to be found for ought we can discern in all antiquity , and we believe , our more moderate brethren are ashamed of it ; and therefore we will be very brief in answer to it . all that we shall say is ; . that though after the apostles dayes there came in this nominal distinction between the people and their ministers , insomuch as the people were called laici , and their ministrs clerici : yet it is evident , that in the apostles dayes there was no such distinction . the people of god are in this very epistle called an holy priesthood pet. . . and a royal priesthood pet. . . and deut. . . the lords portion , and the lot of his inheri●ance . and if the reader wil be pleased to view al the translations that have been of this text , he will never find it translated — as being lords of the clergy but as being lords of gods heritage . . we answer , that the apostle , as if on purpose he had intended to have fore-armed us against this misunderstanding of the words , in the latter clause of the verse he sheweth what he maeneth by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . — not as lords over gods heritage , but as being ensamples to the flock . the latter is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the former ; by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he means 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the sense of the whole verse can be no other but this ; that the elders be careful not to lord it over gods heritage , that is , gods flock , but to be examples unto them . we shall not trouble the reader with any other answers to our arguments . these that we have mentioned being the most material . onely for the conclusion of this discourse , we shall crave leave to take notice , that there is a doctor , a high prelatist of great esteem for learning amongst some men , that in a late book of his hath undertaken to make out these two great paradoxes . . that wheresover the word bishop is used in the new testament , it is to be taken in a prelatical sense . for a bishop is superiour to presbyters in ordination and jurisdiction . . that wheresoever the word presbyter is used in the new testament , it is to be understood , not of a meer pr●sbyter , but of a bishop properly so called . and whereas we say , that the scripture-bishop is nothing else but a presbyter , and that there were no bishops distinct from presbyters in the apostles dayes : this author on the contrary saith , that the scripture-presbyter , is a true bishop : and that there were no single and meer presbyters in the apostles dayes . for our parts , we do not think it necessary to take a particular survey of all that is said in justification of these paradoxes . onely we desire it may be considered . . that these assertions are contrary unto antiquity ▪ which yet notwithstanding our brethren do so highly magnify , and boast of in this controversie , and for receding from which ( as they s●y we do ) they do most deeply charge us . . that they are contrary to all that have ever written in defence of episcopacy . and therefore till our brethren can agree amongst themselves , we need not spend time to answer the private opinion of one doctor . . that whosoever will defend these paradoxes , must of necessity be forced to grant ; . that there were more bishops then one in a city in the apostles dayes , which is to betray the cause of episcopacy , and to bring down a bishop to the ranke of a presbyter . . that there were no bishops over presbyters in the apostles dayes . for if there were no presbyters , there could be no bishops over presbyters . . that ordo presbyteratus is not jure divino : for if neither christ , nor his apostles ordained the office of a presbyter . then is the order of presbytery a meer humane invention : which is an assertion , that even the worst of papists will abominate . bellarmine himself saith , that a bishop that is not first a presbyter is a meer figment , and an empty title . . the author himself in justification of this his opinion is forc'd to confesse . . that the ephesius presbyters whom paul sent for to mile●●● , were all the prelates of asia . . that the bishops of philippi whom paul salutes chap. . were not the bishops of that city onely , but of the whole province , whereas theophylact saith , that philippi was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a little city subject to the metropolis of thessalonica . . that timothy was arch-bishop of ephesus , and that when paul sets down the qualifications of bishops , though he mentioneth no qualification , but such which are common to a presbyter with a bishop ; yet he is to be understood to speak of bishops in a prelatical sence , and not at all of presbyters . and when he saith , the elders that rule well are worthy of double honour &c. that is saith this author , the bishops that rule well &c. thereby holding out this great error , that a bishop that rules well is worthy of double honour though he never preacheth . and when st. paul bid● timothy not neglect the gift that was given him by the laying on of the hands of the presbytery , that i● ( saith he ) of episcopacy . and when the apostle chargeth him not to rebuke an elder &c. and not receive an accusation against an elder &c. this is to be understood of bishops ( saith he ) and not of meer presbyters . . that titus also was arch-bishop of creet , and that he received no commission from st. paul to ordain single elders , but onely for ordaining of bishops in every city . it seems this author slights the postscript where titus is called the first bishop of creet , and slights all those ancient fathers that are cited by his own party to prove that he was bishop of creet . but he must be an arch-bishop , and so must tymothy be also , or else these assertions of his will fall to the ground . now that they were neither bishops nor archbishops hath been sufficiently proved ( as we conceive ) in the former discourse . . fiftly and lastly , those paradoxes are contrary to the very letter of the scripture , as we have made it evident in our arguments against the jus divinum of episcopacy , and would further manifest it , if we thought it necessary . for when the apostle saith iames . . is any sick among you ? let him call for the elders of the church &c. who is there that can be perswaded to believe that all these elders were bishops in the sense that bishops are taken in our dayes ) is this the proper work of bishops to visit the sick ? and , besides , if the apostles by elders had meant bishops in that sense , he would have said , let him call the elder s of the churches , not of the church , unlesse our brethren will say that there were divers bishops in every church in the apostles dayes , in which there were many sick persons . besides , when it is said act. . . paul went in with us unto iames , and all the elders were present . it is supposed by our episcopal men that this iames was at this time bishop of hierusalem . now we demand , who were these elders ? were these also bishops of hierusalem ? will this answer consist with our brethrens judgment ? so likewise when it is said act. . . and when they were come to hierusalem they were received of the church and of th● a●pstles and elders . we demand what is meant by the church ? is it not meant the church of hierusalem , to which place they are said to come ? and if so , then we ask further what is meant by the elders ? must it not be answered , that by elders are meant the elders of hierusalem . and then let any man tell us how these elders can be said to be bishops in a prelaticall sense , especially according to the sense of our brethren who make iames to be at this time the onely bishop of hierusalem . add further , it is said act. . . when paul and barnabas had ordained them elders in every church act. . . they sent relief to the elders &c. can any imagin that this relief was sent onely to bishops , and that paul and barnabas ordained no presbyters in any church but onely bishops . is not this to offer manifest violence to the scriptures ? and instead of upholding of episcopacy is not this sufficient to render it odious and contemptible to all sober and godly and moderate christians ? but we forbear . so much for our scripture-proof , and for our justification out of the word of god of ordination by presbyters without prelats . having now finished our vindication of the present ministers of the church of england , both such as were made by bishops , and such as are now made without bishops , before we come to our appendix ; we shall crave leave to shew in few words unto our respective congregations , not onely the lawfulnesse of the present ministry : but the absolute necessity of adhering to it , and the destructive dangers , and ineffable mischiefs that will follow upon receiving of it . and this will appear upon a fourfold account . . because a true ministery is essential to an organical church , that is , a church administring ordinances . a true church saith cyprian is plebs episcopo adunata . ecclesia non est ( saith jerom ) quae non habet sacerdotem . sure we are ; that there cannot be a true church ministerial , without true ministers . . because the scripture way and the onely ordinary way by which men are set apart to the work of the ministry is by ordination , as we have abundantly shewed . he that comes any other way is a thief and a robber , not a true shepherd . . because that this ordination must be performed either by ministers , or by the people . and if all ordination by ministers be to be accounted antichristian ( because these ministers were made by other ministers , and those by others , and those by such , as before the reformation , were belonging to the church of rome ) then it will follow , that there is no way of ordination left , but by the people . . because there is neither precept nor president in all the book of god for ordination of ministers by the people without ministers . we read of ordination by the laying on of the hands of the presbytery , but never by the laying on of the hands of the people . we find the apostles ordaining , and timothy and titus ordaining ( as we have formerly said ) and the presbytery ordaining ; but no where of the peoples ordaining . we find the people contra-distinguished from rulers and governours , but no where called rulers or governours . and if there be a power by scripture in the people to ordain ministers , why was titus sent to creete to ordain elders ? why did the apostles visit the churches they had planted , to ordain elders in every church ? and why is timothy commanded , to lay hands suddenly on no man , &c. some thing possibly may be said out of scripture : for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there is ne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quidem in totâ scripturâ . surely , this way of ordination by the people is a devise that hath neither ground for it in the scripture , nor in all antiquity . and for private christians to assume , not onely a power to elect their own ministers , that is , to nominate persons to be made their ministers ( which we no wayes dislike or deny , so it be done in an orderly way by the guidance of the presbytery ) but also to undertake , without ordination , to become publick preachers themselves : and not onely so , but to send forth ministers authoritatively to preach the gospel , and administer the sacraments . this is a sin like unto the sin of vzziah , and of corah and his company . this is to make themselves political popes , and antichristian christians . and therefore for the conclusion of all , we shall make bold to speak two things to all those that renounce their former ordination by ministers , and take up a new way of ordination by the people . . we would intreat them that before they find fault with our way of ordination by ministers , they would first of all justifie by the canon of the scripture , their new way of ordination by the people . . we would desire them , in the fear of god to consider ; that whosoever renounceth ordination by ministers , must of nece ssity not onely renounce our ministry , but all the ministers and churches reformed in the christian world , and as constantine said to acesius the nova●ian ; he must erect a ladder by himself to go to heaven in a new way : he must turn seeker , and forsake all church-communion , as some do in these our unhappy dayes upon this very ground , that we are speaking of . for sure we are , if ordination by ministers be antichristian ; ordination by the people is much more antichristian . but we hope ▪ better things of you , though we thus speak . and our prayer to god is , and shall be ; that the lord would send down the spirit of truth into the hearts of his people to guide them in the truth in these erring dayes ; the spirit of holinesse , to sanctifie them by his truth in these prophane dayes ; and the spirit of charity , and meeknesse , and sobriety , to cause them to speak the truth in love , (a) ephes. . . and to love one another in the truth , (b) joh. . in these sinful and miserable dayes of uncharitablenesse and division . the appendix . having sufficiently proved out of the word of god , that a bishop and presbyter are all one ; and that ordination by presbyters is most agreeable thereunto : we shall now subjoyn a brief discourse about the grand objection , from the antiquity of prelacy , and about the judgement and practise of the ancient church , concerning the ordination of ministers . and this we shall do the rather , because our prelatical divines do herein most triumph and boast . for bishops distinct from presbyters have been ( say they ) in the church of christ for . years and up●ward . and there never was any ordination without them . and when coluthus was ordained by a presbyter without a bishop , his ordination was pronounced null and void : and aerius by austin and epiphanius was accounted an heretique , for holding ( an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) an equality and identity between a bishop and a presbyter . nay ierom himself saith , that a bishop over presbyters is an apostolical tradition , and that it began when some said , i am of paul , and i of apollos , and i of cephas , which was ( say they ) in the apostles dayes . and from hence it is peremptorily asserted that episcopal government is of apostolical institution . for answer to this great and plausible objection , and for the further declaration of our judgements concerning the antiquity of prela●y , we crave leave to lay down these following proposit●ons . proposition . that whatsoever may be said for prelacy out of antiquity , yet sure we are ( as we hope hath been sufficiently proved ) that it hath no foundation in the scriptures . and as christ , in matter of divorce , brought the iewes to the first institution of marriage : so ought we in the point of prelacy to reduce men back to the first institution of epis●opacy , and to say as christ , from the beginning it was not so . it is a good saying of tertullian , id adulterum quod posterius , id verum quod primum . and it was well observed by cyprian , that christ said , ego sum via , veritas , vita : not ego sum consuetudo : and that consuetudo sine veritate est vet●stas erroris . christ is truth , and not custome , and custome without truth is a mouldy error . and as sir francis bacon saith , antiquity without truth is a cypher without a figure . and if we should seem in what we have asserted about the identity of a bishop and presbyter , to differ from some of the ancient fathers , yet we have the same plea for our selves , which austin had , who being prest with the authority of cyprian , answers ; his writings i hold not canonical , but examin● them by the canonical writings : and in them , what agreeth with the authority of divine scriptures , i accept with his praise , what agreeth not , i refuse with his leave , sure we are , that humane authority can but produce an humane faith ; and when all is done , it is the scripture ( a perfect reconditory of all credenda , petenda , faci●nda ) to which we must flee as the onely rock , upon which we can rightly build our faith ; according to that excellent saying of austin . sunt certe libri dominici , quorum auctoritati utrique consentimus , utrique credimus , utrique servimus , ibi quaramus ecclesiam , ibi dis●●tiamus causam nostram . proposition . that there were many corruptions which crept into the church , in the very infancy of it , and were generally received as apostolical traditions , which yet notwithstanding are not pleaded for by our episcopal men , but many of them confessedly acknowledged to be errors and mistakes . witnesse first , the millenary opinion which iustine martyr saith , that he , and all , in all parts , orthodox christians held it ▪ and calls them christians onely in name , with many other circumstances of aggravation , that denied it . lactantius after a long discourse about it , concludes , haec est doctrina sanctorum prophetarum , quam christiani s●quimur , hac est christiana sapientia . the like is affirmed by tertullian , irenaeus , and divers others as is well known . secondly , we will instance in the necessity of childrens partaking of the eucharist , which was taught by austin and others as an apostolical tradition . rightly ( saith austin ) do the punick christians call baptisme by no other names but health and safety ; nor the sacraments of christs body by no other then life : vnde nisi ex antiquâ , ( ut existimo ) & apostolica tradi●ion● qua ecclesiae christi insitum tenent praeter baptismum , & participâtionem dominica mensae , non sol●m non ad regnum dei , sed nec ad salutem , & vitam ae●ernam posse quenquam hominum pervenire . in which words the absolute necessity of baptism and of the eucharist for all sorts of people is made an apostolical tradition . lastly , to name no more , st. basil in one chapter names . customes as apostolical traditions , to wit , signing men with the sign of the crosse ; praying towards the east ; anointing with oyl ; standing up at prayer from easter to whitsuntide ; which though some of our episcopal divines may perhaps approve of as lawful customes , yet we conceive none of them will believe all of them , especially the two last , to be apostolical traditions . from hence we gather , that there were many doctrines and practises pretended to be grounded upon apostolical institution , which yet notwithstanding are rather to be accounted apocryphal , then apostolical . proposition . that after christs ascension into heaven , the church of god for a certain space of time , was governed by the common councel of presbyters without bishops : this appears , . from the words of ierom forementioned ; idem ergo est presbyter qui episcopus , et antequam diaboli instinctu studi● in religione fierent & diceretur in populis ego sum pauli , ego apollo , ego cephae , communi consilio pr●sbyterorum ecclesiae , gubernabantur . postquam v●ro unusquisque eos &c. and afterwards paulatim vero ut dissensionum plantaria evellerentur , ad unum omnem solicitudinem esse delatam &c. here note , that for a certain time the church was governed by the assembly of presbyter● alone , and that bishops came in postea and paulatim . it is not said simula● corinthi dictum fuit , ego sum pauli &c. sed postquam id dictum . but ierom seems to say , that this was done in the apostles dayes , because then people began to say , i am of paul , i am of apollo , i am of cephas . these words cannot be so understood ; for then ierom should contradict himself ; for the whole design of the place is , to prove bishops to be of humane constitution . besides ierom doth not say , that it was said so among the corinthians ; but among the people , — & diceretur i● populis . he alludes indeed to the apostles words , and speaks in the apostolical phrase ; but not at all of the apostles times . the meaning is as david blondel well observes ; postquam alii passim corinthiorum more dementati i● partes di●cerpti sunt : after that others were intoxicated after the manner of the corinthians , and divided into several factions , then was one set over the rest as their bishop . and that this must needs be so , appears demonstratively by this argument ; because that to prove that a bishop and presbyter are all one , ierom cites places out of the philippians , out of titus , and out of the second and third epistle of iohn , which were all of them written after the epistles to the corinthians . but st. ierom in his . epistle ad evagrium calls the superiority of a bishop over presbyters , an apostolical tradition . a learned writer for the prelatical government triumphs over dr. blondel , and wal● messalinus , because they passe over this objection unanswered ; and he seems to say that it never can be answered : but if he had been pleased to have cast an eye upon the vindication of the answer to the humble remonstrance , written by smectymnuus , he should have found this answer . ierom in that epistle sharpens his reproof against some deacons , that would equalize thewselves to presbyters , &c. to make this repoof the stronger , he saith presbyteris , id est , episcopis , and a little after , he doth out of the scripture most manifestly prove eundem esse presbyterum atque episcopum : and carries this proof by paul , by peter , and by iohn the longest surviver of the apostles : then adds quod autem postea un●s electus qui caeteris praepon●retur , in s●hismatis remedium factum . the reason why afterwards one was elected , and set over the rest , was the cure of schisme . it is hard to conceive how this imparity can be properly called an apostolical tradition , when ierom having mentioned iohn the last of the apostles , saith , i● wa● poste● that one was set over the rest . yet should we grant it an apostolical tradition in ieroms sence , it would be no prejudice to our cause , seeing with him apostolical tradition , and ecclesiastical custom● are the same ; witnesse that instance of the observation of lent , which he writing ad marc●llum saith is apostolica traditio , yet writing adversus luciferianos faith , it is ecclesiae consuetudo : whereby it fully appears , that ierom by apostolical tradition meant not an apostolical institution , but an ecclesiastical custome : thus far smectym●uns . and thus ierom is made to agree with himself , whom our episcopal doctors would make to speak contradictions . but ierom saith , it was toto orbe decretum , and how could this be but by apostolical appointment ? the same author also saith in the same place , that it came in paulatim . it was not decreed in the whole world all at once , but it came in by degrees , in some places sooner , and in some later . the saying of ambrose , or whosoever was the author of it , upon the th . to the ephesians is very remarkable — ideo non per omnia conveni●nt scripta apostoli ord●nationi quae nunc in ecclesiâ est &c. nam & timotheum presbyterum a se creatum episcopum vocat , quia primum presbyteri episcopi appellabantur : ut recedente uno , sequens ei succederet &c. sed quia caeperunt sequentes presbyteri indigni inveniri ad primatus tenendos , immutata est ratio , prospiciente concilio ut non ordo , sed meritum crearet episcopum . this quotation we shall have occasion to mention afterwards : we bring it now onely to shew ; . that the ordination that was in ambrose his dayes ( if he be the author ) was not in all things agreeable to the apostolical pattern . . that the change that was made was prospicie●te concilio , was by the advise of a councel , and therefore it is not to be wondered , if in time the church of christ came to be governed by the lifting up of one presbyter above the rest . but how long was it that the church of christ was governed by the common councel of presbyters without a bishop set over them ? dr. blondel , a man of great reading and learning , undertakes in a large discourse , to make out that before the year . there was not a bishop over presbyters . to whose elaborate writings we refer the reader for further satisfaction in this particular . sure we are , that clemens who lived in the first century , in his famous epistle to the corinthians ( an undoubted piece of antiquity ) makes but two orders of ministry , bishops and deacons . the occasion of that epistle seems to be a new sedition raised by the corinthians against their presbyters , p. . . ( not as b. hall saies , the continuation of the schismes amongst them in the apostles dayes ) clemens to remove their present sedition , tells them how god hath alwayes appointed several orders in his church , which must not be confounded . in the iewish church he appointed a high priest , priests and levites . and then tells them for the time of the gospel that christ jesus sent his apostles through countries , and cities , in which they preached and constituted the first fruits ( approving them by the spirit ) for bishops and deacons , to those who should afterwards believe . here we observe . that in the first and purest times , the custome was to choose bishops in villages , as well as in great cities . afterwards indeed in the year . in the councel of sardica , it was decreed , that no man should be chosen bishop in a village , or in a little city ne vilescat no●e● episcopi : that the name of a bishop might not be rendred contemptible . but in the first age of the church , they appointed bishops 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as well as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . that bishops and deacons were the onely orders of ministry in the first primitive church : and that the apostles appointed but two officers ( that is bishops and deacons ) to bring men to believe : because , when he had reckoned up three orders appointed by god among the jewes , highpriest , priests and levites , coming to recite orders appointed by the apostles under the gospel , he doth mention onely bishops and deacons . the same clemens adds pag. . that the apostles knowing by jesus christ , that there would a contention arise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , about the name bishop , and being indued with perfect foreknowledge , they appointed the foresaid ( that is the foresaid orders of bishops and deacons ) &c. here note . that by name is not meant the bare name of bishop , but the honour and dignity as it is taken phil. . . ephes. . . heb. . . revel . . so that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is here to be rendred by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the controversie amongst the corinthians , was not about the name , but dignity of episcopacy , for it was about the deposition of their godly presbyters , pag. . . . that the onely remedy appointed by the apostles for the care of all contentions arising about episcopacy , is by committing the care of the church unto bishops and deacons . afterwards the church found out another way , by setting up one bishop over another : but clemens tells us , that the apostles indued with perfect foreknowledge of things , ordained onely bishops and deacons for a remedy of all schismes . it would be too long to recite all that is said in this epistle , for the justification of our proposition . let the reader peruse pag. . . . . and take notice ; that those that are called bishops in one place , are called presbyters in another , and that they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , throughout the whole epistle . the like record we have of polycarpe , that famous disciple of iohn the apostle , who lived also within the first century , and wrote an epistle to the philippians , in which he makes also but two orders of ministry , bishops and deacons & perswades the philippians to be subject to their presbyters and deacons as to god , and to christ. nay , bishop bilson himself saith , pag. . . that elders at first did govern by common advise , is no doubt at all to us ▪ that which is doubted and denied by us , is , that these elders were lay-men . gratian in his decrees brings in ierom word for word affirming , that a bishop and a presbyter are the same ; upon which words ▪ the author of the glosse saith . some say that in the first primitive church , the office of bishops and presbyters was common , but in the second primitive church , both names and offices began to be distinguished . and again , a third sort say , this advancing was made in respect of name , and in respect of administration , and in respect of certain ministeries which belong onely to the episcopal office . and the same author himself is of this opinion , saying ; before this advancing , these names , bishops and presbyters , were altogether of the same signification , and the administration was common : because churches were governed by the common advise of presbyters . and again , this advancing was made for a remedy against schisme as is here said by st. ierom. that one should have the preheminence in regard of the name , the administration , and certain sacraments , which now are appropriated to bishops . here we have a distinction of the first and second primitive church , and that in the first primitive church , bishops and presbyters were all one . to all these quotations we shall subjoyn a remarkable passage of the l. digby recorded in a letter of his , full of excellent learning , writen to sr. kenelme digby . this gentleman was a great adorer of monarchical episcopacy , and yet observe what he saith . he that would reduce the church now to the form of government in the most primitive time● , should not take in my opinion , the best nor wisest course ; i am sure not the safest : for he would be found pecking toward the presbytery of scotland , which for my part i believe , in point of government , hath a greater resemblance , then either yours or ours , to the first age of christs church , and yet it is never a whit the better for it ; since it was a form not chosen for 〈◊〉 best , but imposed by adversity under oppression , which in the beginning forc'd the church from what it wish't , to what it might , not suffering that dignity and state ecclesiastical , which rightly belonged unto it , to manifest it self to the world : and which soon afterwards upon the least lucida intervalla , shone forth so gloriously in the happier as well as more monarchical condition of episcopacy : of which way of government , i am so well perswaded , that i think it pitty , it was not made betimes , an article of the scottish catechisme ; that bishops are jure divino . by this passage it is easie to perceive the indiscreet zeal of this gentleman towards lordly and monarchical prelacy , and yet we have here his free clear and full confession ; that in the first , and best , and purest times of the church , the presbyterian government was practised , and not the episcopal , which is the thing which we undertook to make out in this third proposition . against all th●t hath been said in this proposition , it is objected ; that the blessed st. ignatius who lived in the first century hath in his epistles clearly and fully asserted episcopal government , as it is distinct from presbyterial . and that therefore there was no space of time wherein the church ofchrist was governed by the common councel of pre●byters without bishops properly so called . in answer to this , we must intreat the reader to take notice , that in the primitive times there were abundance of spurious and supposititious works put forth under the names of the apostles , and blessed martyrs , which were none of theirs , but father●d upon them ut ementitis titulis fidem authoritatemque erroribus suis ●onciliarent : that by their counterfect titles they might gain belief and authority to their errors . such were the epistle of paul to seneca , and seneca's to paul ; the lawes and constitutions apostolical , the works of dionysius ar●opagita , and divers others ; the like fraud hath been used in ignatius his works . it is certain , that the epistle of the blessed virgin mary to ignatius , and of ignatius to the blessed vi●gin , and two other epistles of ignatius unto st. iohn the apostle , are spurious and counterfeit . and as for his other twelve epistles , five of them are by invincible arguments as we conceive , proved by vedelius , to be written by à pseudo-ignatius . eusebius and ierom make mention but of seven : and for those seven , though with scultetus , vedelius , and rivetus , we do not renounce them as none of hi● , yet sure we are , they are so much adulterated and corrupted ; that no man can ground any solid assertion about episcopacy from ignatius his works . the reverend archbishop of armagh saith , that there are but six of these epistles that are genuine , and that even these six are miserably depraved and corrupted . rivet saith very judiciously , † that in these epistles some things are defective , some things added , some things changed ; and therefore they cannot merit oisr belief , but onely in those things in which th●y agree with the apostolical writings . baronius indeed saith , that all his epistles are come to us integrae & in●orruptae intire and uncorrupted : but yet notwithstanding , it seems forgetting what he had said , he tells that when there is mention made in the epistle to the philadelphians of the marriages of p●ter and paul ; that the word paul i● foysted in . and he also tells us ( as vedelius observes ) that the words gratia and am●● ▪ with which ignatius was wont to conclude his epistles were left out incuria librariorum in all his epistles except two . and whereas it is said in the epistle to the philadelphians , that not onely the bread was given , but the cup also was distributed to all , bellarmin● saith ; that the greek cop●es are corrupt . for our parts ▪ we will not trouble the reader with a large discourse about this subject . if he please he may read that what th● archbishop of armagh , what ●ivet , vedelius and cook in his censura patrum . and what salmasius and d. blondel say about it , who all of them bring divers arguments to evince the invalidity of these epistles . there is a learned doctor that hath undertaken to answer the objection● of the two last . but this doctor should do well to answer also to what the learned archbishop of armagh h●th written about these epistles , who proves at large , that six of them are nothae , the other six mixtae , and none of them to be accounted omni ex parte sinc●rae & g●nuinae . who also tell● us out of casaub●n● that amongst all the ecclesi●stical monuments , there are none in which the papists put more confidence then in ignatius his epistles , that baronius in his first tome , almost in every page , cites igna●ius to confirm his popish traditions . in the second tome anno. . he confesseth , and disputeth it at large . that these epistles are the very tower of the pontifician doctrine , and that it stands upheld by them as by a pillar , and he often saith , that there was never any found , who called the truth of these epistles into question &c. and therefore this reverend doctor ought not to be offended if we advise him to take heed how he complies with baronius in justifying of ignatius from all depravations and interpolations , left out of overmuch love of prelacy he be found an advancer of popery . we shall briefly offer three reasons why we cannot build our judgment concerning the doctrine of the primitive church about episcopacy upon ignatius his epistles . because there are divers things quoted out of his epistles by athanasius gelasius and theo●oret , which are either not to be found in their epistles , or to be found altered and changed , and not according as they are quoted . this is rivets argument , and pursued at l●rge by the archbishop , to whom we refer the reader . from his overmuch extolling himself in his epistle to the trallians , where he saith : that he had attained such a measure of knowledge , that he understood heavenly things . the orders of angels : the differences of archangels , and of the heavenly host : the differences between powers and dominations : the distances of thrones and powers : the magnificencies , or magnitude● of ae●nes or principalities : the sublimity of the spirit : the excellencies of cherubims and seraphims : the kingdom of the lord , and the incomparable divinity of the lord god almighty . all these things i know , and yet am not perfect & c. now who is there that can believe that such arrogant boasting can proceed from such a holy man , and humble saint as ignatius was . the third reason ( which is most for our purpose ) is from his over eager ▪ and over anxious defence of the episcopal hierarchy which he doth with such strange , & hyperbolical expressions ( as if all christianity were lost if prelacy were not upheld ) and with such multiplied repetitions ad nauseam usque ▪ that we may confidently say as one doth : certo certius est has epistolas vel supposititias esse , vel foedè corruptas . and that they do neither agree with those times wherein he wrote , nor with such a holy and humble martyr as he was . we will instance in some few of them . in his epistle to the trallians he saith ; what is a bishop , but he that is possest of all principalitie and authority be●ond all as much as is possible , for men to be possest of , being made an imitator according to th● power of christ who is god. he that can find in these words an apostolical spirit breathing , hath little acquaintance with the apostolical writings . how unlike is this to that of the apostle cor. . . who then is paul , and who apollo , but ministers by whom ye believe ? in the same epistle he saith , (a) reverence the bishop as ye● do christ , at the holy apostles have commanded ; but where is this commanded ? in his epistle to the magn●sians , (b) he saith : it becomes you to obey the bishop and in nothing to oppose him ▪ for it is a terrible thing to contradict him . and again , (c) as the lord christ doth nothing without his father : so must you do nothing without your bishop , neither presbyter , deacon , nor l●y man. let nothing seem right and equal to you , that is contrary to his judgment . for that that is such is wicked and ●nmity to god. in his epistle to polycarpe : (d) it becomes those that marry , and are married , not to marry without the consent of the bishop . and again , my soul for theirs that obey the bishop , presbyters and deacons . in his epistle to the philadelphians : (e) let the princes obey the emperour , the souldiers the princes ; the deacons and the rest of the clergy with all the people and the souldiers , and the princes , and the emperour , let them obey the bishop . observe here how the princes and emperours are enjoyned to obey the bishop , when there were not at this time , nor many years after , any emperour or princes christian . in his epistle to the smyr●enses he saith : (f) the scripture saith , honour god and the king : but i say , honour god as the author and lord of all things , and the bishop as the prince of priests resembling the image of god. of god for his principality ; of christ , for his priesthood &c. there is none greater then the bishop in the church , who is consecrated for the salvation of the whole world &c. and afterwards . he that honours the bishop shall be honoured by god , and he that injur's him shall be punished by god. and if he be justly thought worthy of punishment that riseth up against kings , and is therein a violator of good lawes ; of how much greater punishment shall he be thought worthy that will undertake to do any thing without his bishop , thereby breaking concord , and overturning good order &c. we need not paraphrase upon these passages . onely we desire the reader in the fear of god to passe sentence whether these high and supertranscendent expressions , this prelation of bishops above kings , do savour of the first primitive times , or can be imagined to proceed from blessed ignatius , even then when he was in bonds , and ready to be martyred . in the same epistle he saith let all men follow the bishop as christ the father & . let no man do any thing that belongs to the church without the bishop . let that eucharist be allowed on which is done by the bishop or by his concession &c. it is not lawful without the bishop to baptize , or offer &c. that which he approves on is accepted of god , and whatsoever is so done is safe and firm . it is right that god and the bishop be known : he that honours the bishop is honoured of god. he that doth any thing without first consulting with the bishop , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a worshipper of the divel . if this doctrine be true , what shall become of all the reformed churches , especially the church of scotland , which ( as ioannes major saith lib. . hystoria de g●stis scotorum cap. . ) was after its first conversion to the christian faith above . years without episcopal government . we will not cite any more passages of this nature ; these are sufficient to justifie that censure which the reverend presbyterian divines in their humble answer to the second paper delivered them by his majestie at the isle of wight do passe upon ignatius , where they say . that there are great arguments drawn out of these epistles themselves , betraying their insincerity , adulterate mixtures , and interpolations : so that ignatius cannot be distinctly known in ignatius . and if we take him in grosse , we make him the patron ( as baronius , and the rest of the popish writers do ) of such rights and observations , as the church in his time cannot be thought to have owned . he doth indeed give testimony to the prelacy of a bishop above a presbyter ; that which may justly render him suspected , is , that he gives too much honour , saith he , the bishop as gods high priest , and after him you must honour the king. he was indeed a holy martyr , and his writings have suffered martyrdom as well as he . corruptions could not go currant , but under the credit of worthy names . the considerations of these things makes salmasius to believe that these epistles were written by a pse●do-ignatius at that very time when episcopacy properly so called came into the church , that so the people who had been accustomed to the presbyterian government , might the more willingly and easily receive this new government , and not be offended at the novelty of it . and this he the rather thinkes , because in all his epistles he speaks highly in honour of the presbytery as well as of episcopacy . for in the epistle to the trallenses ; he bids them be subject to the presbytery as to the apostles of iesus christ. and a little after , he calle● the pre●bytery 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ and in the s●me epistle he saith ▪ that the colledge of the presbyters is nothing else but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which passage must needs be understood of the second primitive times . for afterwards , the presbytery was much neglected and laid aside , as ambrose complaines upon tim. . we will conclude our discourse concerning the the epistles of igna●ius with a remarkable saying of rive● in his critica sacra . we are ready to asc●ibe to the genuine writings of the f●thers , as much as ignatius requires of hero , to whom he saith . keep that depositum which i and christ have committed unto you . christ in his word hath concredited this holy depositum ; and whatsoever is agreeable in ignatius to this holy word we imbrace : other things which neither agree with christ ▪ nor with the true ignatius , we reject as adulterin● and not to be born . so much in answer to this objection . proposition . that when it is said by ir●naeus , lib. . cap. . that the holy apostles made bishops in churches , and particularly , that polyca●pe was made bishop of smyrna by the apostles , and that the apostles made linus bishop of rome , after whom succeeded anacletus , and that clemens was made the third bishop by the apostles . and when it is said by tertullian , lib. de praescription . that polycarpe was made bishop of smyrna by s. iohn , and clement bishop of rome by s. peter . this will nothing at all advance the episcopal cause , unlesse it can be proved , that by the word bishop , is meant a bishop as distinct from presbyters ; a bishop ( as gerrhard saith ) p●rasi pon●ificiâ not a bishop phrasi apostolica ; a bishop in a popish , not in an apostolical sense ▪ which is all one with a presbyter . for it is not denyed by any that ever wrote of episcopacy ▪ that the names of bishop and presbyter were used 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the apostles dayes and many years after . and therefore iren●us in his epistle to victor cited by eusebius ▪ lib. . cap. ▪ calls a●i●etus , pius , higinus , telesphor●s , xist●●s , presbyters of the church of rome — and afterwards , presbyter● 〈◊〉 qui te pracesserunt , the presbyters that went before thee : and so also , nec polycarpus aniceto suasit , ut servaret , qui sibi presbyterorum , quibus successerat , consu●tudinem servandam 〈◊〉 diceba● . t●rtullian also in his apolog. cap. . call● the presidents of the churches , senior● or presbyte●● , when he saith , praesident probati quique seniore● , &c. it is not therefore sufficient for our episcopal brethren to say , that bishops over presbyters are of apostolical institution , because the apostles made bishops in churches ; unlesse they do also prove , that those holy men who are called ●ishop● ▪ were more then presbyters . otherwise we must justly charge them ( of which they unjustly charge us ) to be guilty of endeavouring from the name bishop , which was common to presbyters with bishops , to prove a superiority of bishops over presbyters . adde to this , that when our brethren do frequently urge those places of irenaeus , where he ●aith , that he was able to number those that were madebishops by the apostles , & their successors unto his time , and often urgeth the successions of bishops , unto whom the apostles committed the charge of the church in every place , this will nothing at all ( as we conceive ) advantage the episcopal hier●rchy ▪ unlesse they do also prove , that those bishops were hierarchical bishops , and not the very same with presbyters . for the same autho● doth speak the very same things of presbyters , calling them also bishops . for he saith , lib. . cap. . quapropter ●is 〈◊〉 in ecclesia sunt presbyter●s obaudir● opor●et , his qui succession●● h●be●● ab apostol●s sicu● 〈◊〉 , qui cum episcopa●us successi●●● charis●a veritatis cert●m , secundum placitum patris , acc●perunt . re●iquos vero qui absistu●● à princip●l● successione , & qu●cunque loco colliguntur , suspectos habere , vel quasi h●retic●s & mala 〈◊〉 , vel quasi sci●d●ntes & ●latos & sibi place●●●s 〈…〉 , ●t hypocritas 〈◊〉 grati● & 〈◊〉 gloriae hoc 〈◊〉 . so also 〈◊〉 . ▪ cap. — ab omnibus ●a●ibus absist●re oportet adhaerere vero his qui & apostolorum , sicut praediximus doctrinam custodiunt , & cum presby●●rii ordine s●rmonem sanum , & conversationem sine offensa praestant ad informationem & corr●ctionem aliorum . observe here , . that presbyters are called the successors of the apostles . . that they are also called bishops . . that the apostolical doctrine is derived from the apostles by their succession . . that there is nothing said in the former places of bishops which is not here said of presbyters . and that therefore those place● do not prove , that the apostles constituted bishops in the church distinct from , and superiour over presbyters . as for that which is said about the succession of bishops from the apostles unto irenaeus his time , we shall h●ve ●ccasion to speak to afterwards . adde also , that when in antiquity iames the brother of our lord is said to have been made bishop of hierusalem by the apostles , and peter to be ordained bishop of antioch , or rome , &c. this doth not contribute to the proof of what it is brought for , to wit ▪ that there were bishops properly so called in the apostles dayes . for as dr. reynolds agains● hart , cap. . saith ▪ when the fathers termed any apostle a bishop of this or that city , ( as namely saint peter of antioch or rome ) they meant in a general sort and signification , because they did attend that church for a time ▪ and supply that room in preaching the gospel , which bishops did after ; but as the name of bishop is commonly taken for the overseer of a particular church , and pastor of a several flock , so peter was not bishop of any one place : therefore not of rome . and dr. whitakers , lib. de pontif. qu. . cap. . saith , patres cum iacobum episcopum vo●ant au● etiam p●trum , non propriè sum●nt episcopi n●men , sed vocant eos episcopos illarum ecclesiarum in quibus aliquandiu commorati sunt . et si propri● de episcopo loquatur , absurdum est apostolos fuisse episcopos . nam qui propriè episcopus ●st , is apostolus non potest esse , quia episcopus est unius tantum ecclesiae . a● apostoli pl●●ium ecclesiarum fundatores & inspectores erant . et postea . h●● eni● non multum distat ab insania , dicere petrum fuisse propriè episcopum , aut reliquos apostolos . that the fathers when they call iames or peter bishops , do not take the name of bishop properly , but they call them bishops of those places where they abode for any long time . and in the same place , if we speak properly of bishops , it is absurd , to say , that the apostles were bishops : for he that is properly a bishop , cannot be an apostle . for a bishop is onely of one church . but the apostles were the founders and overseers of many churches . and again , he saith , it doth not much differ from a phrenzy , and madnesse to say , that peter or any of the apostles were properly bishops . for the truth is , this were to degrade the apostles , and to bring them into the rank and order of common and ordin●ry officers of the church , which is no little sacriledge . and therefore such kind of quotations out of antiquity do little avail our brethren . so much for the fourth proposition . proposi●ion . that when the distinction between a bishop and presbyter first began in the church of christ , it was not grounded upon a ius divinum , but upon prudential reasons and arguments . and the chief of them was ( as hierom and divers after him say ) in remed●●m schismatis , & ut dissensionum plantaria evellerentur , for the remedy of schisme , and that the seeds of errour might be rooted out of the church . now that this prudential way ( invented no doubt at first upon a good intention ) was not the way of god , appeares ( as smectymnuus hath well shewn ) thus , because we read in the apostles daies there were divisions , rom. . ▪ and schismes , cor. . . & . . yet the apostle was not directed by the holy ghost to ordain bishops for the taking away of those schismes . neither in the rules he prescribes for healing of those breaches doth he mention bishops for that end . neither doth he mention this in his directions to timothy and titus for the ordination of bishops or elders , as one end of their ordination , or one peculiar duty of their office . and though the apostle saith , oportet haereses esse ut qui probati sunt manifesti fi●●t inter vos ; yet the apostle no where saith , oportet episcopos esse , ut tollantur haereses quae manifest● fiunt ; there must be bishops that those heresies which are manifest amongst you may be removed . . because the holy ghost , who could foresee what would ensue thereupon , would never ordain that for a remedy , which would not onely be ineffectual to the cutting off of evil , but become a stirrup for antichrist to get into the saddle . for if there be a necessity of setting up one bishop over many presbyters for preventing schisms , there is as great a necessity of setting up one archbishop over many bishops ; and one patriarch over many archbishops , and one pope over all , unlesse men will imagine that there is a danger of schisme only among presbyters , and not among bishops and archbishops , which is contrary to reason , truth , history and our own experience . hence it is that musculus having proved by act. . phil. . . titus . . pet. . . that in the apostles times a bishop and a presbyter were all one , he addes , but after the apostles times when amongst the elder● of the church ( as hierome saith ) schismes arose , and a● i verily think , they began to strive for majority by little and little , they began to choose one among the rest out of the number of elders that should be above the rest in a higher degree , and called bishop . but whether that device of man profited the church or no , the times following could better judge , then when it first began . and further addeth , that if hierome and others had seen as much as they that came after , they would have concluded , that it was never brought in by gods spirit to take away schismes , as was pretended ; but brought in by satan to wast and destroy the former ministry that fed the flock ▪ thus far musculus . sadeel also hath this memorable passage ; the difference between bishops and other ministers came in for remedy of schisme . but they that devised it little thought what a gate they opened to the ambition of bishop● . hence also dr. whi●akers asking , how came in the inequality between bishops and presbyters , answereth out of hierome , that the schisme and faction of some occasioned the ancient government to be changed — which , saith he , how ever devised at first for a remedy against schisme , yet many holy and wise men have judged it more pernicious then the disease it self ; and although it did not by and by appear , yet miserable experience afterward shewed it . first ambition crept in , which at length begat antichrist , set him in his chair , and brought the yoak of bondage upon the neck of the church . the sense of these mischiefs made nazianz●n wish , not onely that there were no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . no dignity or tyrannical prerogative of place , but also that there were no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , no principal dignity , to wit , in the church of which he is speaking . but now ( saith he ) contentions about the right hand and the left , about the higher and the lower place , &c. have bred many inconveniencies even among ministers that should be teachers in israel . proposition . that there is a wid● and vast difference between the bishops of the primitive times , and the bishops of later times , as much as between ancient rome , and rome at this day . a bishop at his first erection was nothing else but primus presbyter , or episcopus praeses ( as a moderator in a church-assembly , or a speaker in a parliament ) that governed communi concilio presbyterorum , and had neither power of ordination , nor of jurisdiction , but in common with his presbyters . ambrose upon the tim. . saith , that there is one and the same ordination of a bishop and a presbyter ; for both of them are priests , but the bishop is the first . * dr. reynolds saith , that when elders were ordained by the apostles in every church through every city to feed the flock of christ , whereof the holy gost had made them overseers : they to the intent they might the better do it by common counsel and consent , did use to assemble themselves and meet together . in the which meetings , for the more orderly handling and concluding of things pertaining to their charge ; they chose one amongst them to be the president of their company , and moderator of their actions — and this is he whom afterward in the primitive church the fathers called bishop . for as the name of ministers , common to all them who serve christ in the stewardship of the mysteries of god , that is , in preaching of the gospel , is now by the custome of our english speech restrained to elders who are under a bishop ; so the name of bishop common to all elders and pastors of the church , was then by the usual language of of the fathers appropriated to him who had the presidentship over elders . from which quotation it appeares , that in the judgment of learned dr. reynold , a bishop at his first appearing was nothing else but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the president or moderator of the presbytery . d. blondel , a man of vast reading , indeavours strenuously to make it out , that when episcopacy first came up in the church , the custome was to choose the eldest of the company of the presbyters ( whom he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is the first of those that were ordained ) to be their bishop or moderator . and after his decease , the next in age succeeded him , not advanced in degree of ministry or power above his brethren , but onely in order and dignity as being the first presbyter . this opinion is agreeable to that passage out of st. ambrose ) if that book be his where he saith — nam & timotheum presbyterum à se creatum episcopum vocat , quia primum presbyteri episcopi appellabantur , ut rec●dente uno , sequen● ei succederet — sed quia ceperunt sequentes presbyteri indigni inveniri ad primatus tenendos immutata est ratio , prospiciente concilio , ut non ordo , sed meritum crearet epis●opum multorum sacerdotum judicio constitutum , ne indignus tem●re usurparet & esset multis scandalum . i● lege nascebantur sac●rdotes ex genere aaron levi●ae , &c. whether this conjecture of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be true or no , or whether ( as others think ) it was true in some churches and not in others , we , will not now debate . but sure we are , that in alexandria , as st. ierom tells us , the bishop was chosen not onely out of the presbytery , but by the presbytery , and by them constituted bishop , and placed in excelsi●ri gradu in an higher degree of honour , not office. he was not made by . bishops , sed presbyteri unum ex se electum in excelsiore gr●an collocatu● , episcopum nominabant . indeed afterwards in processe of time , this ep●scopus p●aeses came to be episcopus princeps and usurped sinfully upon the priviledges of ministers and people , and made way for the coming in of antichrist . famous is that ( so often mentined in several writings in this age ) saying of ambrose upon tim. vnde & synagoga & post●a ecclesia seniores habuit quorum sine consilio nihil agebatur in ecclesia . quod quâ negligentiâ obsolev●rat nescio , nisi forte doctorum desidi● aut magis superbiâ dum volunt aliguid videri ▪ from hence came that distinction of beza's between episcopus divinus , humanus , and diabolicus ; by the divine bishop he means the presbyter ; by the humane bishop , he means the bishop chosen by the presbyters to be president over them , and to rule with them by fixed lawes and canons ; by the diabolical he means a bishop with sole power of ordination and jurisdiction , lording it over gods heritage and governing by his own will and authority . and therefore when men argue from the practise of the primitive times , and from the bishops of those dayes to the bishops of our dayes , they do but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they commit a fallacy , just as if a man should argue , that the church of rome is now a true church , because it was so in the apostles dayes . for the further handling of this proposition ▪ we refer the reader to sm●ctym●●us , where he shall have many pages spent to prove the imparity between the bishops of the primitive times and our dayes . onely we shall crave leave to relate a passage from a reverend divine now with god , who holdeth forth this assertion : that the ancient fathers in the point of episcopacy differ more from the high prelatist then from the presbyterian ▪ this he proveth . because the presbyterians alwayes have ● president to guide their actions , which they acknowledge may be perpetual d●rante vitâ ●●do s● ben● g●sseri● : or temporary to avoid inconvenience . which bilson in his preface ( & again and again in his book of the perp. government ) takes hold of , as advantagious , because so little discrepant ( as he saith ) from what he maintain● : but now the high prelatists exclu●e a presbytery , ●s having nothing to do with jurisdiction , which they put as far above the sphaere of a presbyter , as sacrificing above a levites , to wit , an act restrained to an higher order ; whereas the fathers acknowledge a presbytery , and in divers cases , councels tie the bishop to do nothing without them . and so it is clear , the high prelatist● are at a further distance from the fathers , then the prebyterians : afterwards he also adds , if we differ from the fathers in point of prelacy ( wherein our opponents are in no better terms with them , then we ) yet i would have them consider in how many thing● we jumpe with the fathers , wherein many of them have been dissenting both in opinion , and practise ; as . touching promiscuous dancing , especially upon the lords day . . touching residency of pastors in their churches , which excludes all pluralities . . frequency and diligence in preaching . . touching the abuse of health-drinking , or drinking ad aequales calices . . touching bishops not intanling themselves with secular affairs , or businesses of state in princes courts . . touching gaming at cards or dice , and such like , so that they can with no great confidence triumph in the fathers , against us , in this one point ( wherein themselves also are at a distance from them ) while we keep closer to the fathers ▪ then they do in many others . proposition . that the great argument that is brought for episcopacy from the lineal succession of bishops from the apostles daies to our d●●e● , hath not that validity in it that is imagined . bishop bilson and others ●ake a great deal of pains to give us a catalogue of the bishops in rome , al●xandria , hierusalem , and antioch , from the apostles daies unto constantine's time . but we desire the reader to consider ▪ first , that these catalogues labour much of an homonymy in the word bishop . for the bishops of later times were bishops of a f●r different nature from the bishops of the first times . though the same name be common to all in the catalogue , yet in the nature of their office they differed very much . the later , peece by peece , taking that authority to the● which the former neither might nor did ●njoy . the later were diocesan , the former were bishop● onely of one congregation . at first the churches were governed by the common councel of presbyters , and the line of succession was drawn ( saith d. blo●del ) from the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that i● , the first ordained minister . even ●s amongst the athenian● there were ▪ . archontes or chief ruler● equal in power and authority , and yet the succession of governours in athens was desi●ed from one of them on●ly who w●● the first ar●bon or ruler , which was not done to diminish the ●●thority of the ●est , sed ut compendi●sio●●● minus 〈…〉 . but that the enumer●●i●n of the 〈◊〉 of their successive governour● might 〈…〉 compendious and expedite . even so at first ▪ there were divers presbyters in every city which did govern with equal power and authority , and yet the line and succession was deduced from one who was the first of those that were ordained , not thereby incroaching upon the joynt authority of the rest : but for the more expedite way of reckoning . and when afterwards one was chosen out of the presbytery , he was , for a long time ▪ but as the moderator of a synod amongst the scotch and dutch , and at most but as a superintendent amongst the germa●s ; of whom zepp . lib. . cap. . saith , that they are of the same degree with other ministers , they are only president● while the synod lasteth , when it is dissolved , their prerogative ceaseth . they have no prerogative over their fellow-ministers ▪ they are subject to their presbyteries . the synod ended , they return to the care of their particular churches . secondly , that these catalogues the nearer they come to the apostles daies are the more ●ncer●in ▪ and indeed contradictory one unto another : some say , that clemens was first bishop of rome after peter : some say , the third ▪ and the intricacies about the order of succession in linus , anacletus ▪ clemens ▪ and another called cletus ▪ as some affirm , are inextricable . some say , that titus was bishop of cr●te , some say archbishop ; and some , bishop of dalmatia . some say , that timothy was bishop of ephesus ; and some say , that iohn was bishop of ephesus at the same time . some say , polyca●ps was first bishop of smyrna ; another saith , that he succeeded one bu●olus : and another , that arist● was first . some say , that alexandria had but one bishop , and other cities two ▪ and others , that there was but one bishop of one city at the same time . and how can these catalogues be unquestionable , that must be made up out of testimonies that fight one against another . learned iunius speaking of that great controversie about the succession of the first bishops or presbyters of rome , whether linus was the first , or clemens , or anacletus , hath this remarkable passage ; that these or some of these were presbyters or bishops of rome at the same time , ruling the church in common . but the following writers , fancying to themselves such bishops as then had obtained in the church , fell into these snares of tradition , because they supposed , according to the custome of their own time● ▪ that the●e could be but one bishop in one church at the same time , which i● quite crosse to the apostolic all times . thirdly , this is also to be considered , that they that made the catalogues spake according to the language of the times in which they lived , in which there was a distinction between bishops and presby●ers ; and therefore call them who went before them bishops ▪ whereas indeed they were not so in a proper sence . nor can the bishops of after-times be said to succeed them any otherwise ( if so much ) then caesar is said to succeed the roman consuls . fourthly , these catalogues do resolve themselves into an apostle or an evangelist ▪ as at rome into 〈◊〉 ; at alexandria into mark ; at ephesus into timothy ; a● ●ret● into titus . now it is certain , that the apostles and evangelists cannot be said to be bishops in a formal sence . for they had an universal commission , and their offices were extraordinary , and they had no successors properly in idem officium . indeed bishops or presbyte●s did succeed them in some part of their work , but not in their office. ordinary offices succeed extraordinary , not in the same line and degree as one brother succeeds another in his inheritance , but as men of another order , and in a different line . they are , we confesse , called bishops by ecclesiastical writers , but that was onely by way of allusion , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as we have formerly shewed . we will conclude this proposition with part of a passage out of the conference of the reverend presbyters at the isle of wight , where they say ; and left your majesty might reply , that however the catalogues and testimonies may varie , or be mistaken , in the order , or times , or names of those persons that succeeded the apostles , yet all agree , that there was a succession of some persons ; and so though the credit of the catalogues be infirmed , yet the thing intended is confirmed thereby : we grant , that a succession of men to feed and govern these churches , while they continued churches , cannot be denyed ; and that the apostles and evangelists , that planted and watered those churches ( though extraordinary and temporary officers ) were by ecclesiastical writers in compliance with the language and usage of thir own times , called bishops ; and so were eminent men , of chief note , presiding in presbyteries of the cities or churches , called by such writers as wrote after the division and distinction of the names of presbyters and bishops : but that those first and ancientest presbyters were bishops in proper sence , according to your majesties description , invested with power over presbyters and people , to whom ( as distinct from presbyters ) did belong the power of ordination , giving rules and censures ; we humbly conceive can never be proved by authentick or competent testimonies . and granting , that your majesty should prove the succession of bishops from the primitive times seriatim , yet if these from whom you draw , and through whom you derive it ▪ be found either more then bishops , as apostles , and extraordinary persons , or lesse then bishops , a● meerly first presbyters , having not one of the three essentials to episcopal government ( mentioned by your majestie ) in their own hand ; it will follow , that all your majestie hath proved by this succession , is the homonymy and equivocal acceptation of the word episcopus . proposition . that whatsoever may be said of episcopacy out of antiquity , yet notwithstanding it is an opinion generally received by the learned in all ages , that there are but two orders of ministers in the church of christ , bishops and deacons , according to the saying of paul to the philippians , where he salutes the bishops and deacon● , that is , the presbyters and deacons . of this opinion i● clement in his epistle to the corinthians , and polycarp● in his epistle to the phil●delphians , as we have shewed . thi● also i● the opinion of most of the school-men . lombard saith ; whereas all the seven orders are spiritual and sacred ; yet the canons think that two onely are called sacred orders by an excellency , to wit , the order of deaconship and priesthood : because the primitive church , so far as we can read , had onely these two ; and of these only we have the apostles precept . bonavent●r● saith , that episcopacy i● no order , but an eminency and dignity . the like saith a●re●lus upon the . sent. distinct . . nav●rrus saith , that it is the common opinion of the divines , that episcopacy is not an order , but an office. see more of this in forbesii i●●nicu● , lib. . cap. . and in the addition of m. mason to his defence of the ministry of the church of england , where there are very many authors cited to prove , that presbytery is the highest order of ministry , is not a different order , but a different degree of the same order . see also d. blo●de● , sect. . . where he sheweth out of divers councells , that under the name of priests and levites , the whole gospel-ministry were comprehended . in our own nation that blessed man mr. wickloffe did judge , that there ought onely to be two orders of ministers in the church , to wit , presbyters and deacons . and iohn lamber● a martyr in his answer to articles objected against him ▪ saith , as touching priesthood in the primitive church , when vertue bore ( as ancient doctors do deem , and scripture in mine opinion recordeth the same ) most room , there were no more officers in the church of god then bishops and deacons that is ministers ; as witnesseth , besides scripture , hierome in his commentariesupon the epistles of paul. but we shall give one instance instead of many that might be added . in the year . there came out a book called , the institution of a christian man , made by the whole clergy in their provincial synod , set forth by the authority of the kings majestie , and approved by the whole parliament , and commanded to be preached to the whole kingdom , wherein speaking of the sacrament of orders , it is said expresly , that although the fathers of the succeeding church after the apostles instituted certain inferiour degrees of ministery ; yet the truth is , that in the new testament there is no mention made of any other degree or distinction in orders , but onely of deacons or ministers ; and presbyters , or bishops , and thoroughout the whole discourse makes presbyters and bishops one and the same . but of this proposition we have had occasion to speak formerly , to which we refer the diligent reader . now from hence it followeth inevitably , that ▪ if according unto the judgments of our episcopal divines , episcopacy be the same order of ministry with presbytery , th●● it hath no more intrinsecal power of ordination and jurisdiction , then presbytery hath . and that all that distinction that was put between them by antiquity , was meerly in restraining the use and exercise of that power which was truly and really inherent in them . the actus primu● was common to both , although for order sake the actus secundus was inhibited the presbytery . and this leads us to speak something about the practise of antiquity in the point of ordination of ministers : which is that in which we believe the reader doth desire especially to be satisfied , and which is that for which we have undertaken this discourse about antiquity , and in which our adversaries do most triumph . for it is said by all anti-presbyterians , that the way of ordination now in use is quite contrary to antiquity , and that whatsoever is done in this kind without a bishop over presbyters , is null and void . in answer to this we shall crave leave to hold forth these ensuing propositions about ordination , out of antiquity ( for as to what the scripture saith , of that we have already spoken . ) several propositions declaring the iudgment and practise of the ancient church about ordination of ministers . proposition . that in the first and purest times , when the church of christ was governed by the common councel of presbyters , there was ordination of presbyters without bishops over presbyters . for these bishops came in postea & paulatim , as hierome saith . and panormitanus lib. . decretal . de consuetudine cap. quarto , saith , olim presbyteri in communi regebant ecclesiam , & ordinabant sacerdotes , & pa●iter conferebant omnia sacramenta . proposition . that after that bishops were admitted into the church , yet notwithstanding ordination by bishops without the assistance of his presbyters was alwaies forbidden and opposed . cyprian in his exile writing to his charge , certifies them , that aurelius was ordained by him and his colleagues , who were present with him . by his colleagues , he meanes his presbyters , as appears epist. . and firmilianus saith of them that rule in the church , quod baptizandi , manum imponendi & ordinandi possident potestatem . and who those be , he expresseth a little before , seniores & praepositi ; by whom the presbyters as well as the bishops are understood . in synodo ad quercum anno . it was brought as an accusation against chrysostome , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he had made ordinations without the company and sentence of his clergy . in the councel of carth●ge it was decreed , can. . vt episcopus sine consilio clericorum suorum clericos non ordinet . and can. . cum ● dinatur presbyter episcopo eum benedicente , & manum super caput ejus tenente ; etiam omnes presbyteri qui praesentes sunt , manus suas juxta manum episcopi super caput illius teneant . when a presbyter is ordained , the bishop blessing him , and holding his hand upon his head , all the presbyters that are present , shall likewise lay their hands upon his head , with the hands of the bishop . by this laying on of the hands of presbyters , is not onely signified the presbyters consent to what the bishop doth , but ordo ipse confertur & gratia ordini necessa●ia impe●ratur , quemadmodum per impositionem manuum episcopi ; the order it self is conferred , and grace necessary is impetrated as it is by the hands of the bishop : as saith forbefius in his irenicum . the presbyters impose hands ( saith the same author ) non tanquam duntaxat consentientes ( ad consensum enim sufficiunt suffragia , & plebs etiam consentit , nec tamen ejus est manus imponere ) sed tanquam ordinantes , se● ordinem conferentes , & ex potestate ordinandi diuinitùs acceptâ , gratiam ordinato , hoc adhibito ritu , apprecantes ; not onely as consenting ( for to manifest their consent their suffrages had been sufficient , and the people also gave their consent , and yet they impose not their hands ) but as ordaining , and conferring orders , and by the power of ordination conferred to them by god , praying for grace upon him that is ordained , using the ceremony of laying on of hands . the same author brings a famous example of pelagius bishop of rome , the first of that name , who was made bishop of rome by two bishops and one presbyter named andreas . in the councel of nice it was decreed , that no bishop should be made but by three bishops at least . and yet this pelagius being by iustinian , anno . appointed to be bishop of rome , and not being able to obtain three bishops to ordain him , ( he being suspected then of a crime from which he afterwards cleared himself ) he received ordination from two bishops and one presbyter . and this ordination canonica habita est in hunc usque diem , is accounted canonical even to this day . by which it is evident that presbyters lay on hands in ordination together with the bishop as partners in the power . and that pelagius and his successours would never have owned this way of ordination , had they not believed , that a presbyter had a power derived to him from christ to confer ecclesiastical orders . and this leads us to a third proposition . proposition . that even according to the judgment of antiquity , presbyters have an intrinsecal power and authority to ordain ministers , and when this power was restrained , and inhibited , it was not propter legis necessitatem , but onely propter honorem sacerdotii ; it was not from the necessity of any divine law for bidding it , but onely for the honour of episcopacy . it was not from the canon of the scriptures , but from some canons of the church . leo primus ep . . upon complaints of unlawful ordinations , writing to the germane and french bishops , reckons up what things are reserved to the bishops . among which he sets down presbyterorum & diaconorum consecratio ; and then adds , quae omnia solis deberi summis pontificibus authoritate canonum praecipitur . and isidore hispalensis , lib. . de offi●iis ecclesiasticis , cap. . speaking of presbyters saith , his enim sicut episcopis dispensatio mysteriorum dei commissa est . praesunt enim ecclesiis christi ; & in confectione divina corporis & sanguinis consort●s cum episcop● sunt ; similiter & in doctrina populorum , & in officio praedicandi . sed sola propter authoritatem summo sacerdoti clericorum ordinatio & consecratio reservata est ; ne à multis ecclesiae disciplina vendicata , concordiam solveret , scandala generaret : and afterwards he proves by scripture texts , that bishops and presbyters are one and the same . so also concilium aquisgran . . canon . solum propter authoritatem clericorum ordinatio & cons●cratio reservata est summo sacerdoti . dr. forbes professor at aberdeen ( though a great friend and pleader for episcopacy , yet , he saith , habent presbyteri de jure divino , ordinandi , sicut praedicandi , & baptizandi , potestatem : quamvis haec omnia exequi debeant sub regimine & inspectione episcopi in locis ubi est episcopus . and mr. mason a known writer in defence of episcopacy saith also , that a presbyter , as he is a presbyter , is indued with intrinsecal power and ability to ordain , and was restrained from the exercise of it onely by the church for disciplines sake , and that when the power of ordination was reserved to the bishop , the power of the presbyter was not at that time utterly extinguished , but onely restrained as the faculty of the flying of a bird , when hi● wings are tyed . what authority the church had to tye these wings , or whether the church did well in tying them when the scripture had left them untyed , is not now under debate . all that we produce this authour for , is to prove , that the wing● of presbytery were not cut off , though they were tyed up ; and that according to the judgment of episcopal writers themselves , presbyters have an intrinsecal power of giving orders . the same authour proves this his assertion thus ; because that a bishop is intrinsecally inabled to give orders , not by his power of jurisdiction , but by his power of order . and because a presbyter hath as much of the sacrament and character of order ( according to the papists themselves ) as a bishop , and therefore every presbyter hath an intrinsecal power of giving orders . now that episcopacy and presbytery are one and the same order of ministry , and that that which is added in episcopal consecration , whereby a bishop is distinguished from a presbyter , is only a degree of dignity and eminency , and is neither the sacrament of order , nor imprinteth a character , he proveth by a world of witnesses , even from popish writers : from lombard , aquinas , durandus , dominicus soto , richardus , aureolus , and divers other● . tostatus saith , it is in the consecration of bishops , as of the pope : in which there is not imprinted a character , seeing they are not orders but dignities or degrees of ecclesiastical preeminence . gerson saith , above priesthood there is no superiour order ; no not the function of a bishop or archbishop . armachanus saith , a bishop in such things hath no more in respect of his order , then every single priest ; although the church hath appointed that such things should be executed by those men whom we call bishops . aureolus hath a notable passage ; every fo●m in as much as it is in act , hath power to communicate it self in the same kind : therefore every priest hath power to celebrate orders . why then do they not celebrate them ? because their power is hindred by the decree of the church . whereupon when a bishop is made , there is not given unto him any new power , but the former power being hindred is set at liberty : as a man when the act of reason is hindered , and the impediment is removed , there is not given unto him a new soul. from all these things it appears , that presbyters have an intrinsecal power to ordain presbyters . proposition . that even during the prevalency of episcopacy it was not held unlawful for a presbyter to ordain without a bishop . a presbyter had not onely an inherent power of ordination , but in some cases he did actually ordain . s. ambrose upon eph. . saith , apud aegyptum presbyteri consignant , si praesens non sit episcopus . austine ( or whosoever was the author ) in quaestionibus ex utroque testamento mixtim quast . . in alexandriâ & per totam aegyptum , fi desit episcopus consecrat presbyter . which words cannot be understood ( as a learned defender of prelacy would have them ) of the consecration of the eucharist . for this might be done by the presbyter praesente episcopo ; but it must be understood either of confirmation , or ( which is more likely ) of ordination , because ambrose in that place is speaking of ordination . but howsoever it is not much material . for confirmation was restrained to the bishop as well as ordination ; and if the presbyter might confirm si desit episcopus , then he might also ordain . hierome saith of the alexandrian bishops , presbyteri unum ex se electum , in excelsiori gradu collocatum , episcopum nominabant , &c. that the presbyters for many years did ordain their bishops . and certainly if it were not held unlawfull in antiquity for presbyters to ordain bishops , much lesse could it be held unlawful for presbyters to ordain presbyters . dr. forbes saith , that in all those churches which are governed by the common councel of presbyters without bishops , valida & efficax est ordinatio quae fit per impositionem manuum solius presbyterii . quin & ubi est episcopus , possunt presbyteri ordinare ; consentiente , licet non simul manus imponente , episcopo . dr. field of the church , lib. . cap. . tells us ; that presbyters in some places , and at some times did impose hands , which when gregory bishop of rome would wholly have forbidden , there was so great exception taken at him for it , that he left it free again . and afterwards , not onely armachanus , a very learned and worthy bishop , but , as it appeareth by alexander of hales , many learned men in his time and before , were of opinion , that in some cases , and at some times presbyters may give orders , and that their ordinations are of force , &c. and that ordination by presbyters was held lawfull and warrantable by the ancient church , appears further by these ensuing arguments . . because the chorepiscopi , who were but single presbyters , had liberty by the church to ordain , if they had a licence , from the bishop . that they had liberty appears from the . canon of the councel at a●●yra . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . chorepiscopis non licere presbyteros , vel diaconos ordinare , sed neque urbis presbyteris nisi cum literis ab episcopo permissum fuerit , in alienâ parochiâ . this councel was held before the councel of nice in the year . and in the councel of antiochia , which was anno . can. . it is decreed , that the chorepiscopi should not dare to ordain presbyters or deacons , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . from these two canons we may collect these two observations . . that before these councels the chorepiscopi did ordain presbyters without any licence at all from the bishop of the city . otherwise to what purpose are they inhibited ? . that after these councels they might ordain by vertue of a licence , which sheweth evidently that in the judgment of these reverend fathers , the chorepiscopi had an intrinsecal power to ordain derived to them from christ. for a licence doth not confer a power to him that hath it not , but onely a faculty to exercise that power he hath . and this is the conclusion that d. forbes drawes from this practise of these councels . surely , saith he , the church would not have granted this power to the chorepiscopi . nisi judicasset validam esse eam ordinationem , qua per solos p●ragitur presbyteros . it cannot be denied , but that pope damasus made a constitution for the abolishing of this office of the chorepiscopi : but it seems this constitution was not put in execution in all churches for above . years after . isidore hispalensis who lived anno. . in libro de officiis ecclesiasticis cap. . speaks of these chorepiscopi as yet continuing in the church , and saith , chorepiscopi , id est , vicarii episcoporum , juxta quod canones ipsi testantur , instituti sunt ad exempla . seniorum , tanquam sacerdotes propter solicitudinem pauperum . hi in vicis & vitis constituti , gubernant sibi commissas ecclesias , habentes licentiam constituere lectores , subdiaconos , exorcistas : presbyteros autem & diaconos ordinare non audeant praeter conscientiam episcopi , in cujus regione praeesse noscuntur . hi autem à solo episcopo civitatis , cui adjacent , ordinantur . observe here , that isidore translates those words of the canon , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not as gentianus hervetus , absque urbis episcopo , but praeter conscientiam episcopi . quae versio optime explicat mentem concilii , saith forbesius , estque ipso rei usu & exequutione firmata , ut nimirum , possent chorepiscopi etiam presbyteros & diaconos ordinare , permittente , licet non simul ordinante episcopo loci . but how will it be proved ▪ may some say , that these chorepiscopi were onely presbyters and not bishops ? for if this can be clearly made out , it will undeniably follow , that according to the judgment of antiquity , presbyters had not onely the inward power , but also the outward exercise of ordination for a long space . now that these chorepiscopi were meer presbyters , appeares ; . because they were to be ordained but by one bishop — à solo episcopo civitatis cui adjacent , saith the councel of antiochia . but by the canons of the church , a bishop properly so called , was to be ordained by three bishops . . because they were to be subject to the bishop of the city . so saith the canon , ab episcopo civitatis cui subjicitur fiat chorepiscopus . now we read no where of the subjection of one bishop and his charge to another ▪ cyprian pleads the freedome of bishops , telling us , that each of them hath a portion of christs flock assigned to him , for which he is to give account to god. . because they could not , nay , they must not dare to exercise the power of ordination without the leave of the bishop . con●il . ancyr . saith , non licere , nisi cum literis ab episcopo p●rmissum fuerit . concil . antio●h . saith , non audeat praeter conscientiam episcopi . none of this would have been said , if they had been bishops in a prelatical sence . : because they were bishops in villis & regionibus ; and therefore ( as some think ) called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but according to the canons of the church , bishops in ● proper sence , were not to be made , unlesse in great cities , n● vil●sca● nomen episcopi , as damasus argues , when he pleads for the abolition of the chorepiscopi . . because thi● power was afterwards taken away from the chorepiscopi by the same authority of the canons and ecclesiastical constitutions , by which it was first appropriated to bishops themselves , as leo epist. . witnesseth ; which to us is a firm argument to prove , not only that they once had it , but that they had it as presbyters . for if they had it as bishops , the taking of it away would have been a degradation of them . . we might bring an argument ad homin●m , because they are said concil . n●ocaesar . can. . to have been appointed in the church after the manner , or in imitation of the seventy ▪ now ▪ according to the opinion of the hierarchical men , bishops succeed the apostles , not the seventy . . we might also here urge the authority of leo , epist. . who saith , that the chorepiscopi , juxta canones neocaesarienses , sive secundum aliorum patrum decreta , iid●m sunt qui presbyteri ; and of isidore hispalensis before mentioned , and of damasus , epist. . to whose sentence concil . hispal . can. . doth subscribe ; and also of dr. field of the church , lib. . cap. . who saith , neither should it seem strange to our adversaries , that the power of ordination should at some times be yeelded unto presbyters , seeing their chorepiscopi , suffragans , or titular bishops that live in the diocesse and churches of other bishops ; and are no bishops according to the old course of discipline , do daily in the romish church confirm children and give orders . and again — seeing that chorepiscopi , or suffragans , as they call them , being not bishops , but onely presbyters , do daily with good allowance ordain presbyters , and all other episcopall acts . but we forbear multiplying of argument● , these are sufficient to prove , that they were but single presbyters : and that therefore single presbyters did ordain even during the prevalency of episcopacy . to avoid the strength of this argument , bellarmine invents novum quoddam & antea inauditum chorepiscoporum genus . he saith , that there were some of them that were meer presbyters , and others that were veri nominis episcopi . and that the councel of antiochia speaks of the last in the beginning , and of the first sort in the latter end . but certain it is , that the canon speaks of chorepiscopi in generall , without any distinction throughout the whole . and the scope of damasus his letter is to prove , that all the chorepiscopi whatsoever their ordination was , were nothing else but presbyters . we shall not undertake to answer bellarmine at large , because it is done to our hands by that learned man so often mentioned , who though a lover of episcopacy , yet surely he was a very moderate and meek spirited man , and hath fully answered all that is brought by bellarmine against what we have asserted . the reader may view him if he please for his further satisfaction . there is another , whom we forbear to name , that saith , that the chorepiscopi of whom the canon speaks were bishops . but he adde● , though they were bishops , yet they were bishops made but by one bishop , and bishops meerly titu●an , and sine cathedrâ ▪ which is all one , as if he should say , they were not properly bishops . for according to the canons then in force , a bishop properly so called was to be made by . bishops , ●nd if he were ordained sine titulo , his ordination was null and void . we will conclude this discourse of the chorepiscopi with a pass●ge out of gabri●l vasquez , postquam proposuisset istud b●llarmini somnium , ●aec subjungit v●rba . alii ●amen non minor●s authoritatis existimant chor●piscopos fuisse tantùm presbyteros . ita expresse sentit ayala de traditionibus ecclesiasticis . part . consideratione . ubi ha●c r●m ex pr●f●ss● disputat ; & noster franciscus turrianus in annotationibus ad consilium nicaenum can. . ●it ordin●m chorepiscoporum non fuisse nisi presbyterorum tantùm : eandem sententiam sequuntur docti aliqui rec●ntiores , &c. porro damasum duo illa genera chorepiscoporum minimè distinxisse , sed de omnibus etiam illis , quoru● m● minit , concilium antiochenum , pronunciasse , veros non esse episcopos ; ita ut si presbyteri ess● nollent ; nihil om●ino essent , probat ex instituto ayala loce citato ; potestque ex ipso damaso s●aderi — nunquam dicit damasus hos chorepiscopos diversos esse à prioribus , aut verè episcopos esse ; imo verò ex professo probat , licet à pluribus consecrati , verè tamen episcopos non esse . haec vasquez . so much of this argument . a second argument to prove , that it was not held unlawful in antiquity for presbyters to ordain , may be drawn from the opinion of the schoolmen and canonists during the prevalency not onely of episcopacy , but even of papal tyranny . for it is a received opinion in the church of rome , that the pope may by his commission authorize a single presbyter to ordain presbyters ; he cannot , say they , commissionate a lay-man , but he may a presbyter . mr. francis mason cite● many authors to attest this . the author of the glosse saith , di●o quod papa potest hoc delegare simpli●i sacerdot● , & non laico ( sicut credo ) & sic ex tali delegatione , & adminiculo habiti sacramenti , potest conferre quicquid habet . imo quilibet cl●ricus hoc facere potest ; qui ver● non habet , non potest conferre . ros●llus also saith , v●lunt doctores , quod papa potest committere cuilibet clerico , ut conferat quae babet ipse , ut si est presbyter , possit ordinare presbyterum , & diaconus diaconum , ex man●ato papae . and again , ego teneo , quod papa possit demandare presbyter● , quod conferat omn●s sacros ordines , & in hoc 〈◊〉 cum senten●ia canonistarum . dr. forbes brings also many quotations to this purpose , some of which we shall recite as being very observable . panormita●●● saith , — ego potiu● p●tarem ut sacerdoti hoc possit delegare indistinctè , quia 〈◊〉 de sacr●●●nto eucharisti● sit disposit●m institutione domi●ic● , qu● ha●●ant illud administrare : hoc tamen non est dispositum in collation● ordinum . nam olim presbyteri in comm●ni r●geba● ecclesiam , & ordinabant sacerdotes . vnd● quemadmodum olim poterant , ita videtur quòd papa possit hoc concedere sacerdoti , maximè delegando , quum nihil exerceat delegatus nomine proprio . in decretalibus gregorii . de consuetudine cap. . &c. it is said , dico quod papa potest hoc delegare simplici sacerdoti , et non laico , sicut credo , et sic ex tali delegatione , et in adminiculo habiti sacramenti , potest conferre quicquid habet . very remarkable is that passage in petrus aureolus , in quartum sent. distinct. . in habente animam rationalem quandoque impeditur ●ctus rationis , et postea removetur impedimentum ; non datur nova anima , vel forma , sed tantum removetur illud quod impediebat prius animam , n● exiret in actum rationis . sed ordinare in sacerdotem est actus conveniens sacerdoti , in quantum sacerdos est , & tantùm est actus impeditus in ●o . probo . quia nemo dat quod non habet , sicut in naturalibus , ubi forma transfundit seipsam : ergo non sacerdotis non est ordinare in sacerdotem : sed hoc pertinet ad sacerdotem , qui habet formam illam in actu potentem transfundere seipsam . vnde papa non posse● ordines committere , nisi sacerdoti , ut diacono , vel laico ; potest autem committere cuicunque sacerdoti : ergo videtur , quod conferre ordines sit pertinens ad sacerdotem . probo . quia pone , quod sit sacerdos , omni alio circumscripto , potest papa committere ●i ordines : pone autem alia omnia & circumscribe sacerdotium , non poterit papa committere potestatem ordinandi ; hoc videtur satis rationale , quia omnis forma , ex quo est in actu , videtur quod possit se communicare infra eandem speciem ( apud capreolum est , in eandem speciem ) ergo sacerdos hoc modo , quantum est ex potestate sibi conveniente absolutè , poterit ordines celebrare : ergo si potestas ●lla modo sit impedita , sicut est de facto , & impedimentum removeatur per hoc , quod fit episcopus ; non datur ●i nova potestas , sed tantummodo pristina potestas prius impedita reducitur ad usum impedimento remoto , & haec reductio illius potestatis ad usum dicitur ampliatio potestatis . hac aureolus . from these two arguments , and the quotations alledged , we may safely gather these conclusions : . that there was a time when presbyters did govern by common councel , and did ordain without bishops . so saith panormitan , olim presbyteri in communi regebant ecclesiam , & ordinabant sacerdotes . . that whole nations have been converted to the faith and governed for hundreds of years without bishops . this conclusion is abundantly proved by d. blondel , sect. . de ordinationibus , where he tells us , that ioannes major de gestis scotorum lib. . cap. . saith , per sacerdotes & monachos sine episcopis scoti in fide eruditi , that ioannes fordonius saith , ante palladi● adventum , hab●bant scoti fidei doctoros , ac sacramentorum ministratores presbyteros solummodò vel monachos , ritum sequentes ecclesia primitivae . the scots were christians . years and more without episcopal government . the like he proves of the gothes and french. for brevity sake we refer the reader to the author himself . . that in aegypt , when the bishop was absent , presbyters did consecrate . . that in alexandria for almost . years the presbyters constituted and ordained their bishop . . that though by the canons of the church the power of presbyters in ordaining was restrained , yet it was the judgment of antiquity , that every presbyter hath actum primum , and an inward power to ordain , and that though his power was impedited by the canons , yet it was not utterly extinguished . . that when a presbyter is made a bishop , he hath no new power conferred upon him , but onely his former restraints and impediments are removed , as saith aureolus . . that the chor●piscopi for a certain space did ordain of their own authority , without receiving authority from the bishop . afterwards ( though they were meer presbyters ) yet notwithstanding by the leave of councels had liberty , with the bishops licence , to ordain . . that to this day it is the opinion of schoolmen and canonists , that the pope may give liberty to a presbyter to ordain . from whence , saith dr. forbes , it evidently followeth , ordinationem quae per solos presbytero● peragitur non esse de jur● divino invalidam , neque ordination●m esse de jure divino ita propriam episcoporum , ut non possit validè peragi per solos presbyteros : that is , that ordination which is by presbyters alone , is not by divine right invalid , neither is ordination so proper by divine right to a bishop , that it may not be done ( even in the opinion of papists themselves ) by presbyters alone . for otherwise the pope could not commit ordination unto presbyters . for bell●rmine saith expresly , in jure divino non potest papa dispensare , the pope cannot dispense in things that are by divine right . and aureolus saith , ea quae sunt ordinum omnes recipiunt immediatè à christo , ita quod in potest●te nullius imò nec papae est ill● auferre : qua sunt autem jurisdictionis , potest ea p●pa suspendere . now then from hence we may argue . that which by divine authority is to be done onely by bishops , that neither bishops nor councels , nor pope can commit to presbyters that are not bishops . nam in jure divino papa non potest dispensare . but ( according to the judgment and practise of antiquity ) the pope may give the liberty and power of ordaining to presb●ters that are not bishops . and bishops also may do the like . therefore the liberty and power of ordaining is not by divine right belonging to bishops onely , but may be lawfully done by others , the papists themselves being judges . and so much for our fourth proposition . proposition . that when hierome saith , quid facit episcopus quod non facit presbyter except● ordinatione ? this passage cannot be understood as if hierome had thought , that ordination was by divine right appropriated to bishops , and not to presbyters ( as bishop bilson saith ) . for in the very same epistle he tells us , that by divine right a bishop and a presbyter are all one . and that in alexandria , for a long time the presbyters ordained their bishop . but he must b● understood of the practise of the church in his dayes ; and his meaning i● , quid facit episcopus secundum cano●●s ecclesia quad non facit presbyte● excepta ordinatione ? proposition . that when ischyras was deposed from being a presbyter , because mad● by collu●hus , that was but a presbyter himself , and not a bishop ; this was done , not because the act of collu●●us was against the canon of th● scriptures , but onely because it was against the canons of some councel● . thu● dr. fi●ld answereth , whereas , saith he , the fathers make all such ordinations void 〈◊〉 are made by presbyters , it is to be understood according to the strictnesse of the canon in use in their time , and not absolutely in the n●ture of the thing ; which appears , in that they likewise make all ordinations sine titulo to be void : all ordination● of bishops ordained by fewer then three bishops with the metropolitane ; all ordinations of presbyter● by bishops out of their own churches without leave . whereas i am well assured , the romanists will not pronounce any of these to be void , though the parties so doing are not excusable from all fault . thus far dr. field . but now whether the church in th●se dayes did well or no in restraining that by their canons , which the canons of the scripture hath left free , we leave it to all sober christians to judge and determine . proposition . that a●rius was never condemned , by any councel , o● heresie , for holding the identity of a bishop and a presbyter . but on the contrary , concil . aquisgranens ▪ sub ludovico pio imp. ● . an . . hath approved it for true divinity out of the scripture , that bishops and presbyters are equal , bringing the same texts that aerius doth , and which epiphanius indeed undertakes to answer ; but how slightly , let any indifferent reader judge . we confesse , that he is called an heretick by epiphanius and austin● ; but this was especially , if not onely , because he was an arrian , epiphanius , saith he , did arrium ipsum dogmatum novitate superare . austine saith , that he did in arrianorum haeresin labi . but as for his opinion , that there ought to be no difference between a bishop and a presbyter , austine indeed calls it , proprium dogma . and epiphanius calls it dogma furiosum & stolidum . but neither of them both call it an heresie . but suppose they did , ( for so it is commonly thought ) yet that this was the private opinion of these two doctors , and not much to be regarded , appears ; . because ( as smectym●uus hath well observed ) the same authors condemn aerius as much for reprehending and censuring praying and offering for the dead , and the performing of good works for the benefit of the dead . epiphanius accused him , because he said , that superstitum preces did not opitulari ●is qui ex h●c vita discesserunt . and austine accused aerius because he said , non licet orare , vel offerr● pro mortuis oblationem . he is further condemned for reprehending stata jejunia , and the keeping of the week before easter as a solemn fast. which things if worthy of condemnation , would bring in most of the reformed churches into the censure of heresie , and would make most of our episcopal men themselves hereticks . . because not onely saint hierome , but austine himself , sedulius , primasius , chrysostome , theodoret , oecumenius , theophylact , were of the same opinion with aërius ( as michael medina observes in the councel of trent , and hath written lib. . de sacr. hom . origin . ) and yet none of these do deserve the name of fooles and mad men , much lesse to be branded for hereticks . adde to this , that alphonsus de castro advers . haeres ▪ titul . episcopus , saith , that hierome was of the same opinion with aërius . and our learned professor dr. whitakers resp . ad campian . rat . . hath these words , a●rium epiphanius & augustinus in haereticis nume ant , & praeter eos antiqui pauci . et si presbyterum episcopo aequare sit haereticum , nihil catholicum esse potest . cum aerio hieronymus de presbyteris omnino sensit . illos enim jure divino episcopis aequales esse statuit . this is sufficient to answer the objection about aerius . proposition . that even many , if not most ▪ of those that hold episcopacy , and episcopal ordination to be divini juris , yet ( as we in charity believe ) they do not hold it to be so of divine institution , as to be perpetually and immutably necessary ●n the church of christ ; but they say , that those church●● are true churches that want bishops , and those ministers true ministers who are ordained by presbyters without bishops . thus bishop downame in his consecr . sermon , professeth , pag. . not so to maintain the calling of bishops to be divini juris , as intending thereby a general and perpetual necessity thereof . and afterwards in his defence , though ordinary right of ordination belongeth to bishop● in the judgment of the ancient church ; yet it was not to be understood , as so appropriating it to them , as that extraordinarily ▪ and in case of necessity , it might not be lawful for presbyters to ordain ; and much lesse teaching absolutely a nullity of the ordination which is performed without a bishop ; which answer i confirmed by divers reasons , ( see them ) whereunto i now adde , that there seemeth to be the like reasons for the imposition of hands , in confirmation of the baptized , in the reconciliation of publick penitents , as in the ordination of ministers . but although the two former were reserved as well as the third , to the bishop , yet extraordinarily ▪ in the case of necessity , and in the want and absence of the bishop , the ancient church held it lawful for ministers to impose hands , either for confirming of parties baptized , or for reconciliation of the penitents . the former is testified by ambrose upon eph. . and austin qu. ex vet. & nov. test. mixt . qu. . the latter by cyprian , lib. . ep. . and divers councels ▪ concil . carthag . graec . cap. . carth. . cap. . concil . ara●sic . cap. . and the popish writ●rs themselves do teach , that the pope may give license to him that is not a bishop , to ordain , so that he to whom such licence is given , have those orders himself which he would give to another , summa angel. ordo , &c. if therefore by the popes license a presbyter may ordain presbyters , much better may a company of presbyters , to whom in the want of a bishop , the charge of the church is devolved , be authorized by necessity , which , as they say , hath no law . so far b. downame . thus also mr. francis mason , — if by jure divino you mean , that which is according to scripture ; then the preeminence of bishops is jure divino . but if by jure divin● , you understand a law and commandement of god , binding all christian churches universally , perpetually , unchangeably , and with such absolute necessity , that no other form of regiment may in any case be admitted : in this sence neither may we grant it , nor yet can you prove it to be jure divino . and no doubt it were a most cruel and unmerciful opinion so to cry up episcopacy and episcopal ordination , as to condemn all the reformed churches of france , scotland , holland , helvetia , &c. as no churches , and their ministers as no ministers , and their sacraments as no sacraments . but we shall say no more of this proposition , because there is a reverend minister hath spoken largely to it , and hath proved , that it was the opinion of dr. field , b. downame , b. iewell , saravia , b. alley , b. pilkinton , b. bridges , b. bilson , d. nowel , and divers others , that ordination by presbyters in some cases is lawful and valid : and hath also fully and excellently discovered the woful and unsufferable miseries and mischiefs that would flow from the contrary assertion . to him we refer the reader , that desires to be further satisfied herein . we shall name but one proposition more , and then we have done . proposition . that our episcopal brethren that do so much inveigh against the presbyterian● in all their writing● for walking contrary to antiquity in the matter of ordination , do themselves fall under the same accusation in many particulars which we could easily name , if we did desire to recriminate . we will instance only in two . . the ancient bishops would do nothing without their presbyters . cyprian professeth he would do nothing without the clergy ; he could do nothing without them , nay he durst not take upon him alone to determine that which of right did belong to all . the fourth councel of carthage condem●s the sentence of the bishop as irrita nisi clericorum praesentia confirmetur : the church had it● seniores sine quorum cons●lio nihil ag●batur in ecclesiâ . there are a multitude of quotations of this nature which we might transcribe out of d. blond●● and smectymnuus , but we forbear . now how contrary our episcopal men walk to this practise , i● sufficiently manifest to all the christian world . . d. blondel that great antiquary undertakes in a very long discourse to make it out , that for . yeares the people had free liberty in the choyce of their bishops ; he proves it by undoubted authors in all the several countries . and cyprian tells us , that this power did descend upon the people de divina authoritate . and yet our brethren in their practise go quite antipodes to this part of antiquity , and would be loath to be charged with the black brand of innovators and despisers of all antiquity for so doing . and therefore let them not accuse us for walking contrary to antiquity , ( when as we are sure that we walk agreeably unto the scriptures , and to the first and purest antiquity ) but consider how deeply and how justly they themselves may be charged with this guilt . and thus we have finished all that we thought fit to adde concerning the judgment and practice of the ancient church in the point of episcopacy . not that we intend to be finally concluded by the determination of apostolical traditions unwritten , or by the fathers , or canons of the church , in this great controversie , for , though we are amongst the number of those that do much reverence antiquity ; yet we do not idolize it . for we know that the ancient church was much beguiled in receiving many things as traditions apostolical , which are confessed by all to have been apocryphal . irenaeus * tells us , that s. iohn told those that told him , that christ lived here upon earth , and preached ultra quadragesimum , aut etiam quinquagesimum annum , beyond . or . years ; which to be a counterfeit tradition will be by none denyed . the bishops of asia in victor's time , who was bishop of rome , celebrated the christian passeover or the feast of easter , upon the th . day of the moneth , according ●s the jewes were commanded to eat their passeover ; this they did as a received tradition , not onely from polycarpe , but from s. iohn himself : but now , on the contrary , the bishops of the western churches kept it upon the day of christ's resurrection , which they did from a tradition received from s. peter . now sure we are that both of these cannot be true . and as for the ancient fathers , though they were famou● lights in the church , yet they have their naev●s , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and their writings are much defaced by the popish index expurgatorius . a learned gentleman undertakes in a short epistle to make out their contradictions one to another . their variance from themselves . their repugnancies both to protestants , and papists . their want of ability in many points of our controversies : in most , of will to decide them . and therefore we appeal from men to god ; from the canons of the father● , to the canons of the holy scriptures , as the onely infallible judge of this , and all other controversies of religion . we say with the prophet , ad legem , & testimonium , to the law , and to th● testimony , if they speak not according to this word , it is because there is no light in them . and yet we have spoken something in brief even to the matter of antiquity , which we have done upon a double account : . for the vindication of presbytery from the prejudice of novellisme . . for the satisfaction of young students , who scruple the ordination by presbyters for this reason onely , because it is , as they think , a receding from the judgment and practice of all antiquity ; the contrary to which we have clearly manifested . and now we hope , at last , we may safely conclude from all the premisses , that the way of ordination which is now , for the present , in use in england , by scripture-bishops , that is , presbyters , is not onely lawful , but more desirable than the former way , because more agreeable to scripture-patterne . and therefore they that are so ordained , their ordination is valid , and they need no re-ordination . subscribed in the name , and by the appointment of the assembly , novemb. . . roger drake , moderator . samuel balmford , assessor . allen geer , assessor . matthew pool , scriba . iohn s●abrook , scriba . the ingenuous reader is earnestly desired to correct with his pen , before he readeth , those errata which he perceives to be most materiall , either by the omission , or addition or change of words ; and for lesse mistakes in letters , pointings , or accents , either to correct them or excuse them , as he passeth by them in reading . part. . errata . in the epistle to the reader , page line reade herein . page line r. purposely . in the book , p. l. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. l. for and r. are p. ▪ l●ne r. add to us , ibid. l. ult . r. from heaven . p. l. ult . r. ministers . p. l. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. . l. for reduced r. seduced . in marg r. iniri . p. l. r. christs . p. l. for righteous r. precious . p. l. for best r. first . p. l. . for fifth proposition r. second part . p. l. for thirdly r. eighthly . p. l. . r. commanded them to do for themselves . in the second part and appendix errata . page line read ministry . page . . line read these . page l. . read what p. . l. . for now r. no. p. in marg . r. concl. . and l. r. ministry . p. . l. . r. in these , and dele or , and l. . for is r. as p. l. . r. this makes . p. l. . for is r. as . and l. r. even . p . l. . r. presbyter . p. l. for scriptures r. sacrifices . p. . in marg . by l. . put consid. . and l. . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. . l. . in marg . put consid. . p. . l. r. preserved . p. l. dele true church and. p. in marg r. tertul. adv . judaeos cap. . br●tannorum . p. l. . r. jurisdiction . p. l. . r. decisive . p. l. . r. and that , and l. . dele ratio . p. l. . for not r. met . p. . l. dele . ●p . l. for in that r. that in p. l. r. the object●r . p. l. for r. p. l. r. samenesse . p. . l. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. l. . r. argument . p. l. . r. w●re p. l. for confesse , r. maintain . p. in marg . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and l. for officers , r. orders , and l. for care , r. cure p. l. for lawes r. canons . p. l , dele that . p. l . for their r. his , p. ▪ l. and for on r. of . p. l. dele the p. l. r. intangleth . p. l. after ministry put and that episcopacy . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e in a letter of his unto a godly minister named ambro●i●a bla●r●rus . euseb. lib. , de vita constant. vobis or● persuadeatis , tam cupide me amplecti concordiam , quam cupide velim mihi dominum iesum propitium semper fore . luth. eccl. argentinensis pastoribus . heart-divisions . matth. . tim. . , . notes for div a -e mat. . . cor. . . cor. . . heb. . . mat. . , . rev. . . chap. . . heb. . . cor. . . cor. . . chap. . . ephes. . . cor. . , isa. . . ezek. . . king. . . notes for div a -e rom. . . ioh. . . act. . pet. . . mat. . , . cor. . . heb. . . tim. . . tim. . . act. . ▪ tit. . . tim. . . argum. . exo. . . pet. . rev. . . pet. . . exo. . . mumb. . . deut. . . & . . heb. . . isa. . . isa. . . pet. . . mat. . , . mar. . . luke . , . & . , . mat. . . act. . , act. . , , . tim. . . col. . . cor. . ● . ver. . eph. . . act. . . gal. . . act. . ● . cor. . , cor. ▪ , col. . . argum. . rom. . . eph. . . pet. . . act. . . cor. . . gal. . . tim. . . heb. . . heb. . . cor. . . tit. . . gal. . . luke . . pet. . . luke . . cor. . . tit. . . rom. . . co. . , . act. . . pet. . . pet. ● . rev. . . r●v . . . v. ● . . . rev. . , , . a●gum . . tim. ● . ● . tim. . . i●m . . . tim. . . tit. . . tim. . . not only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . luk. . ● . tim. . . tim. . ▪ . cor. . . mal. . . tim. . . argum. . ● tim. . . pet. . , . tim. . . ● tim. . . act. . , . tim. . . . ● tim. . . tim. . . cor. . . cor. . , mat. . . cor. . . cor. . ● . cor. . . tim. . . tim. . . heb. . . heb. . . tim. . . tit. . . tim. . . argum. . thes. . . heb. . . the. . . ● tim. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the. . . rom. . . pet. . . eph. . , . heb. . . heb. . . gal. . . cor. . . to . v. . v. . thes. . , . act. . . cor. . . comp . ver . . cor. . . com . with . cor. . ● . to . v. , . cor. . , cor. . , . v. . to . cor. . . phi. . , , , , . argum. . mat. . . mat. . . cor. . , . phil. . . cor. . . rev. . . mat. . . ioh. . . mat. . . luk. . . ioh. . . v. . . kin. . . chr. . . chro. . . cor. . . mal. . . thes. . . rom. . . rom ▪ ● . . aryum . . iud. . . dan. . , cor. . . cor. ● . . cor. . . rev. . , ioh. . . mat. . , , mat. . . luk. . . matth. . . with . mat. . . ioh. . . act. . , . act. . . act. . . act. . . co. . , mat. . . gal. . . rom. . , ▪ co● . . . pet. . . matth. . , , . co. . . co. . . act. . , . . . cor. . . th. . , . argum. . pet. . . matth. . . compared with v. , . mar. . . mat. . . to ioh. . . pet. . , . cor. . . cor. . . matth. . . rev. . , joh. . . & . , . joh. . , . matth. . . luk. . . rom. . . . , eph. . . cor. . . rom. . . col. . . rom. . . heb. . . cor. . . ▪ tim. . last . act. . . co. . . deut. . , . tim. . . tim. . . v. . rom. . , i cor. . . v. . v. . gal. . . with . . act. . , pet. . . nos hodiè conquerimur & deploram●s quod satan plus nocuerit evangelio nostro , per suos n inistros , spiritus illos phanaticos , quam per omnes reges principes & episcopos qui illud vi persecuti sunt , & adhuc persequuntur . luther . in galat. c. . v. . and after pag. . quanta difficultate paratur domino plebs perfecta ! decem annos laboratur antequam ecclesia rect & piè instituta paratur , & u●i parata est irrepit aliquis fanaticus , & quidem idiota , qui nihil novit , quam contumeliose loqui contra synceros verbi doctores , is in uno momento evertit omnia : quem non vehementer movet ista indignita● ? v. . revel . . , revel . . . tim. . . perperam foedus inire cum grege hac conditione si gregis custodes fuerint sublati . sad. de vocatio●e pastorum . p. . heb. . . heb. . . heb. . . matth. . . acts . . rom. . . cor. . . pet. . . rom. . . pet. . . rom. . . cor. . . esay . . ier. . . heb. . , . tim. . ult . mat. . . cor. . . ier. . , . cor. . . cor. . , . heb. . . joh. . . joh. . . hos. . . mat. . . c r . . . thes. . . v. . luke . . joh. . . joh. . . heb. . . col. . . the. . . gal. . , . jhoh . . . mat. . . isa. . . argum. . joh. . . rom. . . act. . . phil. . . pet. . psal. . . cor. . . eph. . . eph , . . tit. . . rom. . , . arg. . pro. . . chro. . . amos . , mat. . . rev. . . isa. . . psal. . . king. . . king. . . king. . . king. . ▪ chr. . . chr. . . chron. . , . jude ver . . thess. . , . thess. . . objection . rev. . v. . ver. . rev. . . rev. . . soluti●n . rev. . . mat. . v. , , . stapleton orat. academ . . jacob usher de statu & success . ecclessiae cap. . p. . nicola lyran. in apocalyps . cap. . jacob. usher ibid. pag. . bonaventure in vit ▪ francis. cap ▪ . jaco . usher . ib. pag. . heylin in his late geograph . p. , . h. grotius in . thes . . . & tractat. de antichristo . bellarmin . de antichristo , cap. . màlum in aliquo bono fundatur , aquin. contra gentil . lib ▪ . cap. . rom. . . rev. . , , . rev. . . si dominus temporalis terram suam neglexeri● purgare ab h●retica praevitate excommunicationis vinculo innodetur , & summus pontifex vasallos ab ejus fedelita●e demintiet absolut●s & terram exponat alijs occupandam . con lateran . sub innoc. . vid. alphons . d●cr●tum in jacob. usher pag. . m. mede in apocalyps . c. . . huc & illuc dipersi ubique cum exegitarentur , tamen extitere semper per intervalla qui corum doctrinam inter-mortuam renovarunt . thuan. l . ad an . . ja. usher . ibid. p. . ad . thuan. ibid. qui hodie sunt calvinist ae olim dicti fuerunt berengariani . serar . who was created pope an. . ut onuph . inter omnes fectas quae sunt vel fuerunt non est periculosior ecclesiae d●i quam pauperum de lugduno , tribus de causis . . quia diuturnior quidam dicunt quod duraverit a tempore sylvestri , alij dicunt quod a tempore apostolorum . . quia generalior fere enim nulla terra est , qua haec secta non serpit . . quia magnam habet speciem pietatis , eo quod coram hominibus justè vivunt & bene de deo omnia credunt , solum romanam ecclesiam blasphemant & oderunt , cui multitudo facilis est ad credendum . rainerius contra hereticos . cap. . pag : . consider . . rev. . . romana ecclesia ad hunc statum venit , ut non esset digna regi nisi per reprobos . petr. aliac . de informatione . d. usher ibid. pag. . ● thes. . , , . rev. . . brightman , mede , iunius , paraeus in apocalyps . bellarm. de antichristo . c. . paraeus in apocalyps . c. . . . century . bed● histor . l. . . century . albertus , & clemens , & sāpson , & complures ali● à bonifacio dissen●●r●●t , ●ist●r . magdeburg . cent. . albertus gallus & ejusdem secta s●●erdot●s p. bonifacio adversari vehem●ntissime caep●ru●t . aven● . anal. l. . . century . baronius tom . balae . possevi● . acts monum . pag. . vid. sim. birckbeck , pag. . baron . t●m . . . century . . century . . century . mr. fox . part pag. . . century . robertus grostedus romanorum malleus . mr. fox . part pag. . . century . . century . . century . berengarius egenos scholares praesertim theologiae studios●s , quotidiana stipe ( cum opulentu● esset ) ita sollicitavit , ut eorum opera omnis p●n● gallia & vicinae gentes eo malo quam citissime laborarent . alan . de euchar. per eg●●●s scholares quos quotidia●●● stipendiis sustentabat , &c. mat. paris . jacob. usher . pag. . minis●ris quid●m nostris optaremus cam faelicitatem , ut se su●sque absque illis adminiculis operar●m honestarum alere possent , ita enim plus temporis saltem ad studia sua ipsis suppeteret , & occasio major esset instituendi nostros doctrina & eruditione necessaria . n●n enim superstitiose , vel dem●nter potius , manibus opus facere mandamus nostros , quod nisi hoc saciunt peccare eos judicamus . sicut de quodam memorari audimus , qui ex sacerdote agricola factus fuerit , quòd scriptum esse diceret , in sudore vultus comedes panem tuum . ad eum modum ( christo gratia ) non est passus nostros labi dominus : sed plerique ex nostris necessitate eo adiguntur ut opus faciant , &c. in scripto edito anno . jac. usher ▪ p. . . consider . m● . fox acts and monum . part . d. pag. . pag. . cae●eri qui errorem ●uebantur , ignibus ●xusti sunt , in quibus pleriqu● sacerdotes . thuan. l. . act. and m●n . par . . p. ● . act and mon. pa●t . . pag. . . . . . . ruth . . isa. . . . consider . indefessus christi miles . calv. opusc . . consider . sam ▪ . sam. . . consider . psal. . , cor. . . cor. . . cor. . . . consider . * peruse what a subtle jesuite and politician ( adam co●tzen by name ) hath written in his politicks , lib. . c. . § . where among divers other means prescribed for the reducing of people to pope●y , this is one , haer●siarchae & doctores ●rrorum republica pellendi sunt . vna quidem vice , si commode fieri queat , sin mìnus , se●sim & paulatim : non opus est hac quid●m in re probatione , nam turbulentis & vertiginosis aeolis abactis , mare , quod imò fundo exciverunt , sponte conquiescet : et error , cui patro●imum deerit , sine pugna concidet , &c. that is , hereticall teachers and masters of errours ( so he cals the ministers of the gospel ) are to be banished out of the common-wealth , and that at once , if it can conveniently be , if not , insensibly and by degrees ▪ that this is a sure way to reduce a nation to the true religion ( so he miscals popery ) needs not much proof ; for when the turbulent windes are diverted or driven away , the waves of the sea will be quiet and the tempest will cease ▪ and errour ( so he nicknames the truth ) when it wants patrons , will fall without striking a stroak . thus far coutzen . so that in the judgement of this crafty jesuite there is no way more likely to introduce popery , then to throw down protestant ministers , whether by blasting their reputation , or taking away their subsistence , or persecuting their persons , ( all comes to one thing ; ) and therefore you poor souls that are seduced into this anti-ministeriall design by iesuiticall craft , consider what you are doing , whose projects you are carrying on ; look to your selves , smite your hand upon your thighs , and say , what have we done ? m●de in rev. . . duo prophetae injusti , pontisex & lutherus , & hic quidem illo deterior . sleidan . l. . ad ann. . calv. adversus libertin . ad ann. . propos. . argum. . otherwise then providentially . argum. . argum. . argum. . argum. . argum. . argum. . argum. . argum. . argum. . argum. . argum. . argum. . argum. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in loc . in loc . loring tostatus . corn. a lapido . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 propos. . ius summum & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vocandi ministros ad deum solum pertinet . gerhard . de minist . eccles. propos. . gal. . . zanch. in . praecep . p. . ier. . . . mat. . . ioh. . . gerhard . do minist . eccl●s . p. . mat. . ● . thes. . . gal. . , . * non dican● ideo verum esse , qui● illa & illa mirabilia fecit donatus vel pontius , vel quilibet alius , &c. aut quia ille frater noster & illa soror nostra tal● visum vigilans vidit , ●el ●ale visum dormiens somniavit . removeantur ista v●l figmenta menda●ium bominum , vol portenta fallacium spirituum , &c. remotis ●mnibus istis , ecclesi●m su●m demon●tron● non in signis & prodigi●s fallacibus , ( quia etiam contra ista verbo domini praep●rati & ca●ti re● liti sum●s ) sed in praescripto legis ▪ in prophetarum praedictis , in psalmorum cantibus , in ipsi●s p●storis vocibus , in evangelist●r●m praedicationibus & laboribus , hoc est , in omnibus canonicis sanctorum librorum autoritatibus . august . de unita●e eccles. c. , , in edi●ione lov●niensi . ann. . nec habemus mandatum ut expect●mus immediatam vocationem , nec promissionem deum velle hoc tempore mitt●re operarios in messem suam per immediatam vocationem . s●d per apostolos tradidit , & ecclesiae praescripsit certam formam qu●modò nunc velit mitt●re & vocare ministros nimirum p●r mediatam vocationem . neque enim opus nunc est immediatâ vocatione . deus enim omnino vult ut ministerium usque ad consummationem seculi alligatum sit ad vocem doctrinae quae a filio d●i accepta , & ab apostolis immedia●è vocatis ecclesiae tradita est . chemnit . loc . commun . de ecclesiâ . zanch. in . praecep . p. . idem liquet in ecclesiâ romanâ , corruptissimus fuit magna ex●parte cul●us dei ; interim servavit ibi deus integros fid●i articulos , & baptismum ad substantiam quod attinet , & quantum erat satis ad salutem electorum , ita ut sicut non peni●ùs extincta ibi fuit ecclesia , sic neque penitùs interierit ministerium . zanch. ut supra . gerhard . de minist . eccles. p. . bucan . loc . communes de ministerio . quest . . rom. . . act. . . pag. . . quamvis vero ritus ordinationis in ecclesiâ pontificiâ multis superstitiosis ac inutilibus ceremonijs sit vitiatus , ex ●o tamen ipsius ordinationis essentiae nihil decedit . distinguenda igitur episcopi ordinantis impuritas ab ordinatione , quae sit totius ecclesiae nomine , & in ipsa ordinatione distinguendum est divinum ab humano , essentialè ab accidentali , pium & christianum ab antichristiano . sicut olim in ecclesiá israelitica super cathedram moses sedebant scribae & pharisaei , mat. . . quorum ministerio , sacrificiis , ordinationibus utendum , interim tamen a sermento ipsorum cavendum erat , mat. . . ita quoque in ecclesiâ romanâ , illorum qui erant in ordinariâ successione , ministerio , sacramentis , ordinationibus utendum erat , interim tamen fermentum admixtum à puritate massae distinguendum . zanch. in . praecep . p. . of the same judgement is amesius who in his medulla theologiae . l. . cap. . saith thus ; wiclephus , lutherus zuinglius , & similes evangelij restauratore● primi non fuerunt propriè loquendo extraordinarij ministri : extraordinarij tamen non malè à quibusdam appellantur . . quia aliquid praestiterum simile eorum , quae ab extraordinarijs ministris praestita fuerunt olim . . quia quoad gradum , singularia quaedam dona acceperunt à deo , prout res ipsa postulabat , quod etiam affirmari potest de multis inter martyres illustriores . . quia ordine tunc temporis perturbato & collapso , necesse habueru● nonnulla tentare praeter ordinem communem . propos. . eph. . . act. . . cor. . . cor. . . th. . , heb. . . cor. . , . propos. . paraei comm●n . in romanos . propos. . propos. . act. . . communibus calculis eligere . act. . . selden de synedrijs . m. gillespies treatise of miscellany questions . ● . . p. , . idem pag. . pag. . pag. , . bucani loc . commun . de minist . gerhard . de minist . p. diatribe . propos. . ames . med ▪ p , . m. hookers survey of church-discipline . vocatio propriè & essentialiter consistit in electione . ames . survey of church-discipline . par . . pag. . act. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . act. . . act. . , . tit. . . m. hooker par . . cap. . pag. . m. firmin separation examined . pag. . survey of church-discipline . par . . cap. . pag. , . separation examined , pag. . m. hudson of the essence and unity of the church-catholick , and his vindication . pag. . act. . . m. hudsons vindication , p. , , . pag. . m. balls trial of the church-way , p. . survey of discipline , part , c. . p. . hudson vindication . p. . austin contra parmenianum lib. . c. . de bono conjugali . contra iovinian . c. . m. hook●● survey of church-discipline . par . . cap. . pag. , . pag. . m. firmin separation examined . pag. . key ● , pag. . ames . medull . theol. l. . c. . survey of disciplin . p. . par . . bellarm. enervatus , tom. . l. . cap. . pag. , . assert . . chap. . chap. . socin . tract . de eccles. nicolaides de ecclesia & missione ministerii . levit. . num. . esa. . . act. . . , , . gal. , , . act. . ▪ gal. . . tim. . . tim. . . tim. . ▪ tim. . . heb. . , . rom. . tim. . . m. lyford in his apology for the ministry . anselme , lombard , thomas , cajetane , gerson , bucerus . part. . pag. . . cor. . . annotat. upon acts . . totum regimen ecclesiarum christi consormatum fuit ad synagogarum exemplar . licet nullum extet certum praeceptum de manuum impositione , quia tamen suisse in perpetuousu apostoli● videmus , illatam accurata c●rum observatio praecepti vice nobis esse debet . calv. instit . l. . c. . sect. . platform , ● . . walaeus de pastoribus . p. . video in omnibus confessionibus nostrarum ecclesiarum , praeter unam & alteram , illam requiri : et san● cum apostoli semper eam usurparent , imò apostolus praecep●um dat timotheo , tim. , . ne cito eniquam manus imponito , nos omittendam non judicamus : quia in negativo illo mandato etiam affirmativum continetur , ut dignis manus imponat : ubi cum pro tota electi●ne pastor●s sumatur per synecdochen , certe pro ritu aut parte essentiali habenda est , alioquin pro to●o sum●●on posset , aut saltem pro adjuncto proprio & omnibus vocationibus communi . bellarminus enervatus , tom . . pag. . assert . . hooker . part . . cap. . part. . chap. . prop. platform of church-disc . chap. . notes for div a -e jer. . . jer. . , , , , . isai. . , , , , . isa. . . (a) cor. . , , . (b) joh. . , . (c) joh. . joh. . isa. . . propos. . propos. . notes for div a -e propos. . answer to the . quest . pag. . * an argument taken from their own principles . object . . answ. . . object . . answ. . object . . answ. argu. . object . . answ. . hooker's survey part . cap. . page . object . . answ. deut. . . . matth. ● . matth. . . exod. . . cor. . . rom. . . . * as our experience abundantly shewes . object . answ ▪ object . answ. quest. answ. object . answ. object . answ. . object answ. . object . . answ. pag. . notes for div a -e arguments . object . answ. conclusion . conclu . . sir ed. cook de jure regis eccles. fol. . printed . and called the institution of a christian man. co●c●● . . conclu . . armach . lib. . c . bell. de cleric . lib. . cap. . cusa , concor . lib. . cap. . lombard lib. . dist . . estius in libr. quart & dist . . duran . in ▪ sentent . dist . . qu. . conclu . answer to mr. can. pag. . of the church lib. . cap. . object . . answ. . answ. . answer to can. pag. . object . answ. . pag. . object . . answ. object . . ans. objct. . ans. . object . . ans. from the better part . ans. object . . ans. argument . jer. . . argu. . argu. . mr. ball. notes for div a -e object . answ. object . answ. object . ans. eph. . . . · matth. . math. . . hooker part. . c. . . cor. . . eph. . . mr. bartlet . ch . . mr. philips against tho. lambert . p. ▪ . rom. . , . heathenism revived . dr. whites way to the church dig● . . bishop vsher de successione eccl. simon berkbeck protestants evidence . catalogus testium veritatis . revel . . . theses cracovia impressae . dout. . . ● . . k. . . exod. . . . . . chron. . . ▪ jer. . ▪ . ●za . . ▪ . ezi● . · object . answ. acts and mon. lib. . pag. . &c. whites way to the church sect. . tert. adv . iudaeis cap . britannarum inaccessa romanis loca christo verò subdita . tim. . . notes for div a -e propos. . revel . . . rev. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * post episcopum diaconi ordinationem subjicit : quave ? nisi quia episcopi & presbyteri unae ordinatio est ? uterque enim sacerdos est , &c. ambros. in tim. . heb. . . thess. . ▪ tim. . . cor. . , . matth. . . cor. · . idem ergo est presbyter qui episcopus & antequam diaboli instinctu , studia in religione fierent & diceretur in populis , ego sum paul● ego apollo , ego ●ephae , communi presbyterorum ▪ consilio ecclesiae gubernabantur . postquam verò unusquisque eos quos baptiza verat , suos putabat esse , non christi ▪ in to●o orbe decretum est , ut unus de presbyteris electus super poneretur cae●eris , ad quem omnis eccl●siae cura pertineret , & schismatum semina tollerentur ▪ putat aliquis non scripturarum sed nostram esse sententiam , episcopum & presbyterum unum esse , & aliud aetatis , aliud esse nomén officii , relegat apostoli ad philippenses verba , dicenti● , paulus , & timotheus servi iesu christi qui sunt philippis , cum episcopis & diaconis . philippi una est urbs macedoniae : & certè in una civitate plures , ut nuncupantur , episcopi esse non poterant . sed quia eosdem episcopos illo tempore quos & presbyteros appelabant , propterea indifferenter de episcopis qu●si de presbyteris est locu●us . adhuc alicui hoc videatur ambiguum ▪ nisi altero testimonio comprobetur . in actibus apostolorum scriptum est , quòd cum venisset apostolus miletum , miserit ▪ ephesum : & vocave●i● presbyteros eccle●●ae ejusdem : quibus postea inter caterae sit locutus : attendi●e vobis & omni gregi : in quo vos spiritus sanctus posu●t episcopos pascere ecclesiam domini , quam acquisivit per sanguinem suum . et hic diligentiùs observate , quom●do unius civitatis ephesi presby●eros vocans postea eosdem episcopos dixe●it . si quis ●ult recipere eam epistolam , quae sub nomine pauli ●d hebraeos scripta est : & ibi aequalit●r inter plures ecclesiae cura dividitur . siquidem ad plebem scribit ; parete principibus vestris , & subjecti estote , ipsi enim sunt qui vigilant pro animabus vestris , quasi rationem reddentes , ne suspirarites hoc faciant siquidem hoc utile vobis est . et petrus qui ex fide● firmitate nomen accepit in epistola suae loquitur dicens : presbyteros ergo vos obsecro compresbyter , & teslis christi passionem : qui & ejus gloriae quae in futuro rev●lando est socius sum . pascite eum qui in vobis est gregem domini : non quas● cum necessitate , sed voluntariò hac propterea , ut ostenderemus apud veteres eosdem fuisse presbyteros quos & episcopos , pulbatim vero ut dissensionum plantaria ●oellerentur ad unum omnem solicitudinem esse delatam . sicut ergo presbyteri sci●nt se ex ecclesiae consuil●dine ei qui sibi prapositus fuerit esse subjectos ; ita episcopi noverint se magis consu●●●dine quam dispositionis dominicae veritate , presbyteris esse majo●●s : & in communi debere ecclesiam regere , imitantes moysen : quis cum haheret in potestate solus piae esse populo israel , septuainta elegit cum quibus populum judicaret . hi●ronymus evagrio tom. . quamvis secundum honorum vocabula quae ecclesiae usus obtinuit episcopatus pre sbyterio major est , in multis tamen augustinus hiero●●mo minor est . an ep●scopatus inter ordines ecclesiasticos pon●ndus sit ▪ inter theologos et canon●stas non convenit ; convenit autem inter omnes in apostolorum aetate int●r episcopos et pr●sbyteros nullum discrimen ●uisse , sed post-modum schismatis ●vitandi causa episc●pum presbyterii suisse praepositum , cui 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , id est , ordinandi pot●stas concessa est sine quà ordinandi disti●ctione pax vel politica vel ecclesiastica retineri vix possit . notes for div a -e object . answ. object . . answ. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quae a majoribus acceperunt posteri , ea , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 securi examinis , suis iter posteris tradiderunt . ●ib . . 〈◊〉 . capel . s●●ectymnuus . . tim. . . h●b . . . phil. ▪ . philem. . col. . . heb. . . . t●m . . . . . . . titus . . . cor. . . cor. . . . cor. . . tim. . . conclus . . conclus . . conclus . . object . answ. . notes for div a -e in tacta iuce adhuc caecutire aliquos inter pessima , & in●auspicatissimi , seculi prodigia numerandum est . smectimnuus . the vindicati of sme●tym . the humble answer of the divines at the isle of wight . * l ords day , † the word ▪ hoc enim non multum distat ab iusania , dicere petrum fuisse propciè episcopum , ut reliquos apostolos . answ. object . answ. object . ) ribera , tyra , pererius . b) tertul. ignatius , eusebius . answ. sed hinc stutui episcopalis ille gradus postea humanitus in eccl●siam dei invectus certe nec potest nec debet , imo ne perpetuum quidem istud 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 munus esse necessaria ●portucsse , sicut ●xorta inde tyrannis oligarchia ( cuus apex ●st antichr●stian● bestia cetissima cum totius , non ecclesiae modo sed etiam orbis pernicie , nunc andem declar●t . object . answ. act. ▪ . & . & . . a●t . . . notes for div a -e reply ▪ hierom , in praefatione epist. ad ephesios . reply . reply . reply . reply . (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . notes for div a -e lib. con●ra . crescon . . cap. . austin lib. . de peccat . merit . & remiss . basil de spiritu sancto cap. ● object . . answ. object . . answ. answ. object . . answ. quest. answ. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . clemens ad . corinth . p. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . perpetual government of christs church . distinct. . cap. legimus . obje●t . answ. † ex quibus constat quaedam esse resecta . quaedam assuta , quaedam mutata , ac proinde epistolas illas fidem facere non posse , nisi in iis in quibus cum apostolorum scriptis conveniunt . riveti critica sacra . reason . reason . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & ● . reason . coci censura . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. (b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. (c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. (d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. (e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. (f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. walo messalinus . cap. . nos sane genuinis scriptis parati sumus deferre quantum jure bono poscere ab herone potuit . custod● , inquit depositum meum quod ego & christus concredimus , ubi christus in verbo suo depositum sacrum concredidit , cui qu● apud ignatium ▪ concinnat amplecti●ur ; cae●●ra vero quae nec cum ●hristo , nec cum vero ignatio conveniut ut adulterin● & non ●erenda 〈◊〉 . irenai lib. . cap. . lib. . cap. . lib. . cap. . episcopi & presbyteri una est ordinatio ; uterque enim sacerdos est , sed episcopus primus . * in conference with hart , in the end of the third , and beginning of the fifth division . mr. iohn gerce his sisters sieve broken , cap. . iun. con●rv . lib. . cap. . not . . . sent. distinct . . non est ordo praecise loquendo , sed ordinis eminentia vel dignitas . ponav . in . sent. dist●●ct . . catalogus ●●stium tom . . tantum duos ordines ministrorum esse deb●re judicavit , presb●t●ros , viz. & di●conos . cypr. ep. . apud cyprian epist. . lib. . cap. . cap. ▪ cap. . the addition of francis mason unto his defence of the ministry of the church of england , wherein the ord nation of the ministers of the reformed churches is maintained . lib. ▪ d. . artic . . forbes●i irenicum , cap. . 〈◊〉 tertiam partem thomae disp . . cap. . de potestate imperatoris & papae , part . . cap. . lib. . de concil . cap. . lib. de matrim . cap. . lib. . cap. . mr. baxter in his christian concord and agreem●nt . epist. . . . epist. . * lib. . cap. . euseb. lib. . cap. , . lord digby . isa. . . a discourse made by the ld bishop of rochester to the clergy of his diocese at his visitation in the year : published at their request. church of england. diocese of rochester. bishop ( - : sprat) approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing s estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a discourse made by the ld bishop of rochester to the clergy of his diocese at his visitation in the year : published at their request. church of england. diocese of rochester. bishop ( - : sprat) sprat, thomas, - . [ ], p. printed by edw. jones, in the savoy [london] : mdcxcvi [ ] half-title page reads: the ld bishop of rochester's discourse to his clergy, &c. reproduction of original in the union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -- pastoral letters and charges. pastoral theology -- anglican communion. visitation sermons. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - olivia bottum sampled and proofread - olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the l d bishop of rochester's discourse to his clergy , &c. a discourse made by the l d bishop of rochester to the clergy of his diocese , at his visitation in the year . published at their request . in the savoy : printed by edw. iones , mdcxcvi . a discourse made by the l d bishop of rochester to the clergy , &c. i can scarce think it worth my while , or yours , ( my good brethren , ) that i should now spend much time in any long general exhortation , to your diligent and conscientious performing the duties incumbent on you , as you are the ministers of god , duly called according to the will of of our lord christ , and the order of this excellent church of england . did i find , there were here any absolute need to use many words , towards the exciting your care in the several administrations of your holy calling ; yet , i am persuaded , i my self might well spare my own labour , and your patience , on this subject ; since all that kind of wholesome advice has been already so very sufficiently , and so much better given you , in arguments deduced out of the holy scriptures , and most fitly applied to this purpose , by the venerable compilers of our public liturgy , in the forms appointed for the ordering of deacons and priests . there , you know , this work has been so wisely , and so fully , long ago , done to a bishop's hands ; there all the parts of your weighty office are so judiciously laid before you ; the high dignity , and great importance of it , towards the salvation of mankind , is so substantially urg'd ; the blessed fruits , and everlasting rewards of well-attending it , and the extreme dangers of neglecting it , are so justly amplified ; the necessity of adorning your doctrine by an innocent , virtuous , and pious life of your own , towards the rendring it efficacious on the lives of others , is so pathetically inforc'd ; that , i am confident , the very best charge , a bishop could give to his clergy , were to recommend seriously to all their memories , as i now do most affectionately to yours , those very same questions and answers , those very same promises and vows , as you ought to esteem them , where-with every one of you did most solemnly charge his conscience , at the time of your admission into holy orders . i profess , i cannot , nor , i believe , can the the wit of man , invent any more proper method of instruction to men in your circumstances , from a man in mine , than to exhort you all to a continual recollection of , and meditation upon , those many and great obligations , you then seem'd voluntarily and cheerfully to lay on your selves . whence there could not but ensue ( by god's blessing , ) a firm resolution in your minds to endeavour the performance of them , and a holy perseverance in those endeavours , and in conclusion , the happy effects of all on your selves , and the flocks committed to you : that by thus meditating on these things , and giving your selves wholly to them , your profiting may appear to all ; and that by taking heed to your selves , and your doctrines , and continuing in them , you may both save your selves , and those that hear you . wherefore seeing that , which else had been a bishop's proper business in such meetings as this , i hope , is , or may be so easily shorten'd for me , by you your selves , by your having recourse to a rule so well known , and so obvious to you , in a book , which ought scarce ever to be out of your hands ; i shall the rather , at this time , purposely omit the prescribing you many admonitions , touching the matter and substance of the duties of your sacred function . instead of them , i shall only offer you some few familiar considerations , which may serve as so many friendly and brotherly advices , concerning , chiefly , the manner and way of performing some of the principal offices of your ministry . and , i trust in god , that if these advices shall be as carefully examin'd , and , if you find them useful , as industriously observed by you , as they are honestly intended by me , they may , in some sort , enable you to do laudably , and with commendation , the same things , which , i hope , you already do , without just exception . only , in this place , let me premise once for all , that whatever instructions i shall now give you , i intend them not only as directions to you , but especially to my self . as indeed , in all matters , that come under deliberation , he ought to be esteem'd no good counsellor , who is very ready and eager in giving , but averse from receiving the same counsel , as far as it may be also proper for himself . the first advice i presume to set before your view , shall relate to the manner of doing your part , in all the ordinary offices of the public liturgy . as to that , it is my earnest request , that you would take very much care , and use extraordinary intention of mind , to perfect your selves in a true , just , sensible , accurate becoming way of reading , and administring them as you have occasion . a suggestion , which some perhaps , at first hearing , may think to be but of a slight and ordinary concernment : yet , if i am not much deceiv'd , it will be found of exceeding moment and consequence in its practice ; and of singular usefulness towards the raising of devotion in any congregation piously inclined : when your weekly , or rather daily labours of this kind shall be thus performed ▪ i mean , not with a meer formal or artificial , but with such a grave , unaffected delivery of the words , as ( if the defect be not in our selves , ) will , indeed , naturally flow from a right and serious considering of their sense . i pray therefore , take my mind a-right in this particular . i do not only mean , that you should be very punctual in reading the common prayer book , as the law requires ; that is , not only to do it constantly , and entirely in each part , without any maiming , adding to , or altering of it , that so supplications , prayers , intercessions , and giving of thanks , may be made , by you , for all men : for kings , and for all that are in authority ; that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godliness and honesty . if you do not so , you are liable to a legal punishment and censure . but my aim now is , not meerly to prevent that , or to provide only against your breaking the law. what i intend is something higher , and more excellent ; something , that you cannot be punish'd for , tho' you do it not ; but , if you shall do it in any reasonable perfection , it will redound to the unspeakable benefit of your congregations . the purpose then of this my plain motion to you is , in short , to beseech you all to employ much serious pains , in practising the public and private reading of all your offices , as the use of any of them shall occur , distinctly , gravely , affectionately , fervently ; so as every where to give them all that vigour , life and spirit , whereof they are capable : which certainly is as great as in any human writings whatsoever ; if we be not wanting to them in the repetition . the truth is , whatever some may imagine to the contrary , such a compleat and consummate faculty of reading the common prayer , quam nequeo monstrare , & sentio tantum , is of so great difficulty , as well as use , that i am fully convinced , it very well deserves to have some place among our constant studies ; at least in the first initiation into our ministry , if not throughout the whole course of it . i could heartily wish , it were altogether needless for me to lay so much stress on this advice as i do . yet , i hope , i may do it without offence ; since it is not with design of censuring any particular mens failings or deficiencies , but only for the public good ; that we may all strive to attain not only to a mediocrity , but to an excellency in this kind : which , in my small judgment , can never be done , unless we shall make this duty a business by it self , and assign it a special place among our other ecclesiastical studies . it cannot be denied , but the church it self has provided for this with all imaginable circumspection ; having solemnly enjoin'd every clergy-man , besides the times of his public ministry , to read some very considerable parts of his office , once a day , at least , to himself , except he shall be excused by indispensable business . by which wise injunction , tho' , no doubt , the church intended primarily to produce and increase , in the minds of all its ministers , a frame of spirit perpetually serious and devout : yet , if that be also accompanied with a proportionable regard to the manner , as well as to the matter of our public prayers , this other advantage of well-reading , what is so often to be read , will follow of course , and by necessary consequence . it seems indeed to me , that the very way of performing all the outward acts of religion , has so wonderful an influence towards obtaining the inward effects of it , on our hearts and consciences , that i cannot but think , we can never be too laborious in preparing and exercising our thoughts , and even our very voices , in private , for a public service of so great importance . 't is true , we generally value and esteem preaching , as our great privilege and honour . and so far we are in the right . but we are not so , if we look on the reading of prayers only as our task and burthen ; and , as such , shall be willing to get rid of it altogether , or to get thro' it in any undecent manner , with such heaviness or precipitation , as , in any affairs of worldly interest , we would never be content with . a preposterous custom , which , if due care be not taken , may be very prejudicial and mischievous to our church , by quenching the spirit of devotion in our own people , and giving occasion to our adversaries to throw scorn and contempt on our otherwise-incomparable liturgy . consider , i pray you , how can we expect that others should revere , or esteem it according to its true worth , if we our selves will not keep it so much in countenance , as to afford it a fair reading ? if we will not do it so much common justice as to contribute , as much as lies in our power , that it may have an impartial hearing , equal , at least to any other divine ordinance ? if we shall refuse to lay as much weight on those devotions , which our whole church has injoin'd us to pour out before the throne of grace , for the people , as we do on those discourses , which we make , on our own heads , to the people ? wherefore , i say again , this very commendable skill of devout and decent reading the holy offices of the church , is so far from being a perfunctory or superficial work , a mean or vulgar accomplishment , or a subordinate lower administration , only fit for a curate ; that it deserves to be placed among your ministerial endowments of greater superiority and praeeminence ; as being one of the most powerful instruments of the holy spirit of god , to raise and command mens hearts and affections : of the holy true spirit of god , i say ; which , tho' in our inward ejaculations , or private supplications towards heaven , it often helpeth our infirmities , and maketh intercession for us with groanings that cannot be uttered ; yet , in the public worship , is most frequently pleased to operate by such words , and sounds , as are express'd with the best utterance . so that now , with a just assurance , i may assert this to be a very proper qualification of a parochial minister ; that he has attain'd to an habitual faculty of setting forth the public prayers to all their due advantage , by pronouncing them leasurably , fitly , warmly , decently ; with such an authority in the speaker , as is , in some degree , suitable to the authority of what is spoken . thus much i may safely say , that the reader of the prayers ; if he does his part , in the manner i have mention'd , by such a vigorous , effectual , fervent delivery of the words and conceptions , put into his mouth by the church it self , may give a new enlivening breath , a new soul , as it were , to every prayer , every petition in it : he may quicken and animate those confessions , intercessions and thanksgivings , which , when read coldly , and indifferently , with irreligious carlesness , or ignorant flatness , will seem to some to be but a dead letter : he may make every hymn , every psalm , every lesson , epistle and gospel , to become well nigh a new sermon ; at least he may give , to the old standing text of the bible , a very good clear exposition , even by his very way of reading it to the congregation . this , upon experience , you will find to be apparently true . for if , as is usually observed by men of learning , in printed books , the very accurate and critical pointing of the copy is one of the best kinds of good new commentaries on any old author ; how much more , in all the offices of devotion , would that , which consists not only in good pointing , and observing all due stops , but in so much more besides , i mean a good , distinct , forcible , yet easie , and unforced reading of every prayer , and portion of the holy scriptures ; how much more would all this really serve for a good new paraphrase and illustration of every sentence in them ! it is indeed almost incredible , how quite another thing the daily morning and evening prayers will appear ; what new figures and beauties , and hidden treasures of sacred eloquence , they will continually discover , when thus pronounc'd ; how much apter they will be to kindle in us , and our auditors , all manner of heavenly affections , of spiritual grief , and contrition , of love and gratitude , of faith , hope , and charity , and joy in the holy ghost ; when the harmony of the tongue shall be tuned , as it were , to the harmony of the matter ; when the zeal of the reader shall keep company with his voice ; and his voice shall be adapted to , and varied together with every sense and expression ; when by long use , and imitation of the best masters , or the best we can come at , we shall know familiarly how to give every word and sentence its due poise ; where to lay a greater or smaller weight on every clause , according to its natural or spiritual force ; where to be quicker or more vehement , where slower and more sedate ; how to observe equally all pauses and distances ; how to avoid monotonies on the one hand , and immoderate elevations and depressions on the other ; yet , where to use the same tones , where to rise or fall in the right place : when , i say , the reader shall be throughly expert and vers'd in practising these , and many more such natural decencies of pronouncing ; tho' they may seem but light , and petty things , taken singly , and a part , yet all together , in their full united power , they will be found to have an admirable concurrence towards the creating , augmenting , well tempering , and well-governing of devotion . had i time , it were easie to exemplifie this , in every office of our church . give me leave only to mention one instance within the compass of my own knowledge , which perhaps may not be unworthy your special remarking : tho' i doubt not but many of you have met with several examples of the like nature . it was immediately after the happy restoration of king charles the second , when , together with the rights of the crown , and the english liberties , the church , and the liturgy , were also newly restored ; that a noted ringleader of schism in the former times , was to be buried in one of the principal churches of london . the minister of the parish , being a wise and regular conformist , and he was afterwards an eminent bishop in our church , well knew how averse the friends and relations of the deceased had always been to the common prayer ; which , by hearing it so often call'd a low rudiment , a beggarly element , and carnal ordinance , they were brought to contemn to that degree , that they shunned all occasions of being acquainted with it . wherefore , in order to the interment of their friend , in some sort , to their satisfaction , yet so as not to betray his own trust , he used this honest method to undeceive them . before the day appointed for the funeral , he was at the pains to learn the whole office of burial by heart . and then , the time being come there being a great concourse of men of the same phanatical principles , when the company heard all delivered by him without book , with a free readiness , and profound gravity , and unaffected composure of voice , looks , and gestures , and a very powerful emphasis in every part ; as indeed his talent was excellent that way ; they were strangely surprised and affected : professing , they had never heard a more sutable exhortation , or a more edifying exercise , even from the very best and most precious men of their own persuasion . but they were afterwards much more surprised and confounded , when the same person , who had officiated , assured the principal men among them , that not one period of all he had spoken was his own ; and convinc'd them by ocular demonstration , how all was taken word for word out of the very office ordained for that purpose , in the poor contemptible book of common prayer . whence he most reasonably inferr'd , how much their ill grounded prejudice , and mistaken zeal , had deluded them , that they should admire the same discourse , when they thought it an unprepared , unpremeditated , rapture : which they would have abominated , had they known it to be only a set form prescribed by authority . and from the same observation , we also may as justly infer , that all the coldness and dulnes , which too many , such abused and wanton spirits , have complain'd they find in set forms , is not really in the forms themselves ; in ours it is far otherwise . if there be any colour for the complaint , that can only proceed from a cold , flat , supine , insipid manner of repeating them . upon the whole matter it is most certain , that , in the public worship of god , nothing can be more grave , or moving , more lofty , or divine , either in the confessing , petitioning , or praising part , than where the thoughts and expressions are strictly weigh'd , and prudently reduced into standing unalterable forms : provided also , those very forms be not pronounced in a formal way ; but that they be assisted , inflamed , inspired , as i may say , with such a present ardour , and sprightly zeal in reading them , as will always make them seem to be extempore : extempore , i mean , in the new , ready , vehement manner of their pronunciation ; but set forms still , in the solid ripeness of the sense , and the due choice , and deliberate ordering of their phrases and figures ; which are the peculiar advantages of set forms : and therefore , so spoken , they will , in all reason , produce a far more real , unfeigned , and durable devotion , than all the other meerextempore , raw , and indigested effusions ought to pretend to . i should crave your pardon , that i have dwelt so long on this first head of advice . but it appear'd to me so very material , that i could not hastily pass it over : especially since what i have now said on this subject , may concern in common all your public ministrations , and is equally applicable , not only to the well-performing the daily morning and evening prayers throughout the year , both of ordinary days and sundays , and extraordinary fasts and festivals ; but also to the offices of baptism , matrimony , and the holy communion ; and indeed to every other part of our established liturgy : in all which , as the reader officiates better or worse , so most usually is their benefit and efficacy more or less on the minds of the hearers . nay , i will now make bold to go farther , to apply the usefulness of this counsel , not only to the praying part , but also to another part of your office , i am next to consider , which is that of preaching . i am verily persuaded , that the sermons preached every sunday in this one kingdom , by the church of england clergy in this age , are more excellent compositions of that kind , than have been delivered , in the same space of time , throughout the whole christian world besides . only let me take the freedom to suggest , that perhaps it would add much , tho' not to the solid and substantial part of such discourses , yet to their just popularity , and more general acceptance , and to the greater edification of our hearers , if we would universally addict our selves a little more to this study of pronunciation : by which advantages alone of the freedom , and life of their elocution , we know the preachers of some other nations do seem to reign and triumph in the pulpit , whilest their sermons , as far as we can judge by those we have of them in print ▪ are not comparable to the english. an observation , which , methinks , may rouze our preachers to out do them in this kind of perfection also : i mean , in a natural , comely , modest , yet undaunted force of pronunciation : not such as is full of over-action , and mimical gesticulations ; which , though some parties may admire for a time , and to serve a turn , yet the serious temper of our nation will never long approve or admit of . but i intend such a steddy composed , severe , decent , lively , and apposite managing your voices and gestures in the pulpit , as is best accommodated to the gravity and solidity of the english genius , and is also agreeable , as much as may be , to the simplicity , power , and height of the message you bring from heaven . the next great duty then of your priestly office , which comes in our way , being that of preaching , i shall begin with one short admonition , which , i confess , i am almost ashamed to give ; and yet it may be very expedient , that it should be given ; not , i declare , as a correction to any of you here present , for any thing past , but only in regard to the future , and for the sake of those who as yet are less experienced preachers , and young timorous beginners . the caution , in plain terms , is this , that every person , who undertakes this great employment , should make it a master of religion and and conscience , to preach nothing but what is the product of his own study , and of his own composing . i would not be mistaken , as if i should hereby condemn the reading of the homilies ; which were composed by the wisdom and piety of former times , and have been ever-since allowed , nay recommended , by our church , in some places , and upon some necessities to be used . i am so far from doing so , that i rather wish from my heart we were furnish'd with a larger stock of such learned plain , and orthodox discourses . there can be no manner of hurt , nay there is very great reason , that , upon some urgent occasions , a preacher should have liberty to take something out of that public treasury , which was laid up for that end , and has the stamp of authority upon it to make it current . my purpose is only to dissuade you from all unjust rapine of this kind , from all under-hand dealing with the private stores of particular persons . as to that , i dare avouch , it is far better and more advisable , even for the rawest practiser , to exhibit but very mean things of his own , at first , than to flourish it in the best of other mens sense and oratory . for he , who does never so ordinarily at first , provided it be from himself , may , and will do better , and better in time , by god's assistance , thro' fervent prayer , and indefatigable . attention to reading , and hearing , and practising to preach . whereas this sordid borrowing , this shameful , i had almost said , sacrilegious purloining from other mens labours , is an utter irreconcilable enemy to all manner of growth and improvement in divine learning , or eloquence . i will not now insist on the meaness of spirit , and perpetual fear , that must attend the consciousness of this guilt , lest it should be , some time or other , discover'd ; or on the shame and contempt that often happens to such pilferers upon the discovery . but besides all this , in truth , when once men have indulged themselves in this easie , but despicable and shuffling commerce , they seldom or never give it over ; nay , at last , they can very hardly give it over if they would . thence will succeed such a visible decay of parts , such a neglect of all serious studies , such a desuetude , and unaptness for regular thinking , such emptiness of invention and memory , such a diffidence of their own style , understanding and judgement ; that they , who at first made bold with others sermons , perhaps meerly out of idleness , will at length be forced to do it out of necessity ▪ it will unavoidably happen to this kind of thieves , as most commonly it does to all others ; they steal so long in their youth , and strength of age , because they will not work , that in their old age , they are compell'd to steal on , because they cannot work . but enough , or too much of this . i know to whom i speak ; to those , who , for ought i could ever observe , or hear , do not only preach , but themselves compose what they preach . yet i thought it became me to give this intimation , seeing , in my own small experience , i have been forced to deny orders to some persons , because i found them peccant in this very crime . i was at first exceedingly amazed to hear them produce most excellent sermons , whilest i found their gifts of nature , and abilities of learning , and knowledge , were far from being passable . but my wonder was soon over , when i manifestly discover'd , that nothing but their ignorance was their own , their sermons belonging of right to their betters . now then , my brethren , that we may come into the way again , after this unwelcome digression , in making our sermons , great regard ought to be had to the words , and to the matter ; great to both , tho' not equally great to both . your words and style should be simple , expressive , weighty , authoritative : and therefore , tho' not without some true art , yet not very artificial ; and rather void of all ornament , than over-adorn'd ; but as much scriptural as may be without affectation ; and as easie , familiar , and intelligible as possible . and perspicuity is always possible . nay it is almost impossible , that ones words should not be perspicuous , when his thoughts are clear , and untroubled , and the thing to be spoken of is throughly understood . when the matter is well invented , digested , and ordered in the mind , it very rarely happens , but the fittest and most expressive words will occur to the fancy and tongue of the speaker . verba non invita sequentur . next , since your matter must , of course , be either doctrinal or practical ; where it shall be meerly doctrinal , there it may suffice for your common auditories , and , in good truth , for all other , from the lowest to the very highest , that it be plain , sound , substantial , ancient , catholic ; seldom or never curiously drawn out into the fine threads of dispute and speculation , or , as the apostle terms them , oppositions of science falsly so called . it were indeed , much to be wished , that the agitating of all manner of controversies could be utterly excluded from the great work of saving souls , which is your special work. yet , because in times so degenerate from the primitive purity , and in this militant state of the christian church , it cannot be expected , that you should teach aptly , or oppose schism and heresie solidly , without touching sometimes , and entring upon some walks of controversies ; certainly the best way , in these inevitable cases , is never to meddle with such obscure subtilties , out of spiritual pride or ostentation , but meerly out of necessity ; and then only with the most necessary parts of them ; and then also that you be ever sure to keep close to the form of sound words used in the church , and to contain your selves within the known bounds of scripture determinations , in every controverted point , to deliver the faith to your people , as it was once deliverd to the saints . as little a lover then as i am of controversial divinity in the pulpit , yet i cannot be faithful to you , or to our mother the church of england , if i do not recommend two sorts of it to be seriously studied by you : but i must still say , rather to be studied than preach'd ; tho' preach'd too upon reasonable occasions . the first kind is that of the controversies between us and the church of rome . for we are not yet so exempt from fear on that quarter , that we should securely lay aside , and suffer to rust on the walls , those very arms , which , to the immortal praise of the parochial clergy , were so successfully managed by them , during the last great crisis of danger from the popish interest . i the rather mention these , because they are still almost in every mans hands ; and perhaps a judicious summ , and full epitome , collected out of them all , would be as useful a body of controversies on those questions , as any is yet extant . wherefore , that you may preserve your own , and the souls under your care , from infection , and be able to convince gainsayers , i exhort you all , according to your several stations and opportunities , to be still conversant and prepared in those very same arguments against the papists : yet , let me say also , not only now in those . for there is another sort of controversies , or rather blasphemous doctrines , reviv'd in this age , and which seem , indeed , to be the most cherish'd and darling tenents of the loose and antichristian part of the age ; i mean those execrable opinions against the incarnation and eternal godhead of our saviour , the satisfaction of his meritorious sufferings , and death , and the very being of the ever-blessed trinity : which being all of them the peculiar and distinguishing foundations of christianity , whatever they , who so directly oppose them , may at first pretend , yet they cannot but really tend to the destruction of the primitive faith in christ , and the introduction of another religion , new , and therefore abominable . wherefore , to maintain no less than the main fundamental points of our pure and vndefiled religion , you are now most zealously to apply your thoughts to the serious study of those divine mysteries . yet , if you please to take my judgment , after you shall be never so well furnish'd with weapons defensive , or offensive , of this nature , you should very rerely brandish , or so much as shew them in your ordinary pulpits ; never but when you cannot avoid it without betraying , or deserting the orthodox truth . and whenever you shall produce any of them in such auditories , even then , it were best done in a calm , positive , and didactical , rather than in a sharp , wrangling , or contentious way . but always take along with you , what i said before , to wade no farther in them , in your popular sermons , than as the scripture light primitively expounded shall plainly lead you . this may suffice , at present , touching the doctrinal and speculative part of your preaching . as to the other , which is the practical , in that i need not forewarn you to proceed with such reserve , or restraint . in the greatest abundance of that , if managed with any tolerable prudence , there can hardly be any manner of excess . most assuredly the less controversial , and the more practical your pulpit discourses are , the better they must be , and the more profitable . now , my dear brethren , the subject of this part of your sermons , being , as you cannot but know , so comprehensive and vast , as to take in the whole compass of all our spiritual and moral duties ; i say of moral also ; for , let none be deceived , moral preaching is of marvellous use where-ever it is subservient to the inspired doctrine of christianity , and does not strive to justle that , which is its principal , quite out of the pulpit : but , i say , the matter of your practical preaching being in it self so large , as to extend to all the precepts and promises . both of the law , and the gospel ; to all the temptations and corruptions of the world , the flesh , and the devil ; whereof the one ought to be the eternal argument of your exhortations , the other of your reproofs and admonitions : here it is especially , that i would beseech you all , with a brotherly tenderness , and oblige you , with a fatherly authority , to lay out the whole stress , and bent of your souls , to draw all your studies , all your learning , human or divine , all your eloquence , all your affections , all your zeal this way : this being the great work you have chosen for the business of your whole lives , and for which we all were so peculiarly dedicated to the service of god , and his church : and let me add , this being the great purpose , for which all scripture seems to have been given by inspiration of god : that it may be profitable for doctrine , for reproof , for correction . there is the chief end of all the doctrine you are to teach . but what follows ? for instruction in righteousness ; that the man of god may be perfect , throughly furnished to every good work. there is the great design of all the practice you are to inforce . i have dispatched what i thought proper now to say on this head of preaching , unless you will suffer me to name one very obvious caution ; which yet i cannot think to be ever the less necessary , for being so very obvious . the caution is , that in all your sermons , where you have occasion to praise any virtue , or dispraise any vice ; in all your commendations of what is bad ; you would always separate the good person from the good thing , and always distinguish the sinner from the sin : that is , that you would never put any one virtue , never any one vice , you are to deal with in the pulpit , into the habit or countenance of any one member of your congregations , so that they may be known thereby : in a word , that you would utterly shun , and abhor all personal flatteries of the good ; and all personal reflections on the wicked . as to the first of these extremes , that of flattery , i need only mention it here . that is seldom thought worthy of such plain country congregations , as yours generally are : 't were well , if it were as much excluded out of all other religious assemblies of better quality . it is indeed great pity , that such glosing and deceitful language should at last , in any measure , take sanctuary in the church ; when it had been so long , in all ages , by common consent of wise and good men , judg'd fit to be banish'd out of all other well-constituted societies . has it not been always found , by experience , that a flattering tongue is so far from increasing the virtues of the good , and the great , that it rather serves to deprave the real worth they might have before ? so that , as the psalmist says , the men who flatter with their tongue , have not only no faithfulness in their mouth , but their very throat is an open sepulcher . but , above all , it is most unbecoming the pulpit ; where men would seem to speak as from god , and with authority , which nothing can more debase or prostitute than flattery . as to the other excess , that of secret reflections , and malicious insinuations against , or open defamations of persons , i would absolutely dissuade you from the very shadow , and suspicion of it . i would intreat you all , in the bowels of our lord christ , that you would never , on any occasion , or accident , not even on the greatest provocation , do that affront to the honour and modesty of the pulpit , as to make it a place for any rudeness , or scurrility whatsoever . surely nothing can be more disgraceful to the reputation of your profession , or more destructive to edification , or more unbeseeming the gravity and charity of a church-of-england divine , than to make an ordinance so sacred ; and the word of god handled in it , become instrumental to your own private passions , animosities , or revenges . i am now arrived at the next great duty of your holy office , which is that of catechising ; not so much to recommend to you the duty it self ; tho' i might do that most earnestly and vehemently , and with some kind of episcopal expostulation and reprehension , if any where it should be totally neglected . but that i would not here so much as suppose . i cannot doubt but we are all of one mind , touching the inexpressible advantages of this ordinance in general ; we especially who have lived in these times . we cannot but be abundantly convinced of it by a woful and dear-bought experience : since it is evident , that the far greater part of the monstrous looseness of opinions , and profane enormity of manners , which overwhelm'd the whole face of the last age , and has too much descended on this , did remarkably proceed from the notorious defect , or universal omission of orthodox catechising , during the calamities and confusions of the great rebellion . wherefore , touching the imminent necessity of restoring , or , i may well hope rather , among you , of continuing this first part of christian discipline , i make sure account we are all agreed . the only thing , to be debated , is the manner , how this holy exercise may be so put in use , that the blessed ends , which , i am assured , we all aim at alike , may be attained . without all controversie then , the first practice of your regular catechising , in all your churches , ought to be in the very same order , and on the same materials , which the church catechism has traced out , and the law has injoin'd . i would therefore desire you all to begin , or rather incourage you to go on , plainly and literally in that way , with a strict consinement of your catechumens , as they may be called , to that very compendious introduction ; to have your youth throughly versed , and instructed perfectly in all the questions and answers there prescribed . this ought by no means to be left undone in the smallest or poorest of your country cures ; where the highest capacities are not at first above , and the lowest can scarce be below , this kind of plain information . but in greater towns , where the youth are somewhat better educated , and so should be more capable of improvement , there , supposing still you never omit the other more simple way , you may , by degrees , with a sober , and discreet pace , proceed farther ; i will not say , by inlarging the foundations , but by raising the building higher on the same compass of ground . and this i have known done with very remarkable fruit , and benefit to the learners , in a familiar method , whereof i will only trace out to you the imperfect draught ▪ which , by time and custom , you may easily advance , and complete . the method is this , that to every article , and every clause of it , in the church catechism , after they have learnt them by heart , you should annex , at first , some such texts of scripture , as may suffice to prove the matter contain'd in them , and do it in the fewest words , and clearest to the purpose . these texts you should induce your young disciples to repeat often , and perfectly without book , together with each article , and should begin to let them understand , by a very brief exposition , how evidently each scripture proves each article . then , by degrees , after they shall be made intimately acquainted with that first sett of texts , you may more securely add other quotations out of the bible , somewhat larger , but still tending to the same purpose ; and when you have explain'd them , in the like manner , but more copiously , you may cause those also to be learnt as exactly , and repeated as readily as the former . and the same course you may begin , and go through with again , still adding more texts , and more distinctly dividing the parts , and members of the several articles , as often as you shall find it practicable , or convenient . thus , whilest you do not over-burden tender minds , but softly instil these instructions into them , drop after drop , the children , you have undertaken in this way , so very little out of the common rode , and many also of riper years , who shall be present , and attentive , will , beyond their own , and even your first expectation , come to have treasured up , almost unawares , in their minds , a little body , as it were , of orthodox divinity : which cannot but be all orthodox , all primitive , as being , without mixture , purely collected out of the holy scriptures . with the scriptures , by this means , their memories will unperceivably be filled ; yet not so as only to fit them to cant with unseasonably , in common discourse , but so as to instruct or confirm their judgments , and teach them to apply properly , what they shall there read , to every part of a sober christians belief , or practical duty . in this great article of catechising , i would offer one honest direction more . it is , that you should not so much aim in it at the length of the exercise , or at the perpetual changing of your thoughts and expressions , as at the sound bottom , on which you build your discourse , and the solid , unmovable ground of each doctrine , whereon you fix your explanations ; tho' your performance each time be the shorter , so it be not unreasonably short , and tho' your words , and phrases , may happen frequently to be the same , and repeated more than once . in truth , i would , if i durst , offer some such advice also as to your preaching . but i know the common vogue is against my real opinion in this matter . and therefore i must handle this point the more tenderly . it is indeed a very great burden , that the humour of the people , and our own too , in some measure , has laid on our profession : such as , i think , no other calling , or way of life , were ever willing to lay on themselves ; no , nor any other nation , that i know of , has exacted in so high a degree , from their clergy ; that you should twice or once a week , at least , always present your auditories with new sermons ; and those also to be composed with the care and accuracy , almost of elaborate , and complete treatises . whereas i am sure , in the business of catechising , and most probably , the same will be found true in preaching also , that a sound , substantial , well-collected , and well-woven provision , of plain , instructive , godly , and devout discourses , altered , and increased , according to the teachers growing abilities , and used over , and over , tho' in the same desks , or pulpits , would be more edifying , and sink deeper into the minds , and consciences of the hearers , than all the greatest afluence , and redundance of new words , and phrases multiply'd , or interchanged , which the most fanciful , copious catechist , or preacher can devise . i have known some very learned and pious men , and excellent preachers , and zealous lovers of our church , and country ; whose welfare and prosperity they wisely judg'd to be inseparably join'd ; i say i have known these persons affectionately declare their wishes that some such order , as this i shall subjoin , were observed by the greatest part , if not by all our parochial ministers . that , on the very entring into their ministry , or at any time afterwards , if they have not done it before , they would set themselves to draw out the general lineaments , and larger members of a whole years , or perhaps a two years course of catechisms , and sermons : following therein the annual method of our churches devotions , or any other scheme they shall approve , and form to themselves ; provided it comprizes all the main points of christian doctrine , and practice . that on this stock they should set up ; and , in the first , and second year , begin to fill up the void spaces , and lay the first colours , towards the finishing , as well as their sufficiency will then allow ; still collecting , and conveying all the streams of their useful reading and learning into those common receptacles and channels ; and so successively preaching them on , as the year turns round . that ever after , in the whole progress of their ministry , they should still be adding to , or cutting off from , or polishing those first imperfect ideas ; altering the method , and shape of the whole , if needful ; inforcing , or increasing the arguments , illustrations , and amplisications , if wanting ; inserting new doctrines before-unobserved , making new practical inferences before-untouched , as their judgements , or light , or experience shall improve ; but especially , still drawing more , and more , over all , a new beautiful skin , and the lovely features of scripture language : and then , without scruple , or disguise , should preach them again , and again , so corrected , augmented , and in some part renewed . and i have heard these very wise persons , some of them most excellent fathers of our church , often conclude , that , by this , or some such method , any preacher , tho' of no extraordinary-bright endowments at first , yet of an honest mind , clear sense , unwearied industry , and judicious learning , would , in process of time , in all likelihood , have by him in store , a complete , domestic , course of sound , well-compacted , affecting sermons ; that , by god's blessing , might with the just advantages of delivery , be of far greater use to his conscientious hearers , than all that pompous novelty , and counterfeit variety , which some others may boast of . i say counterfeit variety . for so indeed it is often , upon tryal , found to be . and now i have faithfully told you the opinion of those great men , i will presume , under so safe a shelter , to disclose my own thoughts in this business ; yet still with all deference , and candour towards any , who may differ from me in this particular . we have lived in an age , when the two gifts , as they are wont to be call'd , of extempore praying , and extempore preaching , have been more pretended to , and magnified , than , i believe , they ever were before , or , i hope , ever will be again , in this church and nation . yet , for all i could ever learn , or observe , the most sudden readiness , and most profuse exuberancy , in either of these ways , has been only extempore in shew and appearance , and very frequently but a cunningly-dissembled change of the very same matter , and words often repeated , tho' not in the same order . as to that of extempore praying , which therefore too many mistake for praying by the spirit ; it is manifest , that the most exercised , and most redundant faculty , in that kind , is , in reality , only praying by the fancy , or , the memory , not by the spirit . they do but vary , and remove the scripture style , and language , or their own , into as many places , and shapes , and figures , as they can . and tho' they have acquired never so plentiful a stock of them , yet still the same phrases , and expressions , do so often come about again , that the disguise may quickly be seen through , by any attentive and intelligent hearer . so that , in plain terms , they who think themselves most skilful in this art , do really , all the while , only pray in set forms disorderly set , and never ranged into a certain method . for which cause , tho' they may not seem to be set forms to their deluded auditors , yet they are so in themselves ; and the very persons who use them most variously , and most artificially , cannot but know them to be so . this , my brethren , seems to be all the great mystery of the so much boasted power of extempore praying . and why may not the like be affirm'd , in great measure , of extempore preaching , which has so near an affinity with the other ? is not this also , at the bottom , only a more crafty management of the same phrases and observations , the same doctrines , and applications , which they had before provided , and composed , and reserved in their memories ? do but hear the most voluble masters in this way , once or twice , or perhaps oftner , as far as their changes shall reach , and at first , no doubt , you will be inclined to wonder at the strange agility of their imaginations , and compass of their inventions , and nimbleness of their utterance . but if you shall attend them calmly , and constantly , the vizour will be quickly pull'd off , tho' they manage it never so dextrously : you will at last find , they only walk forward , and backward , and round about : one , it may be , in a larger labyrinth than another ; but in a labyrinth still ; through the same turnings and windings again , and again , and , for the most part , guided by the same clue . the explanations , perhaps , of their texts , the connexions , and transitions of the parts , and some sudden glosses , and descants , and flights of fancy ▪ may seem new to you . but the material points of doctrine , and the common places , to which , upon any loss , or necessity , they have recourse , these they frequently repeat , and apply , to several subjects , with very little alterations in the substance , oftentimes not in the words . these are the constant paths , which they scruple not to walk over , and over again , 'till , if you follow them very close , you may perceive , amidst all their extempore pretensions , they often tread in the same rounds 'till they have trodden them bare enough . but , god be thanked , the church of england neither requires , nor stands in need of any such raptural ( if i may so call it ) or enthusiastical spirit of preaching . here the more advised , and modest , the more deliberate and prepared the preacher is , the better he is furnished , by god's grace , to deliver effectually our churches solid sense , its fixed precepts , its unalterable doctrines . our church pretends not to enter into mens judgements ; meerly by the affections ; much less by the passions to overthrow their judgements . the door , which that strives first to open , is of the understanding , and conscience : it is content , if by them , a passage shall be made into the affections . i have detain'd you the longer on this argument , because i am perfectly convinced , that although one , or two preachers in an age , or perhaps some few more , men of extraordinary parts , assurance of mind , and volubility of tongue , may , by long use , make a remarkable blaze , for a time , in this sudden , unstudied way : yet , if it should ever become the general custom of the whole english clergy , it would produce little more than ignorance and confidence in many of our preachers , and tempt many of the laity , who presume themselves to be equally gifted , to think they had an equal right to the ministry . but what need i say any more of this matter ? it is confess'd on all hands , that if an extempore kind of preaching had been universally put in use among us , from the beginning of our reformation , the whole church of christ had been much impoverished thereby , had been deprived of the best treasury of sermons , that ever it was inrich'd with , since the apostles , and their successors , and the primitive fathers times . there is still behind one solemn duty more , belonging to all of us , wherein i would willingly suggest one serious word of counsel : and it concerns the office of visiting the sick. i would not doubt , but herein you generally do your parts , diligently , piously , and prudently . but there are some things in this , as well as in the others before-mentioned , touching the manner of doing it , whereof the observation may be of a peculiar and signal benefit to your selves , as well as to your spiritual patients . if you please to consult the rubricks relating to this office , you will find , you are more left to your own liberty in this , than , i think , in any of the rest . for this duty of friendship , and charity , being supposed to be more in private , the rule it self in the liturgy seems to give way to , nay to direct some occasional admonitions , and exhortations , to which i do not remember , it does equally impower you in any of the rest , out of the pulpit . wherefore , to prepare your thoughts , and to replenish your minds throughly for this work not only of ministerial duty , but of compassion , and brotherly love , you shall not only do well to furnish your memories , with a plentiful store of pious , moving , affectionate expressions , out of the book of psalms , and other practical and devotional parts of the holy scriptures first ; and , next to them , out of our own liturgy ; and all these to be casually used , as shall be most proper : but principally i would persuade you , to have some good , sound body of casuistical divinity , of your own studying i mean , to be always at hand , that is , in your hearts , as well as heads . you can scarce imagine , unless you have try'd it , as , i hope , some of you have , of what unspeakable use this divine science of cases of conscience will be to you upon any sudden , unforeseen emergency in such ghostly visits . indeed the being a sound , and well-experienced casuist is also a most excellent qualification , towards all the other ends of your ministerial office ; there being no kind of skill , or proficiency in all your theological studies , that more becomes a divine of the church of england ; whose highest spiritual art is to speak directly from his own conscience to the consciences of those under his pastoral care : and this at all times ; but most especially when they are on their sick-beds : when mens consciences are usually most awakened , most managable , most truly tender , and capable of the best impressions . so that i say it again , and can never say it too often , one of the most necessary provisions , and instruments of your sacred armory , which you are always to carry about with you , in your own souls , ( for there it is best lodged ; thence it will be drawn forth , on all occasions , with the quickest expedition , ) is such a firm sense , and general scheme of the primitive , uncorrupt , practical , casuistical divinity : such as , on the one side , is purged from the spiritual crafts , and equivocations of the jesuits , and , on the other , is freed from the narrowness and sourness of enthusiasm . i told you even now , it highly concern'd you all to be well stock'd with plenty of good matter for present use , in the visitation of the sick ; and that for your own sakes as much as theirs . and , in truth , so it is . a clergy-man can , no way better , have his own affections , and passions regulated , tempered , soften'd , mortified , sanctified , than by frequently performing this office in a right godly manner . by thus often seeing death before our eyes , in all its ghastly shapes , we cannot , if it be not the fault of our own insensibility , but be the better accustomed , and made skilful to teach the whole , and the healthful , how to prepare to meet that king of terrors . by these spiritual anatomies of the dying , ( if i may be allowed to use so bold a metaphor , ) we cannot but be made more expert in discerning the inward frames and constitutions of the living , and to apply the properest remedies to the diseases of their souls . and , to instance now only in one duty of such a faithful spiritual physician , that of relieving and refreshing the conscience throughly searched and purged , and of comforting and restoring the true penitent , what , i beseech you , can be a more god-like work among men , than for us to be humbly serviceable in that , which god owns to be his work , to be skill'd in not breaking the bruised reed , and not quenching the smoaking flax ? to be instrumental in performing our lords own office , under the parable of the good samaritan , in binding up the wounded spirit , and pouring wine , and oyl into it ? what can more adorn your evangelical ministry , than a soft , melting , compassionate , fellow-feeling , merciful habit , and disposition of mind , and , as the scripture styles it , the ornament of a meek spirit ? or , where can such a blessed temper be more seasonably practised , or sooner learn'd and increas'd , than in the chambers of sick and dying persons ? now , my dear brethren , having all along insisted , that , for the furnishing and inriching your minds with spiritual knowledge , towards the due performing these , and all other offices of your holy profession , you should make the holy scriptures the principal subject , and indeed the only final center of all your studies ; that your doctrine should never swerve from that unerring rule ; your very words , language , and style , should every where tast of , and overflow with those living , and inexhaustible streams of truth , and godliness ; it may be expected , that , for the sake only of the younger divines among you , i should add a word or two , touching the manner , and method , of your studying these sacred writings . it is indeed a business too large to be drawn within the narrow compass of the conclusion of such a discourse . but since a true , at least a competent understanding of this blessed book , ought to be the beginning , and end of all our spiritual studies ; and because i may speak to some , whose circumstances in this world are not so plentiful , as to enable them to purchase large libraries ; yet their industry is by no means to be discouraged , nor their zeal , in pursuing this holy skill , abated ; i will open to you my own simple apprehensions in this matter , with submission still to better judgements . my opinion is , that altho' , without question , all manner of secular , or ecclesiastical learning , can never be more usefully employ'd , than in this search , and is all little enough for it , and too little to compleat it ; yet , when all is done , the scripture it self is the best expositor , the best commentator on it self . it is apparent , that the whole new testament is so to the whole old testament ; that being the real light of the others figurative darkness , and mysteries ; the very consummation of the others prophecies , and shadows of good things to come . but i will also aver , that every part , every book , every sentence almost , both of the old and the new testament , well-compared , and judiciously set one over against the other , in their right view , and reflection , cannot but prove , by god's blessing , an inestimable explanation of each other : if a due and accurate care , i say , be taken to interpret their difficult texts , by others of their own , that are easier ; and to collate their words , phrases , and sense , that may seem dark , or doubtful in some places , with the same , or the like in other places , where they are clearer and more intelligible . i cannot forbear , as i go along , to declare my meaning a little fuller in this matter , by one special instance . for , consider , i pray , how is it possible for any , the most learned , or sagacious student in divinity , to conceive the true , and genuine sense of the eloquent and divine epistle to the hebrews , except he has been also throughly conversant in the writings of moses ? or where can there be found a clearer , a more spiritual , and more illustrious commentary on the whole ritual part of the pentateuch , than the epistle to the hebrews ? the like also may be proved of all other portions of the holy book of god. and indeed to manifest , what mutual brightness , and splendor , the scripture gives to and takes from it self , by comparing its several parts , i need only urge the frequent practice of our saviour himself , and the inspired pen-men of the gospel , in thus expounding the old law by the new , and the new by the old. so that now i may with greater freedom propound my humble conceptions in this matter ; that where multitudes of fathers , councils , schoolmen , histories are wanting , ( which are all very beneficial helps , where they can be had , but , where they cannot be come at , ) if a clergy-man shall resort immediately to the fountain it self , first , and always imploring the assistance of that divine spirit , by which the scriptures were written , and then , with a sincere love of the truth , and resolution to live according to it , without which god will neither hear our prayers , nor bless our endeavours ; and also with an humble heart , a devout mind , and unquenchable fervour of spirit , and a right unbyass'd judgement ; join'd with a sufficient skill in the original languages , and in those other introductory studies ; which no man in holy orders , if it be not the bishop's fault , as well as his own , can possibly be altogether to seek in : and if withal he shall be assisted with some of the ancient , and some few of the modern sound , and orthodox commentaries ; he will , in all human probability , by an incessant , daily , and nightly meditating upon , and revolving in his mind , the divine text it self , become , in time , tho' not perhaps , as apollos is said to have been , eloquent , and mighty in the scriptures , yet a workman that needeth not to be ashamed , rightly dividing the word of truth . the more to incourage your studies in this method , if you shall be necessitated to it , give me leave to present you with one example of a great divine , and bishop , in the time of king charles the first , who was one of the most eminent confessors then , and survived those calamities , to die in peace and tranquillity , several years after the return of king charles the second . in the common persecution , which then happened to the whole episcopal order , this reverend person was exposed to a more than ordinary degree of popular malice , and rage ; so that , without ever being once brought to his tryal , he was closely imprisoned in the tower , for almost twenty years , and was not only despoil'd of his annual revenue , and personal estate , in the first fury of the civil wars ; but was also plunder'd of most of the collections of his former labours , and a very considerable library . wherefore , being thus laid up in prison , without any prospect of liberty , having also a numerous family to maintain , so that he was not able , in any sort , to repair the loss of his books , and papers , he betook himself to this course of study . well-knowing , that he could have no faithfuller companion for his solitude , nor surer consolation in his afflictions , than the holy scriptures , he applied himself to them immediately , with little other help , but what he had within himself , and the best prints of the originals in the learned tongues , and their translations in the learned , and modern , in both which he was a great master . thus however he firmly , and vigorously proceeded so far in the single study of the scriptures , that long before his enlargement , he had composed a great mass of annotations on divers parts of the bible . what is become of them , i know not . if they are either imbezill'd , or suppress'd , no doubt , it is to the great damage of the church ; since the native thoughts of a great man are generally , at least , as good as the most artificial . perhaps you will say , he might be able to do all this by the strength of his memory , and the variety of learning he had laid up in it before-hand : and i make no doubt but those were an exceeding great assistance to him . but what was very remarkable , and for which i am bold to produce him as an instance worthy your imitation in this particular , i know , he was often heard to profess solemnly , that in all his former studies , and various reading , and observations , he had never met with a more useful guide , or a surer interpreter , to direct his paths in the dark places of the lively oracles , to give information to his understanding in the obscure passages , or satisfaction to his conscience in the experimental truths of them , than when he was thus driven by necessity , to the assiduous contemplation of the scripture alone , and to weigh it by it self , as it were , in the ballance of the sanctuary . had i not been already so tedious , there is one particular behind , on which i ought most justly to have expatiated , which now i can only name ; and it is that touching the manner of your conversation ; that it be such , as may render you vessels , not only sanctified , but meet for your masters vse , and , as st. paul also adds , vessels of honour . i would therefore recommend to men of your character , not only the innocency , and sincerity , but ( as much as human frailties will allow , ) the comeliness , and the amiableness of every word , and action of your lives : that you especially would not only strive to follow whatsoever things are true , or honest , or just , but moreover whatsoever things are pure and lovely , and of good report ; that you would think on these things , not only if there be any virtue , but if there be any praise of virtue . from you , my brethren , it may well be expected ▪ that your behavior should not only be unblameable , but , if i may be permitted so to say , something more than strictly unblameable , and that not only to those within , but also towards them who as yet are without ; that you should not only keep your minds clean , your hands unpolluted , your tongues well-govern'd , your whole course of life spotless , and upright , and your consciences undefiled , but also your consciences void of offence , and that towards men , as well as towards god : that you may be not only exemplary in your families , in your parishes , in the neighbouring country , in the whole church of god , to the gentry , to the laity , to your brethren of the clergy , to the commonalty of our communion , for your justice , modesty , sobriety , prudence , quietness , and obedience to superiors ; but that you would exercise , and extend all these virtues , and also your humility , long-suffering , good will , good wishes , condescention , and affability , even beyond the church it self , to the very enemies of it : that towards all men you would sweeten the gravity of your behaviour , and soften the strictness of your conversation , with the gentleness , and suavity of your manners : that you would take special care , as never to be obstinately in the wrong , so , when you are sure you are in the right , even then never to be too rigidly , austerely , or morosely in the right : that by all reasonable respects , mild and winning converse , and not only by a ready return , but by a chearful prevention of all christian good offices ; and even by making your very oppositions , and contentions with those , that differ from you , if you shall happen to be forced to any , as humane and friendly , and easie to be intreated , as possible ; by all this you may do your part to put to silence the ignorance of foolish and unreasonable men. who knows but you may convert , and gain some of them ? who knows , but by your thus following not only righteousness , and faith , but peace and charity ; by your being not only apt to teach , but gentle to all men , and patient , in meekness instructing those that oppose themselves ; who knows , but by these means god peradventure will give the fiercest adversaries of our church repentance to the acknowledging of the truth ? most certainly by these means , or by no other , in all human probability . i cannot now enlarge , as i would , on this most necessary and seasonable argument . but unquestionably by thus keeping your selves free from haughty censoriousness , and untractable peevishness , and sullen darkness of life , and manners ; and by excelling in the contrary virtues , you will , in the best way , teach and convince all that dissent from you , how unworthy such a pharisaical garb , and disposition is of the true christian liberty , or severity . in short , by such a grave , sedate , decent , charitable course , and colour of your whole lives , you will do your selves , and especially the church of england most right . for our church it self , wherever she is set in a true light , cannot but be found to be most of this sweet , meek , and truly pacific temper , of any church in the christian world. i conclude therefore . whoever among her sons , and members , much more among her teachers , and fathers , as you , and we are , shall not do their utmost , to attain to this gentle , obliging , charming manner of conversation , which our church prescribes towards all men , adversaries as well as friends , i must repeat what our blessed saviour said to his disciples , on the like occasion , they know not what spirit they are of . there is one or two short requests more i am to make you , which chiefly respect me , as your unworthy bishop ; and then i shall give ease to your patience . one is to intreat , that you would be exceeding watchful , and indeed religiously serupulous , for whom you give certificates and testimonials . for what some of you , perhaps out of good nature , or good neighbourhood , or an easiness , and not being able to resist importunity , may at first think to be only a matter of form , is not so to me . i have scarce any other way possible of being rightly informed , from without , of the good lives , or sufficient endowments of the persons , but only by yours , and the like testimonies . the law of the land appoints that method to me , and almost confines me to it . whereas , if you make this to be only a business of private favour , or partiality , not of public judgement , and conscience , i may chance to be led into very mischievous , and sometimes irreparable mistakes ; only by that , which you may esteem but as a piece of bashfulness , and good breeding : i may be induced to lay hands on the ignorant , and unworthy , meerly by the authority of your names , the subscribing of which you might think to be only an office of common humanity and modesty . my next and last request to you , at this time , shall concern your curates . this it may suffice only to intimate to you . i know , i need not spend many words on it in this assembly ; because there is but a very small inconsiderable number of pluralists in my diocese . i am persuaded , they will be found upon inquiry the fewest of any in 〈…〉 . i cannot but say , i could be very well content there were more : especially if all , so qualified , would be rigorously true to the church , in their choice of substitutes , where they cannot always reside themselves . for , as i will frankly own , i never yet heard an invincible objection , against the prudent allowance , and moderate use of pluralities ; but only some plausible popular ones against the abuse of them ; which we are as much offended with as any others can be : so , i verily believe , were this legal indulgence to the clergy so carefully observed every where , as , among divers other good ends of it , to furnish us with a race of painful , learned , godly curates ; who , by this way of probation , may make , and shew themselves worthy to be promoted to a higher charge ; there pluralities would be so far from being a scandal , or prejudice , that they would conduce to the strength , and defence , as well as they do to the ease , and ornament of the church of england . the great obligation then i am to lay upon you ; you , i mean , whom it does at present concern , is this , that you would be very unmovably faithful to me , to your selves , and to the whole church of god , in the persons , whom , on just occasions , you shall offer to me to be your curates . i do not only intend , that you should never own , or patronize any , as your curates , who really are not so , that , under that colour , by false titles , they may slip into holy orders . but i speak of such instances where you really have need of , and the law allows you to have curates . in such cases , it is my earnest intreaty , that you would not only keep all the legal times of your own residence , and hospitality ; and not only afford your curates a liberal maintenance in your absence ; liberal , i mean , not only for their own livelihood , but for their continuing some kind of hospitality too , to the poor at least : but that you , you especially , who are of greater age , and experience , would watch over your curates as your fellow-labourers , your friends , your probationers ; for whose improvement , in divine learning , godly conversation , and abilities of teaching , you ▪ or i , must be answerable to the great shepherd of our souls . but it is high time to dismiss you . i beseech almighty god to assist , and prosper all your labours , to his glory , and your own comfort in the great day of account . towards the obtaining which blessed ends , you can never think of any better ▪ or indeed of any other means , than by living up ▪ in your private conversation , to the religion you profess , and teach others ; and , in your public office , by defending and supporting the church established by law in this kingdom . a religion , and a church , that well deserves all this at your hands ; being in its faith most primitive , in its orders most apostolical ; in its discipline most moderate ; in its charity most diffusive ; in its devotions most spiritual as to the substance ; most decent as to the circumstances . in few words , in its interests it is inviolably united with the laws and rights , with the well-being , i had almost said with the being , of the english nation and government : in its principles , it is irreconcilable with the interests of popery , and the only impregnable defence against its return into this land : which , it is much to be lamented , that the dissenters will not see , and are therefore dissenters , since it is evident , the papists themselves have always seen it but too well . what then remains ? but that as christians , as english-men , as church-men , we should all make it our principal , our only great concern , and pray to god the father of mercies , that all others of our character , throughout the nation , would make it theirs ; to represent to the world the true excellencies of such a religion , and such a church , by our doctrine and example , with industry , and vigilance , with stedfastness , and courage , in meekness of wisdom , and with zeal according to knowledge . and if we shall all , in this manner , devote our selves to this work , we may then be assured , that the same promise , which our lord christ , in some of his last words on earth , made to his whole church , will be eminently made good to this , the purest part of it in these latter ages of christianity , that he himself will be alway with it even to the end of the world. amen . finis . monsieur bossu's treatise of the epick poem containing many curious reflexions, very useful and necessary for the right understanding and judging of the excellencies of homer and virgil / done into english from the french, with a new original preface upon the same subject, by w.j. ; to which are added, an essay upon satyr, by monsieur d'acier ; and a treatise upon pastorals, by monsieur fontanelle. traité du poème épique. english le bossu, rené, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing l estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) monsieur bossu's treatise of the epick poem containing many curious reflexions, very useful and necessary for the right understanding and judging of the excellencies of homer and virgil / done into english from the french, with a new original preface upon the same subject, by w.j. ; to which are added, an essay upon satyr, by monsieur d'acier ; and a treatise upon pastorals, by monsieur fontanelle. traité du poème épique. english le bossu, rené, - . w. j. dacier, andré, - . essay upon satyr. fontenelle, m. de (bernard le bovier), - . of pastorals. [ ], p. printed for tho. bennet ..., london : . translation of: traité du poème épique. first ed. of this translation. cf. bm. errata: p. 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ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng homer. virgil. aristotle. -- poetics. epic poetry -- history and criticism. pastoral poetry -- history and criticism. satire. poetry -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - john latta sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion monsieur bossv's treatise of the epick poem : containing many curious reflexions , very useful and necessary for the right understanding and judging of the excellencies of homer and virgil . done into english from the french , with a new original preface upon the same subject , by w. j. to which are added , an essay upon satyr , by monsieur d'acier ; and a treatise upon pastorals , by monsieur fontanelle . london , printed for tho. bennet at the half-moon in st. paul's church-yard , . to the honoured richard blackmore , doctor of physick , and fellow of the college of physicians in london . sir , the ensuing treatise , since it has learned to speak english , seems , by a peculiar kind of title , to lay a more especial claim to your patronage , than to any others . for though the translator be a perfect stranger to you , yet the author , which he has ventur'd to translate , is well known by all to be one you are intimately acquainted with : witness your excellent prince arthur , wherein you have in a great measure confin'd your self to the rules and precepts which aristotle and horace , and even our bossu , have prescrib'd to the epick poem . 't is upon this account , sir , that i presume to cast this translation under your protection ; not questioning but , as the good-natur'd critick is always the poet's friend ; so now , vice versâ , the generous poet will stand the criticks friend , and suffer his impartial reflexions to appear in the english world under the patronage of so great a name . i might here run out into high and just encomiums upon your late extraordinary performance ; but there is no need for it , since the work loudly speaks forth its own praises : and i should rather seem unjust in saying too little , than be thought guilty of flattery for saying too much in its commendation . i have , sir , in the preface , ventur'd to make some few reflexions on your poem , and hope you have candour enough to excuse the freedom i have taken therein . if i have offended , or committed any mistake , i here declare my self willing and ready to retract upon due conviction ; and shall be always forward to submit my self to the sentence of better judgments . all i have more to say , is , to beg pardon for my presumption , in desiring to prefix your name before my weak performance ; which favour i hope you will grant to , honoured sir , your very oblig'd and humble servant , ( though unknown ) w. j. the preface of the translator . 't is sir roger l'estrange's jocular remark in his preface before his english tully's offices , that a man had as good go to court without a cravat , as appear in print without a preface : and therefore , because my author has none , it may be expected i should preface it for him . but since i undertake to personate so great a critick as the learned bossu ; it may to some seem requisite ( let me be never so meanly qualified for such an undertaking ) that i should give the world some account of poetry in general , and especially of the epick poem in particular . as for poetry in general , i shall not trouble my head much about it at present ; the world has had enough on that subject already , and by much abler pens . that its nature is divine , that it owes its original to heaven ; how from small beginnings it rose at last to that lustre we find it in , in homer's and virgil's days ; and withal what strange effects it always had upon the minds of men : these things , and much to the same purpose have been told over and over , and need not be repeated here . not only aristotle and horace , but their commentators and the criticks , not only of our own but other nations , have made it their business to set forth its excellence , and to recommend it to mankind as the noblest humane ( i had almost said divine ) art that is . besides , that its true use and end is to instruct and profit the world more than to delight and please it , has been so fully and clearly made out , by d'acier in his preface before his reflections on aristotle's poesie , and lately by our own country-man the learned dr. blackmore in his preface before his prince arthur , that i think my self exempted in a great measure from that task likewise . but however , it cannot but with a blush be confessed , that most of our modern poets seem to have diverted the true design of poetry to one of a quite contrary nature , whilst they study rather to please the debauch'd world in their own way , than to give them any wholesome instruction to become wiser and better . to such as these therefore it would be adviseable to consult dr. blackmore's preface , and the third chapter of the fourth book in the ensuing treatise : and they will there find how much the being a man of probity and vertue is to be preferr'd , to the being a debauch'd , complaisant and temporizing poet. they would do well to consider , that all the reproach and scandal which is cast upon poetry and themselves , is in a great measure owing to their own ill conduct . for when the unthoughtful many see men of debauch'd principles usurp to themselves the sacred name of poet ; when they see base , servile , mercenary souls prostitute their pens to mean , sordid , and unbecoming subjects , such as lewd and profane plays , abusive and scurillous farces , lascivious odes ; and wanton sonnets ; they think they have reason to look upon poets with contempt , and to stile them the scum of mankind . and it were well if their censures went no farther , and only touch'd those that deserv'd them ; but they go on , and conclude that poetry it self is in all the fault , and that 't is this that is the cause of so much extravagancy and debauchery in the world. but it does not follow , because many , that pretend to poetry , do by their infamous practices bring a scandal upon it ; and because an ill natured multitude , that has little or no relish for such sort of things , casts dirt upon it ; i say it does not follow from thence , that poetry is ever the worse . for at this rate religion it self , though the best thing in the world , yet is vilified and scandaliz'd by too many , and would fall under the same uncharitable censure . in spite therefore of malice , envy , and detraction of its enemies , and notwithstanding all the contempt and scandal cast upon it , by its pretended friends and votaries , it has been , and will still be accounted a noble thing by the wiser and the better part of mankind . now whatever is said in favour of poetry in general , may in a great measure be applied to the epick poem in particular ; that being the principal and most sublime part of all poesle , and what rapin with a great deal of reason affirms to be the greatest work humane wit is capable of . i might here shew at large how far it does excel the other two parts of great poetry , tragedy and comedy : but this every one acknowledges , even those who are the greatest admirers of , and pretenders to the drama ; and 't is this that my author sufficiently makes out in several passages of his treatise ; so that i think my self excus'd from that invidious task . my present business shall be only to consider , how excellent it is in its own nature ; what a vast , universal , and judicious genius it requires ; what surprizing effects it has had in the world when duly perform'd ; what encouragement it met with among the ancients ; and the reasons of its declining state among the moderns . nor do i desire , even in this , to dictate any thing , but with all submission refer what i say to the verdict of better judgments . the excellency of the epick poem appears , in that , as we hinted before , 't is the principal , and most sublime part of all poesie . 't is that on which the most commendations , the highest praises , and the largest , freshest garlands are , and have been bestow'd . but this only gives us a general notion of its greatness , we may see it in its clearest lustre , if we would but take a particular view of its nature and design . and because i cannot express it better and more concisely in my own , i shall make bold to use my author's words . the epopéa , or epick poem ( says he ) is a discourse or story invented by art to form mens manners by such instructions as are disguis'd under the allegory of some one important action , which is related in verse after a probable , diverting , and surprising manner . here you have a short , but full and clear idea of the nature and design of the epick poem . i shall not here spend time to explain the parts of this definition ; 't is so fully and clearly done in the ensuing treatise , that it needs no farther illustration . now what , according to this account , can be more great and noble ? to regulate mens manners ; to purge and refine them from the dregs , and corruptions of vice ; to keep their passions within due bounds , and to make them the servants , not the masters of right reason , has in all ages been esteemed a piece of the highest prudence , and a great perfection of humane nature . hence the moralist himself deservedly derives all his glory . but if he merits much , the epick poet merits much more . the one indeed by his plain , convincing instructions can prevail upon those , whose minds are unprejudic'd , and whose reason is rightly inform'd : but the other by the charms and allurements of his precepts breaks through all opposition , conquers all prejudice , insinuates himself into the inmost recesses of the soul , and makes a thorough convert of the most obstinate immoralist . the epick poet , to back all , makes use of frequent examples , the strongest arguments to perswade men to be vertuous ; and his whole piece is an imitation of such things as may probably happen . to conclude , he like a skillful physician mixes sweet with bitter , that which is pleasant with the profitable , and gilds o'er the unsightly pill , that so even the nauseous but wholesome physick might steal down the better . i know there may be some , who utterly dislike this way , and cry 't is too trickish , fit only to cajole women and delude children . but may i crave leave to tell such , that they seem not to have studied nature sufficiently , else they would have discern'd in the most sage tempers , some thing of the child , that loves to be tempted and allur'd even to that which is his own good and happiness . this is conspicuous to all , who are acquainted with the world a little , and have read men as well as books : so that i need not stand upon proving what is so notoriously apparent . i am sensible much more might be said to shew the excellency of the epick poem ; but that little which has been already alledg'd in its favour , may , i presume , be enough to keep up its esteem among the more judicious part of the world : and as for others , of a more perverse principle , though never so much were said , it would never satisfie them . but to go on ; sit is no small commendation to the epick poem , that its nature is such as requires the largest , most universal and judicious genius to undertake it . none but men of the most exalted souls , warmest thoughts , liveliest fancies , and deepest judgments , are fit for such a noble enterprize . every man , we see , who has but an ordinary capacity , thinks himself scholar enough to be a physician , a lawyer , or a divine : but the poor pretender is a little more modest in his pretences to epick poetry . here he stands off , and keeps at as awful a distance from parnassus , as the trembling israelites of old did from the burning mount. nay the poetasters themselves , who have ventur'd at all the lesser sorts of poems , yet knowing their own strength , have with all reverence receeded from so high an undertaking . so vast a genius does this sort of poetry require , that if we will rely on the testimony of rapin , one of the ablest and most impartial criticks this age or any other age since aristotle and horace , has produced , we shall find that there have been but only two , homer and virgil , who have wrote in this way with any tolerable success . this judicious critick mentions several of the greek poets , such as coluthus , who wrote of the rape of hellen ; tryphiodorus , who gives an account of the taking of troy ; musaeus , who wrote the history of leander ; apollonius rhodius , who relates the expedition of the argonauts ; quintus calaber , who undertook to write the supplement to the iliad and odysseis ; and nonnus , who wrote the history of the birth , adventures , victories , and apotheosis of bacchus : he likewise mentions several of the latin poets , such as lucan , statius , silius italicus , valerius faccus , and claudian ; but withall takes notice how far short all these fall of the perfections of the other two . as for the moderns , he takes notice of several among the italians , namely dante , petrarch , boccace , boyardo , oliviero , ariosto , tasso , sannazarius and vida ; but he thinks the three first deserve not the very name of heroick poets ; and as for the rest , he has observ'd so many imperfections in them , that they can stand in no manner of competition with homer and virgil , whom at least they have pretended to imitate . among the spaniards he only mentions camoens a portuguese , and says , he only regarded to express the haughtiness of his nation in his poem of the conquest of the indies : and that he is fierce and fastuous in his composition , but has little discernment , and little conduct . nor does this ingenuous critick favour his own countrymen , dubartas and ronsard ; but taxes them with such imperfections that one may reasonably dispute with them the name of epick poets . if you would be satisfied more particularly in this point , i must refer you to the reflections , which rapin has made upon the epick poets in all ages : and there you will perceive what a vast difference he makes between homer and virgil , and all the rest that wrote after them . homer ( says he ) animates me , virgil heats me , and all the rest freeze me , so cold and flat they are . he has not indeed made any reflections on our english poets , and this rymer presumes proceeded from his ignorance of our language , which he did not understand so well , as to pass a judgment on what was writ in it . whereupon rymer himself has undertook to criticise upon them . chaucer , he will not allow for an epick poet , the age he lived in not being sufficient for a great design ; being an age of tales , ballads and roundelays . spencer , whom he reckons the first of our heroick poets , yet falls under his censure , and is tax'd for his want of a true idea , for this rambling after marvellous adventures , for making no conscience of probability , for making his poem a perfect fairy-land , and for his unlucky choice of the stanza , which in no wise is proper for our language . sir william d'venant is the next heroick poet our english critick takes notice of . he acknowledges that his wit was well known ; that in his preface to his gondibert , appear some strokes of an extraordinary judgment ; that he is said to have a particular talent for the manners ; that his thoughts are great ; and lastly that there appears something roughly noble throughout this fragment . yet after all , he blames him , for the ill choice of his subject ; for his bad conduct ; for a vicious oeconomy ; and for his unhappy choice of the tetrastick . cowley is the third and last heroick poet , our author mentions , and to him he gives particular commendations . he says , that a more happy genius for heroick poesie appears in cowley ; that he understood the purity , the perspicuity , the majesty of the stile and the vertue of numbers ; that he could discern what was beautiful and pleasant in nature ; and could express his thoughts without the least difficulty or constraint ; that he understood to dispose of the matters , and to manage his digressions ; and lastly that he understood homer and virgil , and as prudently made his advantage of them . yet after all these high commendations , he laments his not carrying on the work so far as he design'd , and his not living to revise what he did leave behind him : and blames him for his ill choice of the subject of his poem , in that like lucan he made choice of history , and a history where he was so strictly ty'd up to the truth . he likewise blames him for inserting the lyrick measure in the very body of his poem . thus far the judicious rymer goes , and it were to be wish'd he had passed his judgment on the famous milton another of our english poets ; but since he has wav'd saying any thing about him , till some other time , i shall crave leave to insert the opinion of dryden , a profess'd poet , and as a great judge of poetry . he tells us in his dedication before the translation of juvenal , that milton had a genius equal to spencer's , and greater than that of cowley ; that his thoughts are elevated , his words sounding , and that no man has so happily copy'd the manner of homer ; or so copiously translated his grecisms , and the latin elegancies of virgil. but then he says likewise , that his subject is not that of an heroick poem , properly so called ; it being the losing of our happiness , where the event is not prosperous like that of other epick works : that his heavenly machines are too many in proportion to the human personages , which are but two : that he runs into a flat of thought , sometimes for a hundred lines together : that he was transported too far in the use of obsolete words : and lastly that he can , by no means approve of his choice of blank verse . by this short view of our english poets , which i have abstracted from rymer and dryden , one may clearly perceive how far short even they as well as their neighbours have fell of the excellencies and perfections of homer and virgil. but i must not leave matters thus . for since my translating bossu , and the thoughts i had of publishing it , the world has been honour'd with an excellent heroick poem in english , done by our own country-man the learned and ingenious dr. blackmore : which puts us now upon thinking that the poems of the two ancients are not wholly unimitable . it may therefore be expected that in a preface of this nature , and in this part of it where we are treating of the vastness of the genius that is requisite for epick poesie , something should be said on the genius of that author . 't is far from my design to set up for a profest critick , but that i may do some justice to the merits of that great man , since no one else , as i hear of , has as yet criticis'd publickly on the poem , i shall venture to give the world a tast of the thoughts i have conceiv'd of it in general . and a tast it must only be , since the limits of a preface , and the sense i have of my own inability in passing a judgment upon so great an author , do sufficiently excuse me from being more minute and particular , leaving that task wholly to abler judges in poetry . this therefore must be own'd by all , that he has made a happy choice of his subject and hero , whereby he signalizes his own country ; which is more than any of our english poets have done before him , besides the romantick spencer . he professes in his preface to have imitated virgil in his design , and how well he has copy'd that great model let us now see . if we will examine things according to the rules bossu has laid down , his fable will appear to be exactly the same with that of the aeneid . his action is like that of the latin poet , one , entire , noble , great , and important action , viz. the restoration of a decay'd church and state to its ancient splendor and glory . the intrigues he makes use of to hinder his hero from accomplishing his great and good designs are of the very same make with those of virgil. for as in the one , juno , who had equal power both by sea and land , raises all the obstacles , that lay in the way of the trojan hero : so in the other , lucifer the prince of the air , equal in power to juno , raises all the storms by sea , and all the disturbances by land , that hindred the settlement of our british hero. and as the intrigues , so the solution or vnravelling of these intrigues are as just , as regular , and as natural as those in the aeneid . in his inscription or title he has follow'd homer in his odysseis , and virgil in his aeneid , who have both inscrib'd their poems with their hero's name . his proposition is as full , but withal as modest both with respect to himself and his hero , as horace requires , and virgil has practis'd . his invocation is much the same with that of the aeneid , and therein he has like virgil inserted * his hero's character . the narration of our english poet ( bating some few defects , which we shall mention by and by ) is as exact as that of the latin : and has in a great measure all those qualifications which bossu says are requisite thereto ; for it is pleasant , probable , moving , marvellous , and active . the manners of his human personages , their interests , and designs , are as regularly order'd , as those in virgil's poem . all the characters are nobly drawn , and look like the curious strokes of a great master ; for they all tend to , and centure in the general character of the poem and hero , namely in that noble ornament of the soul , generosity . his machines are very natural , and adapted to the genius and notions of our times , as virgils were to those of his age. his expression is noble and majestical ; his verse sonorous , masculine , and strong ; his thoughts are sublime ; his similes natural ; his descriptions proper ; and his sentences few and regular . in a word throughout the whole he seems in a great measure to have confin'd himself to the * rules of aristotle and horace , to have copy'd the best of any man the perfections of virgil , and to have shewn a strength of genius , an heighth of fancy , and a correctedness of judgment , that comes but a little behind that of the two ancient poets . but after all it must be said ( though with some sort of reluctancy ) that there are some few things which need polishing , and which after second and more deliberate thoughts , that great master would no doubt have corrected . for one may question whether his digressions are not too tedious , and sometimes foreign to the subject : especially that of prince arthur's speech to king hoel , which takes up two whole books . for what relation has this recital of the creation of the world ; of the fall of man ; of his redemption ; of the resurrection ; of the last judgment , and the like with the main action of the poem ; which is the restoring religion and liberty , to the british nation , and settling both church and state on their ancient foundations of truth and peace ? i know it may be said in favour of it , that it was necessary for the conversion of hoel , that such an account of things should be given him . but would not a bare recital of a few lines , that such a relation was given him , have been sufficient ? and would not such a conduct have been more conformable to the nature of epick poesie , which excludes every thing that is foreign to the main purpose ? they who think to salve this by saying , that this speech is in imitation of aeneas's speech to dido , will be owned by all that have read and compar'd both , to be egregiously mistaken , and the author himself has no reason to thank them for making such a ridiculous comparison . there is no manner of likeness between these two speeches . the one , namely that of aeneas , is a story of whatever had happen'd to him for six years together since the taking of troy , and 't is from that time the action of the poem begins : but the narration of prince arthur is a relation of things , wherein he had no more interest than any other ordinary man and christian ; and were we to reckon the duration of the action , from the time whereby the poet begins this speech , as all criticks have done that of the aeneid , it would not be the action of six or seven years , but of six times as many ages . there is no comparison then to be made between these two speeches ; but that of our english poet is wholly a digression , and the other necessary and essential to the aeneid . that which our author design'd to answer the speech of aeneas to dido , is doubtless the speech of one of prince arthur's attendants , lucius , to king hoel : as appears if we compare the beginning of this speech to the beginning of that in the aeneid . lucius begins thus : how sad a task do your commands impose that must renew unsufferable woes ? that must our grief with sad affliction feed , and make your generous heart with pity bleed . whilst i the dismal scenes of ills disclose , and bleeding albion's ghastly wounds expose . the cruel foes in telling would relent , and with their tears , the spoils , they caus'd lament . pity would picts and saxon breasts invade , and make them mourn , o'er the dire wounds they made . but since you 're pleas'd to hear our countries fate , i 'll pay obedience , and our woes relate . now all this is an exact copy of the beginning of aeneas's speech to dido , which runs thus : infandum , regina , jubes renovare dolorem : trojanas ut opes & lamentabite regnum eruerint danai , quaeque ipse miserrima vidi , et quorum pars magna fui . quis talla fando , myrmidonum , dolopûmve , aut duri miles vlyssel , temperet à lacrymis ? et jam nox humida coelo praecipitat , suadentque cadentia sydera somnos . sed si tantus amor casus cognoscere nostros , et breviter trojae supremum audire laborem , quanquam animus meminisse horret , luctuque refugit : incipiam . in this speech blackmore , in my opinion , is more lucky in the choice of his speaker than virgil was ; for doubtless 't is more for the honour of the hero , at least more agreable to the notions and religion of our times , and greater advantages might be drawn from another person 's telling his adventures , than if he himself were the relater of them . but even in this speech our english poet seems not to be so regular as is requisite . lucius begins too high in his narration . * aeneas begins his recital at the building of the wooden horse , and the taking of troy ; this is regular , and answers exactly to what dido had desir'd of him . but lucius , though hoel only desir'd him to relate prince arthur's story , and king vter's fate , tells him of the decay of old rome ; of the britains shaking off the roman yoke ; how they were invaded by the scots and picts ; that at last they were forc'd to send to the saxons for their assistance , who instead of friends became their masters ; and then he comes to relate what was requir'd . now all that is said before the account of king vter's fighting with the saxons and his overthrow , is , preliminary and wholy foreign to the main action . for if we will compute the duration of the action of prince arthur , according to the rules by which we compute the duration of the action of the aeneid , we must reckon , that it lasted from the death of king vter , and the overthrow of his army , which put prince arthur upon travelling into neustria ; untill the death of tollo , which wholly made way for the resettlement of prince arthur . these are my thoughts , but perhaps the author had other designs in his head , particularly that of preaching morality and religion to an immoral and irreligious age ; which seems in a great measure to excuse his long digressions . again one may question whether most of his descriptions are not too long , and whether if our english poet had bestow'd as much pains , and spent as much time about his poem , as virgil did about his aeneid , he would not have shortn'd his descriptions , avoided . repetitions of the same things , and been more correct throughout the whole . lastly it is urg'd by some , that he has but a few episodes in comparison to virgil , and it seems probable to me , that this thinness of episodes has oblig'd him to be so long and tedious in his descriptions and digressions ; else his poem would have taken up but a little compass . these are all the faults that i think are worth taking notice of ; there are indeed other little slips , which touch not the essence and bottom of the fable and poem , therefore i shall not mention them . nor are those i have mention'd such as cast any great discredit upon our english poet : for notwithstanding all that has been said , spight of ill-nature , envy , and detraction , he may justly be reckon'd the next to , though not an equal with homer and virgil. having thus taken a short view of the poets of all ages , and of almost all the polite countries in the world , and having found how far short all of them , even blackmore himself , fall of the perfections and excellencies of the other two , it may seem necessary to decide a controversie that has arose among the learned whether homer or virgil had the greater genius , and which of them deserv'd the greater applause . we find them divided into parties about it , some declaring in favour of the one , some in favour of the other . but without detracting from either , we may venture to say that each of them had their peculiar excellencies , which the other had not . if homer was the first model of this way , yet virgil was under such circumstances as gave him not only the glory of well copying so great a pattern , but even of a primary invention . if the first had more flame , the last had more phlegm , and tho the poems of the one had more spirit in them , yet the aeneid of the other was more correct . on the other hand , if we do not meet with those perfect hero's , and those noble ideas of vertue in homer , as are to be seen in virgil , 't is to be attributed more to the unhappiness and imperfections of the times the greek poet liv'd in , than to any want of judgment and skill . in a word they are both excellent in their kind , and if homer seems better than virgil , 't is because it was his fortune to be born first : as on the contrary , if any one thinks the latin poet to be best , 't is because he had so excellent a model to imitate . however the case is , yet 't is evident they both had large genius's , and such as no others , as we know of , could stand in competition with . now it is not to be wonder'd at , if by the great performances of such an extraordinary genius as animated homer and virgil , many great , extraordinary and almost miraculous effects were produc'd . love , admiration , and esteem were the common tributes which the vulgar paid to the venerable name of poet. they were so charm'd with the sweetness of all poetical composures , that they look'd upon what the poet said as divine , and gave the same credit to it , as to an oracle . hence it came to pass that all the poets writings were among the heathen reckon'd as so many lessons or sermons of morality , which polish'd the manners , smooth'd the temper , and civiliz'd the disposition of the most barbarous nations . nor is it unreasonable to imagine that even the refinedness of athens was owing more to the poets , than to the philosophers instructions . of all that has been said in favour of the poets , homer may claim a great share , since if we will believe horace in the case , his * writings were more instructive and useful , for the conduct of human life , than the precepts of even the best moral philosophers . 't is to be confessed , we are in the dark , as to what effects his two poems had in the age he liv'd in : but this we know , that in after ages they have been had in universal esteem , and will always be admir'd as long as learning and good-manners have any repute in the world. the same may be said of virgil. for the more any age increases in sound knowledge , and ingenious literature , the more to be sure will his poem be had in admiration . besides it seems to have had a strange and peculiar effect in the age , and upon the state he liv'd under . for 't is more than probable that the publishing of his aeneid conduc'd very much to the settling augustus on the imperial throne . we know what a strange a version the romans had to the very name of monarchy , and 't is not likely they would so soon have exchang'd their belov'd democracy for that which they so much hated , had they not been work'd over to it by the instructions of virgil : who informs them , that when heaven decrees to settle a state upon such or such a foundation , 't is athoism and irreligion to oppose its designs ; and such an affront to the divine majesty and wisdom as should certainly meet with speedy , and condign punishment . let us now see what encouragement the epick poets have met with . as for homer , the times he liv'd in are so obscure , that we can gather nothing of certainty from history about him . but 't is by most concluded that he was as poor as he was ingenious : and that though many cities after his death claim'd him for their own ; yet none of them gave the blind bard , that encouragement he merited whilst alive . 't is likely he was admir'd and esteem'd by all , but receiv'd no other reward that we know of , for his deserts , but what our poor spencer did , namely a courtiers smile ; insignificant promises , and a few fawning . compliments . virgil had the luck to live in better times , for he met with a maecenas , who honour'd him with his favour , encourag'd him with his gifts , and introduc'd him into the esteem of augustus himself . this indeed was something more than the empty breath of popular applause ; and parnassus at that time was not such a starving , barren soil , as before and afterwards it prov'd . then poets were had in admiration , and every one receiv'd that recompence , which was their due . this was the poets golden age , and all other polite learning met with such ample encouragement , as made it flourish more under the reign of augustus , than in after ages , even to the honour and admiration of those , and to the disgrace and reproach of succeeding times . there have been indeed some intervals since , wherein poets have met with their due rewards . ariosto and tasso are said to have met with their patrons , who accepted of their pieces , and recompenc'd their labours . and in france , richlieu was a great and never-failing friend to the muses and their votaries . but at other times the poor bards have been left to feed upon the empty air of vulgar fame . for a proof of this , we need only have recourse to the poets of our own nation , who whilst living have most of them met with the same fate as their fore-father homer ; tho' when dead they have like him been even idoliz'd . but this posthumous fame is but a poor subsistence for a living poet : and this gives us a just occasion to enquire into the reasons of the declining state of epick poetry among the moderns , especially in our own nation . one would wonder how it comes to pass , that in such an age as this , wherein all manner of polite learning shines with as great a lustre , as it did in the reign of augustus , epick poetry should be the only slighted and neglected thing . but for all our wonder , experience shews us , that 't is so far disregarded by the learned world , that few or none , tho' duly qualified , will venture upon such an undertaking ; and there are but a few likewise that understand the true nature and design of an epick poem . there have been many reasons brought to prove it next to impossible for one of our modern poets to write a true heroick poem , such a one as homer and virgil have wrote . some of these reasons i shall just mention , and prove them to be only pretences at the best ; and then i shall make bold to propose some other reasons of the declining state of heroick poetry in our times , which perhaps may seem to the unprejudic'd reader to be of more weight and consequence , than any that have as yet been alledg'd . first of all 't is objected by some , that we want due matter for an heroick poem : that is , the history of our nation is not able to furnish us with an action or an hero that is fit for such a poem . were we indeed to judge of this by the practice of sir william d'avenant and mr. cowley , who have each of them made choice of a subject and hero , that has nothing to do with the english nation , we might then be inclin'd to suppose it was for want of due and just matter in our own annals . but i think they had no need of searching into foreign history for their actions and hero's , since they might with more credit to themselves and with more honor to their country , have met with both nigher home . 't is certain our own history could have furnish'd them with as just a subject for heroick poetry , as any other . experience has shewn us since , by the happy choice dr. blackmore has made of prince arthur , that our annals are not so barren of great and noble actions and heros as some would pretend . it argues then great ignorance , or at least great negligence in the search of our records to say , that we want due matter for an heroick poem . again 't is objected by others , that we want a genius for such an vndertaking . this indeed is a weightier reason than the former , and if true , would silence all our pretences to epick poetry . sir william temple in his essay of ancient and modern learning , presses this argument very strongly against the modern poets . but without any offence to that great man , it may be justly affirm'd , that this last age has produc'd as many great and noble genius's , as any other age before it : so that had they been inclin'd to epick poetry , and received any encouragement that way , they might no question have come off with the same success as they have in the drama . sir william will not allow our moderns to be any more than dwarfs in learning , when compar'd to the ancients ; and then , by a pretty sort of allegory , he goes about to prove , that they with all the advantages of writing after the ancients , cannot make so great a progress in learning as those did . i shall not trouble my self with refuting his assertion , since that is done already by mr. wootton in his reflections upon ancient and modern learning , wherein he sufficiently proves the moderns to be as tall in learning , if not taller than sir william's gaints were ; and that 't is not want of genius , but some accidental circumstances , which make the men of this age come behind those of former times in oratory and poetry . another objection is , our defect of numbers , and that our language is not proper for heroick poetry . this is what wootton himself urges in his reflections , when he will not allow the former reason to hold good . he tells us there , that the greek was so smooth , soft , and ductile , that homer had great encouragement even from his language , to set about an heroick poem : that the latin was majestical and stately , but withal so rough , that virgil had much ado to run it down to verse : but that our modern languages are all so harsh and unmalleable , that the poets have no encouragement to form any thing that is great out of them . this , if i mistake not his sense , is the force of his objection . but it may be reply'd , that tho'our language is not so smooth and sonorous as the greek , yet it comes the next to it of any language . 't is well known how it has been refining ever since waller's and cowley's time , and it seems at present to be almost arriv'd to its purity and perfection . * dryden calls it a noble language , and is only sorry we have not a more certain measure of it , as they have in france , where they have an academy erected for that purpose , and endowed with large privileges by the present king. rapin himself acknowledges the majesty of our language , which , he says , is proper for great expressions : rymer compares the spanish , the italian , the french , and the german , to our language , and prefers the english to all the rest ; which , he says , has a weight , fullness , vigour , force , gravity , and fitness for heroick poesie , above all other languages . how true this is , appears from the daily writings of our poets , and especially from some of dryden's poems , and blackmore's prince arthur , where their expression is lofty and majestical , the verse smooth and strong , and the numbers truly harmonious , and befitting their respective designs . i shall only add the opinion of roscommon in the case , who speaking in commendation of the english language , makes it by much to be superiour to the french. his words are these : but who did ever in french authors see the comprehensive english energy ? the weighty bullion of one sterling line , drawn to french wire , would through whole pages shint . i speak my private , but impartial sence , with freedom , and ( i hope ) without offence : for i 'll recant , when france can shew me wit , as strong as ours , and as succinctly writ . [ roscommon ' s essay on translated verse . ] lastly , 't is objected , that we want the benefit of machines ; which the heathen poets made so great use of , and with which their poems were full from one end to the other : that the notions and religion of our times exclude all manner of miracles , and the extraordinary presence of the heathen gods from having any thing to do in the ordinary course of humane affairs , which we believe now to be govern'd only by one common providence ; and that upon this account it seems altogether unpracticable for any of our modern poets to write an heroick poem like to those of homer and virgil. this objection is duly stated , and fully answer'd by mr. dryden in his dedication before the translation of juvenal . there he tells us , that our religion does indeed debar the poet from making use of jupiter , juno , minerva , venus , or any others of the heathen deities : but that this is made up to the poet another way ; that 't is not contrary to christianity to believe that there are good and bad spirits which have some sort of influence over humane affairs : and that the poet may form as just machines out of these , as the ancients did out of their divinities . this is what blackmore has done even to admiration , and his practice and conduct has put it beyond all dispute , that we may very safely and regularly make use of machines , provided they are such as are suited to the notions and religion of our times . these are the principal objections i thought fit to mention , which are not such solid reasons as some may imagine : i shall now according to my promise propose some others , which i think to be more substantial ; but withal i must reserve to my self my first caution , namely , that i design to dictate nothing herein , but to lay down my thoughts as plainly and as clearly as possible , and to refer all to the verdict of better judgments . first then i say , that one great reason of that genetal disesteem which epick poetry lies under , and of its declining state among the moderns , seems to be the degeneracy of the present age. we are fall'n at last into such unhappy times , wherein men are as averse to the precepts of morality , which the epick poet writes , as they are to the lessons of divinity , which the preacher every day inculcates . we do indeed read homer and virgil , but then 't is not with a design , like the bee , to suck the honey out of them , but in imitation of more sordid creatures , to extract all the venom we can , in order to corrupt our manners , and give a gust to our debaucheries . we are glad to find any passage in them that may seem to favour our licentiousness , and even those that are design'd to be our physick , we like men of a sick stomach , turn all into rank poyson . now no wonder if when our palates are thus vitiated we have no relish for the wholesome instructions of epick poetry . poets then , to please the humour of the age , are forced to write in their way , especially such of them as have not souls great enough to stem the torrent of so universal a vice. hence it comes to pass that we have so many vile plays acted on the stage , wherein vice is set off with all the lustre , and recommended with all the endearments that a corrupted poet's wit can invent , or the most loose debauché could have desir'd . thus both poets and audience , by an unheard of complaisance , contribute to the ruine and corruption of each others manners . another great reason of the declining state of epick poetry , and of the degeneracy of all other sorts of poetry , is the want of due encouragement . this is the true ground of all our grievances , and till this be provided against , 't is to be fear'd nothing that is great , noble , vertuous , and truly good , will ever be produc'd by our modern poets . athens and rome made their poets the pensioners of their state , and maintain'd them honourably out of the publick treasury . hence it was they never ventur'd , at least not in the most primitive times of poetry , to write any thing which might reflect upon the government they liv'd under , or upon the gods they worship'd . but now with us the poet meets with no encouragement , and only one lawreat is maintain'd at the publick charge . upon this account it is that men of large souls , who cannot condescend to humour the vulgar in their licentiousness , turn the bent of their studies another way , and fly parnassus as they would the most dangerous contagion . others of a more pliable temper take up with the stage , and that they may receive some profit themselves , study not to profit , so much as they do to please their audience , and that in their lewd way too . but is it not a burning shame that such a noble genius as dryden and others , that seem to be made for greater designs , should be forc'd to a fatal dilemma , either to truckle to a playhouse for the uncertain profit of a third day , or to starve for want of other reasonable encouragement ? but 't is hop'd on all hands , that under the reign of one that may truly be term'd another augustus , and under the patronage of one that may as justly be stil'd a second mecoenas , poetry will regain its ancient privileges , and epick poets receive that publick and due encouragement they really deserve . the third and last reason i shall mention for the declining state of epick poetry among the moderns is , their notorious neglect of following the rules which aristotle and horace have prescrib'd : this , and not want of genius , has been the true cause why several of our english epick poets have succeeded so ill in their designs , rymer urges this very strongly against spencer himself , whom at the same time he acknowledges to have had a large soul , a sharp judgment , and a genius for heroick poesie , perhaps above any that ever writ since virgil. for no question but his following an unfaithful guide , his rambling after marvellous adventures , his making no conscience of probability , and almost all his other faults proceeded from one and the same cause , namely , his neglect of following the rules of poetry . the same may be said of sir william d' avenant , and mr. cowley : for all the defects rymer charges them with , are wholly owing to the same cause . 't is likewise upon this very account that the pieces of our dramatick poets , which are reckon'd to be the best performances of the present age , can scarce any of them stand the test of a judicious eye : and a man of sense that knows the art of poetry , and has read the performances of former ages , cannot but pity the conceited ignorance and perverse pride of our modern poets , who scorn to be confin'd to the rules of art. they have been told of this often and often , but they think their own wit is the best judge in the case ; and as long as 't is so there is no hopes of any amendment , or of any great productions in poetry . i know they bring several objections against writing according to the rules , but they are so trifling that i think it not worth while to examine them here : besides , all their objections , at least the weightiest of them , have been stated , examin'd , and refuted in the preface before the last translation of terence ' s comedies ; so that i am sufficiently excus'd from that needless task . i shall shut up all that has been said on epick poetry , with giving you the thoughts of a very eminent person of quality of this present age and nation ; who seems to have comprehended all that has been said on this subject in these few verses . by painful steps we are at last got up parnassus hill , on whose bright airy top the epick poets so divinely show , and with just pride behold the rest below . heroick poems have a just pretence to be the utmost reach of humane sence , a work of such inestimable worth , there are but two the world has yet brought forth , homer and virgil : with what awful sound do those meer words the ears of poets wound ! just as a changling seems below the rest of men , or rather is a two-leg'd beast : so these gigantick souls amaz'd we find as much above the rest of humane kind . nature's whole strength united ! endless fame , and vniversal shouts attend their name . read homer once , and you can read no more , for all things else appear so dull and poor , verse will seem prose , yet often on him look , and you will hardly need another book . [ the earl of mulgrave's essay on poetry . ] after what has been said in favour of epick poetry , it may be expected i should say something in behalf of my author , and give the world some account of the reasons that induc'd me to translate it : but before i do either , i must beg leave to premise a word or two , which to the more judicious may not seem to be a digression . to criticise upon any author , is no such easie matter as some may imagine : but to pass a true and impartial judgment upon the writings of the poets , may be justly reckon'd one of the hardest parts of criticism . every little pretender is not fit for such an undertaking . it requires a large but regulated fancy , a sound , solid , and penetrating judgment , deep , piercing , and steady thoughts , a long and obstinate course of study , much and certain experience , a clear and perfect insight into poetry and all its parts ; but above all , the utmost stretch of humanity and good nature . every one that reads homer and virgil , cannot be presum'd to understand them perfectly : nor are all that understand these authors to be admitted as competent judges of their excellencies and failures . they must first be masters of the foremention'd qualities , and then they may begin to criticise and reflect upon what they read and thorowly understand . then they will be able to separate the dross from the or , to discern the false glittering of the tinsel from the true lustre of the jewel , and to know what is praise-worthy and what is not . how synonymous soever the words may seem at first hearing , yet unquestionably there is as much difference between censuring and criticising , as there is between a corrupted , ill-natur'd , and a fair impartial judge . a little wit , arm'd with a great deal of malice , will go a great way towards the composing a censurer : such a one , i mean , that carps at ev'ry thing he meets with , that would find faults where there are none , and take some sort of complacency and delight in magnifying the smallest slips of an author . but now the true critick is quite another thing ; he brings all he reads and reflects on to the criterion of right reason , and to the standard of truth . what is excellent and beautiful , he not only acquits , but highly applauds and commends : what is weak he does all he can in justice to conceal or defend ; and like a compassionate judge , 't is with some sort of reluctance and regret that he is forc'd at last to pass a black sentence upon the most criminal pieces . such a critick as this is of vast use to the commonwealth of learning , not only for encouraging and countenancing the good , but likewise for discouraing and deterring the bad writers : since the excellencies of the one will be sure to meet with a due esteem ; and the faults of the other will in spite of the criticks good nature , fall under a just and severe censure . this is that notion i have of a true and accomplish'd critick : all others may be term'd censurers , carpers , momus's , or by what other name of ignominy you please to give them , but are by no means to be allow'd competent judges of any author's writings . this sort of learning was in no small esteem among the ancients ; as is manifest from the many curious reflections and useful criticisms , which aristotle and longinus among the greeks , horace and petronius among the latins ( not to mention any more ) have left behind them . of latter date the italians and spaniards have fet up for great criticks ; but those among them that have prov'd best , are such as have follow'd the rules and precepts of aristotle and horace , and other great masters of antiquity ; whilst others that have invented any thing of their own , have come off with less judgment and applause . among the english , there have been but few that merit the name of critick , in that sense i take the word . most of them are only criticks in the worst sense ; that is , such as expose the faults , but take no notice of the excellencies of authors . the judicious rymer , who seems to have a particular talent for criticising , yet in my opinion falls short of being a true critick : and if he will still dispute that title with the world , yet he must be contented with being reckon'd one of the meaner sort ; since'tis more difficult and honourable to discern and commend the excellencies , than'tis to find out and expose the failings of shakespear , fletcher , or any other author . at present the french , since the great encouragement they at first receiv'd from the learned richlieu , seem to be uppermost in this sort of learning : and how dull and insipid soever they are said to be in other parts , yet in criticisms they are full of curious thoughts , and refin'd reflections . rapin , in all the reflections he has made , comes off with universal applause ; but those on aristotle's poesie seem the most correct of any . he has reflected on all the parts of poetry , and descends to the more minute and lesser pieces of it ; which is something more than aristotle himself has left us . as for my author , whom d'acier in his notes upon aristotle's poesie calls the ingenious and judicious bossu ; he , i say , has enlarg'd himself upon only one part of poesie , to wit , the epick . and herein he ties himself strictly to a method , which he as strictly pursues . he professes at the very first , to have follow'd the rules and precepts of aristotle and horace , and the practice of homer and virgil. upon such sure grounds as these he builds all his notions ; and having such masters and patterns to go by , who can doubt of his success ? what he takes from aristotle and horace , he explains , improves , and refines : what is his own , though never so judicious and rational , he lays down not in a dogmatical magisterial way , but by way of problem : and what he asserts with an air of confidence , though not his masters thoughts , yet seem to be natural deductions from what they have wrote about it . 't is not to be question'd , but in many things he dissents from most mens opinions ; but 't is to be hop'd , no judicious person will condemn him till he has seriously weigh'd his reasons , and consider'd the arguments he uses to maintain his cause : and then if our critick can be convinc'd of any error , he is too modest not to submit to the suffrage of better judgments . but if , on the other hand , he has reason on his side , it may with justice be expected , that he will be a means of opening the eyes of a great many unprejudic'd persons . his main design of writing these reflexions was , as he tells us himself , for the sake of those that read virgil ; and to such i dare affirm , that this treatise will be of more use than all the notes and comments they have hitherto seen . they are usually stuff'd with idle and unprofitable remarks upon meer words ; but this full of ingenious criticisms upon the most weighty and important things . how well he has discharg'd himself , those who carefully read over this tract of his , will no doubt discover ; and they will without doubt from thence form a nobler idea of virgil , and his design , than hitherto they have conceiv'd . if he seems , like his country-men , to be too verbose , 't is only upon the account of his studying to make all things as plain and as intelligible as may be ; and whether that be a real fault , i leave others to judge . beside the useful reflexions he makes upon the conduct of virgil in particular , you will find many others of no less use upon the practice of homer , and upon epick poetry in general ; and now and then some that will give you no small light into the other two parts of great poetry , tragedy and comedy . in a word , he has throughout the whole acquitted himself like a true , judicious , and impartial critick . he commends the excellencies of the good , and censures the failings of the worst poets with such a justness and moderation , as deserves a particular esteem and admiration . tho statius , claudian , lucan , seneca , and others , fall under his lash , yet he meddles with their faults no farther than his subject requires , and upon occasion he gives them their full commendations : and on the contrary , tho he bestows on homer and his admir'd virgil very high and large encomiums , yet they are no more than the most invidious part of the world have allow'd them ; and he often blames both when he cannot in justice excuse their failings . 't is now high time i should give you some account of the reasons that induc'd me to the translating this author . one , and not the least , is the excellency and usefulness of these reflexions , which are too good to be confin'd to a foreign language . 't is true , french is now become fashionable and common , and seems to be as universally studied , as latin was formerly ; and ev'ry pretender to gallantry and good breeding , pretends at least to be a perfect master and judge of this language . but however , i believe the language is not so familiar , but by a modest computation it may be affirm'd , that a tenth part of those that read homer and virgil , understand but very little of it . to such as these , this translation may be of some use ; and perhaps others who think they already understand the french tongue , may be glad to see so beneficial a treatise in a more familiar and intelligible language . another reason that inclin'd me to this undertaking is , the notice i receiv'd that virgil was now ready to be translated into english by an eminent hand . before therefore that that translation came out into the world , i could not but think it proper and useful to usher it in by the reflections of so able a critick . and perhaps it may be of some use to the understanding virgil , when read in our mother-tongue . besides , it has the fortune to come out just after dr. blackmore's poem , and may be of great use to those who have an inclination to poetry ; for by it they will be able to judge of this english poet. as for the translation , you must not expect a verbal one ; for to that i neither think my self nor any body else oblig'd . i have kept as nigh my author's sence as possible ; and perhaps some may think i have follow'd him too close . however , i did all i could to render him with all the perspicuity which a didactick stile requir'd : and if that be granted me , i have all i aimed at . some terms of art which bossu borrow'd from the greek , i was oblig'd to retain as i found them : but doubtless , whoever attentively reads what he has said about them , will soon find them to be no mystery . the citations in the margent ( as many as i thought good to make use of ) are all left in their original languages : but such as are in the text , i thought would appear best in english , unless when the subject requir'd the contrary . for this purpose , some i made bold to borrow from the translations that were ready done to my hands by several . wits of the age : of the rest , some i translated my self ; and others more difficult , i got an ingenious friend of mine to turn for me . this is all the account i think fit to give you of my reasons for translating bossu , and of the method i have taken therein . whatever pains and precaution i have us'd , i do not expect i shall please every body , and 't is a wonder if i should . some will censure the author , others the translation , and a third sort perhaps , stirr'd up with a generous kind of envy call'd emulation , will either endeavour to translate it better themselves , or else vent some new notions of their own . however it happen , the world will be the better for it , and my author and i shall have this satisfaction , that the commonwealth of learning will be then engag'd to thank us not only for our own mean , but even for their more elaborate productions . the contents . book i. of the nature of the epick poem ; and of the fable . chap. i. the design of the whole work. page . chap. ii. what is the nature of the epick poem . p. . chap. iii. the definition of the epick poem . p. . chap. iv. of the parts of the epick poem . the division of this treatise . p. . chap. v. of the poem . p. . chap. vi. of the fable . p. . chap. vii . the method of composing a fable . p. . chap. viii . of the fable of the iliad . p. . chap. ix . a comparison of the fable of the iliad with that of aesop . p. . chap. x. the fable of the odysseis . p. . chap. xi . of the fable of the aeneid . p. . chap. xii . horace's thoughts of the epick fable . p. . chap. xiii . aristotle's thoughts of the epick fable . p. . chap. xiv . of real actions , the recitals whereof are fables . p. . chap. xv. of feign'd actions , the recitals whereof are historical . p. . chap. xvi . of the vicious multiplication of fables . p. . chap. xvii . of the regular multiplication of fables . p. . chap. xviii . the conclusion of the first book . p. . book ii. concerning the subject-matter of the epick poem , or concerning the action . chap. i. what the subject-matter of the epick poem is . p. . chap. ii. episodes consider'd in their original . p. . chap. iii. an explication of the foregoing doctrine , by an instance . p. . chap. iv. of the several sorts of episodes , and what is meant by this term. p. . chap. v. concerning the nature of episodes . p. . chap. vi. the definition of episodes . p. . chap. vii . of the vnity of the action . p. . chap. viii . of the faults which corrupt the vnity of the action . p. . chap. ix . of the integrity of the action . p. . chap. x. that the action ought to be a whole . p. . chap. xi . of the beginning , middle , and end of the action . p. . chap. xii . of the causes of the action . p. . chap. xiii . of the intrigue , and the vnravelling thereof . p. . chap. xiv . the way of forming the plot or intrigue . p. . chap. xv. how to dispose or prepare the vnravelling . p. . chap. xvi . of the several sorts of actions . p. . chap. xvii . of the conclusion of the action . p. . chap. xviii . of the duration of the action . p. . chap. xix . of the importance of the action . p. . book iii. concerning the form of the epick poem ; or , concerning the narration . chap. i. of the parts of the narration . p. . chap. ii. of the title of the epick poem . p. . chap. iii. of the proposition . p. . chap. iv. of the invocation . p. . chap. v. of the body of the poem , or the narration , properly so called . p. . chap. vi. how the narration is pleasant . p. . chap. vii . of probability . p. . chap. viii . of the admirable , or the marvellous . p. . chap. ix . of the passions . p. . chap. x. how the narration ought to be active . p. . chap. xi . of the continuity of the action , and the order of the narration . p. . chap. xii . of the duration of the narration . p. . book iv. concerning the manners of the epick poem . chap. i. concerning the manners in general . p. . chap. ii. of the causes of the manners . p. . chap. iii. concerning the manners of other sciences besides poetry . p. . chap. iv. of the manners of poetry . p. . chap. v. whether the hero of the poem ought to be an honest man , or no ? p. . chap. vi. of the poetical goodness of the manners . p. . chap. vii . of the three other qualifications of the manners . p. . chap. viii . of the character of the personages . aristotle's words about it . p. . chap. ix . of the characters of achilles , ulysses , and aeneas . p. . chap. x. of the character of the other personages . p. . chap. xi . what the character is . p. . chap. xii . of the vnity of the character in the hero. p. . chap. xiii . the vnity of the character in the poem . p. . chap. xiv . of the justness of the character . p. . chap. xv. of false characters . p. . book v. concerning the machines . chap. i. of the several sorts of deities . p. . chap. ii. of the manners of the gods. p. . chap. iii. how the gods act in a poem . p. . chap. iv. when one must make use of machines . p. . chap. v. how the machines are to be used . p. . chap. vi. whether the presence of the gods is any disparagement to the heroes . p. . book vi. concerning the thoughts and the expression . chap. i. the foundation of this doctrine . p. . chap. ii. concerning descriptions . p. . chap. iii. of comparisons or simile's . p. . chap. iv. concerning sentences . p. . chap. v. concerning disguis'd sentences . p. . chap. vi. concerning several other thoughts . p. . chap. vii . of the expression . p. . chap. viii . how one ought to judge of the elocution of a poem . p. . d'acier's essay upon satyr . p. . monsieur fontanelle upon pastorals . p. . errata . page . line . read of epick poesie . p. . l. . for morals r. manners . p. . l. . r. regimens . p. . l . r. of the fable . p. . l. . r. so much as desiring . p. . l. . r. cutting off his enemies . p. . l. . for model r. draught . p. . l. . r. at an end . p. . l. . for this r. that . p. . l. . for the r. this , king of kings . p. . l. . r. obligation . p. . l. . r. ilus . p. . l. . r. glaring . p. . l. . for yes r. lies . p. . l. . for two r. too . p. . l. . for he follows his advice r. whose advice he follows . p. . l. . r. concerning the continuity . p. . l. . for two r. too . p. . l. antepenult . r. that these are not vices . p. . l. . r. relentless . p. . l. . r. to distinguish . p. . l. . for faces r. phases . p. . l. . r. valet . p. . l. . r. dazzling . p. . l. . for print r. rein. p. . l. . r. glaring . p. . l. . r. raze : ibid. l. . r. and to break down bridges . p. . l. ult . r. spaces . p. . l. . r. to own . p. . l. . r. in this sort of writing . p. . l. . for learn r. leave . p. . l. . r. to an amazon . p. . l. . for befel r. be felt . p. . l. . for projections r. proportions . monsieur bossu's treatise of the epick poem . book i. of the nature of the epick poem ; and of the fable . chap. i. the design of the whole work. arts , as well as sciences , are founded upon reason , and in both we are to be guided by the light of nature . but in sciences , neither the inventers , nor the improvers of them , are to make use of any other guides but this light of nature : whereas on the other hand , all arts depend upon a great many other things , such as the choice and genius of those , who first invented them , or of those who have labour'd at them with an universal applause . poetry is of this nature : and thò reason might have first founded it , yet it cannot be deny'd but that the invention of poets , and the choice they have been pleas'd to make , have added thereto both its matter and form. 't is then in the excellent pieces of antiquity we are to look for the fundamentals of this art : and , they are only to be rely'd on , to whom all others yield the glory of having either practis'd with the most success , or collected and prescrib'd rules with the greatest judgment . the greeks and latins have furnish'd us with examples of both kinds . aristotle and horace left behind them such rules , as make them by all men of learning , to be look'd upon as perfect masters of the art of poetry : and the poems of homer and virgil are , by the grant of all ages , the most perfect models of this way of writing , the world ever saw . so that if ever a just and supreme authority had the power to prescribe laws and rules to any art , one cannot question but these four persons had all authority on their side , with respect to the epick poem . and this is the only kind we shall treat of at present . 't is true , the men of our times may have as much spirit as the ancients had ; and in those things which depend upon choice and invention , they may likewise have as just and as lucky fancies : but then it would be a piece of injustice to pretend that our new rules destroy those of our first masters ; and that they must needs condemn all their works , who could not foresee our humours , nor adapt themselves to the genius of such persons as were to be born in after-ages , under different governments , and under a different religion from theirs ; and with manners , customs , and languages , that have no kind of relation to them . having no design then by this treatise to make poets after the model of our age ( with which i am not sufficiently acquainted ) but only to furnish my self with some sort of foundation in the design i have of explaining the aeneid of virgil ; i need not concern my self with every new invention of these last times . i am not of opinion , that what our late authors think is universal reason , and such a common notion as nature must needs have put into the head of virgil. but leaving posterity to determine whether these novelties be well or ill devis'd , i shall only acquiesce in what i think may be prov'd from homer , aristotle , and horace . i will interpret the one by the other , and virgil by all three , as having the same genius and idea of the epick poesie . chap. ii. what is the nature of the epick poem . the most considerable difference my subject presents me with between the style of the ancients , and that of the last ages , is , that our way of speaking is plain , proper , and without the turn : whereas theirs was full of mysteries and allegories . the truth was mask'd under these ingenious inventions , which for their excellence go under the name of fables , or sayings ; as if there were as much difference between these fabulous discourses of the wise , and the ordinary language of the vulgar , as there is between the language that is proper to men , and the sounds brute beasts make use of to express their passions and sensations . at first the fables were employ'd in speaking of the divine nature according to the notion they then had of it . this sublime subject made the first poets to be stil'd divines , and poetry the language of the gods. they divided the divine attributes as it were into so many persons ; because the infirmity of a humane mind cannot sufficiently conceive , or explain so much power and action in a simplicity so great and indivisible as is that of god. and perhaps they were jealous of the advantages they reap'd from such excellent and refin'd learning , and which they thought the vulgar part of mankind was not worthy of . they could not tell us of the operations of this almighty cause , without speaking at the same time of its effects : so that to divinity they added physiology , and treated thereof , without quitting the umbrages of their allegorical expressions . but man being the chief and the most noble of all the effects which god produc'd , and nothing being so proper , nor more useful to poets than this subject , they have added it to the former , and treated of the doctrine of morality after the same manner as they did that of divinity and philosophy : and from morality thus discours'd of , has art form'd that kind of poem and fable , which we call the epick . what the divines made their divinity , that did the epick poets make their morality . but that infinite variety of the actions and operations of the divine nature ( to which our understanding bears but little proportion ) did as it were force them upon dividing the single idea of the only one god into several persons , under the different names of jupiter , juno , neptune , and the rest . and on the other hand , the nature of moral philosophy being such as never lays down a rule for any particular thing , the epick poets were oblig'd to unite in one single idea , in one and the same person , and in an action that appear'd singular , all that look'd like it in different persons , and in various actions , which might be thus contain'd as so many species under their genus . therefore when aristotle speaks to this purpose , that poetry is more serious than history , and that poets are greater philosophers than historians are : he does not only speak this to magnifie the excellence of this art , but to inform us also of the nature of it . * poesie , says he , teaches morality not by recital only as an historian , who barely tells us what alcibiades for instance ( 't is aristotle's own instance ) did or suffer'd : but by proposing whatever a person , let the poet call him by what name he pleases , ought either necessarily , or in all probability , to have said or done upon that or the like occasion ? 't is in this nature that the poet lays down the bad consequences of an ill-grounded design or a wicked action ; or else the reward of good actions , and the satisfaction one receives from a design form'd by vertue , and manag'd by prudence . thus in the † epopea , according to aristotle , let the names be what they will , yet the persons and the actions are feign'd , allegorical , and vniversal ; not historical and singular . horace is likewise of the same mind , as we shall see hereafter . only by the way we cannot but observe , that he not only says * that poets teach men morality full as well as philosophers , but in that he even gives homer the pre-eminence . the reason poets are more excellent herein than the plain downright philosopher , is this , † that every sort of poem is in general an imitation . now imitation is extremely natural , and pleases every body : by which means this way of proposing things is more charming , and more proper to take with an audience . besides imitation is an instruction by examples ; and examples are very proper to perswade , since they prove such or such a thing is feasible . in short , * imitation is so far the essence of poetry , that it is poetry it self , as aristotle the first founder of this art tells us : and † horace recommends it very particularly to the poet he would create . but thô poets play the moral philosophers , yet still they are no less divines . the morality they deal withal , does indispensibly oblige them to have a vein of divinity run thrô all their works : because the knowledge , the fear , and the love of god ; in a word , piety and religion , are the chief and solidest foundations of other vertues , and of all morality . the presence of the deity , and the care such an august cause ought to take about any action , obliges the poet to represent this action as great , important , and manag'd by * kings and princes . it obliges him likewise to think and speak in an elevated way above the vulgar , and in a style that may in some sort keep up the character of the divine persons he introduces . † to this end serves the poetical and figurative expression , and the majesty of the heroick verse . but all this , being divine and surprizing , may quite ruine all probability : therefore the poet should take special care as to that point , since his chief aim is to instruct , and without probability any action is less likely to perswade . to all this the poets are oblig'd by the substance of the things they propose to themselves as the subject matter of their poems and instructions . the manner of teaching them usefully and methodically , has likewise oblig'd them to add several other rules . the epopéa's business is with the morals and habitudes more than the passions . these rise on a sudden , and their heat is soon over ; but the habitudes are more calm , and come on , and go off more leisurely . therefore the epick action cannot be contain'd in one single day , as the dramatick can : it must have a longer and more just space allow'd it , than that of tragedy , which is only allow'd for the passions . this distinction makes the tragedy and the epopéa differ very much . the violence of tragedy requires a great deal more lively and brisk representation than that of a recital : besides it is all action , and the poet says never a word , as he does in the epopéa , where there are no actors . but if in this the epopéa is inferiour to the drama , yet 't is superiour to both philosophy and history : because 't is a great deal more active than bare philosophy , and the recitals of history : and thô it does not present actors to the eyes of the spectators , yet it ought at least more frequently than historians , to break off the thread of its discourse by the speeches of its personages . this aristotle orders , when he says , that the narration of the epick ought to be dramatick , that is to say , very active . it has likewise its passions , which give it no small advantage over philosophy and history : but in this it is inferiour to tragedy . for thô it has a mixture of all the passions , yet joy and admiration are the most essential to it . these indeed contribute most towards the making us wise men : admiration and curiosity are the cause of sciences ; and nothing engages us so forcibly as pleasure . so that these two passions must never be wanting to any invented piece , if we would be inform'd in what we are indispensibly oblig'd to know . to conclude , because the precepts had need be * concise , that so they may be more easily conceiv'd , and less burden the memory ; and because nothing can be more effectual thereto , than proposing one single idea , and collecting all things so well together , that so they may be present to our minds all at once , the poets have reduc'd all to one † single action , under one and the same design , and in a body whose members and parts should be homogeneous . chap. iii. the definition of the epick poem . that which we have observ'd concerning the nature of the epick poem , gives us a just idea of it , which we may express thus : the epopea is a discourse invented by art , to form the manners by such instructions as are disguis'd under the allegories of some one important action , which is related in verse . after a probable , diverting , and surprizing manner . this here is the definition of the epopéa , and not of poetry it self . for that is an art of making all sorts of poems , of which the epick is but a part . the epopéa then is not an art , but an artificial thing , as 't is express'd in the definition , which says 't is a discourse invented by art. it is likewise one sort of poem , as 't is intimated in the definition by its being call'd a discourse in verse : and the rest distinguishes it from all other sorts of poems . the action of comedy is not very important ; and besides the * poet says nothing , but only the persons he introduces , say and act all , just as in tragedy . for this reason both this and that is stil'd a dramatick poem . and thus it is plain the epopéa is neither tragedy nor comedy . nor is it a piece of natural philosophy , as the poems of empedocles and lucretius : nor a treatise of husbandry , and the like , as the georgicks of virgil : because these pieces are not design'd to form men's manners , and the instructions contain'd in them are naked , simple , and proper , without disguise and allegories . this second reason , which more especially concerns the essence and nature of poesy , does likewise exclude from the number of epick poems , any piece of morality writ in verse , and a plain history , such as lucan's pharsalia , the punick war of silius italicus , and such like real actions of some singular persons without a fable , and in short every thing that is describ'd in verse after this manner . i shall not trouble my head to take notice how the epopéa , differs from the satyr , the eclogue , the ode , the elegy , the epigram , and other lesser poems : for this is self-evident . but it will not be amiss to reflect upon what has been already said , and from thence to conclude that the epopéa has some relation to four things ; viz. to the poem , to the fable , to moral philosophy , and to history . it has a relation to history , because as well this as that relates one or more actions : but the actions of history are singular and true , so that the epopéa is neither a history , nor a species of history . it has a necessary relation to morality , since both one and the other instructs men in their morals ; but the action and the allegories which are proper to it , is the cause why properly speaking it is not moral philosophy , although it may be stil'd a species of it ; and in short , it has a great deal more relation to this than to history . but it belongs altogether to the poem and the fable , since it is properly and truly a poem and a fable ; and is only distinguish'd from other poems and fables , as several species , which equally partake of the same genus , are distinguish'd from one another . besides , the definition does exactly include both , since a poem is a discourse in verse , and a fable is a discourse invented to form men's morals by instructions disguis'd under the allegories of an action . so that one might abridge the definition we have given of the epick poem , and only say , that it is a fable gracefully form'd upon an important action , which is related in verse after a very probable and surprising manner . chap. iv. of the parts of the epick poem . the division of this treatise . the parts of the epick poem contain'd in the former definition are its nature , its matter , its form , and its manner of proposing things . it s nature is twofold ; for the epopéa is both a fable and a poem . but these two several genus's agree very well together , and compose a body , that is no monster . one may likewise very well separate these two natures from one another , and say , that the fable is that which constitutes the nature of the epopéa ; and that the poem tells us how to manage the fable , and comprehends the thoughts , the expression , and the verse . the matter of it is an action feign'd with probability , and drawn from the actions of kings , princes , and gods. this tells us two things , the action and the persons , and therein it does not at all differ from tragedy . the form of it is , that the persons are not here introduc'd to the spectator's view , acting by themselves without the poet , as in tragedy : but that the action is recited by the poet. the end of the epick poem is to lay down moral instructions for all sorts of people both in general and in particular . this part belongs to the poem as it is a fable . it contains the moral which serves for the foundation of the fable ; and besides that it contains the manners of those personages who make some considerable figure in the poem . lastly , as the form includes the person of the poet who makes the rehearsal : so does the end comprehend the persons of the audience for whom the poet designs his instructions . all these things will make up the subject-matter of this treatise : but 't is not necessary they should be all handled with the same particularity and exactness . some will very naturally fall under others , as that will , for instance , which we have to say concerning the poet and his audience . to treat of the end and the moral a-part would require too vast a compass ; i shall content my self to speak thereof in speaking of the fable , and in other places , where the necessary connexion of that part with the rest will afford me just occasions of speaking as much of it as is requisite for my purpose . aristotle divided the thoughts and expressions into two parts , as was very requisite : but so many authors have handled these things , and so copiously too , that i think my self excused from repeating and copying those things , which are under the jurisdiction of other arts. i will leave these things then to the rhetoricians , grammarians , and to those who have writ so much about them even in poetry it self . so that the little i have to say will be compris'd in one part . and my unwillingness to be copious , is the reason which obliges me to speak still less of the poem and versification . but i shall write very fully of the fable , as being the most essential part of the epopéa . so likewise i shall concerning it a form , and its matter . nay more , i shall handle distinctly the morals of the persons . and lastly , i shall distinguish the gods from the men. the gods are usually express'd by the name of machines , because the poets make use of such to let them down upon the theatre ; from whence the epopéa has likewise borrowed the name . according to this account , this treatise will be divided into six parts or books . the first will be concerning the nature of the epick poem , where we shall treat of the fable . the second book will treat of the matter , or of the epick action . the third of the form , or the narration . the fourth of the manners and characters of humane personages . the fifth of machines , or of the presence and action of the gods. and the sixth of the thoughts and expressions . chap. v. of the poem . a poem is a discourse in verse ; and a verse is a part of a discourse measur'd by a certain number of long and short syllables , with a grateful cadence , that is constantly repeated . this repetition is necessary to distinguish the notion we have of verse , from that of prose . for in prose as well as verse , every period and clause are so many parts of a discourse measured by a certain number of long and short syllables ; but prose is ever and anon altering its cadences and measures , which verse never does . the repetition , which the poets make use of , seems still the same in the way of writing : for , when one verse is finish'd , they come back again to the beginning of another line to write the next verse . and this coming back again , is that which gives it the name of ‖ verse ; and this name in latin is common to verses , and several other things that are rang'd , as they are , in different lines ; as trees , for instance , which are set in rows . the latins call verses likewise by the name of carmina ; but this is an equivocal term : for besides its signifying verses , or poems , it may be used to express other things . 't is a term that is given to the * singing of birds , to the † charms of magick , to certain ‡ forms of law , to ‖ inscriptions or devices , to ** epitaphs , and other such like things . for the making of verses , 't is not enough to take care of the measure and quantity of the syllables , and to place six feet just after one another in the same line ; there must be likewise some grateful cadences , of which there are several rules laid down in treating about caesura's , synalepha's , the length of words , and the like . besides this , there must be some tenses of verbs , some moods , some regiments , some constructions , and some words proper only to verse , and which prose knows nothing of . but above all , there must be in verse the turn , and some ways of speaking that are elevated , bold , and metaphorical ; which are so proper to this kind of writing , that without them the most exact placing of long and short syllables is not so much verse as prose in metre : and , on the contrary , these bold expressions , so proper to verse , when used in a discourse that has not feet nor poetical numbers , do give it such an air of verse , that it is not so properly prose , as a kind of poesie without numbers , and as horace says , disjecti membra poetae . as * nature does not inspire into us the rules of poetry and verse ; so neither does art and study help us to that air , that force , and that elevation , in which horace discovers something that is divine , and which only makes a man deserve the name of poet. this is an accomplishment a man should be born with , owing either to the excellency of his nature , or to some happy transports ; but withall so extraordinary , that the ancients , and † aristotle himself , stile them fits of enthusiasm or frensie : yet still there is to be supposed an exact and solid judgment to master this frensie and imagination of the poet. from what has been said , we may conclude that the end of poetry is to please : that its cause is either the excellency of the poet's nature , or the poetick frensie , and these transports of spirit , that are to be govern'd by judgment . it s matter is the long and short syllables , the numbers it is made up of , and the words which grammar furnishes it with , as well as prose . and its form is the ranging of all these things in such exact and charming verses , as may best express the thoughts of the author after the manner we have been describing . but after all , how confin'd is all this , if we consider the great name of poet in the honour homer and virgil did it , and in all the extent it is capable of ! what we have said about it has nothing of praise-worthy in it , but what ev'ry pitiful translator may pretend to , and what the war of catiline turn'd into verse might bestow upon him , that would transpose the prose of sallust after this manner . 't is with reason then that we distinguish these mean subjects from great poetry , by giving them the name of versification ; and that we make , as it were , two distinct arts of versification and poetry . in a word , there is as much difference between the art of making verses , and that of inventing poems , as there is between grammar and rhetorick . this great art consists chiefly in the fable , in the manner of expressing things by allegories and metaphors , and in the invention of some probable matter ; that is , of some actions , under which the poet very charmingly disguises the truths he would have us learn. this is so proper to the poet , that even in the expression ‡ aristotle recommends nothing so much as the metaphor . which agrees very well with that which we have already said about the nature of poetry . for the fables are so many allegorical disguises , and an allegory is nothing else but a series and chain of metaphors linked together . we shall speak of the fable , and these important matters in the sequel of this treatise . we shall here only make this one reflection ; that the true poems , and such as have more of the essence and nature of great poetry than any other , are the epapcit , the tragedy , and the comedy ; for they are all allegorical and fabulous . nor has * aristotle in his poetry undertaken to treat of any more than these three sorts . if we compare them together , the epopéa will excel the other two by that great liberty it takes of using metaphors and perpetual allusions in the fables . allegorical expressions would be more obscure upon the stage , and would have something that is less probable in the mouth of the actors we hear speak , than in the narration of a poet , who writes purely to be read . comedy must likewise yield to tragedy , because it has little of elevation , and the manner of its actors speaking , is too natural and familiar . this very thing has made some people question whether † comedy were a true poem or no. which difficulty is wholly grounded upon this general notion , that a poem is a discourse in verse . now in the latin comedy , the discourse has nothing in it of verse , but feet and numbers . this indeed is enough for such a poetical subject as comedy is . and we suppose in this we are of horace's opinion , at least he attributes this doubt to a very few persons . but this measure only , without any air to distinguish the discourse from prose , makes no verses : and for this reason has . ‡ horace call'd his satyrs by a prose name ; viz. sermons . his epistles are the same . his odes are of a different air , and these he calls by a poetical name , carmina . the case is not the same with subjects that are not poetical , but writ in verse , and adorn'd with fables and allegories ; as , the georgicks of virgil , lucan's pharsalia , the punick war of silius italicus , and the like . the truth on 't is , these fables and allegories are not sufficient for an epopéa , and its main action , that ought to be a fable ; so that we do not take the georgicks or the pharsalia to be an epopéa ; but yet this should not hinder us from thinking them to be true poems for all that . but if a man writes an epopéa in prose , would it be an epick poem ? no , i think not ; for a poem is a discourse in verse . but yet this would not hinder its being an epopéa ; just as a tragedy in prose is still a tragedy , though it be not a tragick poem . they who have question'd whether the latin comedy were a poem or no , never doubted but it was a comedy . i should have said less upon such trite matters , but that i was asham'd to take no notice at all what a poem or a verse was , being to treat so largely about the epick poem . chap. vi. of the fable . * aristotle says , the fable is the principal part of the poem , and that 't is as it were the very soul of it . therefore we must look for the nature of the epopéa in that of the fable , and consider that as the chief foundation of the poem , as the principle that gives life and motion to all its parts , and sets all its faculties on work . we have indeed begun to define the epopéa by the definition we gave of the fable ; for the fable is a discourse invented to form mens manners by instructions disguis'd under the allegories of one single action . there are several sorts of fables , which one may treat after very different ways . the poet forms his from that which is most excellent in each of these sorts . there are reckon'd three sorts of fables . the first fall under the names of men and gods , and are call'd rational ; the second are only comprised under the names of beasts , and derive their name of moratoe from the humane manners , which are attributed to them ; and the last are a mixture of these two sorts of personages , and are call'd mix'd . the epick fables are rational . nor do i think that the liberty homer has taken of making a horse speak only once in his iliad , ought to make this fable be counted a mix'd one . i should rather reckon this incident among the machines and miracles ; as we read in the roman history it sometimes happen'd , and as we know it did in balaam's ass . besides , 't was such a common thing in those times to make use of these sorts of fables , and to bring in brute beasts , and even trees speaking : and this custom was so generally look'd upon as mark of learning , a genius , and eloquence ; that had homer us'd it oftner , i do not see how any one could blame this fable for any irregularity . but in short , this custom of making beasts speak is so little relish'd by these last ages , that even homer's example would not make it excusable in any of our modern writers . however 't is , this inconsiderable incident , which does not hinder but the epick fable may be reckon'd among the rational ones , will not hinder it from being plac'd among the probable ones ; though this qualification be not at all necessary for the fable in general . in fine , the action of a fable may be serious , great , and important , or familiar , low , and vulgar . it may be either perfect or defective ; writ in verse or prose ; swell'd to a large discourse , or express'd in a few words ; recited by the author , or represented by the persons who are the sole actors in it . and all these different ways make no alteration in the essence , and in the nature of the fable . excepting the representation , which the epick poet leaves the stage to be master of , he takes always the most excellent , and the most noble method . so that the epick action is grave , important , compleat , and rehearsed in a long train of verses . one may add to this , that there are some fables which consist less in action than in speaking ; as that fable , for instance , which ridicules the foolish vanity of those men , who attribute all the glory of an event to themselves , for the producing of which they contributed nothing but their own unprofitable presence . the fable represents them under the allegory of a fly , which lighting upon a chariot , and seeing her self in the midst of a cloud of dust , which the chariot-wheels and the horse-feet raised in the air , cries out ; o gemini ! what a dust do i make ? the epick is not of this sort of fables , but of those which imitate an action . these then are the differences which specifie the epick fable , and distinguish it from all others . it is rational and probable ; it imitates an action that is compleat and important ; it is long and rehears'd in verse ; but neither of these properties change its nature , nor make it less a fable , than those which are publish'd in aesop's name . so much for the sorts and differences of the epick fable , now for its parts . * aristotle says , that the fable is a composition of several things . and in truth two things do compose it , which are as it were its two essential parts . the one is truth , which serves as a foundation to it ; and the other is fiction , which allegorically disguises this truth , and gives it the form of a fable . the truth lies conceal'd ; and is that piece of morality the poet would teach us . the romans made use of this very expression , when they said to † teach fables and tragedies , instead of saying to act and represent them . the fiction is the action or the words , whereby these instruction are veil'd . in the instance we just now propos'd , the truth is this , that it is ridiculous to brag of any thing we have no hand in : and the fiction is that pleasant thought of a fly riding upon a chariot , and crying , bless me ! what a dust do i make ? the truth lies under no difficulty here , since the moral instruction ought always to be true . but suppose the imitated action be taken out of history , would this pass for a fiction ? the difficulty is the same , if it be taken from a fable that is already known , since after this manner , the poet would at little invent and feign it , as if he had found it in history : and yet if the author feigns nothing , we may well dispute with him the name of poet. to this we answer , that the poet ought to feign one general action ; then he should look for the names of some persons ( to whom a parallel action has either truly or probably happen'd ) in history , or some well-known fables : and lastly , he ought to place his action under these names . thus it will be really feign'd and invented by the author , and yet will seem to be taken out of some very ancient history and fable . this we shall explain by what follows : we will begin to do so by the instance of a fable compos'd after this method . chap. vii . the method of composing a fable . the first thing we are to begin with for composing a fable , is to chuse the instruction , and the point of morality , which is to serve as its foundation , according to the design and end we propose to our selves . i would , for instance , exhort two brothers , or any other persons , who hold an estate in common , to agree well together , the better to preserve it : and this is the end of the fable , and the first thing i thought on . for this purpose i endeavour to imprint upon their minds this maxim ; that a misunderstanding between friends is the ruin of families , and of all sorts of societies . this maxim which i make choice of , is the point of morality , and the truth which serves as a foundation to the fable i would compose . in the next place this moral truth must be reduc'd into action , and a general action must be feign'd in imitation of the true and singular actions of those who have been ruin'd by a misunderstanding that has happen'd among them . i say then , that several persons were engaged together to look after an estate , which they hold in common . they fall out with one another , and this difference leaves them defenceless to the will of an enemy who ruins them . this is the first platform of a fable . the action , which this recital presents us with , has four qualifications : it is vniversal , it is imitated , it is feign'd , and it contains allegorically , a moral truth . this model then comprehends the two essential parts which compose the fable , viz. the truth and the fiction . all this is common to all sorts of fables . the names that are given to the personages do first specifie a fable . aesop gives them the names of beasts . once upon a time ( says he ) two dogs were set to keep a flock of sheep , they fight with one another , and leave the sheep without defence to the mercy of the wolf , that commits what ravage he pleases among them . these names are the meanest of any . the action is still general , and the fiction is altogether apparent . we may disguise the fiction , render the action more singular , and make it a rational fable by the names of men invented at pleasure . pridamant and orontes , two brothers by a second marriage , were left very rich by their father's last will and testament . they could not agree in sharing their estates , and were so obstinately bent one against the other , that to provide for their common interest against clitander ( their elder brother by a former marriage ) was the very least of their care . he very dextrously foments their quarrel , and keeps them from minding the design he has upon them , by pretending he expected nothing but a small gratuity by the accommodations , which he daily proposes , but never urges home to them . in the mean time he gains upon the judges , and all others , who were intrusted with this affair ; he procures the will to be cancell'd , and becomes master of all that estate he pretended he would have gratified his brothers with , though to his own prejudice . this fable is a rational and probable fable ; but because the names are feign'd as well as the things , and the action is only particular , and the families ordinary , it is neither an epick nor tragick fable ; and can only be manag'd in comedy . for * aristotle informs us , that comick poets invent both the names and the things . in order to make this an alamode comick fable , some girl or another should have been promised to clitander ; but the will should have put the father upon altering his design , and he should have oblig'd her to have married one of these two rich coxcombs , for whom she had not the least fancy . and here the comical part might have been carried on very regularly even as the poet pleas'd . but to return . the fiction might be so disguis'd under the truth of history , that those who are ignorant of the poet's art would believe that he had made no fiction . but the better to carry on this disguise , search must be made in history for the names of some persons to whom this feign'd action might either probably or really have happen'd ; and then must the action be rehears'd under these known names , with such circumstances as alter nothing of the essence either of the fable or the moral : as in the following example . in the war king philip the fair had with the flemings in the year , he sent out his army under the command of robert earl of artois his general , and ralph of nesle his constable . when they were in the plain of courtray in sight of the enemy , the constable says , 't was so easie to starve them , that it would be advisable not to hazard the lives of so many brave men against such vile and despicable fellows . the earl very haughtily rejects this advice , charging him with cowardice and treachery . we will see , replies the constable in a rage , which of us has the most loyalty and bravery : and with that away he rides directly towards the enemy , drawing all the french cavalry after him . this precipitation , and the dust they rais'd , hinder'd them from discovering a large and deep river , beyond which the flemings were posted . the french were miserably cast away in the torrent . at this loss the infantry were so startled , that they suffer'd themselves to be cut in pieces by the enemy . 't is by this means that the fiction may have some agreement with the truth it self , and the precepts of the art do not contradict one another , though they order us to begin by feigning an action , and then advise us to draw it from history . as for the fiction and fable , it signifies little whether the persons are dogs , or oronics and pridamont , or robert d'artois and the earl of nesle , or lastly achilles and agamemnon . 't is time we should now propose it in its just extent under the two last names in the iliad . it is too narrow for an epopéa under the former names . chap. viii . of the fable of the iliad . the fable of the iliad , at the bottom , is nothing else but that which i just now propos'd . i will treat of it here at large , because i cannot give you a greater light into this doctrine , than by the practice of homer . 't is the most exact model of the epopéa , and the most useful abridgment of all the precepts of this art ; since in truth , aristotle himself has extracted them out of the works of this great poet. in every thing which a man undertakes with design , the end he proposes to himself is always the first thing which occurs in his mind , and upon which he grounds the whole work , and all its parts . thus , since the epick poem was invented to form the manners of men , 't is by this first view the poet ought to begin . the school-men treat of vertues and vices in general . the instructions they give are proper for all sorts of people , and for all ages . but the poet has a nearer regard to his own country , and the necessities he sees his own nation lie under . 't is upon this account that he makes choice of some piece of morality , the most proper and fittest he can imagine : and in order to press this home , he makes less use of reasoning , than of the force of insinuation ; accommodating himself to the particular customs and inclinations of his audience , and to those which in the general ought to be commended in them . let us now see how homer has acquitted himself in all these respects . he saw the grecians , for whom he design'd his poem , were divided into as many states as they had capital cities . each was a body politick , and had its form of government independent from all the rest . and yet these distinct states were very often oblig'd to unite together in one body against their common enemies . and here we have two very different sorts of government , such as cannot be very well comprehended in one body of morality , and in one single poem . the poet then has made two distinct fables of them . the one is for all greece united into one body , but compos'd of parts independent on one another , as they in truth were : and the other is for each particular state , consider'd as they were in time of peace , without the former circumstances , and the necessity of being united . as for the first sort of government observable in the union or rather in the assembling of many independent states : experience has always made it appear , that there is nothing like a due subordination , and a right understanding between persons to make the designs that are form'd and carried on by several generals to prosper . and on the other hand , an universal misunderstanding , the ambition of a general , and the under-officers refusing to submit , have always been the infallible and inevitable bane of these confederacies . all sorts of states , and in particular the grecians , have dearly experienc'd this truth . so that the most useful and the most necessary instructions that could be given them , was , to lay before their eyes the loss which both the people and the princes themselves suffer'd by the ambition and discord of these last . homer then has taken for the foundation of his fable this great truth ; viz. that a misunderstanding between princes is the ruin of their own states . i sing ( says he ) the anger of achilles , so pernicious to the grecians , and the cause of so many heroes deaths , occasion'd by the discord and parting of agamemnon and this prince . but that this truth may be compleatly and fully known , there is need of a second to back it . for it may be question'd , whether the ill consequences which succeed a quarrel were caused by that quarrel ; and whether a right understanding does re-adjust those affairs which discord has put out of order : that is to say , these assembled states must be represented first as labouring under a misunderstanding , and the ill consequences thereof ; and then as united and victorious . let us now see how he has dispos'd of these things in one general action . several princes , independant on one another , were united against a common enemy . he , whom they had elected their general , offers an affront to the most valiant of all the confederates . this offended prince was so far provok'd , that he withdrew himself , and obstinately refused to fight for the common cause . this misunderstanding gives the enemy so much advantage , that the confederates are very near quitting their design very dishonourably . he himself who is withdrawn is not exempt from sharing in the misfortunes he brought upon his allies . for having permitted his intimate friend to succour them in a great necessity , this friend is kill'd by the enemies general . thus being both made wiser at their own cost , are reconcil'd . and then this valiant prince gets the victory , and revenges his own wrongs by killing with his own hands him who had been the death of his friend . this is the first platform of the poem , and the fiction , which reduces into one important and universal action , all the particulars upon which it turns . in the next place it must be render'd probable by the circumstances of times , places , and persons ; that is to say , if we would come up to the precepts of our masters , we must seek for some persons already known by history , or other ways , by whom we may with probability represent the personages of this fable . homer has made choice of the siege of troy , and feign'd that this action happen'd there . he has given the name of achilles to a valiant and angry phantom ; that of agamemnon to his general , that of hector to the enemies commander , and others to the rest , as is to be seen in his poem . besides , he was oblig'd to accommodate himself to the manners , customs , and genius of the greeks his auditors , the better to make them attend to the instruction of his poem , and to gain their approbation by praising them , as far as the faults he must of necessity make his personages fall into , would admit . he admirably discharges all the duties , by making these brave princes , and those victorious people , to be grecians , and the fathers of those he had a mind to commend . but in that length and extent which is given to these fables , if we would not stuff up the rest with useless ornaments and foreign incidents , we must do something else besides proposing the principal point of morality that is made use of . we must extend this moral by its necessary consequences : as for instance , in the subject before us , 't is not enough to know , that a good understanding ought always to be maintain'd among confederates : 't is likewise very material to know , that if there happens any division , great care is to be taken , that it be kept from the enemies knowledge , that so they being ignorant of this advantage , may not venture to make use of it . in the second place , when this concord is but counterfeit , and only in appearance , one should never press the enemy too closely , nor oblige them to make use of all their forces : for this would discover the weakness that ought to be concealed from them . the episode of patroclus does even to admiration furnish us with these two instructions . for when he appear'd in the arms of achilles , the trojans , who took him for achilles himself , now reconciled and re-united to the confederates , gave ground , and quitted the advantages they had over the greeks . but patroclus , who should have been contented with this success , presses upon hector too boldly , and by obliging him to fight , discovers that it was not the true achilles that was clad in his armour , but a much more feeble hero. so that hector kills him , and re-gains the advantages which the trojans had lost upon the conceit that achilles was reconcil'd . 't is by such sort of fictions that this great poet has fill'd his poem with instructions so excellent for their design , and whereby he has merited those praises which aristotle , horace , and all the ancients have bestow'd upon him . chap. ix . a comparison of the fable of the iliad , with that of aesop . the better to make it appear that an epopéa is a true fable ; and that this term we give it is not metaphorical or figurative , but proper and natural ; and that the sense is the same , as when we give the name of fables to the fictions of aesop : i shall here draw a parallel between the fable of the iliad , and that of aesop , which i have already mention'd . first then i say , that the moral truth and instruction is apparently the same in both . aesop and homer would have us learn , that a misunderstanding between those of the same party , exposes them to the insults of their enemies , and their own ruin : and that concord preserves and renders them victorious . the fiction is likewise the same . both have feign'd a confederacy of several persons together , for the maintenance and defence of their interest against the common enemy . again , both have feign'd some disturbance that happen'd at first in this union ; and that those who quarrell'd met with an equal share of misfortune . lastly , both have restor'd to the party of these united persons , the concord and victory which was the consequence of their re-union . there 's nothing remains now but to give names to those feign'd persons . as for the nature of the fable , it matters little whether the names of beasts or of men be made use of . homer has made choice of these last ; and has given the quality of kings to his personages . he has call'd them achilles , agamemnon , hector , patroclus , and has expressed by the name of grecians , that interest which the confederates were obliged to maintain . aesop in his way , has given the names of beasts to all his personages : the dogs are the confederates , the wolf is their enemy , and he has called the sheep , what the poet has term'd the grecians . one says , that whilst the * confederate kings quarrell'd , hector their enemy makes havock of the poor grecians , who pay dearly for the folly of their princes ; and when the allies , mov'd with their loss , were reunited , they put hector to flight and kill him . the other says the very same , that whilst the dogs did bite and tear one another , the wolf broke in upon the sheep : and when the dogs , seeing the ravage of this enemy , were good friends again , they made him fly for it , and killed him . the fable of homer is a rational one , and that of aesop is not . but this is no reason why one is more or less a fable than the other . † horace calls the iliad a fable , tho' the names are human ; just as the stories of aesop are call'd fables under the names of dogs , lyons , jupiter , the frogs , and the like . homer has stretch'd out his fable by long harangues , by descriptions , by similitudes , and by particular actions : in like manner , might one amplify that of aesop without spoiling it . one need only relate what provok'd these dogs to quarrel , and to describe the rise of their anger with all its circumstances : to make fine descriptions of the plain where the sheep were feeding , and of some neighbouring forest , which serv'd the wolf for a shelter and retreat : to give this enemy some little cubs to breed up , to make them follow their sire in the quest of their prey , and to describe the booty they take at several times one should not likewise omit the genealogy of these heroes . the wolf should boast of his descent from lycaon ; and one of the dogs should have issu'd in a direct line from the great celestial dog , and the canicula . this should be the hero of the poem , for he would be very hot and cholerick . he would do well to represent the personage of achilles ; and the folly of a certain ajax his kinsman , would be a handsom proof of this nobility , and of an origin so divine as that is . there is no need of any thing farther to engage heaven in this quarrel , and to divide the gods into parties . for the gods have as much to do in the republick of aesop , as in the states of homer ; witness jupiter , who was so far concern'd as to appoint kings over the common-wealth of the frogs . and here we have matter enough to give this subject a very large extent , provided we have expressions to answer it , and take care to insert as often * as homer has : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for this fine epithet for a dog , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a fleet-runner , ought by no means to be omitted . in short , homer does likewise resemble aesop , in that he as well as the other had a great mind to make the beasts speak in the person of xanthus the horse of achilles . we conclude then , that the name of fable which is given to the fable of the iliad , and that of aesop , is neither equivocal nor analogous , but synonymous and equally proper ; that all the qualities which make any difference between them , do by no means affect either the foundation , the nature , or the essence of the fable , but only constitute the different sorts of it ; and lastly , that if a fable be rational , probable , serious , important , mix'd with divinities , amplified and rehears'd in verse , it will be an epick poem : if it has not these conditions , it will be another kind of fable . chap. x. the fable of the odyssëis . the odyssëis was not design'd as the iliad , to instruct all the states of greece join'd and confederated in one body , but for each state in particular . a state is compos'd of two parts ; the head which commands is the first , and the members which obey make up the other . there are instructions requisite for the governour , and some likewise necessary for the subjects : for him to rule well , and for them to be rul'd by him . there are two vertues necessary to one in authority ; prudence to order , and care to put in execution the orders he has given . the prudence of a politician is not acquir'd but by a long experience in all sorts of business , and by an acquaintance with all the different forms of governments and states . the care of the execution suffers not him that has order'd it , to rely upon others , but it requires his own presence ; and kings who are absent from their states are in danger of losing them , and give way to great disorders . these two points might be easily united in one and the same man. * a king absent from his kingdom visits the courts of several princes , where he learns the customs of different nations . from hence there naturally arises a vast number of incidents , of dangers , and of passages , that are very useful for a political instruction : and on the other side , this absence gives way to the disorders which happen in his own kingdom , and which end not till his return , whose sole presence can re-establish all things . thus the absence of a king is the same , and has the same effect in this fable , as the division had in the former . the subjects have scarce any need but of one general maxim , which is to suffer themselves to be govern'd by , and to obey faithfully some reason or other which seems to them contrary to the orders they have received . it were easie to join this to what we have already said , by bestowing on this wise and industrious prince such subjects , as in his absence would obey , not the orders they receiv'd , but what appear'd to them more reasonable : and by demonstrating from the misfortunes this disobedience draws upon them , the evil consequences which almost infallibly attend these particular conducts , which are distinct from the general notion of him who ought to govern. but as 't is necessary that the princes in the * iliad should be cholerick and quarrelsome : † so 't is necessary in the fable of the odysseis that the chief personage should be . sage , and prudent . this raises a difficulty in the fiction ; because this personage ought to be absent for the two reasons aforemention'd , which are essential to the fable ; and which constitute the principal part thereof : but he cannot be absent from his own home without offending against another maxim of equal importance ; viz. that a king should never leave his own country . it is true , there are sometimes such necessities as sufficiently excuse the prudence of a politician : but such a necessity is a thing important enough to supply matter for another poem , and this multiplication of the action would have been vicious . to prevent this , first this necessity and the departure of the hero must be disjoin'd from the poem : and in the second place , the hero having been oblig'd to absent himself for a reason antecedent to the action , and distinct from the fable ; he ought not to embrace this opportunity of instructing himself , and so absent himself voluntarily from his own government . for at this rate , his absence would have been still voluntary , and one might with reason lay to his charge , the disorders which might have happen'd thereon . thus in the constitution of the fable , the poet ought not to take for his action , and for the foundation of his poem , the departure of a prince from his own country , nor his voluntary stay in any other place ; but his return , and this return hinder'd against his will. this is the first idea the poet gives us of it . * his hero appears at first in a desolate island , sitting upon the side of the sea , which with tears in his eyes he looks upon as the obstacle , that had hinder's him so long from returning home , and visiting his own dear country . and lastly , since this forc'd delay has something in it that is most natural and usual to such as make voyages by sea : homer has judiciously made choice of a prince whose kingdom was in an island . we see then how he has feign'd all this action , allowing his hero a great many years , because he stood in need of so many to instruct himself in prudence and policy . a prince had been oblig'd to forsake his native country , and to head an army of his subjects in a foreign expedition . having gloriously perform'd this enterprize , he was for marching home again , and thither would have conducted his subjects . but spite of all the attempts , which his eagerness to return home again put him upon , there are tempests which stop him by the way for several years together , and cast him upon several countries very different from one another as to their manners and government . in the dangers he was in , his companions , not always following his orders , perish'd through their own fault . the grandees of his country do very strangely abuse his absence , and raise no small disorders at home . they consume his estate , conspire to make away with his son , would constrain his queen to chose one of them for her husband , and indulge themselves in all these violences so much the more , because they were perswaded he would never return . but at last he returns , and discovering himself to his son and some others , who had continu'd loyal to him , he is an eye-witness of the insolence of his enemies , punishes them according to their deserts , and restores to his island that tranquility and repose , which they had been strangers to during his absence . as the truth , which serves as a foundation to this fiction , and which with it makes the fable , is , that the absence of a person from his own home , or who has not an eye to what is done there , is the cause of great disorders : so the principal action , and the most essential one , is the absence of the hero. this fills almost all the poem : for not only this bodily absence lasted several years , but even when the hero return'd , he does not discover himself ; and this prudent disguise , from whence he reap'd so much advantage , has the same effect upon the authors of the disorders , and all others who knew him not , as his real absence had ; so that he is absent as to them , till the very moment he punish'd them . after the poet had thus compos'd his fable , and join'd the fiction to the truth , he then makes choice of vlysses , the king of the isle of ithaca , to maintain the character of his chief personage , and bestow'd the rest upon telemachus , penelope , antinous , and others , whom he calls by what names he pleases . i shall not here insist upon the many excellent advices , which are as so many parts , and natural consequences of the fundamental truth ; and which the poet very dexterously lays down in those fictions , which are the episodes and members of the entire action , such for instance are these advices : not to intrude ones self into the mysteries of government , which the prince keeps secret to himself , this is represented to us by the winds shut up in a bull-hide , which the miserable companions of vlysses must needs be so foolish as to pry into : not to suffer ones self to be lead away by the seeming charms of an idle and lazy life , to which the * sirens songs invite men : not to suffer ones self to be sensualiz'd by pleasures , like those who were chang'd into brutes by circe : and a great many other points of morality necessary for all sorts of people . this poem is more useful to the vulgar , than the iliad is , where the subjects suffer rather by the ill conduct of their princes , than through their own fault . but in the odysseïs , 't is not the fault of vlysses that is the ruin of his subjects . this wise prince did all he could to make them sharers in the benefit of his return . thus the poet in the iliad says , he sings the anger of achilles , which had caus'd the death of so many grecians ; and on the contrary , in the ‡ odysseïs he tells his readers , that the subjects perish'd through their own fault . notwithstanding it is to be confess'd , that these great names of kings , hero's , achilles , agamemnon , and vlysses , do no less denote the meanest burghers , than they do the caesars , the pompeys , and the alexanders of the age. the commonalty are as subject as the grandees , to lose their estates , and ruin their families by anger and divisions , by negligence and want of taking care of their business . they stand in as much need of homer's lessons , as kings ; they are as capable of profiting thereby ; and 't is as well for the small as the great , that the morality of the schools , that of the fable , and that of the chair deliver those truths we have been just speaking of . chap. xi . of the fable of the aeneid . in the fable of the aeneid we are not to expect that simplicity , which aristotle esteem'd so divine in homer . but tho' the fortune of the roman empire envied the poet this glory , yet the vast extent of the matter it furnishes him with , starts up such difficulties as require more spirit and conduct , and has put us upon saying that there is something in the aeneid more noble than in the iliad these very difficulties we are to solve , and they call upon us for our utmost care and attention . there was a great deal of difference between the greeks and the romans . these last were under no obligation , as were the former , either of living in separated and independent states ; or of frequent confederating together against the common enemy . if in this respect , we would compare our two poets together , virgil had but one poem to make , and this ought to be more like the odysseïs than the iliad , since the roman state was govern'd by only one prince . but ( without mentioning the inconveniences the latin poet might meet with in forming a fable upon the same foundation , which the greek had laid before him ) the roman state furnish'd him with matter different enough to help him to avoid treading in the footsteps of him that went before him , and to preserve to him the glory of a primary invention . homer in the odysseïs spoke only for states already establish'd , and the roman empire was but of a new date . it was the change of a commonwealth ( to which caesar's subjects had been always extreamly biggoted ) into a monarchy , which till then they could never endure . thus , the instructions , which the poet ought to give both to prince and people , were quite different from those homer left his countrymen . he ought to instruct augustus as the founder of a great empire , and to inspire into him as well as his successors , the same spirit and conduct which had rais'd this empire to such a grandeur . a very expert roman , and a great politician ( no less than * cicero himself ) informs us , that good humour and humanity was so far essential to this state , that it was predominant even in the very midst of war ; and that nothing but an absolute necessity could put a stop to its good effects . and he adds , that when this conduct was lost , and this genius , which gave life to the state , was gone , there was nothing left but bare walls , and what in propriety of speech might be term'd a dead carcase . in short , he shews the advantages which a mild and moderate government has over a cruel and severe conduct , which inspires men with nothing but a slavish fear . this then is the instruction virgil would give the roman emperors , who began in the person of augustus to be settled upon the throne . this instruction has two parts , as each of homer's had . the first comprehends the misfortunes which attend a tyrannical and violent reign : and the second the happiness , which is the consequence of a mild government . homer has plac'd both the parts of each fable in one and the same person , achilles at first is at variance with the confederates , and afterwards is reconcil'd to them : vlysses is absent from home , and at last returns thither : and in all this there is nothing of difficulty . but virgil could not represent in one and the same person , a hero , who by his violence and impiety was the ruin of his country ; and who afterwards by his piety and justice , restor'd it to its former glory . this inequality of manners and conduct would have been intolerable , and especially in that brevity , which the recital of an epick poem requires ; besides , such a sudden change is never to be rely'd on ; men would think it hypocritical , and fear a very quick return of the old tyranny . the poet then is oblig'd to make use of two different personages , to maintain the two parts of his exemplary instruction . besides , several weighty reasons did indispensibly oblige him to put humanity and good-nature in the manners of his hero , and to make piety his predominant quality , and the very soul of all his vertues . one of these great reasons is the desire and necessity he lay under of pleasing his chief auditor , who alone was more considerable than all the rest . augustus caesar did nothing to settle himself upon the throne , but what his piety put him upon undertaking ; or at least he had a mind the world should think so . this is the judgment which the most prudent past upon him , even after he was dead , when he was no longer the subject of mens flatteries , or their fear . this * cornelius tacitus informs us of . the reasons why the poet spoke thus of the new establishment , were owing to the subjects of augustus , who made up the other part of the audience ; and the second object of his morality . he was oblig'd to make them lay aside the old antipathy they had to monarchy , to convince them of the justice , and the legal prerogative of augustus , to divert them from so much desiring to oppose his designs , and to raise in them a love and veneration for this prince . religion has always had a most powerful influence over the minds of the vulgar . the first roman kings , and the new emperors , made use thereof , by joyning the sacerdotal to the regal office. the poet likewise us'd his utmost care in searching for all the advantages he could derive from thence , by making it the chief foundation of his whole design . he makes it appear , that the great revolutions , which happen in states , are brought about by the appointment and will of god : that those who oppose them are impious , and have been punish'd according to their demerits , for heaven never fails to protect the heroes it makes choice of , to carry on and execute its great designs . this maxim serves for the foundation of the aeneid ; and is that first part of the fable which we call the truth . besides , the poet was oblig'd to represent his hero free from all manner of violence , and elected king by brave and generous people , who thought it an honour to obey him , tho' they might lawfully have been their own soveraigns , and have chosen what form of government they pleas'd . in short it was requisite that the justice of his cause , like that of augustus , should have been grounded upon the rights of war. in a word , the hero should have been like augustus , a new monarch , the founder of an empire , a lawgiver , a pontifex , and a great commander . the necessity of reducing all these things into one body , and under the allegories of a single action , makes it appear how great a difference there is between the designs of homer , and that of virgil : and that if the latin poet did imitate the greek , yet the applicaaion of it is so remote and difficult , that it should never make his poem pass for a new copy , nor rob him of the glory of the invention . let us see then the collection which virgil has made of all these matters ; and the general fiction , which together with the truths it disguises , makes up the fable and life of the poem . the gods preserve a prince amidst the ruin of a mighty state , and make choice of him to be the maintainer of their religion , and the establisher of a more great and glorious empire than the first . this very hero is likewise elected king by the general consent of those , who had escap'd the universal wrack of that kingdom . he conducts them through territories from whence his ancestors came , and by the way instructed himself in all that was necessary for a king , a priest , and the founder of a monarchy . he arrives and likewise finds in this new country , the gods and men dispos'd to entertain him , and to allow him subjects and territories . but a neighbouring prince , blinded by ambition and jealousie , could not see the justice and the orders of heaven , but opposes his establishment , and is assisted by the valour of a king , whose cruelty and impiety had divested him of his states . this opposition , and the war this pious stranger was * forc'd to , renders his establishment more just by the right of conquest , and more glorious by the overcoming and cutting off of his enemies . the model being thus fram'd , there was nothing wanting but to look into history , or into some authentick fables , for hero's whose names he might borrow , and whom he might engage to represent his personages . the obligation he lay under of accommodating himself to the manners and religion of his country , invited him to look after them in the roman history . but what action could he take thence , which might furnish him with a revolution and establishment of government , that was proper to his purpose ? brutus had expelled the kings , and placed the people in that which they then called their liberty : but this name was odious and prejudicial to augustus ; and this action was quite opposite to the design which the poet had of confirming the re-establishment of monarchy . romulus first founded rome , but he laid the walls thereof in his brother's blood ; and his first action was the murder of his uncle amulius , for which none could ever find a satisfactory excuse : and then , it was very difficult to suppose these heroes to have taken voyages . besides , these two establishments were made before the destruction of the states which preceded them , and were the cause of their ruin . the kingdom of alba flourish'd during the reign of the two first roman kings , but was erased by the third : and monarchy was extirpated by brutus , and his successors in the consul-ship . it was of dangerous consequence , to instil this notion into the subjects of augustus , and to put the people upon thinking , that this prince had ruined the commonwealth , and banished their liberty . the truth of history furnished him with a thought more favourable to his design ; since in reality cicero and tacitus do both inform us , that before this prince made the least shew of what he was about to do , there was no commonwealth in being . all the vigour of the empire was spent , the laws were invalid , the romans were nothing else but the dregs of a state ; and in short , there was nothing left of rome but bare walls , which were not able to last much longer . thus augustus destroyed nothing , he only re-established a tottering state. this is what the † poet is to prove , a great empire ruin'd , of which his hero was in no fault ; and this very empire more gloriously re-established by the virtue , and the good conduct of the hero. in the roman history , virgil did not meet with a prince , who could with any probability keep up the character of his chief personage ; he was obliged to look out for one some where else . homer had this advantage , that the heroes of his fables were greeks , and that his own country was the theatre whereon most of the fabulous actions were transacted : so that he had liberty enough to accommodate himself to the manners and religion of those for whom he wrote . but the genius and skill of the latin poet helped him to that which fortune denied him . he took * horace's advice , and had recourse to a hero of the iliad : and that he might make this stranger conform to the religion of the romans , he has seign'd , that the hero came thither to bring into italy all the ceremonies , and to settle these gods there , which ever since they have observ'd and ador'd . he has very luckily compleated this conformity in ‡ the customs and manners by making the trojans and romans but one people . and he as well as homer has caused that his illustrious heroes should be the fathers of his auditors ; but with this advantage , that he himself makes the application of it to his readers , with an equal measure of wit and applause . aeneas is his chief personage , turnus is aeneas's rival , and in mezentius one may observe the cruelty of a tyrant , who is at enmity with both gods and men. to conclude : the arrival of aeneas into italy , was not invented by the poet , but handed down by tradition . † cicero , who wrote before virgil , speaks thereof in his speech against verres upon the account of the city of segesta . its inhabitants gave out that 't was built by aeneas , when in his voyage to italy , he staid for some time on the coast of sicily . chap. xii . horace ' s thoughts of the epick fable . 't is time now to join aristotle and horace to homer and virgil , and to see whether the thoughts and precepts of our two masters about the nature of the epick fable agree with the practice of our two poets . we will begin with horace . as for the word fable there is no difficulty in it ; he gives it to the * dramatick , he gives it to the epick poem , and in plain terms calls the † ilida a fable . the business is to know what he means by this word , and what in his opinion the epick fable is . if it be granted that this kind of fable is of the same nature with those of aesop , as we just now observed : then we cannot say that an epopéa is the panegyrick of a hero ; of whom is rehearsed some illustrious action or other ; nor that the epick fable is only the disposition of the different parts of that action , and of the several fictions with which 't is garnished . three things may clear up this difficulty : the first is the choice and imposition of the names , which are given to the personages of the fable : the second is the design which the poet has of teaching morality under an allegory : and the third is the virtue and excellency of the chief personage . the first is most decisive : for if the action be feigned , and the fable prepared before the poet has so much as thought of the name he is to give to his chief personage ; without doubt he does not undertake the elogy of any particular man. but we do not find that horace has concerned himself in the business of imposing names : therefore we refer this to the following chapter , where we shall enquire into the opinion of aristotle . the point about morality is expresly in horace . this critick is entirely for the way i proposed . he says * that homer lays down admirable instructions for the conduct of humane life , and herein prefers the iliad and the odyssei's to the writings of the most excellent philosophers . this is self-evident , and having said as much already , we wave saying any more about it : the reader may consult his epistle to lollius . but what signifies it ( may some one say ) if homer had a mind to lay down instructions of morality ? this does not himder , but he might have made choice of a hero whom he might have praised , and this elogy rightly managed might be a fable . he was willing then to praise achilles and vlysses as xenophon did his cyrus . is not this plainly the design of virgil ? and if homer was less successful , ought we not to pardon the imperfection of these first ages , which did not furnish him with those great ideas of vertue , and those perfect heroes which after-ages did produce ? the hero of virgil is indeed a true hero in morality as well as poetry ; and represents to kings a compleat model of all the vertues which conspire to make a great prince . this might have given that idea of the epick fable , which we are now examining . for the aeneid is better read and understood than the iliad . and men are easily perswaded , that the design of these less known pieces is the same with that which they are so well acquainted with . besides , this judgment is backed by that noble idea men commonly conceive of the valour of achilles , and of the consummated prudence of vlysses . these are almost the two only things which the generality of the world are acquainted with in the greek poems : which may have induced them to believe that the fables of homer are the panegyricks of achilles and ulysses . but if horace , of whom we now speak , had been of this mind ; and if he had believed that the design of an epick poem , should be to establish the merit of a hero , and to propose him to others as a model of perfection ; it necessarily follows , that either this great critick was not well acquainted with considerable defects in the heroes of homer , or else that he did not think homer was a good pattern to imitate . yet we see he knew the one , and believed the other . he knew no vertue in achilles , nor any action that deserved praise . on the contrary , he says , that in all the iliad , both in the grecians † camp , and in the city of troy , there was nothing to be seen but sedition , treachery , villainy , lust , and passion : and he never commends achilles , neither for his valour , nor for his killing hector , nor for any thing else he did against the trojans . yet 't is evident what an esteem he has for homer ; and that he carped at no faults of his but * peccadilloes . he would have every one , that has a mind to be a poet , † have homer before him night and day : and he proposes the achilles of homer with all the vices , and all the defects he imputes to him , as a great exemplar for others to follow . ‡ he would have him be cholerick , inexorable , one who knows nothing of justice , but has all his reason at his sword 's point . 't is true , to these qualities he has joined vigilancy and zeal to carry on an enterprize . but these qualities being in their own nature indifferent , have nothing that is good , but in persons duly accomplished as was scipio . in wicked persons they are pernicious vices , as in catiline , who made no other use of them but to oppress his country . 't is then in this last sence that horace ascribes them to achilles , since he would have him be represented , as unjust and passionate . in † vlysses he did discover an example of vertue : but since , in truth , he does equally commend homer , for giving us in his two poems an example of vertue , and an example of vice , should we not conclude , that the good or bad qualities of the chief personages , are not at all necessary nor essential to the epick fable ; and that horace never thought the epopéa was an elogy of an hero ? that which the iliad and the odyssei's have in common , is , that each of them is a moral instruction disguised under the allegories of an action . this is what horace discovers in them ; and by consequence each of them , in the opinion of this critick , is a fable , and such a one as we described it . chap. xiii . aristotle's thoughts of the epick fable . what we have said concerning the fable , is still more manifest , in the method and order which aristotle prescribes for the preparation of the ground-work of an epick action . he does not bid us to search at first in history for some great action , and some heroical person : but on the contrary , * he bids us to make a general action which has nothing in it particular ; to impose names on the persons after this first fiction , and afterwards to form the episodes . for the better conceiving of his mind , we must take notice what he means by a general , what by a particular action . † there is this difference ( says he ) between a poet and an historian , that the one writes barely matter of fact , [ the other lays down things just as they ought to have been . for this reason , poetry is more serious and more philosophical than history ; because poetry tells us of general things , and history rehearses singular things . a general thing , is that which either probably or necessarily ought to have been said or done ; and is that to which the poet ought to have a special regard , when he imposes the names on his personages . a singular thing is that which alcibiades , for instance , has either done or suffered . the poetical action then is neither singular nor historical , but general and allegorical : 't is not what alcibiades has done , but 't is in general what any one else ought to have done upon the like occasion . 't is a material point to take notice , that a thing must be done after one way or other , for its being either absolutely good , or for its being only probable , no matter whether it be good or bad . xenophon has feigned the actions of his cyrus in the first way ; and so have all the poets , who in imitation of him have undertaken to describe the actions of a great prince panegyrically . on the other hand , the hecuba of seneca should not have made such fine reflections upon the destruction of troy , and the death of priam. not but these reflections in themselves are very just and useful ; but only 't is not probable , that a woman lying under such a weight of afflictions , should have such thoughts , as were only becoming the tranquility of a great philosopher , who had no manner of interest in the history of these ancient times . 't is in this last sence , that aristotle orders poets to feign their actions such , as they either probably or necessarily ought to have been . if there still remains any doubt what he means by this expression , 't is very easie to give an entire solution of it . one need only consider the instance of an action that is just , and feigned regularly by the greatest of all the poets : 't is that of the iliad . without doubt he knew that the action of achilles , made choice of by homer , * is the anger of this hero , so pernicious to the greeks , and not to the trojans . we will not so much as suppose , that this great philosopher ever thought , that the extravagancies of a man , who sacrifices his friends and his country to his own revenge , was an action any ways commendable , vertuous , or worthy the imitation of princes . certainly it had been more for the honour of homer's country , if he had sung of the war and the taking of troy. and yet , † aristotle does not only not blame him for forgoing such a glorious subject , and making choice of a more defective theme : but he says that herein he has done something that is divine . he is then perfectly of the same mind with horace , who would have achilles represented as cholerick , passionate , and unjust ; just as homer has made him . but that wherein aristotle is more instructive than horace , is his method of giving names to the personages , that are introduced in a poem . for how could one prepare the ground-work of a particular action of some illustrious hero , that is not feigned ; when one does not so much as know whether the hero be achilles , aeneas , vlysses , diomedes , or any other ? and yet this is what aristotle orders in the composition of the epick fable , when he says , that one should not give names to personages till after the action is invented . one should indeed do that just before the forming of the episodes : for if those , whose names we borrow , have done any known actions ; the best way is to make use of them , and accommodate these real circumstances to the ground-work of the fable , and to the design of the poet ; to fill the episodes with them ; and to draw from them all the advantages possible according to the rules of art. this management renders the feign'd action more probable , and may likewise make it look like true history . besides , aristotle had said , that the poet in giving particular names to persons , which at first he made general , * should take special care to make his fiction probable . this precept is capable of another meaning , which does not at all contradict what has been said , but rather confirms the doctrine which i proposed : 't is this , viz. that when you have feigned an action , if it be mild and moderate , you must not represent the chief personage thereof under the name of achilles , tydeus , medea , or any other whose passionate tempers are well known . in this doctrine , we shall with aristotle meet with three sorts of actions which the poets make use of . in the first , the things and the names of the persons are singular and true , and not feigned or invented by the poet. the ‡ satyrists make use of this sort . in the second , both the things and the names are feigned and invented by the poet ; and this is the practice of comedians . we have laid down an instance thereof in the fable we made use of under the names of orontes , pridamant , and clitander . in the third sort , the things are invented , but the names are not . they are noted either by history , or by some tradition or other . this is manifest in the fable we proposed under the names of robert earl of artois , and ralph count of nesle . we might say the same of the iliad , the odysseïs , and the aeneid . this sort of action is proper for tragedy , and the epopéa . nor need we feign instances to prove these things , or seek for them in greece and old italy ; since we have enough of them nearer home , in the satyrs , the comedies , and the tragedies , which are daily to be seen in the world. this doctrine of aristotle is so important , that it deserves to be consulted in the original . after he had informed us that the poetical action is not singular , but general and universal ; and after he had explained what he means by these terms , as we observed at the beginning of this chapter , he then goes on after this manner : † this in comedy is very manifest . for after the poet has prepared his fable , upon what is probable , he then gives his actors what names he pleases : and he does not as the satyrists , who speak only of particular things . but in tragedy they make use of names ready made to their hands . this makes us more readily believe the thing to be possible ; for things that have never yet been done , we are not obliged to think possible : but what has been already done , is without all dispute possible ; since it would never have been done , had it been impossible . yet in some tragedies , there is but one or two known names , and all the rest are feigned . nay , in some others there is not one known name , as in the tragedy of agathon , call'd the flower , where all the names , as well as things , are feigned and invented . and yet it came off with applause . in favour of our subject 't is , that we cite what aristotle says in this passage , concerning the tragick fable . nor is this a wresting of the text , since this great master lays it down as his first * precept in the epopéa , that we ought to prepare the fable thereof as for tragedy . 't is to be observ'd , that to make the thing probable , and to perswade men of its possibility , from its having been done already , aristotle orders us to put the fable not under a known action , but only under known names . this makes good what we before alledged , viz. † that the poet should think of making his action probable , when he gives names to the actors . this is the practice of those who make histories of their own inventions . the better to perswade the world of the truth of what they say , they name the places and the persons ; and the more these names are known , the more credit they meet with . homer has acquitted himself so very handsomely in this matter , that the art he had of feigning the best of any man in the world , is one of the commendations he deserved from the mouth of * aristotle himself . we conclude then that homer in his practice , and aristotle in his precepts , are exactly of the same mind ; that homer had no other design but to form the manners of his country-men , by proposing to them , as horace says , what was profitable or unprofitable , what was honourable or dishonourable : but that he did not undertake to rehearse any particular action of achilles or vlysses . he made his fable , and laid the design of his poems , without so much as thinking on these princes ; and afterwards , he did them the honour to bestow their names on the heroes he had feign'd . in other histories of the trojan war we do not indeed read of this quarrel between achilles and agamemnon , which homer has taken for the subject-matter of his iliad : and what is no less considerable is , that this very design and action which the poet has form'd under the name of achilles at the siege of troy , might with the same probability have went under the name of tydeus , capaneus , or any other at the siege of thebes . one might have made adrastus the general , and given him some occasion of exasperating the cholerick nature of capaneus . he , by withdrawing into his tent only for a few days , might have given the thebans some advantages over his party . afterwards one might have made this furious person return to his duty : and then fighting with the rest , he might have gain'd the victory to his own side , and reveng'd in one single day , the affront and loss they had suffer'd the three or four days before : and this is all we contend for in the iliad . the same might be said of vlysses . all the adventures we read of him in the odysseïs , might with altogether as much probability have been rehears'd under the name of any other prince returning from an expedition . for the better proof of which , we need only cast an eye upon the platform which aristotle himself has left us thereof : and 't is as follows . * a man is absent from his own home for several years . neptune persecutes him , destroys all his retinue , and only he himself escapes . in the mean time his family is in disorder , his estate is made away with by his wives suitors , and his son is plotted against . but at last , after many storms at sea , he returns home , discovers himself to his friends , conceals himself from others , sets all things to rights again , and puts his enemies to death . this ( concludes aristotle ) is all that is proper , the episodes make up the rest . this , in my mind , gives us absolutely such an idea of a fable as i proposed : and in this model vlysses seems to have as little to do as any other . but after the model is pitch'd upon , the action invented , and the names given , then if those whose names are borrow's have done any known actions , the poet ought to make use of them , and to accommodate these true circumstances to his own design . with these he must fill his episodes , and from these he should draw all the advantages possible , according to the rules of art. thus aristotle gives no orders for making the episodes till the names are pitch'd upon . he therefore transgresses the precepts of aristotle , and the practice of homer , and spoils the essence of the epick fable in particular , as well as of other fables in general , who begins by looking for his hero in some history or other , and undertakes to rehearse a particular action this hero has done , as we see in silius italicus , lucan , statius , and in the authors of the adventures of hercules and theseus , which aristotle takes notice of . they did not make any general or universal platform without names , but made it altogether singular . for how could any one write like silius , without thinking on the particular action and name of hannibal ? call him as much as you will , in your platform , a cortain man , yet still this certain man is determinately hannibal . you are so far from taking away his name , that after you have once nam'd him , you afterwards use a pronoun or some other word which signifies him , instead of the term hannibal , which you are loth to repeat . thus aristotle does not order the names to be taken away ( which can never be done ) but he only orders to feign an action without names , to make it at first universal , as he instances in the odysseïs and iphigenia . chap. xiv . of the real actions , the recitals whereof are fables . there is a great deal of difference between fiction and a down-right lye ; and between a thing 's being probable , and its being no more than probable . the poet is order'd to feign , but no body desires him to tell lyes . he is told , that he is oblig'd to probability , and not to truth ; but no one says , that the probability he is oblig'd to by his art is incompatible with the truth . the truth of an action does not give him the name of poet , nor does it rob him of it : and , as aristotle says , † an author is as much a poet , though the incidents he relates did really happen : because whatsoever has been done , is capable of all the probability , and all the possibility , which the art requires , and of being such as ought to be feign'd . this makes so little an alteration in the nature of things , that even the author of a fable is not always satisfied with making a bare narration of the action he feigns , but sometimes sets it off with all the truth 't is capable of . anciently this was very common ; and i might produce the whole history of the old ‡ testament , all the historical truths whereof were so many fables , or parables divinely invented , which represent allegorically to us the doctrine and the truths which the author of them has since discover'd to us . but without concerning our selves with sacred things , we know what a father did to perswade his children to unity . he might have only told them , that a man very eager of breaking all the arrows in his quiver , striv'd to snap them all in pieces at once ; but after many fruitless tryals , he was forc'd to part them , and then breaks them one after another without the least trouble . he might have related a thing that was false , and only probable . but he did something more : he put a bundle of rods , tied close together , into the hands of each of his children , and bid them see if they could break them : they used their utmost endeavour , but to little purpose . then he gave them the rods one by one , and the weakest of these young creatures broke them easily . the truth of this matter of fact does not at all destroy the nature of the fable . sertorius made use of the same artifice to his soldiers . he order'd the tails of a couple of horses to be pull'd off before them . at last came a weak old fellow , and did it with ease , pulling off the hairs one after another ; whilst a lusty fellow had harass'd himself to no purpose , because he took up too many hairs at a time . when a recital is made of this true action , one tells as exact a fable , as when one mentions the fable of the iliad , that of aesop's dogs , or any other of that author , wherein is neither truth nor probability . 't is true this action of sertorius was feign'd before it was true , and this general did begin to form his fable by the moral , which is , ( as i said ) the common way of forming fables . but here i add , that the true action may precede the fable . the example of engravers and statuaries will make us easily conceive how this revers'd order , so contrary to the rules of art , may notwithstanding be applied thereto without destroying them . art teaches the engraver to form his design first , to fansie the postures , and the proportions he would give his personages ; and afterwards to look out for materials that are proper to receive that which he has imagin'd . if notwithstanding he lights upon some choice material , such as agat , for instance , whose figure , colours , and veins , cannot be suited to all that he has a mind it should ; he then regulates his design and fancy according to his matter . but yet he is not of the opinion , that these lucky hits and particular accidents condemn the justness of his art , or make this a standing rule for him to go by , viz. that he must begin to look out for materials , and then form his design according to what the disposition of his materials may suggest to his fancy . in this then , as in a great many other things , * poetry is like painting . the poet is frequently oblig'd to suit himself to the dispositions of his matter : which is found to be true , especially in the composition of the episodes , which are made after the general personages are singulariz'd by the imposition of the names . it may likewise so happen that some person in history may furnish an author with fine fancies , and as exact a moral as that which homer teaches . and in this case , the poet does not at all transgress his art , though he should apply all his moral to the action . but notwithstanding this rare and lucky hit , the common rules lose nothing of their exactness or authority . we still maintain , that the epick poem is a fable ; that is , not the rehearsal of the action of some one hero , in order to form mens manners by his example ; but , on the contrary , a discourse invented to form the manners by the recital of a feign'd action , and describ'd at pleasure under the borrow'd name of some illustrious person or other , that is made choice of , after the platform of the action , that is ascrib'd to him , is laid . chap. xv. of the feign'd actions , the recitals whereof are historical . as there are true actions , the recitals whereof are exact and regular fables ; so on the other hand , there are feign'd actions , the recitals whereof are historical . nothing is to be esteem'd fabulous in them , but a downright falshood , and that has as little to do with the fable , as the truth of history . the reason of this is , that the most essential part of the fable , and that which must indispensibly serve for its foundation , is the truth signified . 't is easie to explain our selves by those very examples we have already made use of ; we need only cut off some necessary circumstances of them in order to illustrate the doctrine we would add here . if the dogs that were set to keep the sheep , and whose falling out gave the wolf an opportunity of seizing upon some of them ; if they , i say , follow the wolf before they end their quarrel ; and if upon overtaking him , they are as fierce against one another , as against their common enemy : in this case , though the wolf quit his prey , fly for it , or though he die of the wounds they give him ; yet this fiction will no longer signifie , that concord re-establishes what discord destroys ; since the calamity would have been ended , though the discord still continued . in like manner , if achilles being provok'd at the death of patroclus , had set upon and kill'd hector without being reconcil'd to agamemnon ; the omission of this incident , would have spoil'd the fable . we add farther , that if achilles had been less inexorable , and had submitted to the offers of agamemnon before the death of patroclus ; and if this quarrel had not cost him the life of his friend , the fable would have been spoil'd : for since the quarrel would have been only prejudicial to agamemnon , this example would have shew'd us , in the person of achilles , that one might quarrel , and be at variance , without losing any thing : which is quite contrary to the moral of the poet. we should deprive the odysseïs of its very soul , and spoil its fable ; should we retrench from it the disorders which the suitors of penelope rais'd in the isle of ithaca , during the absence of vlysses : because this poem would no longer inform us of the mischievous effects which the absence of a commander , a king , or a father of a family , does produce . lastly , take away from the aeneid , the choice which the gods made of aeneas for the re-establishing of the empire ; his divine arms ; the care jupiter took to engage mezentius in the quarrel , where he was to be punish'd for his impieties ; and the terrors with which this god affrights turnus : and the aeneid will no longer inform the romans in favour of augustus , that the founders of empires , such as this prince was , were the chosen of heaven , that divine providence protects them from all manner of violence , and severely punishes the impious , who oppose their designs . all these recitals want their emphasis , and that instruction , which is the most essential part of the fable . when a poet goes this way to work , he does not make such epick poems as aristotle and horace prescribes rules for , nor such as homer and virgil has left us such exact patterns of . it is not much matter whether these recitals are of true things , such as those of lucan , and silius italicus ; or whether they are feign'd and drawn from fables , such as those of statius in his two poems . he relates a fiction , they history : but all three write more like historians than epick poets . 't is true , they have all a mixture of divinities and machines , which carry a fabulous and poetical air in them : but since these very additions are likewise in true fables , they will never make these recitals to be of the nature of an epopéa ; because these fables consist only in the additions and decorations of the action . now the epick fable is none of all this ; 't is on the contrary the soul of a poem , and the ground-work upon which all the rest is built . and this ground-work is to be prepar'd before one so much as think of the decorations , which make no part of the essence of the fable . the being adorn'd and loaded with animate things , will never make an animal , but there must be a soul added to it : and though all the earth were cover'd and embellish'd with an infinite number of trees , and pierc'd very deep with their roots , yet it will never pass for a tree it self . chap. xvi . of the vicious multiplication of fables . aristotle bestows large commendations on homer for the simplicity of his design , because he has included in one single part all that happen'd in the trojan war. and to him he opposes the ignorance of certain poets , who imagin'd that the vnity of the fable , or of the action , was well enough preserv'd by the vnity of the hero , and who compos'd their theseid's , heraclid's , and such like poems , in each of which they heap'd up every thing that happen'd to their principal personage . the instances of these defects which aristotle blames , and would have us avoid , are very instructive . these poems are lost to us : but statius has something very like it . his achilleid is a model of all the adventures which the poets have feign'd under the name of achilles * . o goddess ( says this poet ) sing of the magnanimous son of aeacus , that has made jove himself tremble , and was deny'd admittance into heaven , from whence he deduc'd his origin . homer has render'd his actions very famous ; but he has omitted a great many more than he has mention'd : for my part , i will not omit any thing . 't is this hero at his full length which i describe . here is a noble design , and aristotle falls short of what he proposes . all this cannot be consider'd , but as an historical recital , and without the least glimpse of a fable . nor can i represent the idea i have of this design better , than by comparing it with the fables of aesop . i have already compar'd the iliad with one of these fables : and sure i may take the same liberty in a poem that is less regular ; and make a comparison between the achilleid which comprehends several actions under one and the same name , and several fables which likewise go under one name . homer and virgil diverted themselves with their poems of the gnat , and of the battel between the frogs and the mice : nor shall i stoop lower , when , upon the like occasion , i shall enlarge my self as far as the design of statius , and the necessity of this doctrine require me . let us suppose then and author , who is as well vers'd in the fables of aesop , as statius was in the epick fable ; and who has read the batrachomyomachia , as well as statius has the iliad . he shall have discover'd in this battel between the mice and the frogs , the great commendations which homer bestows on the valour of one of the heroes in this fable , upon meridarpax for instance ; whose bravery made jove and all the gods wonder no less , than that of capaneus in the thebaid . and as statius has read of several actions of achilles , which are not in the iliad ; this author likewise shall have read of many adventures attributed to the mouse , which are not in the batrachomyomachia of homer . he shall know what passed between the city-mouse and the country-mouse ; in order to teach us , that a little estate enjoy'd quietly is better than a copious one , that exposes us to continual fears . he shall know that a lion having spared the lise of a mouse , was afterwards saved by this very mouse , who gnaw'd assunder the toils in which he was caught ; whereby he might inform us , that the good offices we do to the most infirm and ignoble , are not always lost . he shall know the story of the mountains , which after great groans , and much ado , were deliver'd of a mouse ; like those who promise much , but perform little . he shall have read in the battel between the cats and the mice , that the mice being defeated and put to flight , those amongst 'em , who had put horns upon their heads as a distinguishing note of their being the commanders , could not get into their holes again , and so were all cut off : because in the like disorders , the chief leaders , and men of note , do commonly pay sawce for all . and upon these discoveries , when he has conceiv'd the idea of a piece more surprizing than the batrachomyomachia , or than any other particular fable of aesop , he shall undertake a poem of all the fables of the mouse : as statius undertook one about every thing that story or the poets ever said of achilles . he might begin after the same manner , as statius did his achilleid : inspire me , o my muse , what i ought to say concerning the magnanimous meridarpax , which jove himself cannot look upon without trembling . homer indeed has celebrated some of his actions in his poem ; but there are a great many still untouch'd ; and i am resolved to omit nothing that my hero has done . he , as well as achilles , had a mortal for his sire , to wit , the redoubted artepibulus , and a mother far above his rank and quality , no less than a lofty mountain . his birth is foretold by the oracles , and the people hocking together from all parts to be witnesses of this miraculous labour , beheld meridarpax creep out of his mothers belly , with so much surprize and delight , that their joyful shouts and loud laughter carried the news thereof to the gods. in the war his associates maintain'd against the amazonians of the lakes , he signaliz'd himself in the death of physignathus . he would have utterly destroy'd all his enemies , had not the gods put a stop to his designs . to refresh himself after the fatigues of this war , he was for taking the air in some country-seat or other . but by the way he is surprized by a furious lion , who is just ready to tear him to pieces : but meridarpax was no less eloquent than stout . the lion admir'd his parts , and let him go . he was welcom'd in the country by an old friend of his sire's . this villager thought of making him a delicate repast with his country-fare : but these old , dry , and unsavoury morsels would not down with our nice stranger . whereupon bepitying the sorry life of his friend , he invites him to a more pleasant one , and prevail'd upon him to jog along with him . they were scarce got half-way to their journey 's end , but they heard a most terrible noise . meridarpax perceiv'd 't was the lion's roar which before had spar'd his life . he made that way , and in short found him so fetter'd in the noose , that he expected nothing else but death : the mouse freed him from that fear , by gnawing asunder several knots ; and put the prisoner in a capacity of freeing himself from the rest . meridarpax re-joyns his country-friend , conducts him to town , and receives him very splendidly in a pantry well furnish'd . this new citizen was blessing himself at his happy change ; when on the sudden in steps the housekeeper , and at her heels one of the most formidable enemies these two guests had . the domestick betook himself presently to his cittadel : but the poor stranger , seiz'd with fear , and every limb about him in an ague , sees himself a long time expos'd to the claws of a merciless enemy . in short he escap'd ; and without minding the good cheer , as soon as the danger was over , and he came to himself , he takes his congé of his host , and tells him , that he preferr'd his quiet poverty to all that plenty which was so attended with frights and fears . meridarpax stomachs this affront , calls together a great many of his allies , and prevails so effectually upon them , that they enter into a confederacy with him , and offer to serve him in the war. he , the better to maintain his grandeur , and make himself more conspicuous than all the rest , claps two great horns on his forehead . at the first opening of the pantry he had a great deal of success against some of the young rangers , who first came in . but no sooner had their squeaking call'd in their sires and their dams , and the wawling of a great many others at a distance , gave notice of a new reinforcement , that was ready to pour in upon the assailants , but they presently thought of a speedy retreat . the rest with ease slunk into their holes , and none left upon the spot but meridarpax embarass'd with the ensigns of his grandeur , which made the avenues too strait for him to escape at . one of his party bid him lay aside his regalities , but he had scarce time to reply , that he had rather die like a king , and make his exit gloriously . a poem made up of these stories joyn'd together , and which we might compare with one of the fables of aesop or the batrachomyomachia , is very much like the idea i have of the theseid , the heraclid , the achilleid , and other such like poems , when compar'd with those of virgil and homer . aristotle was in the right , when he call'd a certain little iliad the whole trojan war squeez'd into the compass of one single poem . this iliad indeed was very small , since it was all contain'd in a very narrow compass . it was not at all like the iliad of homer , a small part of which fill'd so many books . we may say as much of the achilles of statius , who is comprehended at his full length within the compass of twelve books . and the achilles of homer is so vast , that a few days of his anger and passion have taken up four and twenty books compleatly . according to the old * adage it must needs follow , that this lion of homer was of a prodigious size , since so large a table could contain no more than one single paw , which had been the destruction of so many heroes . and on the other side , that the lion of statius was but of a very small size , since all his parts could be comprehended and included in a table less by half than that of homer's . you see then the ill effects of polymythia , or a vicious multiplication of fables . the fable of the dogs and the wolf demonstrates how beautiful and regular the iliad is ; and the narration of the adventures of the mouse shews the contrary in the achilleid . if my two parallels are of equal justness , the difference that appears to be between the achilles of homer and that of statius ought to be attributed to nothing else but the different conduct of these two authors . there is still another way of irregularly multiplying fables . without making a rehearsal of the hero 's whole life : and that is , by mixing with the main action other foreign actions , which have no manner of relation thereto . this belongs to the vnity of the action , and the art of making the episodes : of which we shall speak in the next book . the poem of ovid's metamorphoses is of another kind . if ( as i have already laid down the idea i conceiv'd of the achilleid of statius , of the heraclid , of the theseid , and of other such like pieces of the ancient poets ) i had a mind likewise to present the world with an example of aesop's fables compar'd with ovid's metamorphoses ; i should be forced to put all the fables of aesop into one body : because ovid is not contented to rehearse all that ever happen'd either to achilles , or to hercules , or to theseus , or to any other single personage ; but he makes a recital of all that ever happen'd to all the persons of the poetical fables . this recital is by no means an epick poem , but a collection of all the fables that were ever writ in verse , with as much connexion and union , as the compiler of so many incidents could devise . and yet i do not see how any one can condemn this design , and tax its author with ignorance : provided none pretend that he design'd to make an epopéa , nor compare it to the poems of homer and virgil , as statius has done his achilleid and thebaid . chap. xvii . of the regular multiplication of fables . altho' we have been speaking so much against the multiplication of fables , yet one cannot absolutely condemn it . our poets have got several fables in each of their poems , and horuce commends homer for it . nay aristotle himself forbids it in such a flight way , as might be easily evaded . * he finds fault with those poets who were for reducing the vnity of the fable into the vnity of the hero ; because one man may have perform'd several adventures , which 't is impossible to reduce under any one and simple head . this reducing of all things to vnity and simplicity is what † horace likewise makes his first rule . according to these rules then , it will be allowable to make use of several fables ; or ( to speak more correctly ) of several incidents which may be divided into several fables ; provided they are so order'd , that the vnity of the fable be not spoil'd thereby . this liberty is still greater in the epick poem , because 't is of a larger extent than ordinary poems , and ought to be entire and compleat . i will explain my self more distinctly by the practice of our poets . no doubt but one might make four distinct fables out of these four following instructions . . division between those of the same party exposes them to the fury of their enemies . . conceal your weakness , and you will be dreaded as much , as if you had none of these imperfections , which they know nothing of . . when your strength is only feign'd , and founded only in the opinion of others ; never venture so far , as if your strength was real . . the more you agree together , the less hurt will your enemies do you . 't is plain , i say , that each of these particular maxims , might serve for the ground-work of a fiction , and one might make four distinct fables out of them . may not a man therefore put all these into one single epopéa ? no : our masters forbid that , unless he could make one single fable out of them all . but they do not at all forbid it , if the poet has so much skill as to unite all into one body , as members and parts , each of which taken asunder would be imperfect ; and if he joins them so , as that this conjunction shall be no hinderance at all to the vnity and the regular simplicity of the fable . this is what homer has done with such success in the composition of the iliad . . the division between achilles and his allies tended to the ruin of their designs . . patroclus comes to their relief in the armour of this hero , and hector retreats . . but this young man pushing the advantage , which his disguise gave him , too far , ventures to engage with hector himself ; but not being master of achilles ' s strength ( whom be only represented in outward appearance ) he is killed , and by this means leaves the grecian affairs in the same disorder , which he in that disguise came to free them from . . achilles provoked at the death of his friend , is reconciled , and revenges his loss by the death of hector . these various incidents being thus vnited together , do not make different actions and fables , but are only the uncompleat , and unfinished parts of one and the same action and fable , which alone can only be said to be compleat and entire : and all these maxims of the moral , are easily reduc'd into these two parts , which in my opinion cannot be separated without enervating the force of both . the two parts are these , * that a right understanding is the preservation , and discord the destruction of states . tho' then our poets have made use of two parts in their poems , each of which might have serv'd for a fable , as we have observ'd : yet this multiplication cannot be call'd a vicious and irregular polymythia , contrary to the necessary vnity and simplicity of the fable ; but it gives the fable another qualification , altogether as necessary and as regular , namely its perfection and finishing stroke . there are fable ; which naturally contain in them a great many parts , each of which might make an exact fable : and there are likewise actions of the very same nature . the subject matter of the odysseïs is of this kind ; for homer being willing to instruct a prince and his subjects , could not do it without multiplying instructions ; and this prince's travels into countries quite different from each other are likewise different actions . this multiplication of instructions and incidents is extremely approv'd of by horace . he commends the † adventures of antiphates , polypheme , charybdis , circe , the sirens and others , stiling them the miracles of the odysseïs . one might likewise multiply the fable another way , by mixing with it some other fable which should not be a part of the principal one , but only a species of it . this might be done by applying to some point that is chiefly specified the moral instruction , which the action contains in general . homer has left us an example of this in the fable of vulcan , at the end of his first book of the iliad . the general instruction is , that discord is a prejudice of the affairs of them who quarrel : and this story of vulcan applies it , to the injury which the falling out of parents do their children . jupiter and juno quarrel , their son vulcan is for perswading his mother to submit to her lord and husband , because he was most powerful . you know ( says he ) what befell me for endeavouring once to protect you from the rage of jupiter . he took me by the heels , and threw me headlong from his battlements , and i carry the marks of it still about me . this fable is quite distinct from the body of the main action ; for the quarrel between jupiter and juno , which cost vulcan so dear , had nothing to do with the grecian affairs : 't is likewise compris'd in five lines . chap. xviii . the conclusion of the first book . the vnity of the fable , and the regular or vicious multiplication that may be made thereof , depends in a great measure upon the vnity of the action , and upon the episodes ; so we we shall speak more thereof in another place : but in this and many other points , the examen of our authors , and those particular instructions one might descend to for an exact understanding of this doctrine , would never be at end . and tho i should fill several volumes with what i have to say about it , yet i should still leave enough to employ the imagination , the genius , and the judgment of both criticks and poets , which art without nature never brings to perfection . nor are we to fansie that nature alone , and the advantages of a happy genius , can make us capable of passing a judgment upon the ancient poets ; unless art and study acquaint us with the tast and the manners of their auditors , and of the times they liv'd in . the relish which all antiquity , both sacred and profane , greek and barbarian , had for fables , parables , and allegories ( which are one and the same in this place ) gave the ancient poets a great deal more liberty than the moderns have ; and make things in homer pass for beauties , which would look but ill in a piece of modern poetry . this likewise exposes our ancient poet to such censures , as bewray our ignorance oftner than his faults . the * custom of that time was to conceal their mysteries from vulgar view , and not to explain their allegories . men of learning made it a particular study to discover these mysterious meanings , and this penetration of thought made a considerable part of their learning . our age , which in other things pretends to so much light and curiosity , is very negligent of these sorts of knowledge , since they no longer agree with our customs . 't is perhaps this very neglect , which conceals from our eyes the greatest beauties of homer , and which instead of his skill , only shews us a very mean and gross outside , which hinders us from judging favourably of his spirit and conduct . however he had reason to make use of this way , and to accommodate himself to the * mode of his age. he knew well enough , that those , who did not penetrate him would admire him as much as others ; because every one was perswaded that what appear'd to the eye of the world , was in effect nothing else but the shell , which contained the profitable and pleasant parts of his work. virgil was a great deal harder put to it , because the romans of his time did not so frequently use fables and allegories . cicero did not treat of philosophy as plato and socrates did , upon whom they father aesop's fables . and s. * jerom takes notice that parables were in greatest vogue in the east . so that when virgil was minded to shroud his instructions and doctrine under allegories , he could not be contented with such a plain outside as homer's was , which gravels those who cannot penetrate it , and who are ignorant that he speaks figuratively . but he has so composed his out-side , and his fictions , that those very persons who can go no farther , may , without seeking for any thing else , be very well satisfied with what they find there . this method is wholly conformable to our way , and very much to our palates . but i fansie , the satisfaction we so easily find in these external fictions alone , does us some prejudice . the more we fix there , the less search do we make into the bottom and truth of things . this makes us perhaps equivocate upon the word fable , which we apply so differently to the epopéa , and to the fictions of aesop . this prepossession of mind does homer a great deal of diskindness ; for we are often willing to find such vertues and good manners there , which are not there , and which we suppose ought regularly to have been there : because we are so little acquainted with his way of teaching morality . from hence it comes to pass that we meet with so great obscurities in the precepts of aristotle and horace , who commend homer so much for that , which we are so little acquainted with , especially if we examine it according to the ideas of perfection , which we generally form to our selves . by this means we shall be subject to great confusions and many contradictions . before ever then we pass a judgment upon these things and upon homer , who is the author and first model of them , 't is requisite we rightly comprehend his allegories , and penetrate into the moral and physical truths of the fable , with which his poems are so full . as little insight as i have in these matters ; yet i fansie , i have said enough to explain what a fable is , and to demonstrate the idea i have of the nature of the epick poem . the end of the first book monsieur bossu's treatise of the epick poem . book ii. concerning the subject matter of the epick poem , or concerning the action . chap. i. what the subject matter of the epick poem is . the matter of a poem is the subject which the poet undertakes , proposes and works upon . so that the moral , and the instructions which are the end of the epopéa , are not the matter of it . these things are left by poets in their allegorical and figurative obscurity . they only give us notice in the beginning of their poems , that they sing some action or another : the revenge of achilles , the return of ulysses , and the arrival of aeneas into italy . our masters say just the same thing . * aristotle informs us that the poet imitates an action : and † horace in more express terms tells us , that the actions are the subject matter of the epopéa . but this action is the action of some person : and our authors expresly say as much . * aristotle says that the poets , who imitate , imitate the persons that act. horace says , that the imitated actions are the actions of kings , and generals of an army . and our poets do not propose simply , a revenge , a return , or an establishment : but they say further , that 't is † achilles , who is reveng'd ; ‡ vlysses , who returns ; and a aeneas , that goes to be establish'd . therefore , both the actions and the personages are the subiect matter of the epopéa . but suppose we should consider them apart , and ask whether the action or the persons , is the chief and principal matter of the poem : it is plain by what has been said in the former book , that the action is not made for the hero , since that ought to be feign'd and invented independently from him , and before the poet thought of using his name ; and , that on the other hand , the hero is only design'd for the action : and that the names of achilles , vlysses , and aeneas are only borrow'd to represent the personages which the poet feign'd in general . the nature of the fable will not admit us to doubt hereof ; since all the actions that are there rehears'd under the names of a dog , a wolf , a lyon , a man , and the like , are not design'd to inform us of the nature of these animals to which they are applied ; or to tell us of some adventure that happen'd to them : for the author of a fable does not mind any such thing . these personages on the contrary are only design'd to sustain the action he has invented . it is therefore true in this sense , that the * action alone is the subject matter of the epopêa , or at least , that 't is a great deal more so than the persons ; since that in its own nature is so , and the persons are only so by virtue of the action . so likewise have those been condemn'd , who have taken the heroes for the subject matter of their poems . aristotle finds fault with the poets who under the name of the theseid , and the heraclid , have writ the lives of theseus and hercules in verse . statius is likewise to blame in his achilleid , because he does not sing of achilles who did such or such an action , as homer and virgil have done ; but he sings achilles himself , and this achilles at his full length . 't is true virgil in his aeneid , and homer in his odysseïs call their poem by their heroe's name : but this is no more than what is ordinary in fables . thus the titles run , the wolf and the lamb , the lyon and the mouse , &c. and yet no one imagines , that these fables were written to inform us of the nature of these animals , or to tell us what a certain wolf has done or said . the same judgment ought to be made of the epick fables , and the application thereof is easie . this doctrine may easily render us capable of judging what extent is allowable to the matter of a poem ; of what incidents it is compos'd ; and whether 't is lawful to insert such as belong not to the main matter . since then the action is the matter of a fable , it is plain that whatever incidents are necessary to the fable , and make up a part of it , are likewise necessary to the action , and are parts of the epick matter , none of which ought to be omitted : such , for instance , are the quarrel of the dogs ; and that of agamemnon and achilles : the havock which the wolf made among the sheep ; and the slaughter which hector made in the confederate army : the re-union of the dogs with each other ; and that of the grecian princes : and lastly , the re-settlement and victory which was consequent to this re-union in each of these fables . thus all things being adjusted , you see the fable , and the whole action , with which the poem ought to conclude . if less had been said about it , it had not been enough . but can an author put nothing into his poem , but what is purely the matter of it ? or has he not the liberty of inserting what he pleases , and of talking to it , as * horace expresses himself , some pieces of rich and gay stuff , that have nothing to do with the ground-work ? this is another vicious extreme , into which we shall never fall , if we follow the dictates of right reason , the practice of good poets , and the rules of the best masters . they permit us on the one hand to insert some incident or another , that is necessary to clear up a part of the action altho this incident make up no part of the fable nor the action ; and tho of it self it be not the subject matter of the epopéa : and on the other hand they do not approve of the recital of an incident that has not one of these two conditions , viz. such a one as is neither the matter of the epopéa , nor necessary to illustrate any part of the action . examples and authority will justifie this doctrine , and make it more intelligible . if in the fable we mention'd , aesop had related that the wolf ranging one day in the forest prick'd his foot with a thorn , of which after a great deal of pain he was at last cur'd ; doubtless he would have quite spoil'd his fable : and homer too had spoil'd his , if he had made an ample narration of some adventure that had happen'd to hector , which had no manner of dependance on his design . they would have been more considerably to blame , had they inserted any incident , which had not happen'd to these chief personages , but which they only saw or heard . on the other side aesop had said something to the purpose , if , to amplifie his fable , he had related that the woolf was wounded in the foot , and being not quite cur'd , the pain or the weakness of that part hinder'd his running , and expos'd him a prey to the dogs . so homer has very regularly related , that vlysses had formerly been wounded in the leg , as he was hunting on the top of parnassus : for this wound serv'd to discover this hero , and this discovery is part of the action , and of the matter of the poem . an historian , that undertakes to write of one single action , as the war of catiline , or the reign of a king , as salust has done that of jugurtha ; has not for his subject matter the wars and actions which went before , or happen'd after . yet he may mention some , which may serve as instances in the deliberations ; or for the maintaining of some interests ; or upon any other occasion that is necessary to his main subject . a poet has the same privileges , and the same reasons on his side : our two have practis'd accordingly , and have the approbation of aristotle himself . for he does not blame homer for making the recital we mention'd ; and yet he says that the wound of vlysses is not the matter of the poem to which it is apply'd . his words are these . * when homer compos'd his odysseïs , he did not make all the adventures of ulysses the matter of his poem ; such as the wound be receiv'd upon parnassus , and the folly he feign'd before the grecians : because , thô one of these two things happen'd , yet it cannot be said that the other ought necessarily , or probably to have happen'd as the consequence of the former . this passage of aristotle teaches us two things . the first is , that every thing we meet with in an epick poem is not the matter of it ; since this wound of vlysses , which aristotle , says is not the matter of the odysseïs , is not withstanding very largely described there . the second is , that the foreign incidents , that are inserted in the poem , should be so united and joyn'd to some other incident , which is really the subject matter of the poem , that one might swear if one happen'd , the other must necessarily , or in all probability have happen'd as a consequence of the former . the † poet has observ'd this himself in the wound of vlysses . the discovery thereof is a consequence so probable , that this hero finding he was forc'd to let his nurse wash his feet , chose to let her do it in a dark place , that so at least she might be kept from the sight of it . the birth and education of camilla is an incident made use of after the very same way in the aeneid : it is not the subject matter of the poem , but 't is necessary to clear up so surprizing a miracle as was the valour of that excellent virago . when an adventure has not this consequence , nor this necessary or probable connexion with some part or another of the matter proper to the poem ; 't is by no means to be inserted : and upon this account homer has not said one word of the counterfeit folly of vlysses . statius with a great deal more reason should never have meddled with the story of hypsipyle . all the particular incidents which compose the action are called episodes . we ought then to be well acquainted with the nature , vnion , and qualities of them , if we would know what is the action and the subject matter of the epick poem . chap. ii. episodes consider'd in their original . the better to know what an episode is , and to comprehend what aristotle has said about it , we must look back for it in its first beginning , and in the rise of tragedy , whereby it first began . i speak of it here thô monsieur hedelin has formerly writ about it . tragedy at first was only a song in honor of bacchus , which was performed by several persons ( who made up the musical chorus ) with dancing and playing upon instruments . since this was too tedious , and might fatigue the singers , as well as disgust the audience ; they thought of dividing the song of the chorus into several parts , and of making some kind of narrations between these intervals . at first one single person spoke them : then they brought in two speakers , because dialogues are more diverting : and at last they increas'd the number to three , to give way for more action . those who made these narrations upon the scene or stage were call'd actors . and what they said being adventitious to the song of the chorus , these narrations were no more than ornaments added to a ceremony , of which they were not a necessary part : and for this reason were they call'd episodes . besides , as they were only added to refresh the chorus , and their assistants ; it follows that the chorus had sung before , and were to sing after them : so that these episodes were always to be plac'd between the two songs of the chorus . whatever was said before the first , or after the last song , was not look'd upon as an episode : but these new additions were made for reasons distinct from those which were urg'd for introducing that . the design of them was , either to welcome the company , and prepare them for what was to be acted ; and this was call'd the prologue : or else to thank and take leave of them ; which was call'd the exode or epilogue . all this made up the four parts of quantity , as * aristotle terms it : viz. the prologue , the episode , the exode , and the chorus . the prologue is all that precedes the first enorance of the chorus ; the episode is all that is between the songs of the chorus ; the exode is that which is said after the chorus has done singing ; the chorus was the company of those who sang the praises of bacchus : and at first that was the only tragedy in being . as this narration of the actors was inserted in several places , and made at several times : so one might consider it entire , as one single episode compos'd of several parts ; and one might likewise call each part an episode . in this last sense a tragedy had several episodes ; and in the first it had but only one . these different episodes of one and the same tragedy might be deduc'd from as many different subjects : or be all taken from the same subject , that was divided into as many recitals or incidents as the poet had a mind to allow intervals for the chorus to take breath in . if we consider the first institution of these foreign pieces , there was not the least necessity of deducing all of them from one and the same subject . three or four recitals of different actions , that had no relation to one another , could refresh the singers well enough , and keep the audience from languishing , as much as if they had all been only different parts of one and the same action , very closely connected together . but these foreign beauties soon took off from the lustre of those others which so charitably gave them entertainment : and that which at first was only an addition to tragedy , afterwards became the principal part of it . then , they were consider'd as a body , whose members should not be heterogeneous , and independant on one another . the best poets made use of them thus , and they deduc'd their episodes only from one single action . this was so far establish'd in aristotle's time , that he made a standing rule of it , he says , that the most defective tragedies are such , whose episodes have no manner of connexion . he calls them episodical , that is to say , overcharg'd with episodes : because these lesser episodes cannot make one single one , but of necessity remain in a vicious multiplicity . actions , that were most simple , and had least of intrigue , were most of all liable to this irregularity , because having fewer incidents , and fewer parts than others , they afford so much the less matter . a poet of no great conduct , very often quite spends himself at the first or second coming on of his actors between the songs of the chorus : and then he finds himself oblig'd to seek out for other actions to fill up the intervals behind . our first french poets did so . they took to fill up each act just as many different actions of a hero , which had no manner of connexion , save that they were done by one single person . these fables are episodical , and such as aristotle has condemn'd , as we hinted before . his censure is in these words : * of all the fables and simple actions that are , the episodical are the most imperfect . the episodical fable i call such a one , whose episodes have no necessary nor probable connexion . chap. iii. an explication of the foregoing doctrine by an instance . as for what has been said , you may consult what the practice of the poets was , when they compos'd the works we have been speaking of . after the fable was invented , and the names impos'd on the personages , the author was to consider all the circumstances of his action , and what parts were finest and most suitable to the movements of the theatre , and to his own design ; and then he was to make as many parts of his representation , as there were distinct narrations between the songs of the chorus . to give you a famous instance of this , and such an instance as is well known to the whole world , we will make use of seneca's oedipus , without minding the several absurdities that are therein . oedipus begs the gods to tell him the means of putting a stop to the plague that then rag'd at thebes : the oracle returns him this answer , that the death of king laïus his predecessor must be reveng'd . he makes enquiry after the murderers , and finds , that he was not only guilty of this man's death , but besides was the very son of laïus , whom he had murder'd , and of jocasta his widow , whom he had marry'd . he punishes himself severely for it , and by this means restores the health of his country . you see then this famous fable , and in truth the most just , and the best invented , as to the moral , and the theatral part , of any antiquity can boast of . the * grecians , for whom it was compos'd , were extremely pleas'd to see the crimes and the misfortunes of kings : and the moral instruction , that was most in vogue at that time , was such a one as did beget in men an aversion to monarchy , and a love to democracy , which they call'd liberty . what the poets feign'd of oedipus contain'd all these things ; and was very proper to prevent the grandees from aspiring to tyranny , and to inspire others with a resolution never to endure it . this fable being thus conceiv'd has very naturally these five parts . the first comprehends the misfortunes of the people . the second is the enquiry into the cause and the remedy of these misfortunes . the third is the discovery thereof . the fourth is the effect of this discovery , and the performance of what the gods requir'd , namely the punishing those crimes , that had been the cause of the ills which the people suffer'd . and the fifth is the cure and joy that ought to be the consequence of the repentance and punishment of oedipus . but this last part was very improper for the theatre . the calm and languishing passions , of which the spectators upon this occasion were hardly capable , would have enervated and spoil'd the beauty of those violent passions so proper to tragedy , and with which the audience were to be inspir'd . the poet then was not to make an exact episode of this last part . on the other hand , he has divided the second part into two , and has supply'd his five acts in the following method . . the plague rag'd in the city of thebes , and brought so many miseries and dreadful deaths upon them , that king oedipus , touch'd with the misfortune of his subjects , would freely have left the kingdom : but he hopes for some relief from the oracle he has sent to consult , and attends its answer . . creon brings him the answer , and informs him , that the cause of the thebans misfortunes , is the murder committed upon the person of his predecessor king laïus : and that the remedy is the punishing of the murderer . oedipus sets himself upon his duty of punishing the offence : and to discover who this murderer was , whom no body as yet knew , he orders tiresias to be sent for . this priest began by a sacrifice , but that made no discovery of the thing in question . . he then had recourse to more powerful means . he calls up from the shades below the ghost of laïus , who discovers to him that king oedipus is the assassin that ought to be punished ; and moreover , that this prince , who thought himself innocent , was at the same time guilty of incest and parricide . but oedipus , inform'd of this only by creon , and supposing he was born at corinth , son to king polybus and queen meropa , is very confident of his own innocence , and gives no credit to the report creon made him . he is perswaded 't is a falshood invented to out him of the kingdom , to which creon was next heir . . but at last he understands that he did kill laïus , and was his son , and jocasta's , whom he had ignorantly married . . he punishes himself severely , plucks out his own eyes , goes into exile , and so restores health and quietness to his people . chap. iv. of the several sorts of episodes , and what is meant by this term. the word episode passing from the theatre to the epopéa , did not change its nature : all the difference * aristotle makes between them is , that the episodes of tragedy are shortest , and the episodes in these great poems are by much the longest . so slight a difference should be no hinderance to our speaking of both after the same manner . this word , according to aristotle , is capable of three distinct meanings . the first arises from that enumeration of all the parts of tragedy , which we mention'd . for if there are only four parts , viz. the prologue , the chorus , the episode , and the epilogue ; it follows , that the episode in tragedy is whatever does not make up the other three ; and that if you substract those three , the episode necessarily comprehends all that remains . and since in our times they make tragedies without either chorus , prologue , or epilogue ; this term episode signifies all the tragedy which is made now-a-days . so likewise the epick episode will be the whole poem . there is nothing to be substracted thence , but the proposition and the invocation , which are instead of the prologue . in this sense the epopéa and tragedy have each of them but one single episode , or rather , are nothing else but an episode : and if the parts and incidents of which the poet composes his work have an ill connexion together , then the poem will be episodical and defective , as we hinted before . but as all that was sung in tragedy was , according to aristotle's expression , call'd the chorus in the singular number ; and yet its being in the singular was no reason why each part ( when it was divided into several ) should not be call'd the chorus too ; and so several chorus's be introduc'd : just so in the episode , each incident , and each part of the fable and the action , is not only stil'd a part of the episode , but even an entire episode . 't is in this sense that † aristotle said , the madness of orestes , and his cure by expiatory sacrifices , were two episodes . this term taken in this sense signifies each part of the action exprest in the model , and first constitution of the fable ; such as the absence and travels of vlysses the disturbance of his family , and his presence which re-adjusted all things . aristotle tells us of a third sort of episodes , when he says , that whatever is comprehended and exprest in the first platform of the fable is proper , and the other things are episodes . ‡ this is what he says just after he had propos'd the model of the odysseïs . we must then in the odysseïs it self examine what this third sort of episode is , the better to know wherein it differs from the second . we shall see how the incidents he calls proper , are absolutely necessary : and how those , which he distinguishes by the name of episodes , are in one sense necessary and probable ; and in another sense not at all necessary , but such as the poet had liberty to make use of , or not . after homer had laid the first ground-work of the fable , and prepar'd the model , such as we have observ'd it to be , it was not then at his choice to make or not make vlysses absent from his country . this absence was essential : * aristotle stiles and places it among those things that are proper to the fable . but the adventure of antiphates , that of circe , of the sirens , of scylla , of charybdis , &c. he does not call such . the poet was left at his full liberty to have made choice of any other , as well as these things . so that , they are only probable , and such episodes as are distinct from the main action , to which in this sense they are neither proper nor necessary . but now let us see in what sense they are necessary thereto . since the absence of vlysses was necessary , it follows , that not being at home , he must be somewhere else . though then the poet had his liberty to make use of none of these particular adventures we mention'd , and he made choice of ; yet had he not an absolute liberty of making use of none at all : but if he had omitted these , he had been necessarlly oblig'd to substitute others in their room ; otherwise he would have left out part of the matter contain'd in his model , and his poem would have been defective . this last sense of the word episode is not so different from the second as it seems at first sight , since it still informs us that an episode is a necessary part of the action . the difference between them lies in this , that an episode in the second sense is the foundation and ground-work of the episode in the third sense : and that this third sense adds to the second the probable circumstances of places , princes , and people , where and among whom he was cast by neptune , and abode during his absence from ithaca . we must likewise take notice , that in this third sense , the incident which serves as a foundation to an episode , ought to be of some extent and compass , and that without this an essential part of the action and fable is not an episode . as in the example of oedipus which we propos'd ; the cure of the thebans is a part proper and essential to the fable , and would be an episode in the second sense . but because the poet has not amplified this incident by any circumstance , therefore 't is not an episode in the third sense : 't is only the foundation of such an episode , which the poet made no use of . this observation makes it clear , that in reality the first platform of the action contains only what is proper and necessary to the fable , and has not any episode ; as aristotle says of the model he has given us of the odysseïs . 't is therefore in this third sense we are to understand the precept of aristotle , which orders us not to form the episodes till after we have made choice of the names we would give our personages . homer could not have spoken of a fleet and navy , as he has , if instead of the names of achilles , agamemnon , and the iliad , he had made choice of those of capaneus , adrastus , and the thebaid , as he might have done without spoiling the essence of the fable . if one should form an episode , whereof not only the names and circumstances were not necessary , but whose very ground-work and foundation was not a part of the action , that serves for the subject-matter of a poem : then this episode would have a sorry connexion , and would render the fable episodical . this irregularity is discernable , when one can so take away a whole episode , without substituting any thing in its room , that this substraction shall make no vacuum , nor defect in the poem . the story of hypsipyle inserted in the thebaid , is an instance of these defective episodes . if the whole narration of this famous matron were taken away , the sequel of the main action would be but so much the better ; one should not perceive that the poet had forgot any thing , or wanted the least member of the body of his action . but suppose any one should say , that if these particular incidents were natural and necessary members , it would thence follow , that they would not be foreign , extraneous , additional , and inserted pieces . to this i answer , that all this is true ; but withall , that the thing has retain'd its original and native name , though it has quite lost its nature . aristotle , who as well as others has retain'd this dubious term , prescribes the rules of tragedy under the name of episode . therefore in this treatise , wherein i only follow his precepts , i am oblig'd to take every thing in his sense , and not spoil the nature of the things , which he explains , by a superstitious adhering to a word that has chang'd its nature ever since its first rise . i will maintain then that the word episode in the epick poem does not signifie in extraneous foreign peice , even in aristotle's opinion : but that it signifies the whole narration of the poet , or a necessary and essential part of the action and the proper subject , extended and amplified by probable circumstances . this conclusion deserves a more particular examination . chap. v. concerning the nature of episodes . an episode , according to aristotle , should not be taken from something else and added to the action ; but should constitute a part of the action it self . that this is aristotle's mind , we shall find , if we would but reflect , that this great master , when he treated of episodes , never made use of this word to add , although his interpreters have found it so natural , that they have commonly made use of it in their translations and notes . when he commends homer for taking only part of the siege of troy for the subject-matter of his iliad ; he does not say that he has amplified it by adding a great many episodes to it ; this expression would distinguish the episodes from the matter to which they would have been added : but he says , * that he made use of a great many episodes of this action : and this denotes that the episodes of the iliad were part of the action which is the subject-matter thereof . and a few lines after he says , † that the poet divided his poem by episodes . this is what we observ'd before in oedipus . if the episodes were taken elsewhere , and added to the action , whereof they were not parts , it would signifie little whether they were join'd and connected with one another or no , but they should be join'd to the action , and this ‡ aristotle should have taught us . and yet he does no such thing , but orders us to connect them with one another . he does not say , that after one has prepar'd the platform of the fable , and made choice of the names , one should add the episodes ; but he makes use of a verb deriv'd from this word ; as if we should say in our language , * that the poet ought to episodize his action . and elsewhere he says , that the episodes should not be foreign , but † proper to the subject . in fine , we might likewise alledge this very chapter , wherein aristotle lays down the first draught of the odysseïs , and which he concludes by saying , that whatever he has propos'd is proper to the subject , and that the episodes make up the rest . in this passage , to give us a reason of the different extent of tragedy and the epopéa ; or to inform us how this last becomes longer : he does not say , that they add a few episodes to the tragick action , and a great many to the epick ; but he says more exactly , that the episodes of tragedy are short and concise , and the epopéa is extended and amplified by its episodes . he demonstrates this length of the epopéa amplified by the extent of its episodes , by the poem of the odysseïs , which he brings as an example , and says , ‡ the subject of it is long . now if the episodes ( take the word in what sense you please ) be not part of the subject , 't is plain the more room they take up the less is left for the subject ; and that the longer they are , the more straitned and short will the subject be . if then the epopéa be stretch'd out by its episodes , and if for this very reason the subject of the odysseïs is long , as aristotle affirms ; it then necessarily follows , that the subject is nothing else but the very episodes . the better to demonstrate this length of the odysseïs , aristotle adds , that the subject of this poem is a voyage for several years ; that neptune did all he could to hinder the chief personage from returning home ; that he does return thither notwithstanding ; where he meets with very great disorders , the authors of which he punishes , and so restores peace and quietness to his kingdom . this subject is indeed a great deal longer than that of the iliad ; and it requires a longer time , and more actions for all these things , than for the simple anger of an enrag'd and pacified person , where every thing was transacted in one and the same place . this length of the odysseïs , compar'd to that of the iliad , would still hold good , though we should substract from it the several years which precede the opening of the poem ; and began the action only at the time of the first council of the gods. for it would be still longer than that of the iliad by a fifth part ; the one taking up days , and the other only or . but one cannot exclude from the subject that which precedes the opening of the poem , and that which vlysses relates to alcinous , without contradicting * aristotle , by reducing into the compass of less than two months , what he says took up several years . this would be to give † homer himself the lye , who says , that his subject contains the voyages and travels of a man , who after the taking of troy , saw several cities , and knew the customs of a great many states and people : he says , that he suffer'd much by sea , and did all he could to secure the return of his attendants as well as of himself . now all this did not happen since the first council of the gods. then , there were seven whole years , in which he never so much as thought of his attendants , for they were all destroy'd . and since that , there happen'd but one tempest , and he visited no more than one city . these seven years then , and all the adventures , the travels , and the tempests which preceeded , from the ruin of troy down to that time , are not extraneous , foreign , or additional pieces ; but are with the rest the subject of the poem . and yet they are episodes , as aristotle asserts in these words , the rest are episodes : for this rest is all that he did not name in particular . now he spoke only in general , of the absence of vlysses , of the storms he met with , of the disturbances of ithaca , and of the re-establishment of this prince . in short , when we discours'd of the nature of the fable , we there took notice of the absolute necessity the poet lay under of keeping vlysses from his country a very long time ; of ordering his absence as caused by the storms he met with ; of casting this hero upon several different countries ; of raising great disorders in ithaca ; of making an example of his enemies by punishing them ; and of re-establishing the prince himself . this was so far necessary to the subject , that the poet was not left to his liberty of changing it , without destroying his design , spoiling his fable , and making another poem of it . but though it was necessary that vlysses should be with strange princes for several years ; yet it was not necessary that one of these princes should be antiphates , another alcinous ; nor that the nymph calypso , and the enchantress circe should be his hostesses . one might have changed these persons and states into others , without changing the design and the fable . thus , though these adventures were part of the subject after the poet's choice of them , yet they were not proper to the subject . it is likewise necessary to the subject , that vlysses revenge himself , and punish his wife's courtiers ; but 't is neither proper nor necessary that he should kill them with javelins , as they were at supper in his house , at night too , and none to assist him but his son and two or three of his domestics . he might have appear'd at the head of an army , and without the least surprize have kill'd them with his drawn sword at their own houses , or in the open field . but yet will any man say , that his killing them with javelins is not part of the subject ? in a word , the revenge he takes , and the punishing of these miscreants , exprest in short , as we see it in the model aristotle has left us , is a simple action proper and necessary to the subject . it is not an episode , but the foundation and soul of an episode : and this same punishment explain'd and amplified with all the circumstances of times , places , and persons , is not a simple and proper action , but an episodiz'd action , and a true episode : and though the poet is left at his freedom and choice therein , yet it does not follow that the episode is form'd upon a less proper and necessary foundation . 't is in this last sense , and of this only sort of episodes , we shall generally speak . chap. vi. the definition of episodes . after what has been said , we may very well infer , that episodes are necessary parts of the action , extended by probable circumstances . an episode is but a part of an action , and not an entire one ; like that of hypsipyle in statius , which renders this poem defective and episodical . that part of the action which serves for a foundation to the episode , ought not to continue in its simplicity ; such as it is in the general related in the first draught of the fable . aristotle having recounted the parts of the odysseïs , says expresly , that they are proper : and in this case distinguishes them from the episodes . thus in the instance of oedipus which we produc'd , we said , that the cure of the thebans is not an episode , but only the foundation and subject of an episode , which the poet made no use of . and aristotle ( by saying that homer in the iliad has taken but a few things for his subject , but that he has made use of a great many episodes ) does inform us , that the subject contains in it self a great many episodes , which the poet may or may not make use of . that is , it contains the foundation of them , which one may leave in its general and simple brevity , as seneca has done the cure of the thebans ; or which one may enlarge and explain , as the same author has done the chastisement of oedipus . in this last way 't is that the poet makes use of them , and forms just episodes out of them . the subject of a poem may be long after two ways : the first is , when the poet makes use of a great many of its episodes : and the other is , when he gives to each a considerable extent . 't is by this method , that the epick poets extend their poems a great deal more than the dramatick . we must likewise take notice , that there are some parts of an action which of themselves do naturally present us but with one single episode ; as , the death of hector , that of turnus , &c. there are likewise more fertile parts of the fable , which oblige the poet to form several episodes of each part , though in the first model they are exprest in as simple a manner as the rest . such are , the fight between the trojans and the grecians ; the absence of vlysses ; the travels of aeneas , &c. for the absence of vlysses from his own country during so many years together , does necessarily require his presence elsewhere ; and the design of the fable obliges him to be cast into several dangers , and upon several states . now each danger , and each state , furnishes matter for an episode , which the poet may make use of , if he please . we conclude then , that episodes are not actions , but the parts of an action : that they are not added to the action , and the matter of the poem ; but that they constitute this action and this matter , as the members of the body constitute the matter of it : that upon this account they are not deduc'd from any thing else , but the very foundation of the action : that they are not united and connected to the action , but to one another : that all the parts of an action are not so many episodes ; but only such as are amplified and extended by particular circumstances , and in the manner whereby the poet rehearses a thing : and lastly , that this union between each other , is necessary in the foundation of the episode , and probable in the circumstances . chap. vii . of the vnity of the action . there are four qualifications in the epick action : the first is its vnity ; the second its integrity ; the third its importance ; and the fourth its duration . we will begin with the first . in this place we shall consider the vnity of the action , not only in the first draught and model of the fable , but in the extended and episodiz'd action . and in truth , if the episodes are not added to the action , but on the contrary are the necessary parts thereof ; it is plain , that they ought to be comprehended in it , and its vnity still preserv'd : and the fables which aristotle calls episodical are such , wherein some episodes that are foreign , and not duly connected , add some actions to the action of the poem , and so spoil the vnity of it . the vnity of the epick action , as well as the vnity of the fable , does not consist either in the vnity of the hero , or in the vnity of time : this is what we have already taken notice of . but 't is easier to tell wherein it does not consist , than 't is to discover wherein it does . from the idea i have conceived thereof by reading our authors , these three things , i suppose , are necessary thereto . the first is , to make use of no episode , but what arises from the very platform and foundation of the action , and is as it were a natural member of this body . the second is , exactly to unite these episodes , and these members , with one another . and the third is , never to finish any episode so as it may seem to be an entire action ; but to let each episode still appear in its own particular nature , as the member of a body , and as a part of it self not compleat . we have already established the first of these three qualifications , in the doctrine we laid down concerning the episodes ; and perhaps enough has been said about it : but yet we will clear up this doctrine by some instances taken from the principal episodes of the aeneid . in the scheme we have drawn of the fable and action of this poem , we have observed , that aeneas ought of necessity to be a king newly elected , and the founder of an empire rais'd upon the ruins of a decay'd state : that this prince should be oppos'd by wicked men : and lastly , that he should be established by piety and the force of arms. the first part of this action is the alteration of a state , of a king , and of a priest . and this is virgil's first episode , contain'd in his second book , wherein the * poet describes the subversion of the trojan empire in asia , the death of king priam , and of the priest panthus . to all this he adds the choice which both gods and men make of aeneas to be the successor of these two deceased persons , and to re-establish the empire of the trojans in italy . the second part of the action begins , when aeneas sets himself upon his duty , executes the orders he receives , and marches for italy . virgil has plac'd almost all this second episode in his third book : the rest lies in the first , in the fifth , and in the beginning of the seventh . the third part of the action is the establishing religion and laws . religion consists in sacrifices , in funeral rites , and festival sports . aeneas performed all these ; and the † poet took care from time to time to advertise his readers , that these ceremonies were not to be consider'd as so many particular actions , or as the simple effects of the hero's piety upon some particular occasions ; but as sacred rites , which he was going to ‡ transfer into italy under the quality of the founder of the roman empire . by this means , no body can doubt of his meaning , nor take these acts of religion , and these episodes , for any thing else but the necessary and essential parts of his action and matter . this part furnishes the poet with several episodes , which he distributes into several parts of his work ; as in the third book , where aeneas receives from helenus the ceremonies which hereafter he was oblig'd to institute : in the fifth , where he celebrates the sports hard by his father's tomb : and elsewhere almost throughout the whole poem . virgil design'd his sixth book for the other part about laws , viz. for the morality , for the politicks , and for the forming such a genius as was to animate the body-politick of the roman state. after these parts of the action , which contain the performance of the hero 's designs , we are to consider likewise the obstacles he meets with , which make up the intrigues of the action . these obstacles are the effects of juno's passion . and we might say , that this opposition is no less proper to the aeneid , than the opposition of neptune is to the odysseïs . now we observ'd that aristotle placed the anger of this god in the first draught of the greek poem among the incidents that are proper to it . the first of these intrigues , and the most considerable obstacle of all , is that of dido , which takes up the first and fourth book . the second is the burning of his fleet in the fifth book . the third is the love , the ambition , and the valour of turnus . this last supply'd him with a great many episodes , being the cause of all the war aeneas met with in italy . it begins at the seventh book , and is not over till the end of the poem . 't is thus that the episodes of the aeneid are deduc'd from the fable and the very essence of the action . the second thing we said was necessary for the vnity of the action , is the unity and the connexion of the episodes with one another . for besides that relation and proportion which all the members ought to have with one another , so as to constitute but one body , which should be homogeneous in all its parts ; 't is requir'd farther , that these members should be , not contiguous as if they were cut off and clap'd together again , but uninterrupted and duly connected . without this , the natural members would not make up that union , which is necessary to constitute a body . the continuity and situation of episodes is not exact , when they only follow one another : but they should be plac'd one after another so as the first shall either be necessarily or probably the cause of that which follows . * aristotle finds fault with incidents that are without any consequence or connexion ; and he says that the poems , wherein such sorts of episodes are , offend against the vnity of action . he brings , as an instance of this defect , the wound which vlysses receiv'd upon parnassus , and the folly he counterfeited before the grecian princes : because one of these incidents could not have happen'd as a consequence of the other ; homer could not have given them a necessary connexion and continuity : nor has he spoil'd the vnity of the odysseïs by such a mixture . but he gives us a compleat instance of the continuity we speak of , in the method whereby he has connected the two parts of his iliad ; which are the anger of achilles against agamemnon , and the anger of the same hero against hector . the poet would not have duly connected these two episodes , if before the death of patroclus , achilles had been less inexorable , and had accepted of the satisfaction agamemnon offer'd him . this would have made two anger 's and two revenges quite different from , and independent of one another . and though both had been necessary and essential to the fable , to make it appear what mischiefs discord , and what advantages concord is the cause of : yet the vnity would have been only in the fable , but the action would have been double and episodical : because the first episode would not have been the cause of the second , nor the second a consequence of the first . these two parts of the ilaid are joyn'd together very regularly . if achilles had never fell out with agamemnon , he would have fought in person , and not have expos'd his friend singly against hector , under those arms that were the cause of this young man's rashness and death . and besides , the better to joyn these two parts with one another , the second is begun a great while before one sees what event the first ought to have . all the articles of the reconciliation are propos'd , and one might say , that this reconciliation , with respect to agamemnon , is made before the death of patroclus , and even before it was ever thought of exposing him to a battel . there was nothing more wanting but achilles's consent : and since that was not given till the death of patroclus had made him resolve upon that of hector ; it may be truly affirmed , that the anger and the revenge of achilles against hector , which is nothing else but the second part of the poem , is the only cause of the reconciliation , which finish'd the first part . but for the vnity of a body , it is not enough that all its members be natural , and duly united and compacted together ; 't is farther requisite , that each member should be no more than a member ; an imperfect part , and not a finish'd compleat body . this is the third qualification we said was necessary to preserve the vnity of the epick action . for the better understanding of this doctrine , we must take notice that an action may be entire and compleat two ways : the first is , by perfectly compleating it , and making it absolutely entire with respect to the principal persons that are interested therein , and in the principal circumstances which are employ'd about it . the second way is by compleating it only with respect to some persons , and in some circumstances that are less principal . this second way preserves the action in its regular vnity , the other destroys it . we will give you an instance of each . the greeks were assembled together to revenge the affront offer'd to menelaus , and to force the trojans to restore him his wife , whom paris had stollen away . there happens a difference between agamemnon and achilles . this last being highly incens'd , abandons the common cause , and withdraws himself ; so that in his absence agamemnon's army was worsted by the trojans . but the boldness of the king of kings puts him upon engaging the enemy without achilles . away he marches to give them a general assault with all his forces . the fight began with the duel between menelaus and paris . they sight without seconds , upon condition that helen should be the conquerour's ; and the war decided by this combat . tho' the anger of achilles was the cause of this combat , and whatever interest he might have therein ; yet 't is plain , that menelaus , paris , and helen are so far the principal personages concern'd , that if this action had been finished with respect to them , it would have been quite finish'd : it would not have made a part of the action and of the revenge of achilles , but a compleat action ; which would have put an end to the revenge , and render'd the anger of this hero ineffectual . therefore homer has not finish'd this action : paris being hard put to it escapes , and menelaus is wounded with a dart by pandarus ; by this means achilles begins to be reveng'd , and this incident becomes an exact episode . virgil has manag'd the episode of dido another way . he has finish'd it so , that the vnion of his main action is as regular as the art of poetry requires . the address of this great poet consists in ordering it so , that dido , in whom this incident is compleat , was not the chief personage ; and her marriage was only a simple circumstance of an action , that is not finish'd , and yet is the soul and the only foundation of this particular action : in a word , aeneas is the hero of this episode , which is only invented to retard the settlement of this hero in italy . this is manifest , if we would but reflect on what the skill and care of the poet has left us about it . juno , who carried on all this intrigue , was very little concern'd for dido's happiness . if she had lov'd her so well , she should have diverted the trojan fleet from her coasts ; upon which place she her self did cast them , * which was the only cause of this queens miseries . when she proposes the match to venus with so much ardency , 't was only the top of her countenance . † her whole aim was to keep aeneas in africk , and to bestow on carthage the empire of the world , which belonged only to italy , and depended upon the stars of this hero. you see then the only thing she drives at , the rest is only counterfeit , and a means whereby she endeavours to accomplish this end. dido her self makes it appear how less considerable her person is than that of aeneas , and that she is only brought in to hinder the designs of this prince . 't is she , that courts him , and would have him for her king , husband , and protector , against the rage of her brother and the incursions of iarbas . but she could only obtain a marriage for a month or so , as was customary now and then in those times . aeneas tells her plainly , that the name of husband should be no hinderance to his departure , and his designs for italy : and he declares , that this condition of not leaving carthage was not in the articles of their alliance . the more an episode may seem to be a compleat action , the more care should the poet take to prepare the reader 's mind , before he engages him in it . this is what virgil did in the episode we mentioned . all the beginning of the first book does sufficiently inform the reader , that the stay of aeneas at carthage was only a hindrance and constraint which he was forced to submit to . the poet is likewise obliged to repeat this advertisement at the beginning of these episodes ; that so the reader may know to what the poet engages him . thus the trojans were scarce got to carthage , but they give out that their design is for italy . and before dido made the least shew of her designs upon aeneas ; the poet spends the second and third books to inform us of this hero's design , and the necessity of his going to italy , according to the orders he received from the oracles and the gods. all this is declar'd in his speech to dido her self . to conclude , all this episode is so full of this main design , that the poet is not willing we should lose the sight of it for a moment . therefore aeneas is doubtless the hero of this episode : and we ought to look upon this incident rather as an obstacle laid to hinder the settlement of the trojans in italy , as the history of dido , in whom it is a compleat action . chap. viii . of the faults which corrupt the unity of the action . homer and virgil have furnished us with instances of an exact vnity , with the three qualifications we requir'd . we must now enquire elsewhere for instances of an vnity that is corrupted by episodes that are irregular all these three ways : that is , first such as are deriv'd from something else besides the action ; secondly , such as have no connexion with the rest of the poem , nor with the members and parts , which are the matter thereof ; and lastly , such as are compleat actions , independent from the subject . these vicious and superfluous episodes may be met with not only in the middle of the poem , but at the beginning and the end. the thebaid of statius furnishes us with all these instances , as his achilleid has already afforded us an instance of that false vnity , which consists only in the vnity of the hero. the unfortunate oedipus had pluck'd out his own eyes ; and banishing himself from thebes , left the government of it to eteocles and polynices , his two sons . they order'd matters so , that each of them , one after another , should reign a whole year by himself . but the eldest being in possession , when his time was out , refus'd to quit the throne . polynices , in his exile , was so happy as to marry the daughter of adrastus king of argos . this aged prince takes prince takes up the quarrel , and with the assistance of his allies undertakes to settle polynices on the throne , and to out eteocles . upon this thebes is beleaguer'd , and after several skitmishes , this difference was decided by the duel and death of the two rival brothers . this war between the two theban brothers , is the * action our poet would relate , and the subject-matter of the thebaid . but observe another action , or rather another story . the goddess venus is offended with the inhabitants of lemnos , because in all that island she had neither temple , altar , nor sacrifice . at first she puts the men out of conceit with their wives ; and then she makes the women so mad , as to conspire the death of all their husbands . this barbarous resolution is most unmercifully put in execution . hypsipyle was the only woman who had secretly saved her father king troas , and so ingeniously dissembles the having murder'd him , that the rest confer the kingdom upon her , as belonging to that family . a little after the argonauts , going in quest of the golden-fleece , are forc'd by a storm to call in and recruit themselves at lemnos . they were very kindly entertain'd there , and the badness of the season gave jason , the chief of these hero's , an opportunity of leaving hypsipyle big with twins , before he put off to sea. she was scarce brought to bed , but 't was told her subjects , that they had been cheated , and that king troas was alive , and reign'd in the isle of chios , whither hypsipyle had convey'd him , tho' she had pretended she had murder'd him . this made the princess so odious , that fearing the fury of those women she fled to the sea-shore , where she was seiz'd on and carry'd off by pirates . they bestow her on king lyeurgus , who makes her the nurse of his son archemorus . the state of this prince border'd upon thebes , and lay in the road the army of adrastus was to pass thither . the greeks met with this famous nurse as she was alone with her nursery in a wood. they were extreme thirsty , all the wells being dry'd up by the scorching seasons . they intreat her to give them some relief ; she grants their request , and brings them to a fountain that never was drain'd . she was so forward , that to make the more hast to this wish'd for stream , she eases her self of her precious burden with which she was intrusted , and leaves archemorus all alone upon the grass . she goes to quench the grecians thirst ; and then to satisfie the desire they had of knowing who she was , that had been the saving of them , she makes a large recital of her own life . after she had made an end , and receiv'd the compliments of adrastus , she returns back to her prince . but a frightful serpent had kill'd him by a blow with his tail. the greeks kill the serpent , and in honour of the dead prince make a splendid funeral , and institute most magnificent sports , which take up a whole book of the thebaid . the recitals of hypsipyle , and the death of archemorus fill up another . these are foreign episodes , and if they are regular , i cannot imagine what use the rules of aristotle can be of in this business . but let us see whether these incidents have so much as one single qualification of those which i propos'd as necessary to the vnity of the action . the first of these qualifications is that an episode be proper and drawn from the very essence of the fable and the subject . it would be hard to invent an adventure more foreign to the war of the theban brothers , than all this story of lemnos . for what affinity has the anger of venus , the butchering of the lemnians , the designs of the argonauts , and the amours of jason and hypsipyle , with the quarrel between eteocles and polynices ? to make a mix'd medly of such various incidents , is just like forming one of * horace's monsters : and never would a woman's head clap'd on to a horse's neck appear more monstrous , than does this hypsipyle tack'd to the war of thebes appear in this poem . this is the first and most essential fault of this episode . the second is in the connexion , which is not at all in the thebaid , things being clap'd together without the least necessity or probability . for pray what part of the subject of the thebaid is either the cause , or the effect of the massacre at lemnos ? or of any of the adventures of jason ? 't is true hypsipyle makes this recital to the argives , as they were going to infest thebes ; but there is a great deal of difference between connecting the recital of an action to something , and connecting the very action to it . if for the introducing a narration into the body of a poem , and connecting it thereto , so as to make a just episode of it , 't is enough that this narration be made in the presence of the hero , by some body that has some interest therein ; there would be no more need of rules for the due vniting of episodes . for a poet to fail of making this vnion exactly , it would not be enough that he were ignorant and unskilful , but he should be something more ; he should be malicious , and declare positively against all connexions whatever . for without 't were so , he would not be easily inclined to stuff a whole book with the impertinent description of a story that was nothing to the purpose . the sports of the sixth book of statius are no less irregular . there is nothing in the action to give them the least countenance . they have no reference to the war of thebes , to the designs of the argonauts , nor to the mad practices of lemnos . nor is it a consequence of the stories of hypsipyle ; but rather a consequence of the recital she made of these stories . they are tack'd to her recital at one end , and at the other to the march of the grecians , without the least necessity and probability . and how could the fiery tempers of tydeus and capaneus , and the hot spirits of the other commanders away with such languishing and godly amusements ; and by consequence so opposite to the very soul of the poem , which consists altogether in violence and impiety ? 't is true the march of the argives was the cause of his death for whom they instituted these sports : but that it should not have been ; and since this cause is no way necessary , and offends against all probability , 't is rather a fresh fault , than any excuse . hypsipyle had so little a way to go from the place where she left her prince , to that whither she conducted the grecians ; that from thence * she hears this infant 's shrill cry , when death had almost stop'd his mouth . therefore if she had had any concern for leaving archemorus , she should not have staid from him a moment . but could not a souldier have leave to pass a compliment upon her for a few minutes or so ? to conclude , who did ever know a nurse so inconsiderate , as to leave her child alone for several hours in the midst of a forest , to the mercy of wild beasts , expos'd to so many other dangers ; and to leave him in this manner without a guard , thô so many thousands were at hand , to whom she had done such a singular piece of service ? how could so many redoubted princes endure this unworthy and foolish exposing of a child without the least necessity for it ? but what signifies it ? virgil had : his sports , and 't was but requisite statius should have his too . the third fault that may be committed against the vnity of the main action , is to compleat an action entirely , which should serve for an episode . this is likewise one of the conditions of the story of hypsipyle : nothing is more compleat in all its circumstances . it makes no part of any other action : 't is an entire action , that has no dependance on any of the theban worthies , or the other grecians of this poem ; of whom not one has the least interest in what pass'd at lemnos . thus , the vnity of the action is entirely spoil'd in the thebaid by this adventure , the recital whereof makes the poem episodical . this fault of statius is in the very midle of his poem . it has cut the action of it into two parts , most monstrously divided by this large hiatus , which is so miserably fill'd up with foreign members , or rather foreign bodies . but , as i before hinted , these superfluities corrupt the vnity as much when they are plac'd at the beginning or end , as when they are in the middle and body of the poem . statius affords us instances of this kind of fault likewise . had he ‡ begun the war of thebes with the incestuous birth of eteocles and polynices , he would have imitated those , who began the war of troy with the birth of helen , thô even that met with † horace's censure . but ‡ he carries matters still higher , goes back as far as the first founding of thebes , and opens his poem with the rape of europa , which was the first cause of building that city . he ends just as he begun . the quarrel of the two brothers was manifestly decided by their deaths , there remained no more difficulty , the siege was rais'd , and all over . and when the reader expects no more , the poet , who has quite drained his matter , gives us notice of his joyning another story thereto , which was the consequence thereof , just as the return of vlysses is the consequence of hector's death , and the taking of troy ; and as the reign of ascanius is the consequence of the establishment of aeneas . thebes has no longer the argives but the athenians for its enemies ; 't is no longer defended by eteocles , but by creon ; and not assaulted by polynices , but by theseus . the dispute is no longer about a kingdom , but a tyrant to be punished . 't is no more a siege but the taking of a city . and now no longer is cruelty , ambition , and violence predominant there ; but valour , generosity , and piety , which in the last book destroy the character of the whole poem . so that the action is quite another , in the cause , in the end , in the persons , in the manner , and in all the other circumstances . these are the faults which manifestly spoil the vnity of the epick action . chap. ix . of the integrity of the action aristotle not only says that the epick action should be one , but * he adds that it should be entire , perfect and compleat : and for this purpose , it must have a beginning , a middle , and an end. herein these actions differ from those of aesop's fables ; for there is no necessity that these last should be entire and compleat . witness the † fable of the meager hunger-starved fox , who convey'd himself thro a very small hole into a granary full of corn. when he had cram'd his guts , he was for marching the same way out again : but he found himself too corpulent . a weezel at a distance seeing him in such a quandary tells him , he came empty in , and must go as empty out . now there 's no necessity of finishing this action . reynard is very regularly left in this place without telling what happened to him afterwards ; and without troubling ones head , whether he was kill'd upon the spot ; or pinched his guts to save his carcass , or whether he escaped at some other hole . this action then is not a whole , because it has only a beginning and middle , but not an end. these three parts of a whole are too generally and universally denoted by the words , beginning , middle , and end : we may interpret them more precisely , and say , that the causes and designs which one takes for doing an action are the beginning of this action ; that the effects of these causes , and the difficulties that are met with in the execution of these designs are the middle of it ; and that the unraveling and resolution of these difficulties are the end of the action . this end , and this unravelling may happen after different ways , and so form several sorts of actions . for sometimes the action ends by the discovery of some person , who was unknown before , as in the tragedy of oedipus . this prince thought himself the son of polybus and meropa , king and queen of corinth : and he discovers himself to be a theban , the son of laius and jocasta . sometimes without any discovery , there is a great change of fortune in some person or other , who thinking himself happy , all on a sudden falls into a misery he never dream'd of ; or else on the contrary , becomes from a miserable , a very happy person beyond all expectation . the first of these was agamemnon's case after the ruine of troy , who thinking himself in quiet possession of his acquired glory was miserably butchered by his wife . * these changes or alterations from one kind of fortune to the contrary are called by a greek name peripetias . sometimes likewise there is neither a discovery nor a peripetia ; but the action ceases , and passes , if i may so say , from motion to rest after a simple manner , without any incident , but such as might be expected in the ordinary course of affairs . thus in the troad of seneca , hecuba and the trojans appear at first as in captivity , and under a long series of afflictions , which made them complain with their tongues , and despair in their hearts . the ghost of achilles requires polixena should be sacrificed to him , and before they part , calchas would make them kill astyanax too . both are put in execution , and so the tragedy ends . * these different ways make two sorts of action or fable : the one simple , the other complex . the simple actions are such as end without a discovery and a peripetia ; the complex have either a discovery , or a perpetia , or both. the integrity of the action comprehends all these things : let us now take a particular view of them . chap. x. that the action ought to be a whole . this proposition seems contrary to what aristotle teaches us , when he says , * that the war of troy is a just and perfect whole ; that homer has taken but a part of it . that therein he was very judicious ; and that those who instead of imitating him , have taken this whole for the subject of their poems , have taken too much matter , and have been very indifferent artists . does he pretend by this doctrine , and by these instances to overthrow what we have cited out of that very treatise of poetry ? would he teach us that the subject and matter of a poem ought not to be a whole , and an entire and compleat action , but only a part of an action ? sure 't is not likely he should contradict himself thus . we may reconcile this , that appears so contradictory in the terms , by making this reflection : that one and the same action may be consider'd as in the fable , where the poet makes use of it ; or else as in the history , whence he took it . when the poet is upon the search after matter for his fable , he lights upon several sorts of actions . some have several parts which may be regularly connected in one body ; and then he may take one of these actions , entire as it is . but there are others whose parts are so independent to one another , that a man cannot with any probability joyn them together so as they shall seem to be the causes and the consequences of each other . and this is what aristotle condemns under the name of many-limb'd fables . to which he opposes those which have but one only part . he does not absolutely forbid the multiplicity of parts ; but he commonly takes such sorts of words in the worst sense , which might of themselves be understood in a more favourable one . thus we observ'd , that he condemned the vicious plurality of fables and episodes , under the terms of polymythia , and episodical , altho' a man may lawfully put several fables into a poem , and there is none but has several episodes in it . therefore 't is in this sence that he condemns the plurality of the parts in an epick action . we are not to suppose that he condemns it absolutely , and that this action made use of cannot be a whole . he explains his own meaning sufficiently in the following words . * as , says he , in other imitations , that which a man imitates is one single thing : so likewise , the fable being the imitation of an action , 't is requisite that this action be one , entire , and a whole , and that the parts be so joyn'd to , and dependent on each other , that one cannot so much as remove any one out of its place , either to transpose , or retrench it quite , without making a change in the whole . for whatever can be so placed or omitted , that one cannot perceive the alteration , can by no means be a part of the action . so then , 't is only the plurality of parts in this last sence which aristotle condemns . and he has commended homer for having taken only a part of all that passed in the trojan war. but yet we are to take special notice that this retrenchment of all the other parts does not hinder the anger of achilles , which is only retain'd , from being a whole in the poem . 't is only a part with respect to the whole war , and in the history whence homer took it : but 't is an entire and compleat whole in the fable and poem , which homer has made of it . you see then how these opposite expressions of aristotle are easily reconciled in their meaning . the poet may take out of history an entire action , or but a part of one : but still he must put in his poem an entire action , and not a part only . the disposition of his matter regulates this point , and makes a regular whole of whatever he shall have met with and made choice of . he must make use thereof variously , according to the historical plurality , or singularity of the parts , so as to make thereof the subject of his poem . when he takes an entire action , as homer has done for his odysseïs , and virgil for the aeneid ; there is nothing to be adjusted , nor any measure to be taken to make this action appear a whole , and not the part of another action . the reader is already instructed by history , and is in little danger of being mistaken therein . 't is enough that the poet tell wherein his action consists , without saying wherein it does not . homer proposes the return of vlysses , who after the destruction of troy , came back again to his own country : virgil proposes the change of a state which is ruin'd at troy , and re-established in italy by aeneas . each of these adventures have the conditions of a whole as well in the history whence they were taken , as in the fables where they are made use of . but when the poet chuses only a part , and out of this historical part makes a whole in his fable ; he must take care to give his readers notice of it , for fear that they , applying the knowledge they have of the history to what they read in the poem , should blame the author , as if he had said but little on his subject , or rather had ill managed his design , having only described an imperfect action . the poet 's not knowing how to change a part into a whole , has perhaps contributed very much to the fault of those men , whom aristotle blames for having loaded themselves with too much matter . but the knowledge homer had of this secret , and his skill in practising it , has made him merit those praises which aristotle gives him . he does not only tell us in his iliad that the anger of achilles is his subject ; but besides that , in express words he excludes the other parts of the trojan war. to do this after a poetical and more artificial manner , he makes use of the very hero's person , whose action and design he sings . * i am not come hither ( says achilles ) to wage war against the trojans ; i have nothing to do with them , they have done me no wrong : my design was to maintain the honour of agamemnon and menelaus . but since agamemnon offers an injury to my honour , i renounce that design , and shall only take care to revenge my self , &c. you may see by this what is the design of the iliad , and what is not . besides , the poet has given neither a beginning nor an end to the siege of troy : nay there is scarce a middle that is proper to it . for tho' jupiter sends agamemnon to assault the town , yet 't is not with a design it should be taken , as this abused prince imagin'd : but only to be punish'd by the trojan arms for the affront he had put upon achilles , and to satisfie the anger , and the revenge of this hero. on the other hand , all the parts of this anger , that are requisite to make it a whole , are very conspicuous . it has its beginning , its causes , its effects , and its end. this is what the poet continues to make out as he had begun ; that is , in the person of his hero. achilles is not reconcil'd with agamemnon with a design to revenge all greece upon troy , or menelaus upon paris : as long as nothing else was on foot he was inexorable . but hector kills patroclus ; then he is reconcil'd , that he may revenge his own particular injury upon hector alone . thô he is the death of other trojans , yet 't is only because he meets not with hector himself : 't is to fight his way through to this particular enemy ; 't is because those he kills are his relations , or his souldiers ; just as before he reveng'd himself on all the grecians , for the affront which agamemnon alone had put upon him . as soon as he could meet with hector , he * charges all the other greeks to stand off , and would not let them interpose their quarrel with his . after he had kill'd him , he never pushes on the advantage which hector's death had given him over the trojans , who were stupified at this disaster , and dejected at so great a loss . he had nothing more to say to 'em , called off the gracians to the obsequies of patroclus , and vents the rest of his fury by insulting over the dead corps of his enemy . lastly , being mov'd at priam's tears , he restores the body to him , and grants him a truce for twelve days to perform the funeral solemnities . and that we might not look upon the death of hector as the end of the war ; the poet is so far from making the least shew of the trojans being inclin'd to a peace , or a surrender , that he makes priam say expresly , * that when the truce was over , they would be for fighting again upon the twelfth day . if this twelfth day had come , and a battle ensu'd , then the anger and the particular interest of achilles being at an end , these battles would have been really a part of the trojan war , and of the common cause . * homer to prevent this irregularity has finish'd his poem together with the truce and the funeral of hector , before the fight or the skirmishes were renew'd . could there be any greater demonstration , that the trojan war had nothing to do with all this , and that the subject of this poem is not a part of this war in the iliad : but that 't is a whole , entire , and compleat action , that has no dependence on the taking of this city ? to conclude , we must not confound the action with the fable ; nor the design of the hero in the action he does , with the design of the poet in the allegory , and in the moral he teaches . 't is well known that a wolf devouring a lamb has no design to give us the instructions which aesop has drawn from it . chap. xi . of the beginning , middle and end of the action . the poet should so begin his action , that on one hand nothing should be farther wanting for the understanding of what one reads ; and on the other hand , that what we read require after it a necessary consequence . he should end after the same manner , with these two conditions transposed ; the one , that nothing more be expected ; and the other , that what is put at the end of the action be only a necessary consequence of some thing which ought to have went before . lastly , the beginning must be joined to the end by a middle that makes no interval , but which is in it self neither the beginning nor the end. this middle must be the effect of something that went before , and the cause of some other thing that is to come after . * this makes three parts , each of which taken singly is imperfect , and always supposes one or both of the other . the beginning supposes nothing before it self , and requires something after it : on the contrary , the end requires nothing after it self , but supposes something that goes before : and the middle supposes something that went before , and requires something to follow after . we will explain this doctrine of aristotle by the instances we produced . eteocles and polynices were equally the sons and heirs of oëdipus king of thebes . they made a contract to reign a year by turns . eteocles began , and his year expired , refuses to quit his throne to his brother . polynices meets with assistance at argos , and comes to dispute his title at the head of an army . this is an exact beginning . it requires a consequence , but not any thing antecedent thereto . therefore 't was irregularly done to place before this beginning the recital of whatever happened from the founding of thebes , and the rape of europa down to that time . the quarrel of these two brothers ended with their deaths : which is an exact end ? the reader does not desire one should relate what becomes of creon the successor of eteocles . therefore statius is in the wrong , when he makes that a part of his poem . he was no less to blame for putting in the middle of his poem the story of hypsipyle . for this narration has no dependance on the theban action , and supposes nothing before it , and requires nothing after it ; and by consequence this action is neither the middle , nor any other part of the quarrel between the two brothers , or of the subject of the poem . these are examples to be avoided ; now we will produce such as are to be imitated . homer's design in the iliad is to relate the anger and revenge of achilles . the beginning of this action is the change of achilles from a calm to a passionate temper . the middle is the effects of his passion , and all the illustrious deaths it is the cause of . the end of this same action is the return of achilles to his calmness of temper again all was quiet in the graecian camp , when agamemnon their general provokes apollo against them , whom he was willing to appease afterwards at the cost and prejudice of achilles , who had nothing to do with his fault . this then is an exact beginning ; it supposes nothing before , and requires after it the effects of this anger . achilles revenges himself , and that is an exact middle ; it supposes before the beginning of the anger of achilles , who is provoked . this revenge is the effect of it . then this middle requires after it the effect of this revenge , which is the satisfaction of achilles ; for the revenge had not been compleat , unless achilles had been satisfied . by this means , the poet makes his hero , after he was glutted , as i may so say , by the mischief he had done to agamemnon , by the death of hector , and the honour he did his friend , by insulting o'er his murderer ; he makes him , i say , to be moved by the tears and misfortunes of king priam. we see him as calm at the end of the poem , during the funeral of hector , as he was at the beginning of the poem , whilst the plague raged among the graecians . this end is just , since the calmness of temper achilles re-enjoy'd , is only an effect of the revenge which ought to have went before ; and after this no body expects any more of his anger . thus has homer been very exact in the beginning , middle and end of the action he made choice of for the subject of his iliad . his design in the odysseis was to describe the return of vlysses from the ruin of troy , and his arrival at ithaea . he opens this poem with the complaints of minerva against neptune , who opposed the return of this hero , and against calypso , who detained him in an island far from ithaca . is this a beginning ? no ; doubtless 't is not . the reader would fain know why neptune is displeased with vlysses , and how this prince came to be with calypso . he has a mind to know how he came from troy thither . the poet answers his demands out of the mouth of vlysses himself , who relates these things , and begins the action by the recital of his travels from the city of troy. it signifies little whether the beginning of the action be the beginning of the poem , as we shall take notice in the following book , where we shall treat expresly of the order our poets have observed in their narrations . the beginning of this action then is that which happens to vlysses , when upon his leaving of troy he bends his course for ithaca . the middle comprehends all the misfortunes he endured , and all the disorders of his own government . the end is there instanting of this hero in the peaceable possession of his kingdom , where he discovers himself to his son , his wife , his father , and several others . the poet was sensible he should have ended ill , had he went no farther than the death of these princes , who were the rivals and enemies of vlysses , because the reader might have looked for some revenge which the subjects of these princes might have taken on him , who had kill'd their sovereigns : but this danger over , and these people vanquished and quieted , there was nothing more to be expected . the poem and the action have all their parts and no more . the order of the odysseis differs from that of the iliad , in that the poem does not begin with the beginning of the action . that of the aeneid is still more different , since the very end of the poem is not the end of the action of aeneis . but we shall say no more of this at present . the design of virgil is to conduct aeneas into italy , there to establish his gods and religion , and lay the foundations of the roman empire . there is this difference between the return of vlysses , and the voyage of aeneas , that no one ever questions why a man returns to his own country : though homer had made no mention of the natural affection he bore to his country , yet the readers would never have fell out with him for this omission . this is a well known cause ; 't is neither an action , of which one ought to make a narration , nor a thing which precedes this return . but aeneas acts contrary to this natural affection ; he abandons his own country , to go in search after a strange land. the reader then would have the poet tell him why this hero leaves troy. besides vlysses was born a king , but aeneas was not . so that the embarking of vlysses is sufficiently the beginning of the odysseïs : but the embarking of aeneas from troy , on board the admiral of a fleet of twenty sail ; cannot be the beginning of the action of aeneas . aeneas abandons troy , because it was taken by the greeks : and is king of the trojans , because priam was dead , and he elected in his room . but if the taking of troy be the consequence of a ten year's siege , should not this war have been related as the necessary cause of the taking and ruine thereof ? this is what the poet has admirably provided for by bringing it about , that neither the war , nor the long and tedious siege , should be the cause of the taking of this city . * therefore he says at first , that the greeks were worsted , that they utterly despaired of being masters of the city by any of those measures they had hitherto taken ; and that so many years spent in the war was but so much time lost . so that the taking of troy depends not upon any thing that went before . the greeks form another design , which is an exact beginning of an action ; for it supposes nothing before it . the poet gives it likewise the other qualification of a beginning , which is the requiring something after it . before ever the grecians became masters of the city , and before ever king priam was kill'd , aeneas is destin'd to re-establish a more noble religion , and a more illustrious empire elsewhere . wherefore the burning of troy is not an entire action , nor the downfall of an empire , but the cause and the first part of the alteration of a state ; and it requires a new establishment to succeed it . the shipping off of aeneas , his voyages , his battels , and all the obstacles he met with , compose a just middle ; they are a consequence of the destruction of troy , and of the choice they made of him to transport them into italy ; and these same incidents require an end. the end comprehends the death of amata , that of turnus , the change of juno's mind , and the terms of the peace , which contain'd all that aeneas pretended to for his establishment . but for the better judging of the vnity and integrity of the action ( of which we have already spoke ) we must add , that there are two sorts of designs : the first sort have no manner of consequence , but end with the action ; the others , beside the action , have likewise some necessary consequences : and in this last case these consequences must be related , if one would have the poem be as entire and as compleat as it ought to be . our poets furnish us with instances of both these designs . the anger and revenge of a man requires necessarily nothing more after it : when it is satisfied and over , all is at an end . when achilles was reveng'd , when he had receiv'd satisfaction for the affront put upon him , and when he was once quiet , a man never enquires what becomes of him afterwards . 't is the same case with the return of a prince into his own country : when he is come thither , has put an end to those disorders which his absence had caused , and enjoys peace again , the reader is satisfied . nor has homer made any episode that has transgressed these bounds . virgil's practice has been otherwise , because he undertook a design of another nature . the establishment of any state does of necessity draw great consequences after it . if the poet had taken them all for his action , it would have been of a monstrous extent , because the roman government was not fully settled till after the ruin of carthage , which had so long disputed with it for empire and liberty : and this very state arrived not to its grandeur and perfection till under augustus , who was its last , as aeneas was its first , founder . therefore virgil has not taken this for the matter of his poem ; but † he relates it by such recitals as homer makes use of in his odysseïs , when he tells us of the wound vlysses receiv'd on the top of parnassus . upon this account we observed , that the poet may relate such incidents as were necessary to the matter of his poem , but which notwithstanding were not the matter thereof . 't is thus that virgil practices in the machines , making jupiter in the first , and anchises in the sixth book , to make these prophetical recitals . there is something still more noble in the episode of dido , where by an allegory and a conduct , which one can never sufficiently admire , he brings into the body of his action all the succeeding history of carthage ; and this so naturally too , that one would think the poet should have made dido say and act , just as she did , though there had never been any quarrel between these two states , and though there had never been such a man as hannibal . chap. xii . of the causes of the action . an historian does not make his subject-matter himself , he speaks nothing but what he knows ; and in the conduct of a state , we often see effects , whose causes are never known . those who act in it , keep all things in private ; and the more they do so , the greater * politicians are they accounted . so that on one side the historian is obliged to declare all the causes he knows , because these circumstances are very instructive : but on the other hand , he is justly dispensed from relating several causes , because he cannot come to any knowledge of them . a poet has the same reasons to tell all the causes of his action , and he is likewise more oblig'd to it than an historian , since 't is more proper and essential for poetry to instruct , than 't is for history . but the poet has not the same reasons to excuse his omission of any cause whatever . he makes his matter himself , and if he takes any thing from history , 't is but so far as history suits thereto . he must feign whatever is not there , or else change what is not suited to his purpose . if 't is propose that some things may lie concealed from him , because no man can know every thing ; he then is instructed by the gods who do know every thing . virgil is my warrant in the case before us , † he invokes a deity , that he may come to the knowledge of the causes of his action : and he relates such things , as he could never know but by revelation ; since he says they happen'd to dido alone , and which she never made any one , no not so much as her sister , acquainted with . thus is the poet oblig'd to tell all the causes not only that he may instruct , as we hinted before , but likewise that he may please ; for without doubt this is very grateful . there are three sorts of causes ; some are more general and undetermin'd , such as the humours of any one ; for 't is upon humour that every one commonly regulates his conduct , and acts upon occasion . others are more precise , such as the interests of those that act. and lastly , there are others which are more immediate , such as the designs which one takes to promote or hinder any thing . these different causes of an action are likewise frequently the causes of one another : every one taking up those interests , which his humour engages him in , and forming such designs as his humour and interest prompt him to . the humours and the inclinations belong to the doctrine of the morals , which we shall treat of particularly in the fourth book . we only joyn them here to the two other causes we mention'd ; and of all three we affirm this in general , that the poet ought to inform his readers of them , and make them conspicuous in his principal personages , when he introduces them , or even before he makes them appear . homer has ingeniously begun his odysseïs with the transactions at ithaca during the absence of vlysses . if he had begun with the travels of his hero , he would scarce have spoken of any one else , and a man might have read a great deal of the poem without conceiving the least idea of telemachus , penelope , or her suitors , who had so great a share in the action . but in the beginning he has pitch'd upon , besides these personages , whom he discovers , he represents vlysses in his full length . and from the very first opening of the action , one sees the interest which the gods had therein . the skill and care of the same poet may be seen likewise in introducing his personages in the first book of his iliad ; where he discovers the humour , the interests , and the designs of agamemnon , achilles , nestor , vlysses , and several others , nay , and of the gods too . and in his second book he makes a review of the grecian and trojan armies ; which is full evidence , that all we have here said is very necessary . but lastly , since the epick poem is doubtless much longer than the dramatick ; and since 't is easier to manage the incidents and the presence of the personages in that than in the other : one is not obliged to introduce all of them at the beginning of the epopéa with as much exactness , as in the first act of a theatral piece , where at least one is obliged to give some item of all those who have any considerable part in the intrigue . i mention this upon the account of virgil's practice . he has been less exact than the greek poet ; for he says nothing of turnus , latinus , amata , and other italians , till the middle of his poem . but 't is true likewise , that he has so disposed his action as seems to justifie this delay . he has divided the aeneid into two parts more sensibly than homer has his iliad and odysseïs . he not only makes this division at the first , and in his proposition , by saying that * aeneas suffer'd much when he was toss'd about from this sea to that , and from one province to another ; and suffer'd also a great deal more in the wars he was engag'd in : but he likewise , when he begins his second part , advertises his reader of it , and † proposes the things he is about to mention , as all new , and quite of another make from the former . thus in the first book he introduces the principal personages of his first part ; and he only speaks of those , who were to appear afresh in the second part , in his sixth , seventh , and eighth books . and here , in my mind , he was less fortunate than the greek poet. besides these more general causes of the action and of the main intrigues ; there are still some incidents , and some episodes more particular , of which the poet must give an account . this happens commonly not in the beginning of the action , but only when the poet is about to make one of his lesser recitals . the reader could not guess , how the wound of vlysses came , which discover'd him to his friends ; not why camilla should be in love with war ; nor how it came to pass that aeneas met with several persons in the shades below , who were to come into the world many ages after , &c. therefore the poet must tell him the causes of all this . these causes must be good , and suitable to the subject . all the action of the iliad is founded upon the anger of achilles . the cause of this anger is the displeasure apollo conceiv'd against agamemnon ; because agamemnon likewise in his anger had affronted the priest of this god. all these passions have probable causes , and such as are suitable to the general subject of the trojan war. for as this general cause is heten's being ravish'd from menelaus ; so the other causes are of the same nature . chryseïs is ravish'd from her father , and briseïs from achilles . in short , all are stamp'd with the same character of injustice and violence in these heroes . if the hero be a man of probity , the causes of all his designs should be just and commendable , as those in the odysseïs and the aeneid : and the causes of the persecution he meets with , must not lessen the esteem which the poet would raise of his probity . neptune persecutes vlysses , because vlysses had blinded his son polypheme . but this monster had already devour'd six of the comerades of vlysses , and was just upon serving vlysses himself and the rest the same trick . aeneas makes a more particular profession of his piety , and accordingly virgil uses him more honourably . the causes juno had to persecute him , did either not touch his person , or else were much to his glory ; since the only one which concern'd him , was the choice which fate made of him to lay in italy the foundation of the empire of the world. * juno is so far from having any scornful or hateful thoughts for this hero's person , that she was willing to trust him with all that was most dear to her on earth , and make him lord over her own carthage . she could never have given a more considerable token of her love and esteem for any man. chap. xiii . of the intrigue , and the vnravelling thereof . in what was said about the causes of the action , one might have observ'd two opposite designs . the first and most principal is that of the hero : the second comprehends all their designs , that oppose the pretensions of the hero. these opposite causes produce likewise opposite effects ; viz. the endeavours of the hero for the accomplishing his design , and the endeavours of those who are against it . as these causes and designs are the beginning of the action ; so these contrary endeavours are the middle of it , and form a difficulty and intrigue , which makes up the greatest part of the poem . it lasts as long as the reader 's mind is in suspense about the event of these contrary endeavours . the solution or the vnravelling begins , when one begins to see the difficulty remov'd , and the doubts clear'd up . our poets have divided each of their three poems into two parts , and have put a particular intrigue , and the solution of it in each part. the first part of the iliad is the anger of achilles , who is for revenging himself upon agamemnon by the means of hector and the trojans . the intrigue comprehends the three days fight which happen'd in the absence of achilles : and it consists on one side in the resistance of agamemnon and the grecians ; and on the other , in the revengeful and inexorable humour of achilles , which would not suffer him to be reconcil'd . the loss of the grecians , and the despair of agamemnon , prepare for a solution by the satisfaction which the incens'd hero receiv'd from it . the death of patroclus joyn'd to the offers of agamemnon , which alone had proved ineffectual , remove this difficulty , and make the unravelling of the first part. this death is likewise the beginning of the second part ; since it puts achilles upon the design of revenging himself on hector . but the design of hector is opposite to that of achilles : this trojan hero is valiant , and resolved to stand in his own defence . this valour and resolution of hector , are on his account the cause of the intrigue . all the endeavours achilles used to meet with hector , and be the death of him ; and the contrary endeavours of the trojan to keep out of his reach and defend himself , are the intrigue : which comprehends the battel of the last day . the vnravelling begins at the death of hector ; and besides that , it contains the insulting of achilles over his body , the honours he paid to patroclus , and the intreaties of king priam. the regrets of this king , and the other trojans in the sorrowful obsequies they paid to hector's body end the vnravelling ; they justifie the satisfaction of achilles , and demonstrate his tranquillity . the first part of the odysseïs is the return of vlysses into ithaca . neptune opposes it by raising tempests , and this makes the intrigue . the vnravelling is the arrival of vlysses upon his own island , where neptune could offer him no farther injury . the second part , is the re-instating this hero in his own government . the princes , that are his rivals , oppose him , and this is a fresh intrigue . the solution thereof begins at their deaths , and is compleated as soon as the ithacans were appeased . these two parts in the odysseïs have not one common intrigue , as is to be observed in the two other poems . the anger of achilles forms both the intrigues in the iliad ; and it is so far the matter of this epopéa , that the very beginning and end of this poem depend on the beginning and end of this anger . but let the desire achilles had to revenge himself , and the desire vlysses had to return to his own country be never so near a-kin : yet we cannot place them under one and the same notion : for the love of vlysses is not a passion that begins and ends in the poem with the action ; 't is a natural habit , nor does the poet propose it for his subject , as he does the anger of achilles . virgil has divided his poem as homer did his odysseïs . the first part is the voyage and arrival of aeneas in italy ; the second is his establishment there . but he has connected these two great episodes better by giving them a common intrigue . he did not take for his first intrigue a deity , who could act no where but by sea , as neptune : but * makes choice of juno , the goddess of the air , who had an equal power over sea and land. she opposed the voyage of this hero , and 't is she likewise that opposes his settlement . this opposition then is the general intrigue of the whole action . the solution is over when † juno is appeas'd by jupiter . the principal intrigue of the first part , is the design of dido , and the endeavours she used to keep aeneas still at carthage . the complaints of iarbas , the orders mercury brought aeneas to be gone , and the re-fitting of the trojan fleet , are preparations for the vnravelling , which begins at the departure of aeneas , when he ‡ cut the cables which held his ships at anchor . dido might have done more mischief to aeneas , either by pursuing him as an enemy to be reveng'd on him , or by following him as his wife . and though she stay'd still at africk , whatever liberty men had in those days of putting away one wife and marrying another , yet the poet had made him too honest a man than to allow him two wives living at the same time . let cases stand how they would , yet aeneas had reason to be afraid of dido , and to apply the prophecy of sibyl to himself , * which said , that the cause of the misfortunes he was to suffer should be another foreign wife , that should entertain the trojans , and be ravish'd from another man's bed. upon this account she must needs die , and aeneas be certified of her death . so that this vnravelling is not compleat till the sixth book , † where aeneas meets with the ghost of this unhappy queen in the shades below . the intrigue of the second part is form'd out of the love and ambition of turnus , who was countenanc'd by the authority and passion of the queen amata . the articles of peace which are propos'd in the eleventh book , and which are sworn to in the twelfth , prepare for the vnravelling . the death of amata begins , and the death of turnus finishes it . after what has been said of the principal intrigues , the rest are easily discern'd : there are almost as many as there are great and small episodes . chap. xiv . the way of forming the plot or intrigue . we have already observ'd what is meant by the intrigue , and the vnravelling thereof ; let us now say something of the manner of forming both : and this we shall meet with in the practice of our poets ; which tells us that these two things should arise naturally out of the very essence and subject of the poem , and that they are to be deduced thence . their conduct is so exact and natural , that it seems as if their action had presented them with whatever they inserted therein , without putting themselves to the trouble of a farther enquiry . what is more usual and proper among warriours , than anger , heat , passion , and impatience of bearing the least affronts and disrespects ? this is what forms the intrigue of the iliad : and every thing we read there , is nothing else but the effect of this humour , and these passions . what more natural and usual obstacle do they who take voyages meet with than the sea , the winds , and the storms ? homer makes this the intrigue of the first part of the odysseïs : and for the second , he makes use of the almost infallible effect of the long absence of a master , whose return is quite despair'd of ; viz. the insolence of his servants and neighbours ; the danger his son and wife were in ; and the sequestration of his estate . besides , an absence of almost years , and the insupportable fatigues joyn'd to the age vlysses was then of , might induce him to believe that he should not be own'd by those that thought him dead , and whose interest it was to have him be really so . therefore if he had presently declar'd who he was , and had call'd himself vlysses , they would easily have made away with him as an impostor , before he had had opportunity to make himself known to them . there could be nothing more natural , nor more necessary , than this ingenious disguise , to which the advantages which his enemies had taken of his absence had reduc'd him , and to which his long misfortunes had inur'd him . this allow'd him an opportunity , without hazarding any thing , of taking the best measures he could against those persons who could not so much as mistrust any harm from him . this way then was afforded him by the very nature of his action , that he might execute his designs , and overcome the mighty obstacles it presented him with : and 't is this contest between the prudence and the dissimulation of a single man on one hand , and the ungovernable insolence of so many rivals on the other , which makes up the intrigue of the second part of the odysseïs . the conduct of the latin poet , in the intrigues he forms , has the same simplicity . the tempests are made use of in the first part of the aeneid , just as in the odysseïs . in this very part of the aeneid , virgil suits himself to the humour of his hero , as homer does himself to the humour of achilles . he ( achilles i mean ) was testy and passionate , agamemnon provokes him by very sensible affronts . aeneas was of a soft disposition ; the poet makes use of good turns , kind treats , and the most melting , most endearing passions , to engage him to stay at carthage . in the second part , the oppositions of turnus and mezentius are no less exact . for love and respect oblig'd aeneas , not to abandon a queen to whom he ow'd so much ; and these oppos'd his embarking for italy : and the impiety of turnus and mezentius was an obstacle to the establishment of the gods and religion at that place . in fine , the love turnus had for lavinia , and the esteem amata had for this italian hero above aeneas , are likewise other natural obstacles , derived from the very subject ; since amata was oblig'd to prefer her relation to an unknown stranger ; and such an accomplish'd princess as lavinia , who was sole heiress to a kingdom , could not but have her suitors . besides , we observed that homer made use of the anger of apollo , and that of agamemnon , to stir up the same passion in achilles ; and that the cause of the war , and the cause of these passions , are the ravishment of three women . virgil forms his general intrigue after the same manner : he opposes to the establishing of a kingdom in italy , the establishing of another kingdom in africk . this opposition is suited to policy in general , and to the roman history in particular . * rome in its infancy sees all her neighbours conspiring against her ; for new governments cast always a shade upon the old ones . but in these intrigues of the aeneid , there are a great many other circumstances , wherein virgil makes allegories and allusions so correspondent to history and truth , that without bating any thing of his quality as poet , he seems to merit likewise that of an historian . a man may see in the persons of aeneas and dido the very spirit and conduct of two great empires , of which they are founders . there one may observe the greatest obstacle the romans ever met with : and this great intrigue in the fable is a truth in history . was it only fiction , that there was a design of translating in africk the empire of the world , which was destin'd for italy ? and the means used to accomplish that end , was it not that treachery with which the romans have always upbraided the carthaginians ? dido casts this reproach upon her self ; and * makes the application thereof to hannibal and the carthaginians ; ordering them to make use of it always against the romans , and to violate their most solemn treaties , as oft as they suppos'd they could do it to their own advantage . this is the genius and conduct she inspires her commonwealth with . mercury likewise advises the founder of rome not to trust to the inconstancy of this woman , which was like the inconstancy of her city . and when juno made the proposal to venus of an alliance between these two states , venus saw well enough 't was only a trick of dissimulation , to which her present interests compell'd her to condescend . but i am too minute in a general treatise of the epick poem . we end all with saying , that the event is the same both in the history and the poem . † 't is dido's breach of faith that had almost ruin'd aeneas , and which at last became the ruin of this foundress of carthage . 't was this very same perfidiousness in hannibal that brought rome into so much danger , and was at last the ruin of hannibal and his city . i shall conclude this chapter with the three methods of forming the plot or intrigue of the poem . one is , to deduce it from the design of the hero and the action , which we have already taken notice of . the second is , to deduce it from the fable and the design of the poet ; and this is what we observ'd in the allegory of two opposite persons and two opposite empires . the third is to form the intrigue so , as that the vnravelling may be prepar'd for it . i have said nothing as yet of this third way , and shall explain it by some instances . 't is worth taking notice , how the poet prepares the departure of aeneas from dido . the hero does not come designedly into africk , but is forced thither against his will by a storm . he accepts not the offer ‡ dido made him of her city , if he would stay there : * and in the marriage it self he takes care to engage himself to nothing that might hinder him from making a voyage into italy by the first fair wind. all these precautions prepare the reader , that so without the least surprize he sees aeneas leave carthage : this is the vnravelling of that intrigue . in the second part the poet opposes none against his hero , but such persons as he could deal well enough with , when a peace was clap'd up . king latinus was to be his father-in-law , lavinia his wife , and the latins his subjects . it would have been hard for all these persons to have become such upon his account , after they had been his profess'd enemies . the poet has provided for that too . in lavinia there is not to be observ'd either an inclination for turnus , or an aversion to aeneas : * the king profers this princess his daughter to the hero as an article of the peace , and constantly persists in this design : the latins only fight against aeneas because they are forc'd to it . their legates give such ample testimonies of their love and esteem for him , † that they declared , they should think it an honour to build the city for him which he demanded in italy . the poet then opposes none against him but amata and turnus , who both perished by their own faults . juno indeed could not die ; but she is well enough disposed of , by insinuating that all she hopes for , is not absolutely to hinder the establishment of aeneas ( for that she confessed she could not do ) : * but only to put a stop to it a little , and make the trojans and italians pay very dear for it . thus , having accomplished these two designs , 't was no hard matter for jupiter to chear up her spirits , and make her consent to the rest . chap. xv. how to dispose , or prepare the vnravelling . if the plot or intrigue must be natural , and such as springs from the very subject , as has been already urg'd : then the winding up of the plot , by a more sure claim , must have this qualification , and be a probable consequence of all that went before . as the readers regard this more than the rest , so should the poet be so much the more exact therein . this is the end of the poem , and the last impression that is like to be stamp'd upon them , and which either leaves them in the satisfaction they fought after , or in such a dissatisfied temper , as endangers the reputation of the author . let us now see the instances homer and virgil have left us of this practice . the vnravelling of the plots of the iliad is the cessation of the anger of achilles , who was incensed at first against agamemnon , and lastly against hector . there is nothing but what is natural in the appeasing of this anger . the absence of achilles is the reason why the greeks are worsted by the trojans . he absented himself on purpose , and 't was a pleasure to him to see the loss they underwent ; that so he might be reveng'd on agamemnon , who was the only person , that had affronted him . among the wounded he believes he sees one of his friends . for his better satisfaction therein , he sends thither his dear patroclus . but this favourite of achilles had not the same passions with him . he could not but be extremely concern'd at the miserable condition his allies were reduc'd to by the common enemy . these unfortunate princes , who had done achilles no wrong , importune patroclus to work him into a better temper ; and to persuade him not to suffer they should be so unworthily us'd any longer , since he could defend them from the disgrace . patroclus prevails upon achilles to lend him his men and armour , and under this appearance beats back the enemy . it is likewise natural that this young hero , intoxicated with so glorious a success , should push on his victory farther than achilles had order'd him , and so force hector to fight with and kill him . but shall achilles endure , that so near and dear a friend should be butcher'd before his face , and in his armour too , without revenging the deed ? that can never be . so then the death of patroclus is the cause why achilles , who is otherwise well enough satisfied and revenged upon agamemnon , should be now reconcil'd to him , and accept of his submission , his presents , and the oath he made that he had never to do with briseïs . this first intrigue then is naturally unravell'd . the second could not be brought about by a reconciliation with hector . it was not in this trojan prince's power to restore patroclus , as agamemnon had briseïs . nothing but hector's death could be a satisfaction for that of patroclus . 't is by this that achilles begins his revenge . besides , the many indignities which he offered to the body of this innocent homocide , and the great honours he paid to that of his friend , must needs naturally mollifie his grief , and asswage his passion . to conclude , as agamemnon repented , and wholly submitted to what he pleas'd ; so likewise we find king priam prostrate at his feet in as miserable a condition as a father could be , that takes on for the death of his son. so that there is nothing in the pacified anger of achilles , and in the winding up of the plots of the iliad , but what naturally arises from the subject and the very action . we shall find the same in the odysseïs . vlysses by a tempest is cast upon the island of the phaeacans , to whom he discovers himself , and desires they would further his return to his own country , which was not very far from thence . one cannot see any reason why the king of this island should refuse such a reasonable request to a hero whom he seems to have in great esteem . the phaeacans had heard him tell the story of his adventures : in this fabulous recital consists all the advantage they could derive from his presence ; for the art of war which they admir'd in him , his undauntedness under dangers , his indefatigable patience , and such like vertues , were such as these islanders were not used to . all their talent lay in singing and dancing , and whatsoever a soft and quiet life esteem'd charming . and here we see how dextrously homer prepares the incidents he makes use of . these people could do no less for the account vlysses had given them of his life , and with which he had ingeniously entertain'd them , than conduct him home by furnishing him with shipping which would stand them in little or nothing . when he came home , his long absence , and the travels which had disfigur'd him , made him altogether unknown ; and the danger he would have incurr'd , had he discover'd himself too soon , forc'd him to a disguise , as we hinted before . lastly , this disguise gave him an opportunity of surprizing those young gallants , who for several years together had been only us'd to sleep well , and fare daintily . in the latin poet , all the hinderance aeneas met with was from turnus . the turbulent spirit of this rival drew out the italians to fight the trojans , and cost our hero as many subjects , as there were souldiers slain in both parties ; since he was already king of the one , and within a while was to be king of the other . what is to be done then in this case by a prince so valiant as aeneas , and so affectionate and tender towards his subjects ? * is it not the most natural thing in the world , that he should declare he was ready to put a stop to the quarrel turnus had caused , by fighting singly with him ? † turnus for his part sees the latins vanquish'd and dejected ; he is sensible of the reproaches they cast upon him for having exposed them in his quarrel , and not daring to answer the demands of aeneas . can he shift off the challenge aeneas had sent him ? by this means the duel and the vnravelling of all the action happens naturally , and is as it were a necessary consequence of the disposition of the fable . these are the examples our poets have left us of aristotle's rules . * he teaches us that whatever concludes the poem , should so arise from the constitution of the fable , as if 't were a necessary or at least a probable consequence of all that went before . chap. xvi . of the several sorts of actions . the several effects which the vnravelling of the plot produces , and the different states to which it reduces the persons , divide the actions into so many sorts . the vnravelling of the intrigue may be by changing of any one's fortune from good to bad , as that of oedipus ; or from bad to good , as that of cinna . oedipus seems to be innocent ; and in the very moment he thought himself master of two kingdoms , he finds himself guilty of incest and parricide , and becomes miserable , blind , and an exile . cinna , on the other hand , is condemn'd , and look's for nothing else but a cruel punishment ; and contrary to his expectation he is freed from death , restablish'd in his preferments , and made master of aemylia . sometimes these two contrary turns of fortune happen in one and the same action , as in heraclius . phocas is dethron'd , when he thought himself settled in a sure post : and heraclius steps into the place of the tyrant who was gone to visit the other world. but let this turn be what it will , double or single , fortunate or unfortunate , 't is still call'd a peripetia . sometimes it happens by the discovery of one or more persons , which till then were unknown , as in oedipus and heraclius : sometimes without any discovery , as in cinna . but let the matter end which way it will , whether it be a peripetia without a discovery , or a discovery without a peripetia , or both together ; this makes a sort of action which we call implex or mix'd . but if the vnravelling be without a discovery , and without a peripetia ; if it be a simple passing from trouble and action , to quiet and repose , then these actions and fables are call'd single ones . sometimes likewise by a sub-division of the fables wherein is a peripetia , aristotle has call'd those single , where the peripetia is single , and only of one sort , as in cinna : and those double , where the peripetia is double , as in heraclius . according to this last division , the fable of the odysseïs is double , because the vnravelling of the intrigue makes vlysses and his party pass from a miserable to an honourable state ; and casts his rivals from their merriments to a shameful death . * this action then is likewise implex . 't is not only unravell'd by this double peripetia , but likewise by the discovery of ulysses . there is neither a discovery nor a peripetia in the iliad . two generals of the same party fall out , and then agree , after they had both suffered considerable losses : achilles loses his friend patroclus , and agamemnon his glory and authority : he is vanquish'd by the trojans , and forc'd to submit to his inferiour achilles , to acknowledge his fault , and to give him satisfaction . in the second part , too enemies fight , and he who was the weakest and knew himself so , is at last vanquish'd and kill'd . this action then is wholly single . there is no more complexedness in the plots of the aeneid , than in those of the iliad . dido , who came to so miserable a death , was not more fortunate before that catastrophe . her love for aeneas fills her at first with trouble and disquiet . her marriage increases both , and adds thereto the dismal fear , whereby she foresaw her loss , and all the horrors of her death . * if she had any good fortune when she reveng'd her first husband , punish'd the treachery of her brother , and was established so gloriously , all this happen'd before the trojans arriv'd at carthage : and by consequence having nothing to do with the action , could not make a peripetia . nothing pass'd between aeneas and turnus , that is more complex'd , than that which happen'd in the quarrel between achilles and hector . so that the action of the aeneid is altogether simple , without a peripetia or a discovery . not that the aeneid is absolutely without a peripetia ; there are some in the lesser episodes . in the fighting with whirl-bats , entellus is knock'd down at the feet of his antagonist ; ev'ry one looked upon him as vanquish'd , and dares began to triumph . but when rage had restored this old combatant the force which age had robb'd him of , on a sudden he leaps up , and dares found himself so over-match'd , and so confounded , that he could not make the least resistance . but the quality of these episodes make nothing against the entire action . the fable , properly speaking , is only complex when the peripetia or discovery happens in the main vnravelling , which is the end of the action . i shall not stay here to enumerate all the sorts of discoveries aristotle has mention'd . there is none in the aeneid , for the sake of which i chiefly write : and elsewhere this subject is commonly handled in the rules men lay down for the dramatic poem , where is the most occasion for them . but i cannot omit the conclusion of the action ; 't is a consequence of the vnravelling , and a part or a necessary qualification of the integrity of the poem . chap. xvii . of the conclusion of the action . that which we call here the conclusion of the epick action is the very last passage from agitation and trouble , to quiet and repose : so that there is a great deal of difference between the vnravelling and the conclusion of an action . this last is nothing else but a kind of moment without extent and duration : but the first is of some length , since it comprehends all that happens after the plot. besides , there are a great many vnravellings in a poem , because there are a great many intrigues : all that are before the last make no kind of cessation , but start up new difficulties , which is quite contrary to the conclusion . the conclusion then is the end of the last vnravelling , so that there can be no more than one. this doctrine is a consequence of that which we laid down concerning episodes . none of them , as we urg'd , should be entire ; and only the last can be regularly finish'd . a great many conclusions then is no where to be found but in episodical poems , as in the thebaid of statius , where he has finish'd the story of hypsipyle . but now for some better instances in the practice of our two poets . the first part of virgil's poem is the voyage of aeneas from troy to italy . the plot is the difficulty of getting thither , and the opposition of juno who raises storms , and other obstaoles against him . the vnravelling begins at the last voyage of the hero from sicily ( which he leaves in the fifth book ) to italy and the mouth of tyber , where he arrives in the sixth and seventh book . this vnravelling * puts an end to the labours and hazards of the voyage . but does it put an end to all the troubles and dangers of aeneas ? no : † on the contrary it casts him upon greater . it leaves him not in repose , but puts him upon more action and more business than ever he had before . and therefore 't is not the conclusion . the conclusion is not always joyn'd to the solution of that intrigue which seems to be most general , as was the design of juno in the aeneid . this goddess gives over acting , but aeneas does not . he has still turnus to deal withal . in a word , since the poet does not sing the action of juno , but of aeneas , the poem and the action remain still unfinish'd , even when this divine enemy has given over . all the conclusion then is included in the death of turnus , because that puts an end to the action of aeneas . 't is true that even then aeneas had not quite executed his designs , he had not built his city , nor established his religion , nor married lavinia . but it must be observ'd that these things are not necessary . 't is enough that all obstacles were remov'd , and that the reader be no longer in doubt of what follows . and this is the case of the aeneid . in this particular it is very compleat , and needs no supplement . if one instance is not enough to justifie this doctrine , we can have recourse to the theatre . marriage is very commonly the very end of dramatick poems : and yet that is not always perform'd before the spectators . the actors step in to perform this ceremony within doors : no body expects they should come out again upon the stage ; or that they should tell the audience of it , as † plautus has done in one of his plays , more to make people laugh , than because he was forc'd to it . homer has concluded his odysseis by the league which pallas makes between vlysses and his neighbours . and yet he does not make it appear by the continuation of the poem , whether the articles were faithfully kept or no. he has not us'd the same method in the iliad . the observation of the truce depended upon achilles . the poet had good reason to presume that all his readers were not persuaded of the moderation of so passionate a man. it was a business of the highest importance for the conclusion of this action to convince them that his anger was appeas'd . this hero in the whole series of the poem had appeared so testy , unreasonable and unjust , that thô the poet's precaution was very great and exact , yet one might distrust this extravagant humour , as long as the body of his enemy was in a condition of being insulted over . they were then ready to bestow such honours upon this corps , as one might fear would put our hero into a passion . so that the poet thought himself oblig'd to carry on the funeral and the observation of the truce to the very end of his poem : that so he might absolutely convince us of his tranquillity and repose , whose action and anger he had undertook to sing . after having observed what the conclusion of the action is , and when it ought to be made , there remains still a third question behind . and that is to know whether the conclusion ought to leave the hero in a happy state , or whether 't is allowable to leave him in a miserable condition . our poets have not given us any examples of a hero , that is left in a miserable and forlorn condition . sad conclusions are proper for tragedy : but in that they were more in vogue formerly . than they are now a days : because in the popular states of greece , where monarchy was odious , nothing was heard with greater pleasure and ardency than the misfortunes of kings . aristotle has still another reason for preferring this kind of catastrophe to a more happy one . the tragical scene is the throne of the passions , where terror and compassion ought to rule over all the rest . now these two passions arise naturally from sad events : and the spectators going from the theatre with their minds full of the misfortunes they were eye-witnesses of , do doubtlesly preserve their tenderness a great deal longer , and resent more such forcible effects , than if their tears were dryed up , and their sighs abated by the satisfaction of a more prosperous catastrophe . but these reasons will not serve for the epopéa , since 't is not so much for refining the passions , as for making men put off ill habits , and put on good ones . 't is likewise as true , that this does not exclude sad events . besides the nature of the fable is as capable of good as bad persons for its chief actors . the sad adventure of the lamb unjustly butcher'd by the wolf is as just , as instructive , and as regular a subject , as the generosity of the elephant , who quitted his anger upon the innocence of the same lamb. 't is true if the poets in the person of their hero proposed an example of perfection for imitation , the misfortunes into which this hero falls , and his unsuccessful enterprizes , would suit very ill with the designs of these authors . but the practice of homer in his iliad , and the approbation given him by aristotle and horace for the same , will not permit us to think that the design of the epopéa should be to give us these fine ideas of a perfect hero. these three great men did certainly never pretend that achilles , the hero of the fable , was a model of vertue . we cannot then from any of these principles determine any thing concerning the fortunate or unfortunate end of an epick action . but if any heed be to be given to authority , i do not know any one instance of a poet , who finishes his piece with the misfortune of his hero. our three poems afford us quite contrary instances ; and statius himself has quite spoil'd the vnity of his action , because he would not leave upon the minds of his readers that miserable fratricide , which was the true conclusion of it . so that all the poets seem to conspire for a happy catastrophe . in a word , since the epick poem's action is of a larger extent than that of the theatre ; it would perhaps be less satisfactory to the readers , if , after so much pains and so long troubles with which this kind of poem is always fill'd , it should at last bring them to a doleful and unhappy end . achilles as unjust and violent as he was , yet in his valour shew'd such an air of greatness , which dazles our sight , and will not let us see his faults so , as to wish him any greater punishment than what he suffer'd by the death of his friend . in speaking of the fable , i hinted upon what account the iliad should end thus , because it redounded more to the happiness and the glory of the grecians . virgil had the same reason to please his audience . the romans would have been disgusted and offended , if he had ill used their founder and ancestors : and besides in the odysseïs and the aeneid the poets would have been unjust , and the readers dissatisfied , if such brave princes and such noble souls as vlysses and aeneas had been suffer'd to sink under any misfortune . achilles , who fell far short of their vertue , was likewise but little less fortunate . let the case be how it will , yet i fansie there needs a great deal of skill to give the hero of the epopéa a sad and mournfull end , which might be received with a general applause . this is what we had to say concerning the integrity of the epick action . there remain still two of its qualifications behind , its duration , and it's importance : of each of which briefly . chap. xviii . of the duration of the action . the time of the epick action is not so limited as that of the theatre . * this last ( says aristotle ) should takeup as much time , as the sun does in going about the earth , or thereabouts . but the epopéa has no fixed time , and in that it differs from the dramatick poem . these are all the rules he has left us upon this head . they consist in two things : the first , that the epick action is longer than the dramatick ; and , secondly , that the epick actions may be some longer than others . the first is a comparison between the epopéa and the drama : concerning which we say that an uninterrupted duration is a great deal more necessary in an action , which one sees and are present at ; than in one which we read , or only hear repeated . it is not natural to imagine one can spend days and nights without sleeping , eating and drinking , purely to mind the event of things ; and that , without moving out of the place , one can be conveyed to several places : and hence arises the vnity of time and place so necessary to the drama . but neither of these two vnities is necessary to the epick poem , because we read it as an history which we may leave off when we please . besides , tragedy being full of passions , and consequently full of such a violence as cannot last long , requires a shorter time ; and the epick poem requires a longer time for to give leisure to the habits , if good , to sink deep into the minds and souls of the readers ; or to be rooted thence , if bad . these two reasons constitute the difference between the epick and the dramatick action , as to their duration . but the difficulty is to know how long these actions of the epopéa should last ; and , whether , since as aristotle says they are unlimited , this does not cause some difference between the actions of the same kind . all we can do in the case , is to lay down the practice of our poets , and to make such reflexions therein , as aristotle has given us liberty to make . this philosopher says , whatsoever is violent cannot last long ; and , in his poesie he tells us , that the manners of the personages are either * violent and strong , or calm , sedate and soft . the first cannot last so long as the other . a man can be good humour'd , peaceable , and prudent all his life-long , and no body will find fault with it : but one would wonder to see him keep up his anger , and be in a violent agitation of body and mind all that time . and though this long train of passions were probable ; yet it would not be necessary in a poem that is designed to root out , or plant in habits : since the habits are sooner received and impressed by violent actions , than by such as are gentle and moderate . we ought to conclude then , that the more violence any action has , the less time it ought to last . this is what we see in the practice of our poets . the * iliad contains not only the anger and passion of achilles , but likewise of the kings and people that are the personages of it . the poet allows this action seven and forty days only . nor is this little time designed all for the anger of achilles , though the most principal and the most violent . we must substract at one end the nine days of the plague , which were before his quarrel with agamemnon : and at the other , the eleven days of the truce which he granted to king priam. besides , these seven and twenty days of anger are not all spent in the action . the eleven first are allowed for the curing and recovery of the grecians ; and the eleven last for the funeral-pomp which achilles bestowed on the body of patroclus . so that the fight begins and ends in five days time . nor does the fight last all the time ; but on the second day there was a cessation of arms for burning the dead on both sides . to conclude , achilles , the chief hero of the poem , and the very life of all the violence that reigns there ; he , i say , who being transported with it more than the rest , ought likewise to continue in this excess less time , fought only one day . by this means all the poem founded upon violence lasts but a little while : and the duration of that which was most violent is judiciously retrenched by the poet. the design of the odysseïs is quite different from that of the iliad ; so likewise is the management of it , as to its duration . the character of the hero is prudence and wisdom . and this moderation gives the poet liberty to extend his action to as long a time as he pleases , and his political instructions required . therefore he did not allow this action some weeks as he had that of the iliad ; but he takes up eight years and a half , from the taking of troy , at which it begins , to the peace of ithaca , where it ends . the aeneid is like the odysseïs . the * character of the hero is piety and meekness : and politicks are likewise essential thereto . therefore the duration of the action is continued after the same manner . the poet makes the recital thereof begin at the building of the wooden horse , just before the taking of troy. this city was taken a great while before the beginning of summer , so that aeneas had time enough to fit out a fleet. † he quits troy at the beginning of the first summer : * arrives at sicily by the end of the seventh , and immediately after comes to italy , where his action continues one or two months longer to the death of turnus . all this makes up a little more than six years and a half , and not quite seven . this is the duration of the action of the aeneid . there is still another way of reckoning the time of the epick poem . 't is to compute only what the poet himself relates . by this means the odysseïs begins at the first meeting of the gods ; and the aeneid , at that time when the storm cast the trojans upon carthage . as for all that went before , we only reckon so much time as was requisite for vlysses and aeneas to make the narration of their adventures in , viz. a night . this way of computing the time , reduces the action of several years into the space of a few months , and this computation is no less necessary than the other . but because this belongs rather to the narration than the action , we reserve it for the ensuing book . here we only regard the duration of the action , as being the matter of the poem . for this reason we reckon not the incidents which are added thereto : such as the wound of vlysses upon parnassus , and the sequel of the italian history from aeneas down to augustus caesar's reign . 't is enough that we have shown the duration of the actions of the iliad , the odysseïs , and the aeneid , and the difference between them ; which is so great even in homer , that one of his actions contains less than two months , and the other more than eight years . chap. xix . of the importance of the action . the epick poet cannot insinuate himself into the mind of his hearers by the diversions of comedy ; nor by the force and vivacity of tragedy . let him use never so much artifice to seize upon a passion , yet if one compares his recitals with the action of the theatre , one may apply thereto what horace says : that the soul is less affected † with what it hears , than with what it sees . so that besides the reasons drawn from the nature of these poems , we may likewise from hence conclude , that the epick poet lies under a greater obligion than the dramatick , of surprizing the minds of his readers by admiration , and by the importance of the things he treats of ; and of taking for his subject a great , noble , and important action . aristotle requires this grandeur , and this lustre in the epick action , * and says that the epopéa and tragedy do both imitate whatever is most noble and important . but the action may be important two ways : either of its self independently from him that executes it ; or by the quality of the persons , the poet is pleased to make use of . horace excludes mean personages , and would have them be crowned heads : but neither he nor aristotle says any thing to shew that the action in its own nature ought to be great and important . and in truth they could not require this qualification without condemning the poet , that in their opinion is the least to blame of any in the world , and without rejecting the model they proposed . if one considers the two actions of homer without the names and their episodes , as aristotle would have them be prepared at first , one shall find nothing in them but what is common , and which requires no higher qualities , than those a merchant , a burgomaster , or at most a plain country-squire is capable of . you need only reflect upon the two models we have given of them , one of which aristotle himself drew . one shall find nothing there but what might have happened to ordinary persons . 't is this , a man returns to his own country , and finds a great many disorders in his family . two others fall out about a captive wench , and break the neck of their affairs . this teaches us that to make action important , 't is enough that it be the action of noble and important persons . 't is true , horace makes mention of wars : but there is no need for them , 't is only by accident that they are in the poem . i might urge , that this is only upon the account of the hero who ought to be a warrior , such as achilles , vlysses , and aeneas . homer , who is cited by horace in this point , shall testifie it . there is so little war in the odysseïs , that there is not the least colour to think horace meant to affirm that wars were the subject matter , or a considerable part thereof . the poet mentions but three rencounters , that of the ciconians , that of the lestrygons , and that of some ithacans , who were for revenging of their masters , whom vlysses had murdered at his house . the recitals of these three battles , if a man may call these adventures so , are made in less than forty verses in all . but however 't is , yet the return of a man to his own home , and the quarrel of two others , that have nothing that is great in themselves , become noble and important actions ; when , in the choice of the names , the poet tells us that 't is vlysses , who returns back into ithaca ; and that 't is achilles and agamemnon , who fall out with one another at the famous siege of troy. 't is then these affairs become matters of state. but there are actions that of themselves are very important , such as the establishing , or the downfall , of a state or a religion . such then is the action of the aeneid . there can nothing be imagined more great , noble , and august , since it comprehends both the civil state and religion . there is yet another way of making an action great , by the grandeur of the personages under whose names we represent it . this way is to give a higher idea of these personages than that which the readers conceive of all they know to be great . this is performed by comparing the men of the poem , with the men of the present time in which the poet writes . homer says that two men of his time could not carry the stone , which diomedes with ease threw at aeneas ; and virgil says that the stone turnus flung at the same aeneas , would have been too heavy a burden for twelve men in the time of augustus . in short , according to homer's account , who lived one or two ages after aeneas , and who pretends that men's strength was abated to a moiety of what it was before , this same strength may well be reduced to the pitch virgil would have it ten ages after . 't is by this means these two poets were willing to render the subjects of their poems more great and august by the strength and grandeur of their personages , and by these great ideas which they super-added to those which the men of their times conceived . this very reason obliged them not to represent their heroes superior to those of former ages : but the probable diminution from age to age , as they supposed , ought on the contrary to give the fathers the preference over their children . homer makes no difficulty of it ; and * nestor who had lived two ages already , says without any complement to the princes of the iliad , that they fell short of their fore-fathers . † virgil also says , that the times of itus and assaracus were better than those in which his hero lived . it seems statius had the same mind to represent the strength of his heroes , as far surpassing that of homer's and virgil's heroes , though in truth the heroes of the one were only the children of the heroes of the other two ; so prodigious are the actions he would attribute to some . but 't is more likely , that herein his whole aim was to amplifie to a prodigy whatsoever he handled . for if by this extraordinary strength he had a mind to heighten the grandeur and importance of his action , he forgot himself in several places , and has done something worse than sleep , when he debased it so much in his first book . 't is there , where to shew the baseness and poverty of the kingdom of thebes , he compares it to the power and riches of the greatest empires that have flourish'd since . is it not pleasant in him to declaim himself against the design he bestows upon his heroes , and to ridicule the great labour he puts them upon for a wretched and pitiful kingdom ? † 't is for a sordid kingdom that they strive . how ill an imitation is this of virgil's epiphonema , which gives us so lofty and so just an idea of the importance of his subject : * so vast a thing it was to found the roman state ! the end of the second book . monsieur bossu's treatise of the epick poem . book iii. concerning the form of the epick poem , or concerning the narration . chap. i. of the parts of the narration . there are two ways of relating an action that is past : the one is simple and historical , when a man makes the rehearsal of it to his audience without forcing their imagination , only leaving them under a sense that they are reading a book , or hearing something or other related . the other is more artificial , where the author makes no appearance , nor says any thing of himself . but , by a kind of innocent magick , he raises from the dead , and brings upon the stage , those very persons who have done the action he would represent . he makes them speak and act over again the same words and actions they spoke and did before , and in some sort transports his auditors to the times when , and the places where the action was done . by this means he does not declare it to them after a plain , simple way , as the historian , but makes them witnesses of it , and the action becomes its own discoverer . the actions which poets imitate , are such things as are in an equal degree capable of two forms , each of which constitute a different species . such as fall under the most artificial and active form are call'd dramatick poems , denoting their nature by their * title ; and such as are represented by the poet only , who speaks therein as an historian , are for that very reason call'd † epick poems , or epopéa's . whatsoever regard the dramatick poet has to his spectators , yet the persons he introduces in his poem , who are the only actors therein , are not in the least acquainted with those before whom the poet makes them speak : nay more , they don't know what they shall do themselves , nor what the issue of their projects will be ; and therefore they cannot either advertise the spectators thereof , or beg their attention , or thank them for it . so that this kind of poem , properly speaking , has no parts exempt from the action that is represented . this alone makes the comedy and tragedy entire and perfect , such i mean as are in use now-a-days ; that is , without prologue , epilogue , and those other appendages , which being lost , or left to the choice of the poet , have alter'd nothing of the nature and integrity of the poem . when they are made use of , ‡ they have nothing to do with the tragedy and action , since they are not made by the actors . but in the epick poem , where the poet speaks , he says nothing but what is a part of the poem . so likewise an orator not only alledges his reasons , and refutes those of the adverse party ; but besides that , prepares his auditors , begs their attention , and at last raises the passions that are proper to his cause . nothing of all this is look'd upon as foreign to his subject : the exordium , proposition , and peroration , are true parts of it , though less necessary than the narration and the confirmation . 't is just the same in the epopéa . before the poet begins the large recital of his action , he proposes it in general , and invokes the gods that are to inspire him . this makes up three parts that have been always look'd upon as necessary , viz. the proposition , the invocation , and the narration . we may add to them a fourth , which is no less necessary , nor less usual ; and that is , the title or inscription of the poem . there are several others , which signifie nothing to the integrity of the epick poem . there is a preface before the aeneid , which they say was made against the plagiaries , who might have transcrib'd this poem , and have had the credit of it to virgil's prejudice . it is contain'd in the following verses , where he speaks of his other works . ille ego , qui quondam gracili modulatus avenâ carmen , & egressus sylvis , vicina coegi , vt quamvis avido parerent arva colono ; gratum opus agricolis : at nunc horrentia martis .... i question whether these verses are proper for a beginning , where the reader 's mind , not being as yet in a heat , requires something more mild and just , than in the sequel , where 't is easily transported . in my mind , the last of these four verses seems unworthy of this great poet. all that needed be said , was sufficiently exprest in the three first . the other parts are a dedication , to flatter some great man or other , and an epilogue for the conclusion of the poem . virgil made use of these two parts in his georgicks . * he begins with the proposition , where he just mentions maecenas , to whom he delicates this piece , but says never a word in his praise . † after this he makes an invocation , wherein he addresses himself to all the gods that presided over agriculture : and then he flatters ‡ augustus , joyning him with the gods he invokes . * afterwards he enters upon his subject , and begins to treat at large of agriculture . this part is the body of the poem , as the narration in the epopéa . † lastly , after he had finish'd his treatise in four books , he ends with an epilogue design'd against the plagiaries , as the preface of the aeneid is ; but with an air so different , that these verses seem to be produc'd by another sort of genius . this is what he has done in his georgicks . but neither he nor homer , in their epick poems , have made use of any of these unnecessary parts ; so that i shall say nothing more about them . i will now speak particularly to the other four . . of the inscription or title of the poem . . of the proposition . . of the invocation . . and lastly , of the body of the poem , and the narration properly so call'd . chap. ii. of the title of the epick poem . we here examine things upon the principles we laid down in speaking concerning the nature of the epick poem . we observed that it is a fable ; and we see nothing in the practice of our poets that gives us any other idea of the title and inscription of their poems , than of the titles of aesop's fables . they have for their title the names of the persons that act in them . there lies this difference , that all the personages are nam'd in the title of aesop's fables , because they are but few , and one is as important as another ; but in the epick poem there is commonly one who is a great deal more considerable than the rest , and the others are too many to be all nam'd . therefore they only affix the name of the principal personage to it . thus the odysseïs and the aeneid bear only the name of vlysses and aeneas . the example of homer in the inscription of the iliad informs us , that the title of the poem may be deriv'd from something else besides the name of the personages . perhaps he did not call it the achilleid , because achilles does not act therein , as vlysses and aeneas do in the other two poems . he has as many sharers in his dignity as there are princes in his alliance . he has a general to whom he should submit , and refusing to do that , he makes but little or no figure in the whole action , of which the subject of the poem is but a part . he is but little better than a cashier'd officer . he is doubtless the most valiant ; but the poet sings his anger , not his valour . and even there , the anger which the poet sings is rather that which makes achilles to absent himself from fighting , than that which puts him upon killing of hector . to conclude , the fable consists less in this anger , than in the quarrel and reconciliation , wherein agamemnon had as great a share as he . so that the poet makes no scruple to mention them both in his proposition , when he comes as near the fable it self as possible : i sing , says he , the anger of achilles , that has done so much mischief to the grecians , and caused the death of so many heroes ; * since the time that agamemnon and he fell out and parted . these considerations ought not to degrade achilles from the honour of being the chief personage , which homer has doubtless made him : but they may serve to prove , that though he is the chief hero of this fable , yet he is not the only hero , as vlysses and aeneas are in the fables that go under their names . statius and lucan have each of them two heroes ; and they have , like homer , given their poems the names of the places where the actions were done , and not of the heroes who did them . but the thebaid , and the pharsalia , are such defective poems , that there 's no relying upon their authority . in tragedies , where the name of the personage is made use of for the title , the poet adds something else to it , when he makes several pieces under the name of the same hero. seneca has done this in his two tragedies of hercules . the * one he names from the madness which transported him , and the † other from the place , where he was burnt . this is the reason why more than one name is requisite for the title of aesop's fables ; for there is scarce an animal , but what is a hero in several fables . but this signifies little to the epick poem : 't is rare that an author makes two of these fables under the name of one and the same person . nor do poets use to denote the action in the title of the poem . several things happen'd to medea , vlysses , aeneas , and troy ; and one might feign a great many under the names of the wolf and the lamb , which the title alone would never inform us of . this signifies nothing ; the authors are well enough satisfied with these plain inscriptions , medea , the odysseïs , the aeneid , the iliad , the lamb and the wolf. and they refer us to the discourse it self to know what the action is that is recited . chap. iii. of the proposition . the epick proposition is that first part of the poem , wherein the author proposes briefly , and in the general , what he has to say in the body of his work. and here two things offer themselves to our consideration ; first , what the poet proposes ; and secondly , after what manner he does it . the proposition should only comprehend the matter of the poem ; that is , the action , and the persons that act , whether divine or humane . we find all this in the iliad , the odysseïs , and the aeneid . the action homer proposes in the iliad is the revenge of achilles ; that of the odysseïs is the return of vlysses ; and that of the aeneid is the empire of troy translated into italy by aeneas . nor should any one be surpriz'd at homer's way of expressing himself in his first words , where he says , * he sings the deadly anger of achilles ; nor think he proposes this anger as the subject of his poem . he would not then have made the rehearsal of an action , but of a passion . we are not to stop here , since in truth he himself does not . he says , he sings this anger which had been the cause of so much slaughter among the greeks , and of so many brave mens deaths . he proposes an action then , and not a mere passion , for the subject of his poem ; and this action is , as we already hinted , the revenge of achilles . so in the two other poems , a † man is propos'd at first : but the proposition does not stop here ; it adds either , ‡ that he underwent much in returning home to his own country ; or , ‖ that he went to settle in italy ; and both of them propose an action . if homer's design had been to propose the two parts of each poem ; his design was not to do it very distinctly . yet we may conceive the first part of the iliad by the misfortunes of the grecians , and the second by the illustrious deaths of so many heroes . the grecians are greater sufferers than the trojans , and there are fewer heroes kill'd on their side , but almost all are wounded . the proposition of the odysseïs speaks plainly enough of the travels of vlysses ; but it leaves us rather to infer his re-establishment in ithaca , than discovers it to us . the poet says , his hero did all he could to preserve and conduct back his companions to ithaca ; * but that these miserable creatures were their own destruction , and that the god whom they had offended would not suffer them to see the happy day of their return . by which 't is plain vlysses did see the day , and preserv'd himself according to his wish . the latin poet has clearly distinguish'd the two parts of his aeneid . at first he makes his general proposition in two verses ; and then he makes a division of it , saying in the † first place , that he had suffer'd much both by sea and land ; and then ‡ secondly , that he had likewise suffer'd much by war. this is the most considerable difference between homer and virgil. it was enough for achilles to be reveng'd ; and * vlysses pretended only to save himself . this is the scope and end of the odysseïs , as aristotle , in the scheme he has drawn , very well observ'd . but aeneas had a settlement to make , and this settlement was attended with great consequences . virgil has been so exact , that he has omitted nothing of it . † he advertises us , that his hero travell'd to italy to build a city , and establish his gods and religion there ; and he adds , that from this settlement proceeded the latins , the city of alba , and the romans their progeny . it will not be amiss to make this one reflection more , that in the three poems , the proposition takes notice where the action of each poem does begin . * this beginning of the iliad is the beginning of the quarrel between agamemnon and achilles . † the action of the aeneid begins at troy , from whence aeneas was forc'd to part . ‖ the odysseïs does not begin at the ruin of troy , as the aeneid , but some time after . this is what i had to say concerning the action propos'd , now for the persons . the divine persons are mention'd in the three propositions . homer says , that whatever happen'd in the iliad was by ‡ jupiter's appointment ; and that * apollo was the cause of the quarrel between agamemnon and achilles . the same poet says , that it was apollo likewise who hinder'd the return of the comerades of vlysses . † virgil likewise makes mention of the fates , the will of the gods , and the anger of juno . but these poets chiefly insist upon the person of the hero. it seems as if he alone were more properly the subject-matter of the poem than all the rest . homer names achilles particularly , and adds agamemnon to him , as we hinted in the former chapter . vlysses and aeneas are not nam'd , but only implied ; and that in such general terms , that we should not know them , had we not information otherways , that they are the persons . for what does the proposition of the odysseïs say concerning the return of ulysses from the ruin of troy , but what might be in the proposition of a poem , that treated of the return of diomedes ? this practice might have perhaps some respect to the primary invention of the poet , who ought at first to feign his action without names , and relates not the action of alcibiades , as aristotle says ; nor consequently the actions of achilles , vlysses aeneas , or any other in particular : but of an universal , general , and allegorical person . but since homer has done otherwise in his iliad and has mention'd achilles by his own name and that of his father too ; one cannot condemn the practice of naming the persons in the proposition . besides , the character which the poet would give his hero and all his work , is taken notice of likewise by homer and virgil. all the iliad is nothing else but heat and passion , and that is the character of achilles , and the * first thing the poet begins with . the odysseïs in the † first verse presents us with the prudence , dissimulation and artifice , that vlysses made use of to so many different persons . and in the beginning of the latin poem , we see the ‡ meekness and piety of aeneas . these characters are kept up by another such like quality , namely that of a warriour . the proposition of the iliad says , that the anger of achilles cost a great many heroes their lives : that of the odysseïs represents vlysses as victor of troy , from the destruction of which he came : and that of the aeneid begins with arms : i have already observed that horace speaks of wars and generals in the subject matter of the epopéa . as for the way of making the proposition , horace only prescribes modesty and simplicity . he would not have us promise too much , nor raise in the reader 's mind too large ideas of what we are going to relate . * his words are these : begin not as th' old poetaster did , ( troy's famous war , and priam ' s fate , i sing ) in what will all this ostentation end ? the mountains labour , and a mouse is born . how far is this from the maeonian stile ? muse , speak the man , who since the siege of troy , so many towns , such change of manners saw. one with a flash begins , and ends in smoke , the other out of smoak brings glorious light , and ( without raising expectation high ) surprizes us with dazling miracles : the bloody lestrygons in humane feasts , with all the monsters of the land and sea ; how scylla bark'd , and polyphemus roar'd . [ horace's art of poetry english'd by roscommon . ] and in truth what can be more simple and modest than the proposition of the odysseïs , which does not promise us any great action of this hero , but only the dangers , and the continual fatigues of his voyages , and the loss of his miserable companions ? we shall find the very same simplicity and modesty in the proposition of the aeneid . the poet does not say his hero had done much , but only that he had suffered much . thô he speaks of alba and the roman empire ; yet he proposes neither as parts of his matter ; but as consequences which other heroes had brought to perfection a great while after . so homer in his odysseïs has spoken of the destruction of troy ; but withal as an action already done , and which his readers were not to expect would be rehears'd in the sequel of the poem . the proposition of the iliad is something more lofty , in that it mentions the deaths of so many heroes : but this is so far the matter of this poem , that it seems as if it could not have been wholly omitted . and besides , art might oblige the poet to make some kind of conformity between the character of the proposition and that of the whole poem , which is nothing else but a long series of heat and violence . but to conclude , the poet acquitted himself of these obligations with so much simplicity and modesty , that one cannot charge upon him the transgressing of horace's rule . for he does not say that these heroe's deaths were the effect of his heroe's valour and courage : he only says that he sings the anger of achilles , which had brought so many disasters upon the greeks , and had been the cause of the death of so many homes , who were exposed as a prey to birds and beasts . certainly if there is any thing of grandeur here , 't is not so much in any glory or splendor , as in that trouble and smoke , which will scarce let us see it . beside this sort of bombast , which things , proposed with too much glazing produce ; or which arises from the dignity of the personages , that at the very first are praised unseasonably , and set off with too great ideas ; there is yet another that respects the person of the poet. he should speak as modestly of himself , as of his hero or his subject . virgil in plain terms says that he sings the action of aeneas . homer begs his muse to inspire the action into him , or to sing it for him ; this was all . claudian has not followed these exemplars . * he says , his song shall be full of boldness : that the poetical fury , and the whole divinity of apollo had so swell'd his mind and possess'd his senses , that they had not left any thing human about him : that the rest of mankind were profane , whose conversation he could no longer endure : with a great deal of such like stuff . these raptures well manag'd , would look well enough in an ode , a pastoral , or some such piece , that is short enough to preserve them to the last , and where we may suppose them to have been uttered all in a breath . but a poem so long as an epopéa , admits not these rhapsodical propositions from a poet that is well in his wits . this is horace's doctrine , who would have the proposition of the epick poem be simple and modest ; and yet he sticks not in one of his * odes to do what claudian does in the proposition we cited . this poem of claudian that begins so ill justifies the rule , which horace has drawn from the practice of homer . one may even there observe , that those , who are so daring in what they propose , are so more out of lightness and vanity , than out of any knowledge of their abilities and art ; and that commonly they are the least able to keep up to it . claudian was not able to carry the terrors which he proposed as the subject of his poem any farther than the middle of his first book : and that internal darkness , which should have eclipsed the light of the sun , could not take off from the lustre of the ivory walls , and amber columns of proserpina's fine palace . but we will not leave this chapter without producing some instances that are contrary to the practice of homer and virgil. we may reckon six of these sorts of faults . the first is when any thing is proposed that is foreign to the subject : the second is , the giving too large an idea of the subject matter : the third is , when the hero appears too dazling in the proposition : the fourth , when the poet speaks too favourably of himself : the fifth is the omitting the presence of the deity : and the sixth is , when nothing is said that may give a light into the character of the hero. there is scarce one of these faults but may be met with in the proposition of the achilleid . * statius prays his muse to tell him the story of the magnanimous son of aeacus , whose birth struck the thunderer himself with terror , and to whom admittance into heaven was deny'd , tho he had from thence his origin . if horace could not endure that a poet should propose priam's fate , and the famous war of troy , thô in truth this war was noble and illustrious : what would he have said of him , who sings a hero , that strikes terror into jupiter himself ? this very poet gives us likewise too favourable a character of himself , when begging phoebus to bestow upon him new inspirations , * he tells him that in his first poem , he had worthily exhausted those he had receiv'd , and brags of his being so excellent a poet , that thebes would look upon him as another amphion . he speaks of the gods in this proposition , but 't is more by chance , than in imitation of homer or virgil ; since if he had been perswaded that art required so much , he would not have fail'd doing it in the proposition of the thebaid . to conclude , he has given a very sorry character of his hero , when he stiles him magnanimous . achilles was certainly very impatient , cholerick , and revengeful . homer made him so , and statius should have kept up the same character , which this first poet had given him . * this is one of horace's rules . but we need not seek any farther than statius himself for a proof of his error in this point . in the proposition he contradicts this character of magnanimous which he had bestow'd upon achilles at first : for immediately after , among the actions he was to mention of his hero , he mentions one , that is far from magnanimity ; namely his cruel usage of hector's body , when after he had kill'd him , he bound him by the heels to his charriot , and drag'd him a great many times round the walls of troy , and the tomb of patroclus . chap. iv. of the invocation . * homer in his two poems inserts the invocation in the proposition . he does not say that he will relate what achilles , or vlysses has done ; but intreats his muse to make the recital . virgil has these two parts distinct : he first † proposes what he would sing , and then he ‡ begs his muse to inform him about it . in this second part he * inserts the character of his hero , which more properly belongs to the first . and this makes it appear , that it signifies little whether they are distinct from each other , or joyn'd together . but let the way be how it will , the poet cannot omit the invocation . he speaks of things which he would know nothing of , unless some god or other had reveal'd them to him . he owes his readers this example of piety and veneration , which is the very foundation of all the moral , and the instructions he pretends to lay down from the fable : and lastly , since the gods must be concern'd in it , 't is unreasonable to dare to bring them upon the stage , without craving their leave first . so that with respect to the gods , the auditors , and the poet himself , the invocation becomes an indispensible and necessary part . the poet likewise addresses himself to the gods very often in the sequel of his work : * sometimes when he enters upon a new matter , as virgil does , when in his seventh book he enters upon the second part of his design : † sometimes when he relates some miraculous action , that is above common probability ; as in the transformation of aeneas's ships into nymphs : ‡ sometimes when he reveals those mysteries , which god seems to have been willing to keep secret from the curiosity of men , such for instance is that which happens in the shades below , whither aeneas is conducted by sibyl : and lastly at other times upon other occasions . but the principal invocation is that at the beginning . and here we are to take notice of two things . the first is what the poet desires : and the second , to what deity he makes his application . that which we demand in the first question , is whether the poet should desire that all his matter should be inspir'd into him , or only a part of it . the different practice of our authors obliges us to make this reflection . homer has so well connected his proposition in the iliad with the invocation , that he implores his muse for all that he proposes without exception . in the odysseïs he has begun after the same way ; but after mentioning several things which he begs his muse to assist him in , he at last retrenches some ; and only intreats her to tell him a part of them . virgil follows this last method . that which is particular in him is , that he does not in the general desire one part of his subject , but precisely determines what part he would have his muse inspire into him . 't is that which was the most secret and hardest to know . after he had very exactly proposed all his matter , he then addresses himself to his muse , and prays her to inform him of the causes of all . there is a very natural reason to be given for this conduct : for since the poet supposes that his action is true , and writes as if he would have it pass for such ; he must likewise suppose that such an illustrious and important action could not have been buried in oblivion . by this means history or report might have informed him of one part. this is the idea he would have the readers conceive , when he does not desire the muses for all . perhaps likewise our poets did this to divide the business so , that they might have the honour of singing a part with the gods. this is what * virgil does in his eighth eclogue : he sings the one half of his matter ; and prays the muses to go on and sing the other part , because he could not do all . however the case stands , we see by this practice what the poet is allowed to do . thus much for what he desires ; now let us see to whom he makes his addresses . the invocation is proper to the poem , when 't is either addressed to the god , who presides over the subject he treats on ; or to the god , who presides over poetry in general . ovid in his * metamorphoses makes use of the first sort of invocation . he names no god in particular , but addresses himself to all who had contributed to the miraculous transformations he was about to describe . the poet † lucretius does the same in his poem concerning the nature of things . he calls upon venus , because she presides o'er the productions of nature . this is likewise what virgil has done in his georgicks . he names in particular all the gods who were concern'd with husbandry , and as if he had been affraid of omitting any one * he calls upon them all in general . but both he and homer have left us another kind of an example in their epick poems . they have call'd upon the muses , and so they have distinguished the deities which preside over poesie , from those that preside over the actions of the poems , and are the personages that act in them . besides , we are not to imagine that these divirities , which they invok'd , were look'd upon by the poets themselves , as divine persons , from whom they expected any real assistance . under this name of muse , they wish'd for that genius of poesy , and all those qualifications and circumstances , that were necessary for executing their design . this is nothing else but an allegorical and poetical way of expression : as when they say , the god of sleep , the goddess of fame , and the like . there are likewise muses of all ages , countries , and religions . there are christian as well as pagan muses . there are greek , latin , french , and english muses . there are new ones too , which begin every day to appear in behalf of those who disdaining the thread-bare antiquities , are so bold as to invent things wholly new . when virgil wrote his eclogues , he invok'd the * sicilian muses , because he imitated theocritus : and this sicilian poet coming off so well put the latin poet upon wishing for as lucky a genius as this islander had . the muses of the philosopher lucretius were † new , and had inspired none before him . none had as yet entered the gardens where this epicurean poet gather'd so many immortal flowers : and the waters of his poetical fountains were such , as former poets had never quenched their thirst with ; he is the first that ever tasted of the sweets of them . but the doctrine of this author leaves no room to doubt what sort of gods they were , that he invok'd . at the very beginning of this poem , when he had addressed himself to venus , as a goddess who managed the whole concern of natural things , about which he was going to treat : he presently-informs us , * that the gods never concerned themselves with what was done below . this is the main principle of his whole treatise : and ‡ religion , in his account , is an error that imposes upon us . what then are these muses , and this venus to which he addresses himself ? has he invoked the deities to inspire him with that , with which 't is impossible they should inspire him ? and did he intreat them to teach him , that 't is an error to pray to them , and a mistake to expect any thing from them ? other poets are not so unreasonable , and * horace , who for some time was of the same opinion , might well call this epicurean wisdom downright folly. we will conclude this chapter by a short recapitulation of all that has been observ'd about the invocation ; and from thence it may be said , that the invocation may be mixed with the proposition , or may be separated from it : that it is always a necessary part of the epick poem : and that 't is a prayer addressed to the allegorical genius of poesy , under the name of muse , or some one else , by whom the poet begs to be inspir'd , either in the whole , or only in a part of that which he has undertaken to relate . chap. v. of the body of the poem , or the narration properly so called . all the parts of the epick poem , which we have already discours'd of , are nothing but introductions into it . let us now enquire into the body of the poem , and into that which is properly called the naration . and in short this narration is the recital which the poet makes of his entire action , episodiz'd with all its circumstances and all its decorations . 't is in this part we are to look for the beginning , the middle , and the end of the action : this is it which informs us of the causes of all we read : in this are proposed , in this are unravelled all the plots and intrigues : in this the personages , whether divine or humane , ought to demonstrate their interests , their manners , and their quality , by their actions and discourses : and all this must be described with the beauty , the majesty , and the force of verse , of stile , of thoughts , of similes , and of other ornaments , that are suitable to the subject in general , and to each single thing in particular . we have spoken already to some of these things , and shall say something more about them in the remaining parts of this treatise . but in this we shall consider , first , the qualifications of the narration : secondly , the order our poets have observ'd therein : and thirdly , its duration ; that is , how long time they have assigned to the adventures which they themselves have related in each of their poems . for we have already observ'd how much time they assign'd to the entire actions . we will begin with the qualifications of the narration . it must be pleasant , probable , moving , marvellous , and active . we prov'd the necessity of these properties , when we treated of the fable , and of the nature of the epopéa , from whence we took them . so that without insisting any longer upon these proofs , we shall in this place only consider , wherein these qualifications do consist , and what we are perswaded homer and virgil have done to establish them in the poem . * horace speaks of the profitable and the pleasant in such a manner , that he seems to treat of them both alike . but we fansie , if that had been his design , he had more regard to poesie in general , than to the epick poem in particular . with respect to the last we say , that the profitable is a property essential to the epick narration , whereas the pleasant is only a mode or qualification of it . for it must be granted , that the fable , which is the very soul of the epopéa , was only invented to instruct men : that the profitable is not made use of to please people ; but that on the other hand the pleasant is inserted to procure a more favourable reception of the instructions which the fable contains . so that the profitable belongs not to any particular part of the poem , but to the very nature of the epopéa , and of the fable in general . i am satisfied then with what i said about it in the first book , where i think it was more proper to speak of it , than to joyn it with the pleasant here . besides , it being essential , as i have already said , it will be met with in a great many passages , since all suppose it . chap. vi. how the narration is pleasant . pleasantry in the epick narration is a necessary qualification , which engages us to read the poem with some sort of delight , thô excited by the most terrible , the most violent , and the most afflicting passions . the effect may arise , either from the poem alone ; or from that relation which the poet makes between his auditors and his personages , and the interest which he makes the first to have in the action he relates . statius rob'd himself of this advantage , when not regarding the romans for whom he wrote , he must needs hunt for his subjects in countries and states , whose manners and customs bore no relation to those of his readers , and wherein they had not the least interest . homer has made a better choice , and has better disposed of his actions . and if virgil has not been more careful than homer , yet at least he has had infinitely more luck than him . but we said enough of this in the first book . the pleasantries which the poem affords in its own nature independently from the auditors , are of three sorts . the first arise from the beauty of the verse , of the stile , and of the thoughts : others depend upon the persons that are introduced into the poem , upon their manners , their passions , and their interests rightly manag'd : and the third sort consist in the things which are describ'd , and in the way of proposing them . we shall speak of the first sort in our last book , wherein we shall treat of the thoughts , and expressions . in this book , we shall allow a whole chapter to the passions , and all the next book will be about the manners . as for the rest let us consider them here . it is not necessary that all the persons introduc'd into a poem should have divided and particular interests therein : not only their great number exempts them from it , but likewise a multitude of interests would too much annoy and subvert the pleasure we are discoursing of . it confounds the hearer's mind , it over charges his memory ; and makes him less capable of those motions with which we would have him affected . the greater variety of things we have to take notice of and remember , the more sedate and attentive ought we to be , for fear of losing any necessary thing ; and when any such thing escapes us , we take but little pleasure in hearing that , which we have no farther understanding of . but there must be care likewise taken , that no action or adventure of any length be describ'd without interested persons . * the recital , which achemenides makes of that which happened to vlysses in polypheme's den , takes up no more than forty verses . this wretched grecian had a great interest therein ; but since he is but a very inconsiderable personage in this poem , virgil provides that aeneas should not be at a distance from the borders of the cyclops , where he might in safety hear this adventure : but all this is told in the port , and upon the very coast , where the trojans were in danger of suffering the same fate with the companions of vlysses . so that achemenides speaks as well in their behalf as his own ; and in conclusion says , * that they should not so much as stay to weigh anchor , but cut the cables that detained them . † aeneas for his part owns himself obliged to him . without these engagements , these adventures are languishing , and make those that hear them languish too . but the readers are very desirous to know what any person shall say or do in an adventure wherein he has some interest . this is more apparent in the theatre , from whence the want of interest has excluded the narrations of the chorus , and of such actors as were only to tell what passed behind the scenes . after oedipus was come to the knowledge of his parents and his crimes , the spectators were not very eager to know what the thoughts of the old corinthian , and the theban phorbas are , nor do they take any delight in hearing them . but they cannot hear oedipus and jocasta without application and attention . as much might be said concerning the manners and the passions , which are the second sor of pleasantries . there is nothing more cold and disgustful than to see personages of no character . good painters give this to all their draughts ; and represent them either passionate , or attentive upon some thing or other . such as are most lively , and have most of the character upon them , are the most delightful to the eye , and get most credit to their masters . * 't is just with poetry as with painting . the third sort comprehends the pleasantries which the things themselves furnish us with . there are some things that in their own nature are pleasant , namely such as are important and marvellous , as wars , and other great adventures , provided they are not collected without choice and judgment , nor carried on to an extreme , but judicious and well managed . others there are that are cold and insipid ; and great skill must be used to manage them with success . the best way in such cases is to follow * horace's rule ; to examine those incidents , and ones own strength ; and to study them , and know himself so well , as to undertake nothing but what is proportionate to his genius and strength . if an author distrusts himself in any thing , 't is best letting it alone . dogmatical things are generally dry and insipid . of this nature is the doctrine of plato , and the pythagoreans , which virgil has touch'd upon in his sixth book with so much success . 't was necessary that this great poet , should give us instances of all sorts of perfections . upon this account we might say , what aristotle upon another occasion says of homer , that had an ordinary poet manag'd this subject , he would have been insufferable . the art which i discover in him is what follows . first of all , he makes this doctrine necessary for the better conceiving of the wonders which follow . besides , he goes farther , for he makes it a necessary part of his fable , and his subject ; since t is the foundation of the religion , the laws , and the morality , which aeneas went to establish in italy under the character of a pantifex and a legislator . in the third place , before ever he proposes it to the readers , he puts them upon desiring it as much as aeneas did ; for without doubt they are mov'd with the same curiosity , which the poet bestows so naturally on his hero : they see with the same amazement , that he does , persons that were to be born some ages after : and what this hero asks anchises , that they ask virgil. [ * is it possible , that there should be any souls here so fond of returning again upon the earth , and of being imprisoned once more in a body ? ] and 't is with delight that they hear the † poet in the person of anchises promise to satisfie their curiosity in that point . the author does not dogmatize at all himself : but he brings it about , that it should be discours'd of by two persons of the greatest importance in his poem , and who were both very highly interested therein . lastly , he is very short upon this subject : he does not so much as spend thirty verses about it . the most usual and proper way for poesie , is to lay down these pieces of doctrine disguised under the allegories of some action or other . homer does this often in some physical points . the age virgil lived in obliged him to be more reserv'd therein ; by which means he has more examples of lessons in morality . we have said something already about this in the first book : and shall say more of it in the book about machines and the gods : and likewise in this book , when we come to shew , how the epick narration ought to be active . the meeting of councils may be reckoned among those things which make the narration languish , and render it unpleasant . quietness , moderation , and arguing of debates ought naturally to preside there , and all this is opposite to the motions , and the action , which ought to appear throughout the whole epick poem . our poets have carefully avoided all manner of sage and serious debates , where each person speaks in his turn , and delivers his sober thoughts . they generally brought in some hasty or passionate persons , such as are achilles , and agamemnon in the first book of the iliad , and almost all the other grecians and trojans of this fable . such likewise in the aeneid are venus and juno in the tenth book , and drauces and turnus in the eleventh . the council in the ninth book is altogether as passionate , but the movements are of another kind . there are neither quarrels , nor heats . all the personages therein are generous and manly : and yet of above threescore verses which the poet spends about it , there are scarce five calm ones . nisus and young euryalus , that are introduced therein , make the rest so passionate , that this passage is not one of the least tender and moving beauties , which the aeneid has of this kind . if these assemblies are without passions , there should be little said in them , and no body contradicting what is propos'd , these incidents are not so much debates , as simple proposals of what is going to be done . there should likewise such proper places be chosen for them in the poem , where they might not interrupt the series of the action . of this nature are the two assemblies of the gods in the first and fifth books of the odysseis . the first is at the beginning of the poem , where it interrupts nothing : and the second does not last long , and is only a simple transition from the recital of the transactions at ithaca during the absence of vlysses , to the recital of that which more particularly regards the person of this hero. the reader is offended likewise , when that is related to him which he knows already . this was not so great a fault in homer's time . virgil is more exact herein . venus in the first book , would not make a recital of her misfortunes to aeneas , she interrupts it to comfort him . and in the third book , when good manners oblig'd this hero to relate his story to andromache , helenus comes in very opportunely , and so hinders him from going on with his discourse . chap. vii . of probability . truth and probability may meet together , since a thing , that is true , may appear such . this is what 's common . but sometimes truth it self is only probability , as in miraculous , prodigious , and extraordinary actions . sometimes likewise there is probability without truth , as in the ordinary fictions of the poets . in a word , an action may be either only true , or only probable , or else without truth and probability , or lastly , it may have both these qualifications . these four sorts of actions or things have been as it were divided among four sorts of learning . history has got the first , relying only on that which is true independently from probability , which may , or may not be in it . such is the action of the maid of orleans . the epick and dramatick fables are opposite to history , in that they prefer a probable falsity before an improbable truth . such an action as samson's would be less proper for the subject of an epick poem , than the death of dido who made away with her self , when aeneas left her . aesop is alike negligent of truth and probability in the discourses he attributes to the beasts . lastly , moral philosophy should not only mind the truth of the things it teaches , but 't is likewise necessary that this truth appear such , and convince those , we are willing to convince , that it is profitable . but to what we have said concerning the epopéa , we may add that naturally it makes use of both truth and probability , as morality does ; and that in its expressions and its dress , it assumes a liberty very like that of aesop . it is probable that aeneas , when going for italy , endur'd a dreadful storm , which cast him upon the coasts of africk , where he escaped . 't is a moral truth , that god proves , and sometimes seems to abandon good men , and that at last he rescues them from the dangers , into which he had permitted them to fall : this is not only true , but likewise probable . but the discourse that passed between juno and aeolus , and what neptune said to boreas and zephyrus , have as little truth and probability in them , as the intercourse that passed between the country and the city-mouse . so much may be said in the general . to be more particular , and to speak more exactly and methodically concerning the probability of epick narrations , we shall reduce it to several heads , and consider it according to divinity , according to morality , according to nature , according to reason , according to experience , and according to vulgar opinion . it may be said , that there is nothing with respect to divinity , but what is probable ; because with god nothing is impossible . this is a means the poets often make use of to render every thing probable , which they have a mind to feign contrary to the ordinary course of nature . this is an ample subject , and requires a particular treatise : which we shall bestow upon it , when we come to treat of the machines . we have already observ'd that morality requires both truth and probability , and the first is more necessary than the last . a poet was formerly condemned and fined for a default in this upon the theatre : for he made a personage , whom he had represented as an honest man , to say , that when his tongue swore , his mind did not . certainly 't is neither true nor probable that an honest man should ever trick another by a false oath , and call god to witness those promises he never intends to keep . seneca the philosopher accuses virgil of a fault against natural truth and probability , when he says that the winds were pen'd up in grots : because wind being nothing else but air , or vapours in motion , it destroys its nature to suppose it in a profound repose . vossius answers this , and says , that the poet has very well described the natural production of winds , which arise from hills by the vapours and exhalations , that are inclosed therein ; and that 't is concerning the causes of winds which the speaks , by a figure very common among poets and orators , taking the cause for the effect . 't is as if we should say , that the winds are inclosed in eolipiles full of water , since when these vessels are warm , the water comes out of them in puffs of wind. it would have been likewise a fault against natural probability to have said that aeneas met with stags in africk , if 't is true that they could not live there . but these are venial slips , because , aristotle says , they make not against the poet's art , but arise from his ignorance in some things that he has learn'd from other arts. yet care must be taken that they be not too gross and visible . there are some probabilities of this kind from which aesop himself would not be excused . we should never pardon him if he had represented the lyon timorous , the hare daring , the fox dull , and the like . the probability with respect to reason is usually destroyed by those , who only strive to make things look great . they transgress the bounds which good sense prescribes . they think 't is creeping unless they soar above the clouds : and * little dream that when they quit the earth , they part with what is solid to embrace an airy fantom . statius is very often guilty of this fault . who would believe , for instance , that a single man surprized in an ambuscado by fifty bravo's , that lay in wait for him , could kill nine and forty of them , and give quarter to the last ? who would believe that this same romantick hero would fight at fifty cuffs with a young prince for the wall ? and yet they wore swords by their sides , even when they were pulling of hair , and scratching faces with their nails . the * poet himself observes as much , and says their anger rose so high , that perhaps they had drawn upon one another , if king adrastus had not step'd in between . here is a strange illustration of the rage of two kings . the third person finds it so reasonable , † that he discovers by this noble exploit the greatness of their extraction . is this at all probable ? and is not a man's reason strangely shock'd at this ? sometimes the poets are found fault with for relating things contrary to experience . * scaliger blames homer for saying that jupiter thundered and snowed at the same time : which is a thing , says this critick , which we never observed . but this does not contradict experience ; not many years ago it was observable , that in january the thunder was so violent , that it burnt down the steeple of a church at chalons , and did as much at the abby of chally near senlis , and in several other places . terrible claps of thunder were heard , and several thunderbolts fell at senlis in a very deep and thick snow . homer then might likewise have seen the self same thing . but the principal sort of probability , and that which we nam'd last , is the probability according to the common-received opinion ; which is of no small moment in this place . a thing is probable when it seems to be true. but sometimes it seems true to men of sence , and false to the vulgar ; or the contrary . since the vulgar and the learned are thus divided , it may be asked which side the poet ought to take . the subject shall be , for instance , the adventure of dido , or that of penelope , or the story of medea , helen , or the like . that which homer and virgil have wrote about it shall be probable to the vulgar : but men of learning shall have read the contrary in history . some authors shall have written that [ dido was chast , and medea innocent , that penelope was banished and divorced by vlysses for having abused his absence , and that helen was never at troy. 't is no hard matter to decide this point by the rules i have laid down . homer , virgil , and the rest have made no scruple to disregard history , that so their fables might be more just . * horace does not refer poets to the truth of history , but either to fables already invented as that of the iliad , or else to vulgar opinions and fame . aristotle says nothing against , but rather seems to confirm this doctrine , when he tells us , that a poet does not write as an historian , what sort of man alcibiades was , what he said , or what he did , upon such or such an occasion ; but only what in all probability he ought to have said or done . he approves of the fable of oedipus upon the theatre , and yet , he says , that that which serves as a ground work to all this action has nothing of reason in it : and that king oedipus could not have tarry'd so many years , before he made inquiry into the murder of his predecessour king laius . he only excuses the negligence that is attributed to oedipus , upon the account that this fault against reason was foreign to the tragedy . but this excuse being only designed to justifie the conduct of the poet , it expresly supposes that this action was invented contrary to the truth of history : and besides it shews that aristotle allows of this , when he goes about to prove that this falsity hinders not but the subject may be lawful and regular . he likewise approves of the iphigenia in taurica , and thinks it worth his while to make the platform of it , as he did that of the odysseïs . and yet it does not appear that this philosopher nor the learned men of his times were perswaded of a thing whose falsity quite ruins this action . certainly they never thought , that in the very moment iphigenia was going to be sacrificed to diana in aulis , this goddess conveyed her away , and substituted a hind in her stead . aristotle was therefore of the opinion , that a poet , when his fable so required , was not so strictly tyed up to the truths of history , to suit himself to the capacity of the learned , as he was to that which might pass for probable in the eye of the vulgar . after all , it may be said , that not only ev'ry individual person finds his story , and meets with his satisfaction in this practice : but likewise men of learning see more solid truths therein , than any the vulgar can meet with ; and more certain than those of history which the poet disregards . the more learned they are , the less will they expect these historical truths in a poem , which is not designed for that , but for things more mysterious . the truths , they look for there , are moral and allegorical truths . the aeneid was never writ to tell us the story of dido , but to inform us under this name of the spirit and conduct of that state which she founded , and of the original and consequences of its differences with rome . a man takes some delight in seeing this ; and these truths are more pleasant , more apparent , and better understood , than those which the poet might have taken out of an history that was so little known in his time , and about which the learned men of our days , after so many searches , do still contend . beside these sorts of probabilities , there is still another particular one , which we may call an accidental probability . it consists , not in making use of several incidents , each of which in particular is probable , but in ordering them so , that they shall happen all together very probably . a man , for instance , may probably die of an apoplexy , but that this should happen exactly when the poet has occasion to unravel his plot , is not so easily granted . the faults against this probability are of a large extent : for they comprehend the multitude of marvellous things , each of which might have been regular in the particular ; but which in all probability cannot be heaped up in so great a number and so small a space . 't is likewise a fault against this probability , when an incident not duly prepared ( tho it needs it ) is brought in all on a sudden . a desire of surprizing the auditors by the sight of some beauty which they never expected , casts poets of little judgment into these errors ; but the effect thereof is of very ill consequence . when a man sets himself to seek for the causes of these events in what he has already seen , this application of thought takes away all the pleasure . it would vex a man to take too much pains to find out these causes , but much more if he could not find them out at all . and when at last the poet does discover them , the passion is weaken'd or destroy'd by these misplaced instructions . the comedians make use of these surprizes more frequently , and can reap some advantage from them . but the gravity of the epopéa will not away with these petty amusements . all there ought to be manag'd after a natural way , so that the incidents thereof must be duly prepar'd , or else be such as need no preparation . virgil is exact in this . juno prepares the tempest which she raises in the first book : venus in the same book prepares the amours of the fourth . the death of dido , which happen'd at the end of this fourth book , is prepar'd from the very * first day of her marriage . helenus in the third book prepares all the matter of the sixth . in the sixth , sibyl foretells all the ensuing wars , the out-rages of turnus , the misfortunes which were to happen upon the account of lavinia , and likewise the voyage of aeneas with evander . we should be too tedious , if we took notice of ev'ry thing of this nature . chap. viii . of the admirable , or the marvellous . admiration is opposed to probability . 't is the business of the last to reduce ev'ry thing into the most simple , and most natural order : whereas on the other hand , we never admire any thing , but what appears extraordinary , and out of the common road. this is that which deceives some , who , to make their heroes admir'd , raise them to what is impossible . this practice meets with a quite contrary effect ; for if we would have a thing admired , we should make it so probable , that it may be conceiv'd and credited : we never admire that , which we think has actually never been ; and all extravagant flights put us upon this thought . and yet for ought i know , i may yield too much to reason and probability contrary to aristotle's mind , who prefers the admirable by far before them . let us see what he says about it , and let the world agree to it , as they see cause . * 't is requisite , says he , that the marvellous should be in tragedy , but much more in the epopéa , which in this goes beyond the bounds of reason : for since they do not see the persons act , as they do upon the stage , that which transgresses the bounds of reason is very proper to produce the marvellous . that which homer says of hector pursued by achilles , would have been very ridiculous upon the stage , where one should have seen so many persons in a fight , looking on hector as he was flying without pursuing him , and only one person following , giving a signal to the rest to stand off . but this is not discernable in the epopéa . aristotle says further , * that these additions , that are made to reason and truth for the raising of admiration , are likewise pleasant ; and that 't is evident how natural this is by the ordinary practice of most people , who to make their story the more diverting , and something or another of their own invention : but that homer out-does all men in teaching us how to tell these sorts of yes with a bon grace . these fictions of homer are , amongst other things , such as horace commends in the odysseïs , and which he finds to be equally beautiful and surprising , joyning together these two qualifications , the pleasant and the marvellous , after the same manner that we have observed aristotle did . but tho' this philosopher might have said thus much , certainly he never design'd to allow men a full license of carrying things beyond probability and reason . besides , without doing him the least injustice , and without abating any thing of his due authority , it may be questioned whether the example of homer , which he proposes , would have been exact enough for virgil's imitation . for the custom of speaking by fables and allegories , even in prose , and before the people , was not in vogue at rome in the latin poet's time . so that beside the allegorical sense , he was farther obliged to insert some other , which one might understand simply without any more ado . lastly , that which i infer from the doctrine of aristotle is that he prescribes the marvellous and the probable to both the epick and the dramatick poets : but in such a manner , that the dramatick have a greater regard to the probable than the marvellous ; and that the epick on the contrary prefer the admirable . the reason of this difference is , that we see what is done in tragedy ; and only hear by recitals the adventures of the epopéa . 't is upon this consideration that horace orders , * that in tragedies themselves the two surprizing incidents ( such as the transformation of progne into a bird , or of cadmus into a serpent ) should be kept from the spectator's view . there needs only simple narrations to be made of these things . 't is likewise for this reason that the epopéa has the privilege of machines , which are as so many miracles and exceed natural probability . but they are not after the same manner allow'd upon the theatre . we add further , that if for the better pleasing the auditors by a surprizing incident , one should transgress the boundaries of reason and truth , their minds ought to be disposed thereto , by something that may set them so far besides themselves , that they be not in a condition to perceive that they are imposed upon ; or at least that they may thank the poet for having surprised them so pleasantly . this is what monsieur corneille has observ'd in his cid . he knew well enough that he could not bring rodrigues into the earl's house , whom he had but just then murder'd , without transgressing against reason and probability : but then he knew as well that the curiosity of the spectators , and the attention they gave to what passed between this young hero and chimene , would not suffer them to take notice of this fault : and that tho' they should have been inform'd of it , they would have taken it ill , if a more strict regularity had rob'd them of so great a satisfaction . i believe that the best rules for knowing how far 't is allowable to carry on the marvellous , and for discerning what will be taking , what will offend , and what will be ridiculous ; is first , a sound judgment ; and then the reading of good authors , and likewise the examples of those who have come off but sorrily ; and lastly the comparing these two together . but in this examen of things a man must be well acquainted with the genius's , the customs , and the manners of the several ages . for that which is a beauty in homer , might have met with sorry entertainment in the works of a poet in the days of augustus . 't is not enough ( to make an incident admir'd ) that it should have something that is admirable : but beside that , 't is requisite there should be nothing in it that might put a stop to its effect , and destroy the admiration ; such as would be all contrary passions admiration in this point has nothing but what is common to it self and all the other passions . therefore for the better explaining of this matter we must join that with them . chap. ix . of the passions . the epick narration ought to be admirable , * but this beauty is not enough . it is farther necessary , that it be moving and passionate , that it transport the mind of the reader , fill him with inquietude , give some pleasure , cast him into a consternation , and make him sensible of the violence of all these motions , even in subjects , which he himself knows are feign'd and invented at pleasure . † horace , who prescribes all this to the poets , can't forbear admiring them , when they come off well , and he compares their skill to the power of magick . the passions then are necessary to great poems : but all are not equally necessary or convenient to all poems . mirth and pleasant surprizes belong to comedy . on the contrary , horrour and compassion belong to tragedy . the epick poem keeps as it were in the middle between both , and seizes upon all these passions , as is evident from the grief that reigns in the fourth book of the aeneid , and from the sports and diversions of the eighth . the passion that seems most peculiar to this kind of poem is admiration . it is the least contrary to the passions of the two other kinds of poems . we admire with joy things that surprise us pleasingly , and we admire with terrour and grief such things as terrifie and make us sad . beside this admiration which in general distinguishes the epick poem from the dramatick , each epick poem has likewise some peculiar passion , which distinguishes it in particular from other epick poems , and constitutes a kind of singular and individual difference between these poems of the same species . these singular passions correspond to the character of the hero. anger and terrour reign throughout the iliad , because * achilles is angry and the most terrible of all men. the aeneid has all soft and tender passions , because that is the character of aeneas . the prudence , wisdom , and constancy of vlysses do not allow him in either of these extremes , therefore the poet does not permit one of them to be predominant in the odysseïs . he confines himself to admiration only , which he carries to an higher pitch than in the iliad : and 't is upon this account that he introduces a great many more machines of the odysseïs into the body of the action , than is to be seen in the actions of the other two poems . this doctrine will find a fitter place in the next book , where we shall treat concerning the manners and the character . we have still two things to say concerning the passions . the one is how to impress them upon the auditors : and the other how to make them sensible of them . the first is to prepare their minds for them : and the second is , not to huddle together several passions that are incompatible . the necessity of preparing the auditors is founded upon the natural and general necessity of taking things where they are , when we would convey them elsewhere . 't is easie applying this maxim to the subject in hand . a man is in a quiet and profound repose , and you have a mind by a discourse made on purpose to make him angry : you must begin your discourse by a mild way ; by this means , you will close him , and then going hand in hand together , as the saying is , he will not fail following you in all the passions : you have a mind to excite in him by degrees . but if at the first touch you manifest your anger , you will make your self as ridiculous , and meet with as little success as ajax in ovid's metamorphoses , in whom the witty ovid has given us a notable instance of this default . he makes him begin his plea by anger and violent figures before his judges who were profoundly calm . * the generals were set , the souldiers standing round about them , ajax rises , and being of a furious and impatient disposition casts a fierce look towards the sea-shore , stretches out his hands towards the fleet that rode there , and then cries out : oh heavens ! this cause must be tryed in view of the navy , and ulysses my competitor ! these necessary preparations arise from the discourse that goes before these movements , or else from some action , that already begins to excite them before one speaks . the orators themselves sometimes make use of this last way . for tho' they generally excite not the passions till the end of their harangues , yet when they find their audience already mov'd , it would be ridiculous , if by an unseasonable calmness they should begin by making them quit that , with which they would have them affected . the last time catiline enter'd the senate house , the senators were so disturbed at his presence , that those who sat next him drew farther off , and left him to sit alone . then the consul would have offended against reason , if he had begun his speech with that sedateness that is usual to exerdiums . he would have abated that indignation with which he was willing to affect the senators against cariline ; and he would have taken away from the mind of this parricide , that dread and terror he was minded to strike him with , and which he was already sensible of by this tacite condemnation of the senate . therefore * omitting this first part of the speech , which upon such an occasion would have been prejudicial to him , he takes his audience in the condition he found them , and continues and beightens their passions . that which is so rare among the orators , is common among the poets : they abound with instances of this nature , where one may see the passion prepar'd and kept up by the actions . dido begins a speech as ovid's ajax did . oh jupiter ! what ? shall this stranger go off so ? &c. but these motions were very well prepar'd . * dido entertains thoughts of her death before aeneas left her . she spent her night in nothing else but disquietude , and such distracting thoughts , as these her fears possess'd her with . * soon as the dawn began to clear the sky , down to the shore the sad queen cast her eye ; where when she doth the empty port survey , and now the fleet with mings display'd at sea , her hands held up , her golden tresses torn , must we , says she , of force indure this scorn ? can we not have recourse to arms ? nor meet this fraud with fraud ? not burn this wicked fleet ? hast , fly , pursue , row , and let every hand snatch up with speed some swift revenging brand . [ englished by edm. waller and sidney godolphin esquires . ] this is no surprize to the hearers : they are so well prepared for it , that they would have wonder'd if the beginning of this speech had been less passionate . the practice of seneca is quite contrary . if he has any recital to make , which ought to imprint some great passion or other ; he takes away from both his personages and his audience all the inclinations they might have towards it . if they are possess'd with the sorrow , fear , and expectation of some dreadful thing ? he will begin by some fine and elegant description of some place or other , which only serves to shew the copiousness ; and the poignant , bloomy wit of a poet without judgment . in the troad , hecuba and andromache were disposed to hear of the violent and barbarous death of their son astyanax , whom the grecians had thrown from the top of an high tower. it mightily concern'd them indeed to know , that among the croud that flock'd from all parts to that sad sight , * some there were who stood upon the ruins of the old decay'd buildings , others whose legs trembled under them , because they were mounted a little too high , &c. people that have the patience to speak or hear such idle stuff , are so little inclin'd to weep , that they had need have notice , as the mercenary mourners of old had , when 't is time to set up their whine . the second thing we think necessary for the well managing the passions , and to make the auditors sensible of them , is to insert them in the poem pure and disengag'd from every thing , that may hinder them from producing their due effect . 't is necessary then , to avoid the vicious multiplicity of fables , where there are too many stories , too many fables , too many actions , the adventures too much divided and hard to be remembred , and such intrigues as one can't easily comprehend . all this distracts the mind , and requires so much attention , that there is nothing left for the passions to work upon . the soul should be free and disengag'd , to be the more sensible of them . we destroy our true sorrows , when we divert our thoughts another way : and how contrary will these troublesome applications be to the fictions and movement of poems ? of all the obstacles that destroy the passions , the passions themselves are not the least . they fight with and destroy one another : and if a man should mix together a subject of joy and a subject of sorrow , he would make neither of them sink deep . * horace informs us , that no poetical license will allow of this sort of mixture . the very nature of these habits impose this law. the blood and animal spirits cannot move so smoothly on in their usual way at quiet , if at the same time they are stop'd and retarded by some violence , such as admiration causes . nor can they be in either of these two motions , whilst fear contracts them from the external parts of the body to make them rally about the heart : or whilst anger sends them into the muscles , and makes them act there with a violence so contrary to the operations of fear . a poet then should be acquainted with both the causes and the effects of the passions in our souls . 't is there we are more sensible of them , and know them better than in the blood and the animal spirits . this knowledge , and the justness of his genius will make him manage them with all the force , and the effects they are capable of . and here we will propose two examples of that which we have said concerning the simplicity and the disengagement of each passion . the admirable must needs be predominant in the warlike vertues of a maid ; and this is the passion virgil makes use of in the episode of camilla : and on the contrary he has made pity to reign in that of pallas . this passion agrees very well with this young prince who is one of the heroe's party . but the poet does not mix these two passions together . he only shows in pallas all that ordinary courage that a young man is capable of . he fights turnus , but did not go out to attack him : he does not so much as wound him , nor put him in the least danger ; he only attends his coming , and * speaks to him more like one that fear'd not death , than one who expected to kill him . he is kill'd at the first blow ; and there is nothing extraordinary in it . but there is something more than ordinary in the lamentation which aeneas and the unhappy evander made upon his death . camilla on the contrary , made her self admir'd by a valour becoming a hero ; but she dies without being pitied . that which diana says upon the subject , deserves not the name of a lamentation in comparison to that which aeneas and evander made for pallas . besides , the speech of diana is said before her death , and is not in a place where it might have any great effect . in short , camilla is kill'd , she is reveng'd , and nothing more said about it . how many poets are there , that would have bestow'd a lover or two upon her , and endeavour'd to make an episode as moving as that of clorinda , and tancred ? this beauty did not escape virgil's view . * he says , that several italian dames courted her for their sons . this reflection shews us , that his thoughts were upon every thing , and that it was not without choice and judgment , that he omitted that which would have appear'd so beautiful to other poets . but he was not willing to spoil the vnity of the passion , nor put a stop to its effects . chap. x. how the narration ought to be active . the epick narration ought to be active . this qualification is so necessary to it , that aristotle's expression herein seems to confound the epopéa with the tragedy . 't is by this he begins to lay down rules for this first sort of poem . * 't is requisite , says he , that the epick fables be dramatick , like those that are in tragedy . now that which makes tragedy dramatick , and upon the account of which it has the name which signifies to † act , is , that the poet never speaks in it ; and that every thing is represented by the personages that are introduc'd , and who alone act and speak therein . from whence we learn , that since aristotle requires this qualification likewise in the epopéa , he thereby orders , that the personages speak likewise in this kind of poem . nor does he hereby exclude the narration of the poet. this can never be ; since he himself says that the epopéa is an imitation carried on by a narration ; and that in truth the narration of the poet is its form , which distinguishes it the most essentially from the actions of the theatre . but he means , that these two things ought to be so mix'd , that the personages speak very often . * homer , says he , who merits so much praise in other things , is especially to be admired for this , that he has been the only poet , who knew what he ought to do . for the poet should speak but little . the poetical imitation consists not so much in what the poet says , as in what he makes his personages say : the other poets shew themselves from the beginning to the very end of their poems . they imitate but seldom , and then they carry not on their imitation very far . homer uses a quite contrary method . after having said a very little himself , he presently introduces some one or other of his personages . this is what aristotle says , nor needs it any comment . to this famous example he has given us in homer we might join that of the latin poet , who speaks less in his aeneid , than he makes his personages speak . but the last words of aristotle are capable of two interpretations ; the first is , * homer says but little himself , and presently introduces a man or a woman , or something else that has manners ; but without that qualification he introduces nothing . so that all the words which follow the mention of a man or a woman , signifie a deity , or a feign'd person , which though in its own nature it has no manners , yet has some in the poem , into which allegorically one may bring all manner of things as well as into other fables . for this thought is taken from the nature of fables in general . when they are divided into different sorts ; by the term moracae , that is by the manners that are attributed to something that has none , we understand those , where for the personages we introduce beasts , plants , and such like things , which in their own nature have no manners . thus , for instance , in the fable of the olive-tree and the reed , the olive-tree is proud and vaunts it self because it stands so firm as not to bend to ev'ry blast of wind , as the reed does . whatever then is introduc'd into fables ought so necessarily and essentially to have manners , that the author is oblig'd to bestow them upon things that naturally are not endued with them . in short , if the names of man and woman which aristotle makes use of , do not properly signifie gods and goddesses , he would without doubt have omitted a great part of homer's personages . he has done well then in adding , [ or some other thing that has manners . ] and this will denote not only apollo , thetis , jupiter , and such like deities , who are angry , complain , and laugh as we do , but likewise the horse xanthus , that speaks in the iliad ; the horse rhebus , which mezentius speaks to in the aeneid ; ethon who laments the death of pallas , and ev'n fame who knows ev'ry thing , and takes such a pleasure in telling tales ; the winds that are so mutinous and seditious that they would have overturn'd the globe , and dashed heaven and earth together by this time , if jove had not taken care to set a king over them , who shuts them up close , and when he lets them out always keeps a strict hand over them . and this according to the first interpretation is what aristotle means , by these other things which have manners , which the poet introduces , and makes to speak in the fable . the other way of interpreting this passage of aristotle is to say , that he does not suppose that the speeches the personages are made to pronounce are the only means of making a narration active and dramatick , but that 't is so , when the manners are apparent , whether by the persons speaking or only acting therein , or by any other way , supposing you have a mind to give this precept a little larger extent . in this sense , not only the speech of dido to the princess her sister , to whom she discovers her passion for aeneas , would be dramatical ; but this qualification would be likewise in the verses that go before , where one may observe the agitations and the disquietude of this queen , who from the time she first fell in love , had lost all her quiet and repose . in this sense , the learn'd discourse of anchises to his son in the sixth book may be likewise reckon'd among the dramatical passages . first , because 't is not the poet that speaks , but one of his personages . yet i declare 't is my opinion , that this single qualification is not a sufficient reason why that which is spoken should be dramatical , if beside that , there are not manners to be observ'd therein . now there are manners in this speech of anchises . that which he says there , is the foundation of all the morality , the laws , and the religion which aeneas was going to establish in italy . so that the subject matter of this speech is a moral instruction wherein one may see the immortality of the soul establish'd ; and the causes of the passions and manners both of the living and the dead . but that which makes most for our purpose is , that this speech contains the manners , habits , and condition of anchises himself who spoke it , and of those who were in the same place with him . the poet having us'd no small skill to engage him thereto : each of us , † says he , feel the torments that are proper to him ; then are we sent to the elysian fields , where we , a few in number , spend our time , &c. but whatever aristotle's sense is , he does not seem to favour the simple explication of arts or sciences , which are without manners , and without action , and which have nothing of morality in them . if a man would speak like a poet , he must imitate homer , and conceal these things under the names and actions of some feign'd persons . he will not say that salt is good to preserve dead bodies from corruption and putrefaction , and that flies would presently fill them full of maggots : but he will say , that achilles designing to revenge the death of patroclus , before he perform'd the last offices to his dead body , apprehends that the hotness of the season would corrupt it , and that the flies that lighted upon his wounds , would engender maggots there . he will not barely say , that the sea offers him a remedy against the putrefaction he was afraid of : but he will make the sea a divinity ; he will bring it in speaking : in a word he will say the goddess thetis comforts achilles , and tells him , he might set his heart at rest , for she would go and perfume his body with ambrosia , which should preserve it a whole year from corruption . this is the way by which poets , if they would imitate homer , must speak of arts and sciences . one sees in this instance , that flies breed corruption , and fill dead bodies with maggots . one there sees the nature of salt , and the art of preserving dead bodies from corruption . but all this is express'd poetically , and with all the qualifications requisite to that imitation , which according to aristotle is essential to poetry : all is reduc'd into action . the sea is made a person that speaks and acts , and this prosopopoeia is attended with passion , tenderness , and interest . in short there is nothing therein but what has manners . this instance may suffice ; it is plain , obvious , and easie to be understood . we may for diversion sake produce another from a science a great deal more mysterious . the chymists have too good an opinion of their philosophy , and too much esteem for virgil ; than to think he was wholly ignorant of their art. there are some that observe , that he has express'd as clearly as themselves , some of their choicest operations . these gentlemen are not satisfied with ordinary metaphors and allegories , such as poets use : but they carry on these figures and disguises to the utmost obscurity of a riddle . no inconvenience then would follow , should they suppose the hero of the aeneid to be a man who makes a discovery of that gold , which is produc'd after a miraculous manner , and which is reproduc'd and increas'd incessantly from the very first time of its being discover'd . the principle of this happy discovery is piety , industry , á genius , and the blessing of heaven ; aeneas was not deficient in any of these . but 't is requisite several things should be divin'd ; for this reason helenus sends aeneas to sibyl , he follows his advice , and sees the two birds of venus . these are the two extracts of vitriol : for that green mineral , which contains them , is a sort of copper , that goes under the name of this goddess . i omit the rest , and leave it as i found it in the books where by chance i did read of it ; at least it will suit well enough with the justice of that advice sibyl gives aeneas upon the account of the difficulty of this discovery , and the small number of those who succeed in it ; and that lastly , as she says , this undertaking is not fit for a wise man. but to return : we may likewise reckon among the subjects that are not poetical , the descriptions of palaces , gardens , groves , rivulets , ships , and a hundred other natural and artificial things ; when they are too long , and made after a simple , proper manner , without allegories . this is what horace calls purple shreds , which poets sometimes place very ill , thinking that those faults will prove the finest ornaments of their works . thô this may be good in the lesser poems . i believe i have already spoken in some other place concerning the manner of making the narration active , which is proper and essential to the fable . and that is to reduce the precepts and instructions we would lay down , into action . virgil abounds with instances of this nature . his hero is a legislator , but 't is in a poem . so that he does not appoint that such a sacrifice should be made , or such ceremonies observ'd : but he does all this himself . he does not command one should submit to the gods , nor does he prescribe a way how to punish the profane ; but he demonstrates at large the dreadful torments that attend these miscreants . chap. xi . of the continuity of the action , and the order of the narration . the continuity , which the action ought to have in the narration is a consequence of what has been already said , and will serve as a principle to that we are about to observe concerning the order which the poet ought to mind in the recital of all his action . 't is upon this principle we shall judge , when the poet is permitted to begin the narration by the beginning of his action , and to relate every thing one after another , just as they happen'd and in their natural order ; and when , on the contrary , he is oblig'd to invert this order , and make use of the artificial one , beginning his poem by the incidents of his action , which happen last perhaps in order of time . in the first place we will treat concerning continuity . from the time the poet begins to rehearse his subject , from the time he opens his poem , and brings his personages , if i may so say , upon the stage ; he ought so to continue his action to the very end , that none of the personages be ever observ'd to be idle , and out of motion . this continuity is sometimes to be met with in the action it self , and in the first model of the fable . of this nature is the action of the iliad . apollo is provok'd , and sends the pestilence into the grecian army . agamemnon pacifies his anger , the soldiers recover of their distemper , and afterwards fight . patroclus and hector are kill'd , their funeral obsequies are over ; and so the action ends in less than fifty days without any interruption and discontinuity . but when the action lasts for several years , as in the odysseïs and the aeneid , it cannot be continu'd , thô 't were interrupted by nothing else but the winter-season , a very unfit time for wars and voyages , which are the usual subjects of poems . vlysses tarries a whole year with circe , and seven with calypso : and aeneas spent several years in thrace , where he does nothing worthy to be recited by an epick poet. and perhaps he was more than a year in sicily during his fathers sickness , and their mourning for his death . so that the actions of these two poems are not continued . but thô the actions are not continu'd , yet the narration ought to be so , as we hinted before . there is no difficulty in managing the actions that are continu'd . the poet has nothing to do but rehearse them in their natural order , and relate the things one after another , just as they happen'd : this is what homer has done in his iliad . when the action is long and discontinu'd , the poet relates it in an artificial order . he takes nothing for the matter of his narration , but what towards the end of the action has something of continuity in it ; and for his own share he only relates this part . for this reason virgil has begun his recital just after aeneas left sicily , where anchises dy'd : and homer at the very first makes his hero quit the isle of ogyges , after he had staid there seven years , all which time the poet le ts pass before the opening of his poem . in the sequel of the discourse , some probable and natural occasion arises for repeating the most considerable and necessary things which went before these beginnings . the love dido conceiv'd for aeneas made her extreamly curious to know his adventures . this passion made the recital thereof so natural , that the * poet thought himself oblig'd to make it more than once . the phaeacans indeed had no interest in the fortune of vlysses ; but the poet supply'd that by making these dull fellows mightily in love with romantick adventures . this artificial order divides the action into two parts very different from each other . the principal part contains that which the poet relates . he takes but a little matter , but he treats of it amply , and with all the pomp and majesty his art can furnish him with . the other part is a great deal larger in the number of its incidents , and in its duration ; but 't is of less compass should you reckon the verses it takes up , and consequently in the circumstances and movements which make a great part of the beauties of the poem . but yet , if among the incidents which the poet is oblig'd to insert in that which we here call the second and least part of his work , there should be any one important incident , he may treat of this more largely than of the rest , as virgil has done the taking of troy. 't is true one may not treat of many of them after this manner : the rest should be more concise . besides one sees a great deal of difference between the death of priam describ'd in the recitals of the second book , and the death of camilla related by the poet in the eleventh . for thô that of camilla is doubtless less considerable as to the fable , yet the poet extends it more by half than that of priam. these two parts of the epick poem may be compar'd to two of the dramatick : † one of which is acted upon the stage before the spectators ; and the other comprehends whatsoever is done behind the scenes , and which we come to know of purely by the recitals which the actors make . * this last is less moving than the other ; and let aeneas's sorrow for his first wife creüsa be never so great , yet her death has nothing in it , whereby it deserves to be compar'd to that of dido . the division of the dramatick action we are now speaking of , † gives the poet an advantage of keeping from the spectators view , whatever would offend them ; either by its being two horrible , as a mother's butchering her own children ; or by its being too incredible , as the metamorphoses of a man into a serpent or a bird : whereupon these things should only be related . so likewise the division of the epick action gives the poet liberty to retrench from this action whatever would cause a confusion in the poem . the things that are improper for the epopea are not of the same nature with those , which ought to be excluded the theatre , since that which is good in a dramatick recital , is likewise so in an epopéa , which only discovers things to us by reciting them . but on the contrary , the things , that confound the epick poem , are such as are too languishing , and which cannot admit of that action and motion , which are the proper ornaments of this sort of poem . and this is what * horace orders to be excluded thence . and in truth how could virgil make his readers endure aeneas's constant attendance at his sick father's bed , together with the medicines , and fomentations which ought to be made use of to recall the spirits , and the natural heat into the cold limbs of this aged prince ? and the sorrow too of aeneas , which ought to have been very great , would have been but a sorry ornament of a poem : the readers would not have been affected with them . would they have bestow'd one tear upon the natural death of a person of his age , who had so little to do in this poem ? therefore has the poet very judiciously drawn a veil over all these things . by this means , the artificial order cuts off the languishing and unpleasant incidents , and the intervals of time that are void of action , which hinders the continuity thereof : and † by these retrenchments it gives the poem that continu'd force , which makes it run smoothly on throughout the whole , and bestows on it those beauties which the action in it self has not . * by this means it hastens towards a conclusion , and at first transports the readers into the middle of its subject matter , and always entertains in them a desire and expectation to see the events as soon as possible . our poets begin their narration so nigh the end , that the reader imagines the poem would end within a few verses . in the odysseïs , the gods order mercury to go to the isle of ogyges , where vlysses was detain'd by calypso . he was to charge that goddess to give him leave to depart , and furnish him with ev'ry thing that was necessary for his journey to ithaca . virgil approaches still nearer to a conclusion . his hero has already left sicily , and is upon his journey to italy . the second part begins much after the same manner : aeneas arriving at the country which the fates had promis'd him , finds there the gods and men who waited his coming with impatience ; and king latinus offers him his daughter lavinia , sole heir to his crown , in marriage . who would think then but this hero was very well settled , and the poem at an end ? but a storm casts him upon carthage and furnishes the poet with what fills the first part. the jealousie of turnus , who pretends lavinia was promis'd to him , and was his due , opposes the settlement of the trojans , and affords subject matter for the last six books . the beginning of the action is resum'd so pertinently that these large recitals of aeneas and vlysses make no interruption . aeneas relates all that preceded his arrival at carthage , and then the poet undertakes to tell what happen'd to him in that city . this series of things is so exact , that the first book may pass for a mere prologue , which informs us of the action in general , and which in perticular discovers the humors and interest of the persons that were to appear in play. the poet's practice is the same in his lesser episodes . venus so resumes the story of dido , and diana that of camilla , that what in this poem follows the recitals of these two goddesses , is the natural consequence of what they related . we may observe the same order in the odysseïs . but the death of archemorus , the funeral sports , and the march of the argives towards thebes , are by no means the consequences of that which is contain'd in the recital of hypsipyle . if our poets had made the recitals of vlysses and aeneas at several times they could not have connected them to the action that would have follow'd , and the order would have been less exact , and more irksome to the readers . let us now in a few words sum up all that has been said concerning the continuity of the epick narration , and the order homer and virgil have observ'd therein . they have so begun , that when once their personages have made their appearance , they never ceas'd from acting till the end of the poem . for this purpose , when the epick action was continu'd and of a few months duration , as that of the iliad ; the poet has related it himself in the natural order . but when it lasted for several years , as the two others did , the poets observ'd an artificial order , and the last part of their subject that was only continu'd , was all that they themselves related . they made their heroes relate all that went before , and that in one speech , made upon a probable occasion . they plac'd these recitals so well , that the things related therein , precede immediately , and without any interruption those which the poet at last relates himself . so that neither the mind , nor the memory of the readers are at a loss to rejoyn the consequence of the incidents , which they read in the poem . chap. xii . of the duration of the narration . according to the idea we have been proposing concerning the continuity and the order of the narration ; 't is requisite we should say thus much concerning its duration , viz. that the space of a year is to the epick narration , what the space of a day is to tragedy ; and that the winter is as improper for this great work , as the night is for the theatre ; since both being void of action , make a vicious interval , and an irregular discontinuity in these poems . so then , the duration of the epick narration only lasts one campaign , as the duration of the dramatick action lasts an artificial day . but we may carry on this parallel a little farther , and say , that as the time for the theatral representation is under debate amongst learned men , and the practice of the ancients has its obscurities , which ev'ry one interprets in favour of himself , either for the natural , or the artificial day : so the precise time of the epopéa admits of dispute ; for the practice of virgil in this matter is not very clear . first it may be said that the narration of the aeneid lasts a year and some months . and thus the account may go . aeneas parting from sicily after he had interr'd his father there , returns thither again a year after , and there celebrates his anniversary on the very day he dy'd on . † 't is a full year , says aeneas , since we interr'd my father , and now we are return'd hither again the same day he dy'd on . so that the narration beginning when aeneas left sicily , just after his father's death , that makes a whole year to the sports of the fifth book . by this means the time that is requisite for the rest of this book , for the sixth , and for the wars of italy , will be added to the year . one may reduce this narration into a precise year , by saying , that these verses cited out of the fifth book , do indeed inform us , that it was a full year since aeneas had interr'd his father in sicily ; but that neither these verses nor any others intimate that he left sicily immediately after this action . one may then with freedom suppose that he tarry'd there as long a time , as was afterwards requisite for his settlement in italy . from whence one will inferr that the narration is compris'd within the compass of a year of twelve months , and no more . each of these opinions supposes that the winter is comprehended in this narration , and that aeneas spent the whole of that with dido , in africk , as the poet plainly says in this verse spoken by fame . nunc hyemem inter se luxu quam longa fovêre . a third opinion supposes that the word hyems in this verse should not be understood for the winter-season ; but that it signifies , the same thing which it does in other passages of this very book , that have a necessary relation to this . * now in those other passages it does not signify the winter , but a season which the rising of orion renders tempestuous , and that happens in the summer ; for this constellation rises about the summer solstice . so that the poet had only a mind to tell us , that aeneas indulg'd himself in the amours of dido , all that time , wherein the rising of orion , for about six weeks , made him afraid to put to sea , and excus'd him from complying so readily to the orders of the gods , that summon'd him to italy . by this means all the narration of the aeneid will be reduc'd into the compass of one single campaign , making it to begin in summer , and to conclude before the end of autumn in the same year . this opinion is grounded upon several expressions of virgil , which seem more exact than the former , thô less agreeable to several interpretations . aeneas leaves sicily , and is cast upon the coasts of africk in the summer ; and this summer is already the seventh since the taking of troy. this is what the poet says in the person of dido , when she receives this hero into carthage . † this is now the seventh summer since your travels over so many countries , and so many seas . he spends in carthage neither the winter , nor any part of autumn ; but he parted thence before the end of summer . he arrives at sicily and there keeps the anniversary of anchises at the end of the same summer he came to carthage in ; since the poet says that this likewise was the seventh . * this is now the end of the seventh summer since the ruin of troy. lastly , the poem ends before autumn does , since the day before the death of turnus , the woods had still their leaves on , and cast their shadow . the poet says , that † turnus lay in ambush in a valley where the thickness of the leaves and the shade favour'd very much his design . by this means the narration of the aeneid will comprise only one campaign , and be all included within the two seasons of summer and autumn : * beginning at the solstice and rising of orion , which cast aeneas into africk ; and ending before the frosts of † autumn had strip'd the leaves off the trees . as there are reasons for both sides , so there are difficulties in both . some of them are reply'd to : and for those that seem unanswerable , we say , that the aeneid being uncorrect , we should not wonder if we cannot understand all . homer is a great deal clearer . he has made an exact journal of the time he allows his two poems . the iliad begins with a plague , which lasts ten days . the poet has allow'd as many for the grecians recovery . the battles , that follow next , end the fifth day . after that eleven days are spent in the funeral rites of patroclus , and eleven more likewise in the funeral of hector , and then the poem ends. the twice ten at the beginning , and the twice eleven at the end make just two and forty days , to which add the five in the middle , and the whole duration of the action and the narration amounts to seven and forty days . the days are not so well rang'd in the odysseis , but the account is altogether as exact . the poem opens with minerva . she frees telemachus from the dangers he was in at ithaca , and conducts him to pylos . the fourth day she goes up to heaven again , and brings it about that calypso be ordered to dismiss vlysses . on the morrow he begins a ship , and in twenty days finishes it ; the twenty fifth he sets sail , and after a voyage of twenty days is cast upon the island of corfu , there he tarries three days with alcinous . all this makes one and fifty days from the first opening of the poem to the arrival of vlysses in his own country . eight and twenty of them he spent with calypso , reckoning the four that preceded the building of his ship ; three and twenty days more he is upon his journey , part of which he spent at sea , and part with alcinous . a night after he arrives in ithaca . four days he remains incognito at eumeus's country house . on the fifth he went to his own palace , where he was in disguise two days , taking an account of what had happen'd and squaring his actions accordingly . the next night he kills his rivals , and on the morrow makes an end of discovering himself , and re-adjusting all his affairs . therefore adding these seven days to the one and fifty before ; the duration of the narration in this poem amounts to eight and fifty days . as for the seasons of the year the poet gives us an occasion to guess something about it . in the iliad where there is more action and violence , the days are longer than the nights , and the season very hot . and on the contrary , homer has assign'd longer and cooler nights to the prudence of vlysses ; placing the maturity of autumn in the odysseis , as he has the contagious heats of the summer in the iliad . the practice of homer then is without doubt to reduce the duration of the epick narration into the compass of a campaign of a few months . but the difficulty of knowing the design and intention of virgil , is the reason why 't is question'd , whether one might not advance it to the compass of a whole year or more , and whether the winter season ought in reason to be excluded thence . i found my self insensibly ingag'd in the examen of this particular question : i found it a great deal larger than i imagin'd , and i have discours'd very amply upon it , from whence several things may be deduc'd , that in my mind are of no small use for the understanding of the aeneid . i here propose this question about the time by way of problem , and freely leave others to determine and judge what they please . but yet i say , that in this uncertainty , two reasons rather incline me to a single campaign than a whole year . the first is , the practice of homer , which the latin poet commonly proposes as his exemplar , and who by wise men has been esteemed the most excellent model for poets to imitate . this reason makes so much the more for me in this treatise of the epick poem , because 't is founded upon that relation that is observable between the practice of virgil and that of homer , the rules of horace , and those of aristotle . the other reason is still more to my purpose ; and that is , that this reducing of it to one single campaign , is more conformable to that idea i have proposed concerning the fable , and the design of virgil in this poem . we have already considered aeneas as a legislator , and founder of the romans religion . he is so exact in observing all the ceremonies which were performed for the dead , that there is not the least colour he should omit one so considerable , as is that of mourning , especially for the death of his father , for which he spares no cost . this high veneration he has for him , makes one of the principal qualities of his character , and almost throughout the whole regulates the general character of the poem . now the mourning of the romans consisted in two things : the one is its duration , which lasted ten months : the other is , that the romans in this ominous and inauspicious time never undertook any thing of consequence . how then could aeneas dare to undertake his settlement in italy , which was then a business of the highest consequence to him ? so then , he was oblig'd to stay in sicily full ten months after the death of his father ; and having stay'd less than two months at carthage , he returned to sicily to celebrate the anniversary of his death , on the same day he arriv'd there . this agrees very well with the expressions of the poet which we have already cited . for the anniversary happens at the end of the seventh summer , a little more than a month after the solstice and rising of orion . aeneas then leaving sicily in summer during the rising of this constellation , which rais'd the tempest in the first book , he could not leave it the same summer anchises died , but must needs have left sicily the summer following , which is the seventh as the poet says , and the same in which he returns to the anniversary . by this means , he must needs have pass'd the autumn , the winter , and the spring in sicily , and have tarried there more than nine months before his parting for carthage ; but he went out and came back again to it the same summer . in the other opinions i neither find the conformity of virgil with homer , nor the observation of the roman mourning , to which i really think aeneas was oblig'd as much as he was to the other ceremonies in which he was so punctual . but these reasons which make for me may not perhaps make for others . i only propose them as i was oblig'd . 't is for philosophers and criticks to examine things , to propose reasons , and to make them intelligible , and 't is for the reader to draw his inferences . monsieur bossu's treatise of the epick poem . book iv. concerning the manners of the epick poem . chap. i. concerning the manners in general . under the name of manners we comprehend all the natural or acquired inclinations , which carry us on to good , bad , or indifferent actions . this definition contains three things , the first is the manners themselves which we call inclinations , whether they have their source and origin in our souls , such as the love of sciences and vertue ; or whether they proceed from the constitution of the body , as anger , and the rest , which we have in common with the brutes . the second thing is the cause of those manners , which is either nature , or our choice , and industry , according as they are either natural or acquir'd . the third thing , is the effect of the manners , namely actions whether good as that of aeneas , or bad as that of achilles or indifferent as that of vlysses . those manners are good , which incline us to vertue , and vertuous actions ; those bad which incline us to vice and sin ; and those are indifferent which incline us to indifferent qualities and actions . a right distinction should be made between real vertues , and those that appear such , and are only mere qualities . the real vertues , such as piety , prudence , and the like , make those who are masters of them good , praise-worthy , and honest-men . but real vices , such as impiety , injustice , fraud , and the like , corrupt and vitiate those , who are tainted with them . meer qualities in their own nature produce neither of these two effects , such as valour , art , the knowledge of sciences , and the like . solomon could still preserve the knowledge of the sciences even when he was become an idolater . aencas and mezentius were both valiant , yet one was a pious and a good man , the other an atheistical and profane fellow . 't is farther observable that among the inclinations , there are some which belong more peculiarly to some particular adventure , and that are only of use upon certain occasions : such for instance are valour , clemency , and liberality . others are more universal , and appear in every thing , such as are good nature and a passionate temper . for a man may be passionate , and violent , not only in war , but at a council board , and upon all other occasions , as achilles was ; or he may be mild and good-natured even in the heat of battle , as aeneas . we shall call this last species of general and universal manners the character of such or such a person , and will treat of it more particularly . the causes of our manners are either wholly external , or wholly internal , or they may be considered as partly external , partly internal . the external causes are god , the stars and our native country . the mixt causes are our parents and education . the internal causes are the complexion , the sex , the passions , and the actions whereby we contract these habits . the effects of our manners are the discourses , the designs , and the essays we make to do such or such a thing , and the good , bad , or indifferent actions . poetry is not the only thing , where the manners are of use . philosophers , historians , geographers , and rhetoricians treat of them as well as poets . each of these in his own way . but the poet has need of all . and beside these , there are a vast number of things , which he is indispensibly obliged to be acquainted with , that he may make his personages speak , and act regularly . whatsoever has been said on this subject , yet i cannot wholly pass it over . i shall only content my self to apply it to the practice of virgil. therefore before i treat of the poetical manners , i will explain at large what i have proposed concerning the causes of the manners , and i shall say something concerning the manners that are foreign to poetry . chap. ii. of the causes of the manners . god is the chief of all the causes in general , we shall look upon him here in particular , as the most universal and first cause of the manners . he is the author of nature , and disposes of all things as he thinks fit . this cause renders the manners of aeneas good even to admiration . 't is superfluous to show how this hero is favour'd by jupiter , since we see juno , who prosecuted him , loves and esteems his person . the stars , and principally the signs and planets , are the second cause of the manners . the * poet takes notice what influence they have upon men. when in the person of dido , he proves from them that the tyrians are not so dull , but that they know what esteem ought to be had for virtue . but is it by chance , think ye , that this poet , who elsewhere was so skillful in astronomy , causes the planets to act in favour of his hero conformable to the rules of astrologers ? of the seven there are three that favour him , jupiter , venus , and the sun : all three act visibly in the poem in behalf of aeneas . there are three others , whose influences are malignant , saturn , mars , the moon or diana . if they act 't is indeed against the hero. but they appear so obscurely that one may say virgil has hid them below the horizon . lastly , mercury , whose planet is said to be good with the good , and bad with the bad , acts visibly as the good planets do , but he never acts alone , 't is jupiter that always sends him out . and this is the horoscope which the poet makes for the birth of the roman empire . the third external cause of the manners is the country in which one is born. virgil bestows great commendations on the country of his hero , and advances it far above greece . * as long as troy was assaulted fairly by force , it always remained victorious . 't was only the fraud and treachery of the grecians , that gain'd the mastery over the generosity of the trojans . so that according to their countries , the one party are brave and generous , the other knaves and cheats ; the one civil , the other barbarous ; the one hardy , the other nice , &c. after these causes , that are properly external , follow next the fathers and mothers whose blood is derived down to their children . we cannot say that the parents are such causes as are altogether foreign to the inclinations of those who are formed from their substance . let us apply this to our subject . aeneas sprang from the royal blood of troy. the first princes of this family were as virtuous , as powerful . but in process of time these two things were divided into two different branches . ilus left the crown to laomedon , and his virtue to assaracus . priam and paris were heirs to the first , anchises and aeneas to the second . by this means the poet bestows upon his hero the good inclinations of his ancestors before ever he restored to him the regal power . his piety deserv'd the sceptre of his fathers , and the perfidiousness of the other branch was the cause that priam's family was extirpated . the innocent themselves felt likewise the smart of it , as * virgil observes of polydore . this is more clearly expressed by the greek poet. † he lays down the genealogy of priam and aeneas , and adds that jupiter hated the family of priam , and that notwithstanding aeneas was to command the trojans and transmit the empire to his posterity . these are the advantages aeneas derived from his father . his mother was the goddess , from whom he deriv'd the character of good nature , and meekness which was the finest ornament of his manners . parents likewise hand down to their children , their nobility , which often makes a great deal of difference between those , that are noble , and those that are not . now that which happens often , or ordinarily in these things is the rule which the poet ought to go by . it would argue ignorance , or childishness to do otherwise : and one should fall under these censures , if for instance , one should cause a poetical person to be born under an unlucky constellation , to whom we would give good inclinations and a happy fortune ; whatsoever instances may be opposed against the pretended doctrine of astrologers , yet that which is admirable , and extraordinary in poets , does not consist in contradicting the common received opinion about these things . education is another cause of the manners which depends upon the two former , to wit , the care and quality of the parents . virgil has not forgot this cause . those likewise with whom one converses , contribute very much towards those various inclinations that proceed from education . whether one suits himself to their humour , or whether that conformity of humours makes these conjunctions , and presides o'er the choice of friends , the companions of aeneas are good , sage , and pious persons ? * japis his physician prefers his skill in physick beyond the glory of arms , even in that only design of prolonging the life of his old father . education depends likewise on the government and the state , under which one is brought up . one conceives quite different sentiments under a monarchy , than one should do under a common-wealth . this point was of some moment to our poet , who was willing to change the inclinations of his audience . 't is upon this account that the inclinations of all the personages in the aeneid are unanimously for a monarchy . and though the thuscans who were used cruelly by mezentius , revolt from him , and drive him thence ; yet this is not as the first brutus did , to change the face of the state , by banishing both the king and his power together , but in order to submit themselves to a more just monarch . we may take into the number of mixed causes , the riches , the dignities , the alliances , and the other goods of fortune , which we possess ; upon which i will only make this reflection : that a king , or general of an army , do not always act in that character . achilles was both . but he preserves nothing of his sovereignty , but that independency by which he refuses to obey agamemnon , as otherwise he ought . the fable requires only this , and homer has said no more of it . his achilles is rather a private man , and a single voluntier , who only fights in his own quarrel , than a king or a general . so that nothing of all the good that is done any where else , but where he is present , is owing either to his valour or his good conduct . virgil's hero is quite of another make . he never divests himself of his dignities ; he acts in the full character of a general . and this advances his martial atchievements to a higher pitch of glory than those of achilles . the absence of both these heroes gives their enemies great advantage against them , and is an evidence how great and necessary the valour of both of them is . but this is peculiar to aeneas , that whatever good is done in his absence , is owing to his conduct . two things preserved the trojans from the rage of turnus : the one is the rampart and fortifications of the camp they were intrenched in . aeneas himself designed and over-looked these works . the other is the good order they observed to defend themselves : and in this they did no more than what he ordered them at parting . and here is a glory which the hero in the iliad can make no pretensions to ; and if one would compare both together , achilles is a valiant soldier , and aeneas a compleat commander . the last causes of the manners , which we propounded , are purely internal . the chief and most general of these is the complexion . poets place high characters upon bodies of the largest size , and the finest make . * virgil gives his hero the stature and visage of a god : and he observes * that vertue is most charming , when a good soul is lodged in a body that resembles it . the complexion varies according to the difference of ages and sexes . turnus is younger than aeneas , because aeneas ought to be sage and prudent , and turnus furious and passionate like another achilles . i will not transcribe here what horace has writ concerning the manners that are proper to every age. as for the sex , aristotle says in his poetry , that there are fewer good women than bad ; and that they do more mischief than good in the world. virgil is but too exact in copying this thought . venus is the mother and protectress of aeneas : she seems to be good-natured through the whole . sibyl likewise favours him . cybele and andromache are well-wishers to him , and wish him no harm ; but they appear but little . for this small number of good women , how many bad ones are there , or at least such as bring a great deal of mischief upon this hero ? juno is his profess'd enemy , and employs against him iris , juturna , and alecto . dido thought of ruining him at carthage , and calls in to her aid her sister , a nurse , and an inchantress . the harpies drive him out of their island . * helena is a fury that ruines the trojans and graecians themselves . the trojan women , though his own subjects , set his fleet on fire . amata contemns the order of the gods , and the will of the king her husband ; and with the latin women first blows the trumpet to rebellion . † sylvia puts her upon it . the women , that were most esteemed by this hero , brought insupportable troubles upon his head. at the end of the second book , one may see his sorrow for creüsa . and ‡ the innocent lavinia is the cause of all the miseries he suffers in the six last books . camilla bears arms against him , but she gives us an occasion to make a more particular reflection . virgil , in her , has given us a pretty example of the inconstancy of the sex. it seems as if this courageous damosel was brought in to fight , only to teach other women , that , war is none of their business , and that they can never so far divest themselves of their natural inclinations . there still remains something in them which will prove the ruine of themselves , and which is a great prejudice to those who relie upon them . the poet does admirably apply this point to the manners of that sex ; and makes use of this heroine in the case , who seems to be wholly of another make . in the heat of the battel she perceives a warriour with rich amour . she was presently for having the spoils of this enemy ; and the motives the poet gives her are looked upon as a woman 's greedy desire . this levity of the sex makes camilla forget her dignity , and the taking care of her safety , and 't is followed with very mischievous effects . she is killed , the cavalry routed , and aeneas preserved from an ambuscado he was just falling into . the passions likewise are the internal causes of the manners . if we love any person , we love all we see in him , even to his failings . if we hate any one , we have an aversion for even his perfections : so great a power has passion over us . when dido loves aeneas , this hero , in her eye is nothing less than a * god. † but is she incensed against him ? then he is no longer one of humane race , but some hard hearted rock of mount caucasus is scarce good enough to be his father . but the most excellent of all the causes of each man's manners is his own actions . this cause imprints the strongest habits . 't is that in which we have the greatest share . 't is that which creates to us the greatest honour , if the manners it produces be good ; and , which on the other hand is our greatest shame , if they be bad . virgil has very divinely touched upon this cause , when he says that next after god , good manners are the chiefest and the best recompence of good actions . * ye brave young men , what equal gifts can we ; what recompence for such deserts decree ? the greatest sure , and best you can receive , the god's , your vertue , and your fame will give . [ englished thus by mr. dryden . ] chap. iii. concerning the manners of other sciences besides poetry . geography , history , philosophy , and rhetorick , teach nothing concerning the manners , but what the poet should be acquainted with . we will only here make a slight application of it to our subject . the geographers in the tracts they write concerning the situation of the seas and continent , do likewise inform us of the diversity of states and governments , of the employments , the inclinations , the customs of the people , together with the fashion of their habits . the speech of remulus , in the ninth book of the aeneid , is all geographical . it contains the education of the italians , and their war-like manners adapted to every age ; and it ends with an antithesis , wherein he reproaches the trojans with the effeminacy of their clothing , as a certain sign that their inclinations were opposite to those he had been describing . there are several other passages in the aeneid , where this effeminacy of their apparel is described , and the reproach of it cast upon aeneas himself with some sort of emphasis . but virgil very dexterously turns off from his audience , who were the progeny of the trojans , this small reproach , which might else have reflected upon them . he says , that the romans did not derive from their fathers any of that effeminate fashion : but on the other hand , that the trojans accommodated themselves to the more manly and generous customs of the italians . history , as well as geography , describes the manners and the customs of states , and people in general . but history adds likewise thereto the inclinations and manners of particular persons , which it names . both of them treat equally of the manners as indifferent , writing with no other design than to demonstrate them as they really are . 't is true the notices they give , serve for the conduct of a man's life , and each man is to look upon the examples he meets with as so many precepts , which teach him his duty . but this application does not so much belong to these two arts , as to moral philosophy . poetry takes from history and geography , what both of them say concerning the morals . the poet describes things in general , as geography does , and usually it claps them under particular names , as in history . sometimes it joins both these two things together , and makes the application of them it self . * virgil being about to describe the particular manners of sinon , advertises his readers , that in the villainy of this single graecian one might discover the wickedness of the whole nation . moral philosophy contains in it the simple knowledge of the manners , it suffers none that are either bad , or indifferent . it treats of them only with a design to render them good . the vertues are always good . these it proposes that we may embrace them . the vices are always evil , and it teaches how to avoid them . the passions in themselves are indifferent , it corrects what is ill in them , and puts us in a method how to make a right use of them , and bring them over to vertue 's side . there are some inclinations that are so indifferent they cannot alter their property . such are those of young children before they are capable of good or evil. philosophy looks upon them not to be so much manners , as the cause of future manners . we can produce an instance of this without quitting our usual guides . horace is no less a philosopher than he is a poet. † 't is worth taking notice what he relates concerning a man of canusium , servius oppidius by name . he had a plentiful estate left him by his progenitors . before his death he bequeaths two of his lordships to his two sons , and gave them this advice : i have observed that you , aulus , have managed your play-things after a careless manner , either gaming , or giving them inconsiderately away : and you , tiberius , on the other hand , are always counting your trifles , seem very anxious , and look about for holes to hide them in . this makes me afraid you will both ruine your selves by two contrary vices ; the one , by being as prodigal as numentanus ; the other as covetous as cicuta . wherefore i charge you both , and conjure you , by the guardian-gods of our family , that you , aulus , diminish nothing of the estate i leave you , and that you , tiberius , never increase it ; but live contented with what nature , and your father , think sufficient for you . this is the way philosophy treats of the inclinations of children . the conclusion , and all the commands of this prudent father , are for riper age. virgil treats of the doctrine of the passions , not only as a moral , but as a natural philosopher . he renders a reason of these things from the matter whereof bodies are composed , and from the manner whereby they are made , and united to the souls . but he does it in a poetical way , and very suitably to his subject . as rhetorick proposes a different end to it self , so likewise does it treat of the manners after a different way . the orator's design is not to render his audience better than they are ; he is contented if they are but convinced of that he undertook to convince them of . the better to effect this , he sides with their humour , and their interests , as far as his cause will bear . he appears modest , prudent , and a man of probity , that we may hearken to him with delight , that we may relie upon him , and that we may believe that he neither designs to impose upon us , or is in the wrong himself . he gives us a quite contrary idea of those he speaks against . in a word , he never troubles his head with considering which are his own true inclinations , or what the inclinations of others are , but studies to represent them all such as they should be , for him to gain his cause ? the poet should know all this , that so he may the better make his personages speak . we might say that our poets might look upon the ancestors of their audience , as orators do those in whose behalf they speak . besides virgil might have considered dido as his enemy . the treachery of hannibal , and the carthaginians ; would have dispensed a roman poet from some civilities , which else , perhaps , one might think were becoming him . but the fable does sufficiently regulate the manners of all the personages , and 't is to this one should have the chiefest regard . the poet as well as the orator has his auditors . all the difference i find is , that they are not so few in number , nor so fickle , nor so subject to particular passions and inclinations . the poet writes for his whole country , he must be read every hour , at all times , and by sober persons . he has nothing then to do , but to study in general the humour of his own nation , and the good inclinations of his prince , if he lives in a monarchy as virgil did . but if a prince has bad inclinations , and an author is so complaisant as to spoil his poem , the better to accommodate himself to them , he exposes himself to very shameful censures . the poet , as well as the orator and philosopher , is obliged to appear a grave , prudent , and honest man. for this reason , and because he is obliged to teach us vertue , he is engaged to be perfectly acquainted with morality , and to be truly vertuous . this is a practical science ; and is not learnt by empty speculations . it a good and solid moral does not correct our passions , 't is almost impossible but our passions will make us think the moral false . we are not apt to condemn those faults in which we take delight . we had rather believe that there are not vices , than acknowledge that we our selves are vicious . if horace had reason to say , that homer would not have given such commendations of wine if he had not lov'd it . what can one think of those who take so much delight and pleasure in that which is the most shameful and criminal in our passions ? who make of them the most moving and tenderest passages of their poems ? and who turn all infamous amours into such gallantries as an honest man and a generous cavalier may reckon among his good fortunes ? one shall never make vice odious , if one represent nothing of it but what is amiable and pleasant . those who represent it only under a plausible disguise , give us reason to think , that they only expose it more to view thereby , and that their lives are of a piece with their moral , and their writings . if there are any readers that are of the same mind , 't is not to those a man should suit himself . this would be on the other hand to destroy the most essential rules of poetry , and the fable . a pernicious art is no art , or at least one not to be tolerated . if there are no other readers to be met with , and if a poet is oblig'd out of complaisance to be debauch'd , woe to those who encourage such a corruption ; and who prefer the glory of being poets , to that of being honest men. these reflections are not beside my subject , since they serve to shew what is the practice of homer and virgil. these pagans have not sullied the majesty of their episodes by these vicious delicacies . ulysses is cold to circe's charms . he is melancholy with calypso . bryseis and chryseis only inflame agamemnon and achilles with anger . camilla has no gallants . there is scarce mention made of turnus's passion for lavinia . and all the amour of dido is treated only as a vicious treachery for which this misurable queen is punish'd severely . chap. iv. of the manners of poetry . that which is peculiar to poetry in the doctrine about the manners , is , to make the reader know what are the inclinations which the poet bestows upon his personages , whether good , bad , or indifferent , no matter which . aristotle defines the manners of poetry thus : * the manners , says he , are that which discovers the inclinations of him that speaks , and that whereby we know on what he will determine , before one sees that he is carried that way or actually rejects it . from whence this philosopher concludes , † that the manners are not always in all sorts of discourses . an instance will clear this definition . in the first book of virgil , aeneas appears to be very pious , and more forward to execute the will of the gods , than any other thing . in the fourth book a very difficult choice is proposed to him . on one side gratitude , love , natural tenderness , and several weighty considerations , engage him not to part from dido : on the other side , an express order of the gods commands him to italy . before any one sees what side he will take to , and on what he will resolve , that which he has said ought to have demonstrated what his will and what his inclinations are , and to what he will determine . his former speeches which discover to me his future resolution , are the poetical manners . these make one foresee that he would leave dido , and obey the gods : he does so : the manners then are good , and duly order'd . if to stay with dido , he had disobey'd the orders of jupiter ; the manners would have been bad ; bad , because they would have made one foresee a choice , and a resolution quite contrary to that which he ought to take . but if nothing had foreshewn me the resolution of aeneas , nor what side he had taken to , nor the contrary , in this case there would have been no manners . therefore , as in philosophy the manners are good when they make that man so in whom they are ; and they are bad when they incline him to vice and evil actions : and as in rhetorick they are good when they manifest the person that speaks to be honest , prudent , and sincere , and the person against whom he speaks to be guilty of the contrary vices ; and evil when he that speaks seems vicious , and imprudent ; and his adversary sage , and well advised independantly from what they are in reality : so likewise in an epopéa the manners are good when one may discover the virtue or vice , the good or bad inclinations of those who speak or act ; but bad when a good man appears vicious , or a wicked man seems to have good inclinations . so that the manners of aeneas , and those of the athei st mezentius considered poetically , are both equally good , because they equally demonstrate the piety of the one , and the impiety of the other , which are the characters the poet bestowed upon them , and under which they are always represented by him . but in the hippolyte of seneca the manners of phaedra's nurse are very bad , because this woman is very wicked , and speaks very fine things . at first she perswades this unhappy queen , passionately in love with her son-in-law , to the virtue of continence . * 't is passion , says she , which to countenance the vice , is not ashamed to make love a god ; and for a greater licentiousness therein , it has disguised this infamous brutality under the name of a false deity , &c. when a body hears a long speech full of those chaste thoughts , would not one think that she who speaks is chastity her self come down express from heaven to banish from the earth all unlawful love ? but yet observe what a part this nurse acts in the remaining part of the poem . 't is she her self that speaks , and explains her character . † if the amorous flame rages so much within your breast , never value what the world says of it . common report seldom favours virtue and truth : but speaks favourably of the most profligate , and says worse of good men than of others . let us try to bend the mind of this stubborn and untractable youth . let it be my business for once . let me take this rough young-man to task , and for your sake touch the very heart of this resentless creature . here 's good morality turn'd out of doors in an instant . surely seneca's design in making her speak thus , was only to put her audience upon admiring her fine faculty of discoursing pro and con , and what a great many pretty sentences she had got by heart . let the case be how it will , since he had a design to make use of this nurse to debauch the chaste resolution of hippolytus , he makes her speak well enough this second speech , and he re-assumes the poetical goodness , when he quite the moral goodness , and when he makes her vent such profligate maxims . since then the goodness that is proper to the poetical manners is to make them appear such as they are ; it is necessary to observe , what are the things that discover to us the inclinations of the personages . the first thing is the speeches and actions . ‡ there are manners in a poem ( says aristotle ) if as we said the speeches and the actions discover to us any inclination . the poet makes his personages speak and act as he pleases . so that these two things are owing to him , they are wholly at his disposal . and they are the foundation of all the rest . when the manners are well exprest after this way , they are denoted purely and simply by the term good ; and this * goodness makes their first qualification . aristotle places it in the front of all the rest , that it may be the more exactly observed . † horace likewise orders the poet to be exact in demonstrating the manners . the second thing is the knowledge which a genius , study , and experience , gives us of the inclinations , that are proper to each person according to the complexion , the dignity , and all the other causes whether natural or acquir'd , internal or external , all which we mention'd before . as soon as the poet has given the dignity of a king to one of his personages , without hearing him speak , or seeing him act , we know that he ought to be grave , majestical , jealous of his authority , and the like . the inclinations should be suitable to that which the poet has proposed ; and ‡ this conformity and suitableness makes the second qualification of the manners . the third thing is the knowledge which we deduce from the fable or the history . this sort of discovery is comprehended under the name of common opinion or fame , for the reasons we have already mentioned . so that when a poet has nam'd alexander , we know that the inclination of this personage is all for greatness and glory , and that his ambition is larger than the extent of the whole earth . if he introduces achilles , we know he is angry , passionate , and impatient . the manners of these heroes in the poem should be like to that which fame has reported of them ; and this resemblance makes the third qualification of the manners . lastly , because the poems may be divided into two parts , as the aeneid , the one half whereof requires piety and patience , and the other violence and war , a man may fansie , according to these so different states , he may likewise make the characters of his hero different . and then the manners of each part will be good in particular . but because the speeches and the actions of the first part have discovered the inclinations which the poet gives his hero , and because the reader sees 't is so in the fable and history , and has the same effect as common fame ; this would be to offend against the first and third qualification if we change the character that is known : from whence it follows , that the poet is oblig'd to make it constant and even , that is , such at the end of the poem , as it appear'd to be at the beginning : and this † evenness of the character is the fourth qualification of the manners . so that there are four things to be observed in the manners : first , that they be good ; secondly , suitable ; thirdly , likely ; and fourthly , even . these four qualifications are comprehended in aristotle's definition ; so that if one should transgress any one of these , he would transgress this definition by making us pass a wrong judgment upon the inolinations of a personage , and the resolutions he ought to take . the most important and hardest thing is to distinguish these two sorts of goodness in the manners : the one , which we may call moral goodness , and which is proper to vertue ; and the other poetical , to which the most vicious men have as much right as the vertuous . it consists only in the skill of the poet , to discover rightly the inclinations of those he makes to speak and act in his poem . that which raises the greatest scruple , is , that the poetical manners suppose the others ; and aristotle not only speaks of these two sorts in his poesie , but farther , he makes use of the same ‡ term to express these two sorts of goodness . to wind our selves out of this difficulty , 't will not be amiss to begin here , by examining , whether according to aristotle , the poetical hero ought necessarily to be an honest and vertuous man. for if this be not so , then 't is plain that when aristotle requires for the first and most principal quality of the manners that they be good , he would not be understood to speak of that moral goodness which makes men good , and which is inseparable from vertue . so that though we do not perhaps penetrate through all the obscurity of this expression , yet we shall at least know the bottom of his thoughts . and since this question is necessary , we shall not stick to add reason , and the authority of others , to that of aristotle ; and that will establish it the better . chap. v. whether the hero of the poem ought to be an honest man , or no ? this question will seem unreasonable to those who have but one single idea of their heroes ; and who acknowledge none of that name , but those excellent men who are endued with every virtue , are masters of their passions , and all their inclinations , and whom an excellent and divine nature raises above the rest of mankind . but neither the ancient poets , nor the masters of this art ever thought of placing their heroes in so high a sphere , without thinking it lawful to put them in a lower form : 't is requisite then to make the same distinction between a hero in morality , and an hero in poetry , as we did between moral and poetical goodness , and to say that achilles and mezentius had as much right to the poetical goodness ; as vlysses and aeneas : so that these two cruel and unjust men are as regular heroes of poetry , as these two princes that are so just , so wise , and so good. in the poem it self this term admits of two sences . sometimes it signifies indifferently all the persons of note . so that not only aeneas and turnus , but likewise entellus in the sports of the fifth book , and misenus the trumpeter of aeneas in the sixth , are styl'd heroes by the poet. but though the name of hero may be also bestow'd on other personages , yet there is so particular an application of it made to the first , that when one simply say ; the hero , by that name we understand only achilles in the iliad , vlysses in the odysseïs , aeneas in the latin poem ; in a word the principal personage in any poem . there is likewise a particular signification of the word heroick when 't is used to denote an epopéa , and so distinguish this sort of poem from others . aristotle and ovid give this name not to the poem , but to the verses made use of therein , and which they likewise call hexameter verses . this last has been almost the only name we have retain'd . if we should call epick poems heroick poems , because of the heroick verses that are made use of therein , one might with as much reason call the french epopéas alexandrine poems , since the verses they use in these poems are called alexandrines . and if the name heroick comes from the personages of the poem , who are styl'd heroes ; tragedy would be as much an heroick poem as the epopéa would , since the action and the personages of tragedy are no less heroick , than the action and the personages of the epopéa . but i question whether these reflections be so useful as to deserve so many words . they may only serve to discover to us the different use of the terms hero , and heroick among the ancients , and the moderns ; and to prevent condemning the first for such notions , which they never follow'd . when we know that they did not affix the idea of vertue , to these terms taken in a poetical sense , that they never confin'd the name of hero only to the principal personage in the poem , and that they did not call the epopéas by the name of heroick poems : we shall not in these works look for examples of a real and excelling vertue , and no one will wonder that horace has said on the contrary , that all the iliad where so many hero 's lost their lives , contains nothing but injustice , violence , passion , and wickedness . i have omitted one signification of the word hero , which may be considered as moral , and as poetical . in this sense we call some men that were born of some deity , and a mortal person , as achilles who was the son of the goddess thetis and peleus ; and hercules who was the son of jupiter and alomena . but this lays no obligation upon poets to make these heroes good men : because there were likewise wicked gods. and one may likewise observe that sometimes the poets do make these divine men very wicked persons , witness polypheme and cacus . * the first of these , though neptune's son , was a horrible monster , and devoured his guests and contemn'd jupiter himself . † cacus was the son of god vulcan , and yet virgil says , there was no villainy but this notable rascal would undertake . this is said in the general concerning all sorts of heroes , let us now take a particular view of the chief personages in each poem . aristotle says , * that an heroical and divine vertue is some thing more than humane ; and consequently that heroes are divine persons , and that the excellency of their nature raises them above all men. but he says this in his book , of morality . † in his poetry , he teaches a quite contrary lesson , that this chief personage of a poem whom we style a hero , should be neither good nor bad . but he would have him be between both , neither advanced above the rest of mankind by his vertue , and his justice , nor sunk below them by his vices and wickedness . there is nothing then of communication between these two sorts of heroes , one of which ought to be advanced by his vertue above the rest of mankind , and the other should not be in the same class with men of perfection . besides , it must be observed , that he only speaks of that which is the most compleat part in the poems , and not simply of that which is regular and allowable : and moreover , that this mean , which he requires , is for complex fables . so that he does not absolutely exclude from the number of these poetical heroes , neither persons of the greatest vertue , such as vlysses , nor the most vicious , such as ixion and medea . horace mentions these two last among the regular heroes . * he says , that she should be barbarous and inflexible , and ixion treacherous . certainly this critick never wrote his rules for irregular personages . but since lastly , both aristotle and horace approve of homer's practice in the manners he has given to achilles , and since they propose this hero , as a model for other poets to imitate ; the bad morals of this personage should convince us , that according to the rules of aristotle and horace , and according to homer's practice , 't is by no means necessary that the principal person of an epopéa should be an honest man. for never does an honest man prefer his own passion and private interest to the publick cause , the glory of his country , the honour and the life of his innocent friends . never did an honest man use such vile language as this to his general , go thou impudent , drunken , fearful fellow ; there are none but drones who obey thee . these contumelies are seditious , and of very bad consequence , and they are so much the more criminal , because he who said them might be the ringleader of a faction : a good man , if god denies him any thing , will never break out into a passion against him , and will never tell him that he will be revenged on him if he can . 't is only profane , and mad-men that speak thus . was aristotle ignorant of these continual extravagancies of achilles ? or did this learned philosopher take them for real vertues ? there is not the least colour for such a thought . we should more probably believe that aristotle considered this poetical hero only as a savage , directly opposite to the hero of his morality . for in the passage above cited , he opposes this brutality , to the heroick and divine vertues . because a god and a beast are incapable , the one of vice , and the other of vertue . and in truth the one of these natures is of too high , and the other of too low a pitch . laws are made for neither the one , nor the other of them . and is not this what horace says of the character of achilles ? he should not acknowledge that he was under the tye of any laws . therefore there is no medium ; he belongs to one of the two contraries which aristotle proposes , either above or below mankind ; he is divine or brutal . and which to fix upon is no hard matter . horace says he is a fool. homer , 't is true , has some faults , and * horace owns it ; but the character of achilles cannot be one of these faults , which are so few , are no offence , and are owing either to humane frailty , or a pardonable negligence . these are the faults horace censures , or to speak more properly , which he excuses in homer . and can this be applied to the character of achilles ? we conclude this point by confirming the practice of homer and the authority of aristotle and horace with a reason drawn from the essence of the poem according as we propos'd it . the moral does as well teach us how to avoid vices as ( in conformity to horace ) we said concerning the iliad and achilles ; as it does how to imitate vertue , as horace observes of the other poem , and the other hero of homer . and lastly the fable which is the very soul of the poem , and which is of the same nature in homer as in aesop , is as regularly capable of the most base and criminal men , and animals for its first and only personages , as it is of the most generous and the most praise-worthy . without dwelling then upon any new proofs which the inference will afford us , we may conclude , that reason and the nature of the poem , the practice of homer , and the precepts of aristotle and horace , do all inform us that 't is not at all necessary that the hero of a poem should be a good and vertuous man : and that there is no irregularity in making him as treacherous as ixion , as unnatural as medea , and as brutal as achilles . chap. vi. of the poetical goodness of the manners . what we are going to deliver here concerning the goodness of the manners , is only an explanation of what aristotle has writ about it in the fifteenth chapter of his poetry . the whole passage runs thus : * there are four things to be observed in the manners . the first and principal is , the method of making them good . there will be manners in a speech or action , if , as we before hinted , either one or the other discovers on what the person that speaks or acts will resolve . let these manners be vicious and bad , provided they foreshow vicious and bad inclinations ; or good and vertuous , provided they likewise foreshow good and virtuous inclinations . this happens in all sorts of conditions ; for a woman and a foot-boy will be good in a poetical sense , though commonly women are rather bad and vicious than good and vertuous , and foot-boys are of no account . this passage has somewhat of difficulty in it : perhaps i have changed it too much , by confining it to my sence ; but i had rather interpret it thus , than otherwise — after what has been said in the former chapter , i see not the least reason to apply this goodness which ought so strictly to be observ'd in the manners of the poetical persons , to morality and virtue . i am of opinion then , that we are to understand this of the poetical goodness ; and this is what aristotle would make out , when afterwards he says , that there will be manners in a speech or action if either of them foreshow any inclination , choice , and resolution , as i have already said upon the occasion of another of aristotle's passages , to which aristotle refers us . this will likewise serve to illustrate upon what account i have render'd the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by this phrase , upon what he will resolve . this greek word signifies neither an inclination , nor a simple act of the will , without deliberation and choice ; but it signifies the choice which one makes , and the desire one has after some sort of deliberation . thus aristotle himself explains this term very largely in his ethicks . the word resolution signifies thus much , but being used alone , is too equivocal . aristotle adds , that the manners are bad , when the resolutions that are taken are so ; and that the manners are good , when the resolutions are good . i did not think that this goodness of the manners was a poetical goodness , and that his meaning was , that for the well ordering of the manners in a poem , 't is requisite that the persons which are introduced take such resolutions and designs as are just and good , that an author transgresses this rule , and makes the manners poetically bad , when the personages are determin'd to do a bad action . this interpretation would condemn the practice of homer in the person of achilles , in that of agamemnon , and in almost all the personages of the iliad , and odysseïs . certainly this was never aristotle's design . the aeneid it self would be liable to the same censure . dido , turnus , amata , mezentius , and several others , would spoil all the places where they act so viciously ; that is to say , they would spoil the whole poem , from one end to the other . i have therefore interpreted this place in a moral sence , and thought that aristotle intended to teach us , that the poctical manners are equally good , let them be in a moral sense good or bad , provided that the poet order matters so that they appear before hand to be such as either the good or the bad persons of his poem ought to have . the rest of the text confirms me farther in my opinion , and in the distinction i have made between the moral and the poetical goodness of the manners . aristotle says that the goodness of the manners he speaks of , may be met with in all sorts of states and conditions even amongst foot-men who have no goodness in them . without doubt a foot-man cannot be master of that goodness , to which he has no right . he will then be morally bad , because he will be a dissembling , drunken , cheating rascal , and he will be poetically good , because these bad inclinations will be well exposed . this instance of aristotle , and the application he himself makes of what he says , of the goodness of the manners to a foot-man , does teach us that he does not speak only in the behalf of heroes , let the word be taken in what sence soever , but that this goodness he describes , as well as the other qualifications of the manners , reaches to all sorts of poetical persons , from kings and princes down to foot-men and waiting boys . without excepting any one in comedy , tragedy and the epopéa . but though we mention the liberty poets have of putting vicious persons in a poem , yet this liberty has its bounds and rules , and they are not to suppose virtue and vice must go hand in hand together . 't is necessity and probability that regulate these two contraries . and they regulate them so , that when they give to vertue all that is possible , yet they allow vice only that which cannot be cut off from the poem without spoiling the fable . thus aristotle censures the vicious manners , not because they are vicious , but because they are so without any necessity for it . but he does not blame the obstinacy of achilles , as unjust and unreasonable as it was , because it was necessary to the fable . if achilles had received satisfaction from agamemnon before the death of patroclus , the action would have been at an end : or else achilles would have fought no more and so the fable would have been defective and imperfect : or else having no particular quarrel against hector , he would have fought only for the common cause , and consequently the siege and war of troy would have been the subject of the poem , and the action would have been episodical and spoil'd . 't was necessary then that achilles should be unjust and inexorable . but the poet carries the vices of achilles no farther than the necessity of the fable forc'd him , as we observ'd before . 't is time now to join the authority of horace to that of aristotle . certainly if the poet should take special care to make the manners good in a moral sense , there would have been as little reason to give the name of manners to indifferent inclinations in poetry , as in moral philosophy , and the masters in both sciences would have been equally ridiculous , if they had laid down rules and precepts for these sorts of inclinations . yet * horace has done it , and after he has advertis'd us , that the observing the rules about the manners is a business of the highest moment . the first things he presents us with to be observed , and on which he bestows the name of manners , are the most indifferent inclinations of any in the world. † a child , says he , that just begins to speak and walk , without leading-strings , is most passionately desirous of being with his play fellows . what follows is much the same or rather worse . for if it were not altogether an indifferent thing for the little creatures at this age to fly-out into a passion for nothing , to be pacified again as easily , and to change their minds every quarter of an hour , it would be a wicked thing . after the same manner does he treat of the inclinations of youths . they , says he , delight in horses , dogs , and the field . they are prone to vice , and can't endure to be reproved . 't is only to grown up men that he bestows honourable and rational inclinations . he ends all with the cross-grained humour of old-men , that are covetous , fearful , impotent , dull , testy and the like . now what moral goodness is there in all these inclinations ? and yet in this that horace recommends to the poets , we are to look for that goodness which aristotle says is the first and principal thing to be observed in the manners . and this is likewise what may be observed in the idea we have proposed of the poetical goodness , which consists only in representing the manners and inclinations just as they are , no matter whether morally good , or morally bad. horace , never speaking of vertue as a thing necessary , recommends the observing of the four qualities in the manners , which aristotle himself likewise requires . the first is , that they appear : the second , that they be suitable : the third that they be likely : and the last that they be even . with great reason then have we affirmed that the poetical goodness consists in discovering to the reader by the speeches and actions all the future inclinations and resolutions of the personages , who speak and act in the poem . chap. vii . of the three other qualifications of the manners . there is no such difficulty in the other three qualities of the manners in poetry as in the goodness of them . we have already explained in particular what suitableness they ought to have with the internal or external causes , which either raise or discover them in men. what resemblance the poet ought to give them to what history the fable or common report have publish'd of them ; and lastly what that evenness of them is which ought to be observed in each personage without permitting him to alter his character . we shall satisfie our selves with only making here some general reflections upon these three qualities . the first reflection we make is this , that sometimes these qualities happen so opposite in one and the same person , that if we would do justice to the one , we shall be unjust to the other . an instance of this may be observed in the emperour maurice : his inclinations would not have been suitable to the dignity of an emperour , if one should make him covetous , and they would not be like to what we know of him , if one should make him magnificent and liberal . in truth there is a sort of avarice which kings are capable of , to wit , the desire of heaping up vast treasures . such was the passion of polymnestor king of thrace which gave virgil an occasion to say , * that this inordinate thirst after riches , carried men on to strange extravagancies . † such was likewise the passion of pygmalion king of tyre . the question here does not lie concerning this sort of avarice , but concerning the sordid , base niggardliness which cost so many roman souldiers their lives . they were prisoners of war with the king of persia , who required but a very small ransome for them . maurice refuses to pay it , and by this base , unworthy denial of so small a sum for so weighty a consideration , he cast the conqueror into such a fit of passion , that he ordered all these miserable souldiers of so wicked a prince to be butchered immediately . it may be asked then what a poet shall do that he may neither offend against the suitableness of an emperour's manners , nor against the resemblance of them to that which is to be found in history about them ? in answer to this i say , that a man will not be perplex'd with these sorts of personages , if in the composition of his poem he will but observe the method i proposed in my first book . in the first place the author will make his fable with universal persons , and without names , and consequently without so much as thinking of maurice . and when he has a mind to make the episodes , and shall look out for particular names to give to his personages , if in his platform he meets with a miser , he will not think it adviseable to give him the title and dignity , either of a king or an emperour : and if in the same platform he meets with a liberal and magnificent person , to be sure he will never chuse the emperour maurice to act this part . so that to the question propounded it may be answered , that the emperour maurice whether liberal or covetous ; is not one that can regularly be brought into any poem . but he may be made use of therein , if the fable admits such a thing as the dissembling his avarice without changing it into liberality ; according to mr. corneille's practice in his heraclius . phocas could reap some advantage from this criminal passion of his enemy , and so render his cruelty against this prince somewhat less odious , maurice did indeed know that god made use of this tyrant to punish the crime , which his avarice put him upon committing : but this i doubt would have been against the suitableness of the manners , and the spectators would have been offended with this reflection . the poet has judiciously concealed this vicious inclination of maurice without attributing the contrary to him , which would likewise have offended against what was likely . one cannot then act contrary to the qualities of the manners , but we may sometimes omit them , and this is the second reflection i would make upon the subject . when a man omits the first quality , he necessarily omits all the rest ; since that is the only source and foundation of them . if the manners appear not at all , they will be neither suitable , nor likely , nor even , nor the contrary . this may be done in all the personages that are of no note in a poem , such as are the multitude of persons just mentioned in battles , and several others . because if the poet on one side is obliged to relate no action , nor incident without manners , interest , and passion , that the narration may be active and pleasant , and the minds of the readers may attend thereto : so likewise ought he not to admit of any more interested and passionate persons , than what he is precisely obliged to , without augmenting the number of them , that so the memory may not be over-burdened , nor the attention distracted to no purpose . so in the aeneid , we see but little of the manners of mnestheus , cloantes , messapus , vfenzus , and of so many valiant commanders , and other persons that have considerable posts in the poem . when we make the manners of a person appear but only once , we may make them suitable to his dignity , age , and sex , &c. we may make them like to what common fame has published of them , but 't is plain that there can be no equality of them , no more than there can be an inequality : on the contrary , it sometimes happens , that one and the same person is of an even and uneven temper at the same time . because this character , which in most men resembles the sun , whose equality consists in appearing always the same ; * in others is like the moon , whose equality consists in changing her faces four times a month : sometimes this inequality proceeds from age , as horace has observed in † children and youths . they owe this to the softness and the want of due consistency of their brains . objects are very easily impressed upon them , and these images are as easily wip'd away by the impression of new objects , or meerly by the motion of the animal-spirits . but it happens in some persons , that their brain-pan is never closed sufficiently . this was the misfortune of tigeltius augustus's fidler . it would be ill suiting one's self to his humour , and it would offend against what is likely , only to represent him always in the same vein . he was covetous and prodigal : as proud as a king in his dress , and clothed as meanly as a cobler . so active and diligent as to spend whole nights without a wink of sleep , and so lazy as to lie a-bed till the afternoon for it . lastly , if we would take * horace's word for't , there could nothing be added to the inequality of this man's humour . there is another inequality that is more common , but comes on more slowly , and that is the inequality of a man in the different ages of his life . † in his youth , he never thinks of heaping up wealth , but idly squanders it away . ‡ in his riper age he gathers it in , and lays it out as honourably . * and when he comes to be old , he seeks for and heaps up wealth with greediness , and is so far afraid of laying it out , that he had rather live miserably than spend a farthing upon the ordinary necessaries of life . this inequality is of little use in poem . it seldom happens that a poet represents one and the same person at his fifteenth , and at his sixtieth year , 't is the others that are of more use in poems . but when a poet introduces them , he ought to give his hearers timely notice , that this inequality is the express character that he gives to his personage . terence has something upon this subject in his brothers worth taking notice of . his demea is a testy and rough old gentleman , one that keeps a strict hand over his family , and thrifty to the highest degree . this was the constant course of his whole life , and he carried on this cross-grained humour to the very end of the play. and then he thinks of being better humour'd , more endearing and obliging and is concern'd for nothing . here is a strange inequality . yet the poet makes it very regular . demea himself gives his audience notice of it . never , says he , did man cast up the business of his life so exactly ; but still experience , years , and custom will bring in some new particulars that he was not aware of ; and shew his ignorance of what he thought he knew , and after tryal make him reject his former opinions . this is plainly my case at present : for since my glass is almost out , i renounce this rigid life i have always led . but why so ? because experience shews me there 's nothing like gentleness and good nature : and this truth appears plainly to all that knew me and my brother . he always spent his time in ease and pleasure ; always courteous , complaisant , spoke ill of no man , but carress'd all ; liv'd as he pleased , spent as he thought fit , the world bless'd him , and lov'd him too : but i that rustick , rigid , morose , pinching , brutish , griping fellow must needs marry ; and how have i smarted for 't ? i had children too , those were new troubles : and truly in building up their fortunes , i have worn out my life and the best of all my days : and now i 'm just marching off the stage , the fruit of all my labour is , to be hated like a toad . but my brother enjoys all the pleasure of a father without the drudgery : they love him , and fly me like the plague . him they trust with all their secrets , dote upon him , live with him , but me they slight : they both pray for his life , but long for my death : those i have brought up with the greatest labour , he has gained with a little cost , so i take all the pains , and he reaps all the pleasure . well , well , for once we 'll try what can be done , whether we can speak obligingly , and act the gentleman too ; since my brother urges me to 't , i 'de willingly have my children love and respect me too ; if gifts and compliments will do the feat , i 'll not be behind the best of them : but my estate must go to wrack : what care i for that ? since i have one foot in the grave already . but i enlarge too far upon a thing so well known as this comedy . terence carries on the reflection still farther , and ends it not till he ends his play , and he is so cautious in it that he leaves his audience nothing to guess at . * there is another inequality of the manners , that is occasioned by the change of a man's fortune , and which usually causes men to be of a low and dejected spirit , when they are in misery and distress , and fierce and proud when they are in power , and think they are masters of their fortune . a poet may range this suitableness , in the manners of persons , who are of an ordinary vertue , and who are more inclined to be vain and proud , than truly generous ; and by this conduct the equality will not be alter'd . but if he makes a person generous , then he should alter less by the change of his fortune . these personages should be as bold in their worst as in their best circumstances ; or as modest after a victory as after the losing of a battle ; according as the poet orders either fierceness or gentleness to be the commanding character he gives them . this last character is that which virgil bestows upon the trojans . they appear very humble before dido when the storm had used them so scurvily , and brought them under the mercy of the carthaginians . * never imagine , say they , that we are come , hither with a design to do you any harm . vanquished persons , such as we are , have neither power nor boldness enough to undertake any thing . this would denote a baseness of spirit , if they appeared such before their enemies , or if they treated them with scorn and cruelty after they had conquered them . but we see 't is true modesty , when we hear the same language from them after a victory . aeneas overcame the latins in a hot engagement , their legates fell at his feet beseeching him to give them leave to burn their dead ; and he was so far from shewing the least arrogancy , * that he even excuses his being forc'd to conquer them , and declares to them that his desire was only for peace . let us now make a reflection upon the resemblance the manners ought to have with what common fame has published of them . this quality has this peculiar to its self that one may observe the rest in all sorts of personages , and one may likewise commit faults against them always . but there are some persons in whom there is nothing to be observed either for , or against the resemblance . these personages are of two sorts . the one are such as are wholly invented , as are all those of comedies , and almost all the personages of the epick poem and tragedy , since in both there are but a few names taken from history or the fable . the second sort is of such , that are really taken from history , but whose manners are known by few , and of whom common fame has said nothing : for in this case 't is plain , one cannot give them inclinations , that are like or contrary to what common fame has said of them ; since she has said nothing about them . so likewise aristotle does not oppose names taken from history to names that are invented , but he opposes to them names that are well known . the same we may affirm of the manners . dido of the aeneid is of this second sort . the poet having feigned in his fable such a personage as we perceive this queen to be , the obscurity of history gave him entire license to make use of a name so little known . this license is only for such as first make use of these names : for those who make use of them afterwards , are obliged to keep up the character that was at first given them , and which comes to be known this way . they can only change some circumstances that are less known , and add other new ones , which shall be compatible with what one knows already of it . chap. viii . of the character of the personages . aristotle's words about it . the character of a person is that which is proper and peculiar to him , and distinguishes him from others . as this is discernable in the lines of a man's face ; so it is likewise to be met with in the manners we are now discoursing of . that which i have met with in aristotle about it , is in the same chapter , from whence we cited that which has been already said about the manners . * since , says he , tragedy is an imitation of what is best amongst men , we ought to do like good painters , who when they give each person his proper form and character , and so make their figures like them , do likewise represent them much fairer . in like manner should the poet form examples of goodness or of hard-heartedness , when he imitates a passionate and cholerick or a soft and mild natur'd man , or any other such like character . 't is after this manner that homer himself has attributed goodness to achilles . care must be taken of this , and besides without speaking here of what is necessary , 't is requisite to observe the series and the consequence that is in poetry , wherein we are subject to commit several faults . every one knows what affinity there is between painting and poetry . horace begins his art with it , and aristotle likewise compares them both together in the very first chapter of his poetry . he speaks of it in several other places , and by this which we have here cited 't is plain his judgment is , that one cannot conceive a more perfect idea of the poetical character in the manners , than by the practice of painters in the character which they give to their pictures . if we would understand his mind exactly , we cannot do it better than by enquiring in the art , how one may draw a portraicture perfectly like its original , and which at the same time should be finer ? i 'll venture to give my thoughts about it . painters in their personagees have three sorts of subjects . either they represent particular persons to the life , such as augustus , young marcellus , virgil , seneca , paulinus , &c. or they represent dignities and such like characters , as a king , a philosopher , a minister of state , a poet , a varlet , a beggar , &c. or lastly , they represent a passion , such as anger , joy , discontent , cruelty , &c. we may add that painters and poets , of an elevated fancy , are more for drawing kings , princes , and things of state and grandure : and that the less noble genius of others , puts them upon the choice of valets , drunkards , and despicable persons . aristotle attributes the variety of dramatick poems and the invention of tragedy and comedy to the diversity of genius's . the first would doubtless make finer personages , than the last . but this makes no difference as to the exact likeness of the characters . both the one , and the other may meet with equal success as well in the baseness and deformity of irus and thersites , as in the majesty and bon mien of agamemnon and paris . but we cannot here make any use of this difference , and this interpretation , since aristotle speaks only of poems , and famous persons : and we can without quitting tragedy and the epopéa meet with this difference of more or less comeliness in an exact likeness . two things are considerable in the persons one would paint . the first are the features which we may call characteristical : such are the natural wrinkles of the face , the proportion of each part , the colour of the eyes and hair , the shape of the nose , the thickness of the lips , the wideness of the mouth , and other such like properties . this is what should properly and chiefly fix the imagination , and give it the idea of the person we would represent . 't is absolutely necessary that these features be observ'd in the copy , to make it more like the original ; and 't is of these that the expression of aristotle is to be understood [ giving to each person the character that is proper to him . ] these characteristical features are so far fix'd , in comparison to the rest , that they continue the same even in the change of ages and sexes ; and they easily discover the fathers by the countenance of their children , and the mothers by that of their sons . the second thing is a great deal less permanent , and less affix'd to its subject , and consequently leaves a painter more to his own liberty . 't is the colour of the flesh , the plumpness , and several other things , that augment or diminish the beauty of a person without changing the features , and the proportion of his countenance . there are some , whom a pale colour would better become than a fairer complexion ; or who would be much more taking were they made a little fatter , or a little leaner . there needs only a slight distemper , a disturbance , or a few days of diversion to produce these alterations . so that a skilful painter will consider a person under different states , and with those various motions which may naturally happen to him . and having observ'd what becomes him best , he will paint him in some action or other , wherein he shall be a little mov'd with fear or anger , according as he has a mind to make him more pale or more lively than the original : or else he will give him a smiling countenance , if he perceives the person has some defect which a smile would conceal , &c. after this manner , without altering the natural resemblance , painters represent persons more comely than they are . these two , whereof one makes the picture like to , and the other makes it more comely than the original , which we have applied to particular persons , may likewise be applied to whole orders of men according to their dignities , ages , passions , and other habitudes . the throne , diadem , scepter , and majesty make up the character of a king. but there are some persons , and faces that carry a great deal more majesty in them than others , and on whom a crown sits a great deal better . nature has made no old man but what carries in his countenance the character of his age : but she has made some venerable and august , and others contemptible and distastful . there are some persons whom anger renders more comely , thô commonly this passion very much disfigures the countenance . a painter then in the various countenances he sees , being stock'd with so many different subjects which may serve him as a ground work to keep up the characters we have been discoursing of ; if he is a good painter , he will not be contented with a sceptre and a crown , with wrinkles and gray hairs , and with the features that in general are proper to an incensed person : but he will study upon divers complexions , those that under these characters will be the most taking , and will make choice of those whom nature has made venerable and august , and in whom even without a crown , one may discern something of majesty and royalty . there is another way of embellishing a character , and that is by deducing the agreeableness of it from the very essence and properties of the character it self . anger makes men look pale or red ; it makes them gnash their teeth , fall foul upon every thing they meet with , tear themselves , and express such motions and postures , as are strange , terrible , and extravagant . but 't is not always attended with these effects . it has some more moderate ones : and 't is at the painters choice to make use of those which he pleases , and to reject the more violent ones , if his design requires them not , and to express the most moving , the most pleasant , and the less irregular ones . his liberty is sometimes more , sometimes less . when he represents one single personage , and invents the design as he pleases , then all depends upon him , and if he succeeds not , he is to blame . but if one should require a story of him , and determine the persons for him , then he will be often perplex'd in a great many things by the very essence of his subject , which permits him not to make use of certain beauties , which would be very advantageous to him . a king preserves his gravity best in a moderate passion , but agamemnon is not capable of this moderation in the sacrifice of iphigenia . the beauty of helen and that of paris would be more conspicuous by day-light , than by torch-light , but yet 't is necessary that this princess should be carry'd off in the night . europa , smiling amidst the nymphs and flowers , would be more comely : but would any one represent her so when carry'd into the midst of the sea upon a bull. a painter might come off with success in the ravishing of helen , if one would give him liberty to make choice of a model ; he would likewise succeed in the portraicture of a person , that he draws to the life , if he invents the shadows , the posture , and the action thereof : and he would come off but pitifully , were he oblig'd to joyn these two things together , and to give to helen , when ravish'd , the countenance of a person , that he had painted with success in a contrary action . the constraint is still greater , if one should represent several actions of one and the same story , and if one should paint the carrying off of europa in four tables . for the same features of one single person will serve as a foundation of moderate joy , a dreadful fright , a mortal confusion , and a miraculous and pleasant surprize . the great poems are of this last sort . the several episodes , wherein we see the same person act , are as so many tables , wherein the same character of one single countenance ought to serve as a foundation to the different characters of opposite passions . achilles is represented at the councel board , in the fight ; and at the funeral solemnities of his friend . the poet has not made his hero sage and prudent in this first table ; he has not made him proud in the ceremonies and religion of the last ; that so he might be less angry and passionate than in the battle . this variety of characters would have made three achilles's , and would have had something of the ignorance of a painter , who willing to paint achilles in these three different adventures , would chuse for his model three countenances that had no relation to each other , and would represent one of them entire in each table . but homer at the councel board gives agamemnon occasion to provoke achilles , who is presently transported with anger against him , and who begins to revenge himself by affronting and venting seditious reproaches against him . and in the funeral of patroclus , the ceremony that is most visible is the cruelty which achilles shews to the body of the brave and unhappy hector , which he ties by the heels to his chariot , and for twelve days together inhumanely drags about the tomb of his friend . thus is achilles always the same , and is no less cholerick and revengeful at the councel board , and the funeral solemnities , than in war and battle . the poet then , in the constitution of his fable , ought to mind what he is oblig'd to , and what character it requires : he will afterwards examine all its parts , and all the episodes it presents to him . he will see which of them he can apply to his character , or to which he can apply it ; † by this means making choice of those that are for his turn , and rejecting the others , ( as homer has done in the amours of achilles and briseis , with which the very essence of his fable furnish'd him . ) thus having entirely discover'd all the lineaments of his character that are indispensably annex'd to the very essence of his fable , and to his subject , he is oblig'd to keep to them as their proper form , wherein does essentially consist the resemblance of his fable to the probable action which he would imitate ; let it be in the persons , or in the dignities , or in the passions , or any other things that are capable of a character . this is the first thing a poet is oblig'd to . the second is to examine all the other circumstances of his character , which the essence of his fable does not make necessary , and which are as the colours of a more or less paleness and redness , the complexion whereof may naturally change . he will discover those that are most capable of rendring his character pleasant , and his personages good , even in a moral sense , and he will make use of them , and not of the others . 't is by this means that without altering the resemblance , and the justness of the character a good poet , like a good painter , will make his personages better , and a sorry poet like a sorry painter will make them worse than they are . 't is thus that homer himself has made his achilles good as we have observ'd . one may understand and interpret the text of aristotle in a sense different from that which i propos'd in the beginning of the chapter : but it will still suit with the doctrine i have drawn from thence . the other interpretation is this , when a poet imitates a passionate man , or a mild and good humour'd person , or any other character , he ought rather to propose to himself models of goodness , than of hard-heartedness , &c. chap. ix . of the characters of achilles , ulysses , and aeneas . aristotle proposes homer's achilles to us , to teach us the way of making the imitated personage like the original which we propose to our selves ; in such a manner that this resemblance , which may be attended with deformity and vice , or beauty and virtue , have that which is the most perfect of these qualities . we have already taken notice that the resemblance consists in this part of the character which is proper and necessary to the fable , and which the subject obliges indispensably to be observ'd ; and that the beauty or the goodness aristotle speaks of , and which he distinguishes from the resemblance , consists in the circumstances of the character , which are not necessarily contain'd in the essence of the fable . this is what we are more fully to discover in the practice of homer and his iliad , to which aristotle refers us , that so we may instruct our selves , where he himself learn'd his instructions . we have sufficiently made it appear , that achilles ought to be passionate , unjust , and inexorable . the fable necessarily requires this ; 't is that renders his manners bad , and so unworthy a man of honour . but they have nothing in them that is irregular , or contrary to the precepts of aristotle , since he requires goodness only in the circumstances , where the poet is at his liberty , and since he blames vice only when 't is not necessary . so that this is that , which i call part of the character which renders achilles like to the idea , which the poet form'd of him , when he laid down the first model of his fable . but the fable leaves the poet to chuse the circumstances which may either raise and embellish the character , or render it more deform'd and odious . achilles that is passionate , inexorable , and unjust , might be likewise fearful , and cowardly , and have reveng'd himself by betraying his party . he might have given some secret intelligence to his enemies , he might have receiv'd them into his quarters , or have injur'd his allies by any other wicked practices , which might have occasion'd a great deal of mischief to have fallen upon the greeks , agamemnon , and himself , and which might have been no hindrance to his reconciliation . for suppose the greeks without achilles were stronger than the trojans , in this case their disadvantage and losses would only have happen'd by the treachery of this hero. and the treachery ending with this reconciliation the valour of the greeks might have got them the victory . the fable would not have been less just , nor have had less of the moral and instructions than that it at present contains . thus the essence and the justness of the fable leaves the poet at his full liberty to make choice either of the valour or the cowardice of achilles , for to degrade or raise his character ; and 't is to this choice , that the precept of aristotle refers , when he orders poets to imitate good painters , who , always preserving whatever the character has that is necessary or proper to the subject , raise it by all the embellishments 't is capable of . if homer had chose to have made his hero cowardly , rather than valiant , he would have offended against what aristotle orders here , and elsewhere , viz. never to represent a personage that is wicked without necessity forces one to it . but this great poets practice is not thus . as unjust , and as passionate as the anger of his hero was , and thô 't was so pernicious to his allies , and to patroclus himself yet he has done nothing herein , but what is necessary . he has observ'd in this character what his fable indispensibly oblig'd him to . but for as much as it has left him at his liberty therein , he has made use of it so far to the advantage of his hero , that he has almost conceal'd his great vices by the darling show of a miraculous valour which has deceiv'd so many persons . this goodness may be likewise added to the difference we put between the epick fable , and those of aesop , for 't is neither necessary nor congruous in these last . the heroes there may be intirely vicious . 't is easier to discover what goodness there is in the characters of vlysses , and aeneas , since the very essence of the fable requires goodness and virtue : but yet 't is still necessary to know the practice of our poets in the characters they have given them . the fable of the odysseis is all for the conduct of a state , and for policy . therefore the quality it requires is prudence ; but this virtue is of too large an extent for the simplicity which a just and precise character requires ; it is requisite it should be limited . the great art of kings is the mystery of dissimulation . 't is well known that lewis the eleventh for the instruction of his son , reduc'd all the latin language to these words only , viz. qui nescit dissimulare nescit regnare . 't was likewise by this practice that saul began his reign , when he was elected , and then full of the spirit of god. the first thing we read of him in holy writ is . * that he made as if he did not hear the words , which seditious people spoke against him . this then is the character which the greek poet gives his vlysses in the proposition of his poem , he calls him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; to denote this prudent dissimulation , which disguised him so many ways , and put him upon taking so many shapes . without mentioning any thing of circe who stay'd him with her a whole year , and who was famous for the transformations she knew to make with all sorts of persons : the reader finds him at first with calypso , the daughter of wise atlas , who bore up the vast pillars that reach'd from earth to heaven , and whose knowledge penetrated into the depths of the unfathomable ocean : that is to say , who was ignorant of nothing that was either in heaven , earth or sea. and as the first product and principal part of so high , so solid , and so profound a knowledge was to know how to conceal ones self ; this wise man call'd his daughter by a name that signified a † secret. the poet makes his hero , which he design'd for a politician , to stay seven whole years with this nymph . she taught him so well , that afterwards he lost no opportunity of putting her lessons in practice : for he does nothing without a disguise . at his parting from ogyges he is cast upon the isle of phaeaca : as kind as his reception was , yet he stays till the night before he went off , ere he would discover himself . from thence he goes to ithaca . the first adventure that happens to him there was with minerva the most prudent among the deities , as vlysses was the most prudent among men. * she her self says thus much in this very passage . nor did they fail to disguise themselves . menerva takes upon her the shape of a shepherd , and vlysses tells her he was oblig'd to fly from crete , because he had murder'd the son of king idomeneus . the goddess discovers her self first , and commends him for that these artifices were so easie , and so natural to him , as if they had been born with him . afterwards the hero under the form of a beggar deceives first of all eumens , then his son , and last of all his wife , and every body else , till he had found an oppertunity , of punishing his enemies , to whom he discover'd not himself till he kill'd them , that is the last night . after his discovering himself in his palace , he goes the next day to deceive his father , appearing at first under a borrow'd name ; before he would give him joy of his return thus he takes upon him all manner of shapes , and dissembles to the very last . the poet joyns to this character a * valour and a constancy which renders him invincible in the most daring and desperate adventures . the fable of the aeneid is quite different from the two greek ones . the poets design was to introduce among the romans a new sort of government , and a new master . 't was requisite then that this new master should have all the qualities , which the founder of a state ought to have , and all the virtues which make a prince belov'd . dissimulation is a wrong method . we bear but little love to a man we distrust , and those who love vlysses , love him only after they had had a long experience of his goodness , and of the good will his father bore towards them . but the hero of virgil had only new subjects as augustus caesar has , and by the way , i shall here say , that the latin poet was more straitned in this than homer , and that he was like to those painters , who ought to suit their stories to the model of a countenance we have prescrib'd them . aeneas then ought only to give his subjects signs of sincerity and frankness . he could not have the character of achilles . then violences of achilles were entirely opposite to the design of the aeneid ; and the poet has judiciously assign'd them to turnus and mezentius , which he opposes to his hero. he was therefore oblig'd to a character that is opposite to that , as we have often and often said . so that the character of achilles is the inexorable anger of a revengeful , unjust , and valiant prince ; that of vlysses is the wise , and prudent dissimulation of a valiant king , whose constancy nothing could shock . and that of aeneas is a mild , and good natur'd piety , upheld as the two others by a valour and an unshaken courage . chap. x. the character of the other personages . all the persons in a picture do not appear in an equal degree . the principal personage must always appear above all the rest and be view'd at his full length , as far as art and perspective will admit . some others appear almost as much . there are others that are half hid , or which appear more or less , and there are some likewise which serve only to represent a great number of persons , whose extream parts are the only things we can distinguish , and which shew that there is some body there . lastly , some are very near and are seen distinctly , and others are at such a distance as confounds the features , and the very members themselves , and gives them rather the colour of the air than their own proper hue. as for those that are near , a considerable part whereof we see , 't is necessary that they should wear either in their countenance , or their posture the character that is proper to them , and make it appear what interest they have in the action which is represented . as for the rest the less is seen of them , the less is one likewise oblig'd to make them known . the case is just the same in the epopéa . the poet leaves the greatest part of his actors in obscurity , and at a distance , but beside his hero , to whom he has a particular regard , there are likewise several others , whose character must be set off in a greater or less light , according to the interest he makes them have , following in this the rules which we have apply'd to the hero. we will take notice of the differences by what follows . dido is the chief personage which the poet presents us with , and the most considerable in the first part of the aeneid , since 't is she that makes the intrigue or plot thereof . she is the foundress of carthage , as aeneas is the founder of rome , and she represents the obstacle which this republick laid in the way of the roman victories , which were to raise that state to be mistress of the world. so then , as aeneas bore the character of rome , so should dido of carthage . therefore she is passionate , bold , daring , ambitious , violent , perfidious : and all these qualities are carry'd on by a craftiness which is the very soul and character of her . 't is by her craftiness that she succeeded so well in her great undertakings , in revenging her husband , punishing her brother , and deceiving of king iarbas . 't is by these very wiles she would stop aeneas's journey , and being not able to compass that , deceives her very sister who was her only confident . this character is vicious and odious . virgil was oblig'd to it by the very nature of his fable . but in the liberty it has given him , he has taken care according to aristotle's maxim , to give this character all the softness that is proper to his subject ; and to raise it by all the beauties he found it capable of receiving . dido does not make use of the wickedness of her temper , but only to stay aeneas at carthage : she is inclin'd thereto by the violence of a passion that renders this action less odious , and which puts the readers upon lamenting and pitying the torments she endures , and the † death she condemn'd her self to . elsewhere he makes her exercise her craftiness only upon noble , lawful , and glorious occasions . * he gives her qualities truly royal. she is magnificent , courteous , and has a great esteem for virtue . all this is to be observ'd in that obliging way whereby she entertain'd the trojans before ever she had seen aeneas . in the second part of the poem there are a great many more interested persons than in the first . latinus is a very good and pious prince , but old and without sons . this gives the queen an occasion of disobeying his orders , and turnus a desire of being his son-in-law in spite of him , and of forcing the good old man to proclaim war against aeneas , and of making use of his subjects , his arms , and his authority . this default of authority is natural and ordinary among kings that have no heirs . amata pretends to have a kind of right of disposing of her daughter . she is strangely affected for her kinsman turnus . she was so obstinately bent upon having him for her son-in-law , that she had rather die than change her resolution . this obstinacy of the woman put her upon taking all manner of shapes , keeps up her anger and her violence , and is the principal character the poet gives her . the character of turnus is the same with that of † achilles as far as the alteration of the design , and the difference of the fable , would admit . 't is a young man , furious , and passionate for a damsel that a rival would rob him of . * his mind is all upon arms and war without troubling his head whether it be just , or whether the want of justice , and the contrary order of the gods make it criminal and impious . he suffers himself to be transported with anger , the most prevailing of all his passions . this is the first idea our poet gives of him and which he always keeps up very carefully . he is less of a soldier , and more of a general than achilles . but this general in office sometimes forgot himself to act the part of a private soldier . † had it not been for this , he might have put an end to the war the very second day , when breaking into the entrenchments of aeneas , which he besieg'd , his fury made him forget to keep the passage open for his own men , as he might easily have done . so far is it true that anger is his principal character . he was so full of the idea of achilles , and so far master of his spirit , that he brags of being like him . * go , says he to pandarus , when he kill'd him , go tell priam thou hast met with a second achilles here . the poet makes use of these artifices to shew the readers what sort of humour turnus was of . the character of this hero has likewise this injustice of achilles , in that , from his own particular quarrel he raises a general war , renders his anger pernicious to both parties , and more to his own than to that of the enemy , and exposes so many thousand innocents for his single interest . the blackness of this character is shaded , as the vices of achilles , by the lustre of a wonderful courage . this may suffice without speaking of the other personages , one may apply to them whatever we have said here concerning the manners and the character . chap. xi . what the character is . from what has been said we may infer , that in the epick poem the character is not properly any particular vertue or quality , but a composition of several , which are mix'd together in a different degree with the ornaments and beauty 't is capable of observing , the necessity of the fable , and the unity of the action . all the qualities that go toward the making this composition cannot be all of the same class , nor be equal among themselves . because one carrying the hero upon one encounter , and another upon another encounter , the character will seem varied , and the poem as well as the hero will look like a body animated with several souls . 't is requisite then there should be one commanding quality to rule the rest , and be the soul of them , and that this appear throughout . after the same manner as a hero being painted in divers fables ought to be discern'd in all , and to have the same features in his countenance , let his postures and his passions be never so different . this commanding quality in achilles is his anger , in vlysses the art of dissimulation , and in aeneas meekness . each of these may by way of eminence be styl'd the character in these heroes . but these characters cannot be alone . 't is absolutely necessary that some other should give them a lustre and embellish them , as far as they are capable : either by hiding the defects that are therein by some noble and shining qualities , as the poet has done the anger of achilles , by shading it with an extraordinary valour ; or making them entirely of the nature of a true and solid vertue , as is to be observ'd in the two others . the dissimulation of vlysses is a part of his prudence , and the meekness of aeneas is wholly employ'd in submitting the will of this hero to the gods. for the making up this union our poets have joyn'd together such qualities as are by nature the most compatible . valour with anger , piety with goodness , and prudence with dissimulation . this last union was necessary for the goodness of vlysses , for without that his dissimulation might have degenerated into wickedness and knavery . besides , the fable requir'd prudence in vlysses , and piety in aeneas , as we before observ'd . in this the poets were not left to their choice . but homer might have made achilles not valiant . the cowardice of this hero would have abated nothing of the justness of his fable . so that 't is the necessity he lay under of adorning his character , and of not making achilles vicious , where there was no need for it , that oblig'd him to give him the title of valiant . the valour then as well as the prudence , and the piety in the other two poems , which are the secondary qualities we have been speaking of make up the goodness of each hero , and communicate this same goodness to the whole poem . but if on the one hand , this secondary quality is an ornament to the first , on the other it receives such a determination from it , as makes its extent less , but withall more just ; a hero may be endu'd with a peaceful , generous , and roman valour , which is ready to pardon injuries upon submission . such is the valour of aeneas . he may likewise be endued with a cholerick , cruel , brutish , and inexorable valour which never pardons , and had rather its vengeance should fall upon its friends , than spare one single enemy , and this is the valour and character of achilles . but should we consider these two qualities a-part , for to know which of them deserves chiefly to be styl'd the character , we shall presently exclude valour , since 't is neither essential to the fable , nor does achilles make any shew of it , but keeps it without action for above half the poem : nor lastly does the poet sing it . but he sings the anger , and this anger is necessary to the fable , at least it is predominant as much during the absence of achilles , as when he is reunited to the grecians and fights in person . so prudence is not the principal part of the character of vlysses , since the poet does not sing a prudent man , but a man that changes himself into all sorts of forms . we may likewise say , that the meekness of aeneas is his chief quality , thô the word pius which the poet makes use of , signifies equally meekness and piety . to these two qualities must a third be joyned to support them , and carry on the character with greater force . a prince will be to no purpose good and pious , or prudent and dissembling , if he is not valiant and brave : he will meet with many invincible difficulties . without valour aeneas would have been routed by turnus , and vlysses would have fainted under a hundred hardships . valour then is necessary to produce great designs , and to put them in execution . but there is no need to dwell longer on this subject . the consequences thereof are very clear . we conclude then , that the character of the hero in the epick poem , is compounded of three sorts of qualities . those of the first sort are necessary and essential to the fable . that of the second are the ornaments of it . valour which supports both makes the third sort . the first , which is the principal , must be some universal quality , such as should be met with in all sorts of occasions , and encounters , and such as should make the hero known throughout . in the character of the other personages there is likewise some composition , for one single quality can never exactly distinguish one person from others , unless it be determin'd by some other that may render it proper and singular . but 't is not necessary that valour or any other noble inclination , should be admitted into these lesser characters . i see nothing that 's noble or good in thersites , amata , or in that number of dull souls in the odysseis , and without mentioning these last , or drances in whom the poets have not express'd the least valour . the women that are introduced into poems , do manifestly exclude the necessity of this warlike quality . chap. xii . of the vnity of the character in the hero. the exactness of our poets presents us with an vnity in the character , which we cannot pass by without a reflection . it is observ'd in the conduct of the hero in particular , and in that of the whole poem ; and i fansy one might apply to both the first rule of horace , which order that every thing be reduc'd to a simplicity and vnity . it seems indeed , as if the character were as much the life and soul of the hero , and the whole action , as the fable is of the poem , and consequently it seems to require as exact an vnity . we will begin with the hero's character . we have already hinted at this vnity of the character in the personages , when we said that the manners ought to be even or equal . if we would suppose the equality of the manners , and the vnity of the character to be one and the same thing , then in treating of this point under the title of the equality of the manners , i had forgot what i have here added under this head of the vnity of the character . i said there , that the equality consisted in giving no one person such sentiments as were contrary to one another . but i add here , that this is not sufficient for the vnity of the character , and that 't is moreover necessary , that the same spirit appear in all sorts of encounters , whether similar , contrary , or others . thus aeneas for instance , acting with a great deal of piety and mildness in the first part of his poem , which requires no other character , and afterwards making a great shew of an heroical valour in the wars of the second part , but without any appearance either of a hard or a soft disposition , would doubtless be far from offending against what we have laid down about the equality of the manners : but yet there would be no simplicity or vnity in this character . so that besides the qualities , that claim their particular place upon different occasions , there must be one appearing throughout which commands over all the rest . without this we may affirm 't is no character . and this is what would be that poet's fate , that would give his hero the piety of aeneas , and the valour of achilles , without reflecting on the mild temper of the one , or the hard nature of the other . or to speak more properly , this poet could by no means give his hero the qualities of the two other hero's . there is a great deal of difference between a face in general , and the face of aeneas in particular , between a fore-head , a nose , a mouth , and an eye in general , and the fore head , eyes , nose , and mouth of achilles . there is likewise a great deal of difference between valour in general , and the valour of achilles , and between piety in general , and the piety of aeneas . this is evident from the thoughts and the practice of the latin poet. had he taken achilles for a model of valour , and had he thought that homer had carry'd this quality to the highest pitch , it could go , certainly he would have made his aeneas a great deal more like the greek hero , than he has tarnus , since he makes him a great deal more valiant than turnus , and he would never have fail'd giving this idea to his readers , and telling them , that aeneas is another achilles . how comes it to pass that he never does this ? and on the contrary , gives this quality to turnus several times : 't is doubtless because he saw well enough , that 't is by the character one man resembles another , and that valour in general is not the character of achilles : that to be more valiant as aeneas , or less valiant as turnus , 't is not requir'd that one should have more or less of the character of this grecian hero : but that one shall resemble him the more , the more one is endu'd with a cholerick , violent , and unjust valour , as turnus was , and that on the contrary , one shall have a character opposite to that of achilles , tho' one be never so valiant , when one is reasonable , mild , and moderate . one may then make a hero as valiant as achilles , as pious as aeneas , and if one please , as prudent as vlysses . but 't is a meer chimaera to imagine a hero that has the valour of achilles , the piety of aeneas , and the prudence of vlysses at one and the same time . this vision might happen to an author who would suit the character of a hero to whatever each part of the action does naturally require , without regarding the essence of the fable , and the vnity of the character in the same person upon all sorts of occasions . this hero would be the mildest , best natur'd prince in the world , and the most cholerick , hard hearted , and implacable creature imaginable , contrary to horace's prohibition in the case . he would be extreamly tender as aeneas , extreamly violent as achilles , and would have the indifference of vlysses that is uncapable of the two extreams ; 't would be in vain for the poet to call this personage by the same name throughout . the hero of the temple , and the cabinet , would not be the hero of the field . but can there be no moderation nor accommodation made by giving a hero as much valour , prudence , and piety , as an honest man is capable of , and by retrenching from each of these qualities , whatever it has defective , and contrary to the two others ? to judge how far this practice is allowable , we need only reflect on the effects it would produce in several poems , whose authors were of the mind that the chief character of any hero , is that of an honest man. they would be alike in all these pieces , we should see them all valiant in battel , prudent in counsel , pious in the acts of religion , courteous , civil , magnificent , and lastly , endu'd with all the prodigious vertues , the best poet could invent . all this would be independant from the action , and the subject of the poem . and upon seeing each hero separated from the rest of the work , we should not easily guess to what action , and to what poem the hero does belong . so that we should see that none of these would have a character , since the character is that which makes a person discernable , and which distinguishes it from all others . nor would this false resemblance be only among the hero's , but likewise among the other personages , which one were willing to represent as honest men. they would not differ from the hero himself , but as plus and minus . he would be a more honest , more valiant , and more prudent man , &c. homer and virgil , furnish us with quite different examples . achilles , vlysses , and aeneas have nothing in common , and differ as much among themselves as the three poems , and the three actions , of which they are the hero's . they have each of them a character which admirably distinguishes them from others , and whose vnity and simplicity is so exact , and so uniform , as to make them appear the same upon all occasions . homer has so prepar'd his fables , that 't was easie for him to preserve this vnity in the principal parts . virgil has done the contrary . his first part is like the action of the odysseis , whose character is coolness , disimulation , and prudence . the second is like the iliad , full of the horrors of war , which naturally draw along with them anger and cruelty , and yet he has made mildness and the softest passions predominant in both parts . aeneas is as meek and pious when he kills lausus in the heat of battel , as he is in the sports and the peaceable and religious combats , which he celebrated in honour of his father anchiser . he is as modest when his vanquish'd enemies fell at his feet to implore his pardon , as when being himself toss'd about by a storm , and cast upon a strange countrey , he was forc'd to implore the favour of dido . chap. xiii . the unity of the character in the poem . if the vnity of the character seems hard to be made in the person of aeneas , because this hero is in so many different encounters , which naturally require opposite characters ; this difficulty is still greater in the series of the whole poem , since beside this variety of actions , the poet introduces personages whose humours are contrary to that of the hero. dido is violent and passionate , turnus , amata , and mezentius , who are the secondary hero's , and who do all that is done on their side , are as opposite to aeneas in their characters as in their interests . and yet to maintain the vnity of the character in the poem , 't is requisite , that these opposite characters should centre in the character of the hero , and so submit thereto , that it alone should be predominant in both the parties , as the author of the iliad makes anger to be the commanding passion as well in the city of troy , as in the grecian camp. all poets have not been so circumspect . we see claudian's genius is not rais'd to this justness and accurateness , nor has he made so exact proportions . the furious and terrible character of pluto and the furies , and all the horror of hell it self is presently metamorphos'd into the character and the pleasure of the graces , the goddesses , the gilt palaces , and the flowery meads . all this joy does again give way to the sorrows , and complaints of a mother for the loss of a daughter . this author has no idea of his whole work. when he composes one part of it , he never thinks on any thing else . he has begun with the infernal deities , and in all this beginning , one can see nothing but the furies they are capable of . afterwards he speaks of the visit which venus , diana , and minerva make to young proserpine , and this is wholly taken up with joys and pleasures . lastly , he describes the fear and sorrow of ceres , and then he thinks on no other passion , and he suits himself so well to each thing he treats on , independantly from the rest of the poem , that in his three books he has as many different , principal , and reigning characters as there are in the threescore books of our three poems . there we see anger , dissimulation , and meekness reigning each of them apart and singly in the iliad , in the odysseis , and in the aeneid . and in the three books of the rape of proserpine , we meet with terror , joy , and sadness . this is an instance of an error that corrupts the vnity of the character in the poem . the practice of our poets is quite otherwise . they alter not the soul when they form different members to the same body . they know that the eye , which is the most delicate part , and the hand , which is the most laborious and hardy , have yet the same spirit in the same person . so that they mind less the particular incidents of their action , and the humour of each personage , than they do the general character of the fable . for this purpose , virgil lays no constraint upon the character of the hero which ought to be predominant throughout . he gives it a full and entire liberty , and on the contrary , he moderates the rest , and claps a print upon them to hold them in , either by some passion or by some dependance , the persons that have them , are in to some body else . aeneas is absolute master of his actions , he has none that he is oblig'd to accommodate himself to upon what occasion soever . nor is this peculiar to the latin poet ; he imitates therein the greek poet , whose vlysses is as independant as aeneas . achilles has a general over him , but this general is only as the chief among equal princes . achilles then is not his subject , and take him from the seige of troy , he has no orders to receive from him . besides , expecting no favour or good will from him , and being cholerick and unjust , he has no obedience to pay him , nor measures to take to please him , and he thinks he has sufficient grounds to withdraw his obedience from him . nay , when he is reconcil'd to him , and enters again upon his duty , yet he receives no orders from him ; on the contrary , without consulting with this general , or any other of the confederate princes , he on his own head makes a truce with his enemies in behalf of them all . 't is therefore a great artifice in homer , when he makes achilles the most valiant of the confederates , but withall unjust , and without interest , and on the contrary , makes agamemnon the general , very much interested for the honour of his brother menelaus and his own . this is what respects the hero. as for the other personages , homer has made the vnity of the character easie , by giving violence and anger to the greatest part of the commanders on both sides . the latin poet is harder put to it , because he has made the enemies of his hero to have humours that are contrary to that of his hero , but withal , he has annexed to them such passions and dependances that are no small advantage to his vnity . turnus has in truth no dependance on king latinus , either as his subject or his ally . this old prince is neither his king , nor his general . he depends upon him after another way , as the courtier of lavinia his daughter and sole heiress . for under this pretention he dares not disoblige a prince , that owes him nothing , and from whom he would obtain so much . he is therefore oblig'd in many respects to submit to him , and to take such measures as take off much of his fierceness and passion . besides this , he sees the victories of his rival , to whom he is oblig'd to yield the glory of arms in the judgment of latinus and amata her self ; he sees the ill success of all his designs , the death of those he put most confidence in , mezentius , camilla , &c. he sees the latins decrease , and hears the reproaches they cast upon him . all this must needs cause strange impressions on the mind of this latin achilles ; and hinder him from carrying on his character so far as the grecian did his . mezentius has a less part in the poem than turnus . but he is too considerable to admit of his furious and cruel character in all its force . the poet makes this prophane person much in love with his son , as he was a despiser of the gods. he so luckily makes use of this natural passion , that it renders his tenderness conspicuous , and makes the character of aeneas conqueror over the fury of this barbarian . his design in renewing the battel was only to rejoin his son. * the violence of his paternal love forces him to beseech aeneas to favour him so far , as to let him be buried in the same grave with his son , and he dies full of the tender and sad idea he had of his dear lausus . this same artifice does likewise change the violences of dido into a more moderate character by these two ways . the first is , the inability wherein the queen is plac'd , * what , can't i , says she , tear his body in pieces , and scatter his mangled limbs in the sea ? o! that i could but cut the throats of his comrades , butcher his dear ascanius , and serve him up in a banquet to his father , &c. these are the wildest excesses of a most violent and terrible fury . but she is in such circumstances , that the reader is not afraid any ill effects will follow . he is not concern'd for aeneas , and ascanius , since they are no longer within her reach , and he only pities this poor princess , from whose mouth her misfortunes had forc'd this language . * the other method , is the love of this same queen which in the midst of her rage and fury tames her , and forces her to melt into tears , and to abandon her self to the tenderness of her passions . another method virgil makes use of , is to interrupt the fights by calm and tender episodes , which make the character of the hero still predominant . thus the assault made upon the camp of aeneas , and the fury of turnus , is moderated by the episode of remulus which is diverting : by that of the ships chang'd into nymphs which is admirable , and by that of nisus and euryalus which is soft and moving — we may reduce all that has been said of the vnity of the character to these few heads . the first and the foundation of all the rest , is to give the hero a precise and sensible character , which may appear in all sorts of encounters . secondly , this hero must be independent , and left at full liberty to carry on his character and humour in all the force and extent it is capable of . thirdly , the poet may bestow this very character on the other personages that are most apparent and active , whether they be on the hero's side , or on the contrary party , or whether they be divine persons . this is the practice of homer in his iliad . fourthly , when there is given to these other personages some character or other that is opposite to that of the hero , it must not be carry'd on in all its force . and as this moderation cannot proceed naturally from persons themselves , it is produc'd either by some passion , or by some dependance , as we have seen in dido , mezentius and turnus . the fifth way , is to interrupt the particular actions which of themselves require an opposite character by such episodes as are suitable to the general character . thus the death of lausus causes pity and tenderness to bear sway amidst the furies of war , and has the same effects which the episode of nisus and euryalus has . to these five ways we might likewise join the thoughts , figures , and expressions of which we shall speak in the last book of this treatise . chap. xiv . of the justness of the character . this is a point of the greatest difficulty as well as importance , as well to those that compose , as to those that read and criticize . it depends not only on the art , but likewise on the goodness and justness of the genius , and on a profound insight into all morality . with great reason then does * horace carry the necessity of this doctrine so high , and teach us that the principle and source of all that is good in a poem , is this wisdom which socrates made profession of , that is the knowledge , and the practice of moral philosophy . this teaches us what is vertue , and what is vice , and informs us that there are some qualities which in their own nature , being neither vertues , nor vices , may be indifferently joyn'd to either one or the other of them , and be met with in bad , as well as good men . the first thing we are to study , is the nature of each character and habit wherein it precisely consists . what good or evil it is capable of , and how far it may rise or fall without degenerating from its nature , and without being confounded with any other habit that may perhaps bear some relation thereto . wherein for example consists a solid piety without preciseness , grimace , and libertinism ; and without a certain turbulency of spirit , that is dangerous and of an ill consequence : how far one may extend ones liberality , without being prodigal : and how a man should manage his expences , without being either too liberal or too sparing . to this we likewise refer the knowledge we ought to have of the habits or qualities in general , such as they say are abstracted and separated from the particular subjects , as also of the qualities , that are particulariz'd by the subjects wherein they are , for we should rightly distinguish valour in general from the valour of achilles , and not confound that with the valour of aeneas . what we say here , is not with a design to exclude out of a poem , whatever morality condemns . a poet should never set bad examples , but there 's a great deal of difference between a bad example , and the example of a bad action or a bad person . the lacedaemonians never intended to propose bad examples to their children , when , to deter them from drunkenness , they expos'd to their view , slaves that they had made down-right drunk . it is therefore lawful for the poet to make use of achilles's and mezentius's , as well as vlysses's and aeneas's . he may represent prodigality and avarice , as well as liberality and the wise oeconomy of a good husband , and an honest trades-man . but whatever he designs , whether for vertue , vice , or any indifferent quality , he must at least be sensible of what he does , not only because 't would be a disgrace for him to be ignorant in the case , but because this knowledge puts him upon acting with a great deal more exactness . 't is so important , that without these notices , he is in danger too often of setting very bad examples , and of offending against that which is essential to every art , which is to be profitable , and in particular against the nature of the fable and the epopéa , whose only design is to lay down instructions of vertue . if then a poet knows not what a solid and true piety is , and how far it may extend without excess , he will introduce a personage that will pass for a very good man , he will give him such vertues and qualities as are dazling and lovely , he will create for him the good will and esteem of all his auditors , and after he has arm'd him with so dangerous an authority , he will put him upon venting gravely and in quaint expressions , such maxims as are false , but fair and plausible in all outward appearance , and with a turn that shall bewitch mens minds . thus aeneas would have been a very bad example , if being represented so prudent and honest a man , he should prefer the endearments and love of dido before the orders of jupiter : or if being persecuted by juno , he had slighted this goddess as if 't were allowable to be less submissive to god under the crosses that befall us , than when every thing happens as we would have it . or lastly if this same hero relying on the credit of the oracles , which could not deceive him , had spared himself the travels and dangers he unwent , as if the favours and promises of god who loves us , should make us more lazy and negligent . virgil commits none of these faults . his conduct teaches us , that the promises of god , tho' infallible , should yet serve only to put us upon endeavouring more ardently and faithfully to merit the effects of them . and in this opposition which he sets between juno and aeneas , he likewise gives us this admirable lesson : that when god seems to declare himself against us , we should only contend against him with our prayers , our vows , our oblations , our submission , and that these are the only weapons by which he suffers himself to be conquer'd . but the poet does not set any bad example , when he shews in mezentius sentiments , that are contrary to these maxims . we are neither surpriz'd , nor offended that this man , whom we know for an impious person , seeing his affairs succeed so ill , should contemn the gods , acknowledge no other but his own arm and javelin , prefer his son lausus to all the gods , which others ador'd , and make an idol of him who is both the object of his vows , and the trophee he would adorn with the spoils of the vanquish'd aeneas . no body would live according to these maxims , but such as would be deliberately impious , barbarous , and an odium to the rest of mankind , to cure this strange distemper of the mind , the poet presents us with the miserable end of this atheist , whom the death of lausus disheartens and oppresses with very sensible pains , raising in him a sense of all the miseries to which he was reduc'd , which his brutality and the hopes he had of being re-establish'd , would not let him see till then . besides these vices and vertues , one is in danger of offending in the wrong use of some middle quality , and the danger will be greater , and the error more considerable , if this quality make a great shew and noise , such as valour in war. that of achilles is vicious , and yet it so dazled the eyes of young alexander , that that to partake of that false glory which he admires in this hero , he has committed in cold blood a more unworthy brutality , than that to which the anger and revenge of achilles carry'd him , when he drags the body of hector round troy , hector was dead , and * alexander drags the live governor of a town he had won . and likewise , without minding what is good and vicious in valour , one may be deceiv'd in not rightly distinguishing what is solid in it , from what is only glazing . the age in which we begin to judge of these characters , commonly casts us into this error , and into that we mention'd before : youth always fastens upon the very first appearances , and never penetrates as far as to the solidity of a thing , and when we are once preposess'd , 't is a hundred to one , that we ever get perfectly free from our prejudices . one must be very fortunate , or have a clear intellect and exact judgment , and more than that , a curiosity and desire to be acquainted with that which perhaps one does not judge important enough to deserve a long and serious study . very often likewise the customs of the countrey , and education , produce these bad effects upon the mind , and entertain them in this ignorance , and in such judgments as are very disadvantageous to vertue . if we see duels fought upon every slight offence , we shall imagine that a man has no valour , if he puts up an affront without fighting , and he will meet with too many of his friends who will prompt him to this sort of revenge as criminal as it is . this is what a person would never do , who , according to the precepts of * horace , had learnt the duty of a faithful friend and a good subject . and a poet would never put this maxim into the practice , or mouth of a personage , he has a mind to represent as a man of honour . but to return to what we were saying about the distinction that ought to be made between the lustre and the solidity of valour ; we will make this one remark , that seems to me very important : 't is this , that these two things are oft times opposite in the essence of the character . violent and transporting characters give a great deal more lustre to the actions they animate , and to the persons that have them ; and on the contrary , the most mild and moderate , are often without any lustre and glory , yet these last are a great deal more proper to vertue . perhaps i insist too much on this subject , but 't is of some moment both in general , and in the instance i propos'd just now of a warlike valour , since this quality is most usual in all epopéas , and the most capable of dazling both the poets and the readers . i will therefore explain this instance by the valour that is in the aeneid . how many are there , that put a higher value on the warlike vertues of achilles , and i will add even on those of turnus , than on those of aeneas ? yet achilles is but a souldier , and aeneas a commander . how then comes it to pass that they judge thus ? unless 't is because they take the noise , the show , and the transports of a furious man for true valour . if after the same manner we compare turnus with aeneas , the pious hero will doubtless seem inferior to his rival . but whoever will sit down here , and will take the consequences and the ordinary attendance of a quality for the quality it self , he will fall into the same impertinence as numanus , who in reproach to the trojans , says , they deserve not the name of souldiers , and that they had no more courage than women , because their way of dress is gaudy and delicate . this is doubtless for want of being well acquainted with the vertues of war , and what the exact character of a valiant man is . valour is the finest ornament of the character of turnus , and one might add , that 't is all the goodness that is in it ; and this quality in aeneas gives place to several others and principally to his piety . therefore piety is the thing that should be conspicuous in aeneas , his valour should appear much less , and on the other hand valour should be very illustrious and very shining in the person of turnus : so that he should be as much in love with war , as aeneas is in love with , and desirous of peace . whatever turnus does in the battels , or in preparing for them , is usually done with design , with pleasure , and with discourses that are magnificent , very pompous , and cogent . aeneas commonly acts without noise and affectation , he speaks little , and if he falls into a passion , 't is not so much to fight , as because he is forc'd to fight and defend himself ; 't is not so much to conquer , as to put an end to the war. but if the lustre and the dazling show make the valour of turnus more conspicuous than that of aeneas , yet the actions shew that in truth and reality , the valour of aeneas is infinitely superiour to that of turnus . we need only consider them without this lustre , and without this outward appearance , which a bold bragadocio and a rash young man may have as well as the truest bravo . turnus , during the absence of aeneas , assaults his camp , being design'd , prepar'd and arm'd with malice , and in three or four days he could not force it . he breaks in by a passage his bravery had opened for him , he is constrain'd to break out again , and at last , after an engagement of two days , he is routed and vanquish'd by aeneas with a bloody slaughter . aeneas on the other hand in the sight of turnus , and in view of an army of enemies , assaults an ancient town well built , and well fortified , and in a few hours becomes master of its rampants and towers . he is not forc'd thence by his enemies , * but he comes down to make an end of the war by the death of turnus , whom he forces to a battel . pallas is conquer'd and kill'd by turnus , and lausus by aeneas . these young princes were equal in valour , but there is a great deal of difference between the bravery of their conquerors . turnus seeks this battle ; * he makes his boasts and brags of it , and insults over this young enemy , who never fought a battle before . he wishes evander were present , he would butcher the son before his father's face . this is the valour of another achilles . † aeneas is far from engaging with lausus after this manner , who exposes himself for his father's sake . he on the contrary would save his life , he drives him off , threatens him , and becomes terrible and furious only , because he was forc'd to kill him . this is an anger worthy of aeneas , and the exact character of an hero more valiant than turnus , but withal more pious than valiant . the extream danger wherein he was , being assaulted not only by lausus , but by a great many others at the same time , does not yet hinder him from taking notice of that affection which this enemy ( who design'd his death ) had for his father . certainly it must needs argue greater valour and bravery to spare an enemy at such a time , than turnus ever made appear in any of his actions . aeneas and turnus do the same action of generosity in returning the bodies of these two princes . but turnus with his usual noise and show insults over pallas and evander , and seems as if he sent back the body of the son to his unfortunate father , only to increase his sorrow . * i send him back his pallas ( says he ) just such a one as he deserves to see him . this is a very cruel generosity , and very becoming an achilles . that of aeneas is all vertuous all sincere . turnus insults o'er pallas , sets his foot upon him , strips him of part of his armour , and decks himself with it : * aeneas laments the death of lausus , makes his elegy , lifts him from the ground himself ; takes him between his arms , and reprimands the tyrrhens for being so backward in carrying off their prince . you may see then how in the distribution of the valour , virgil gives aeneas and turnus , he allows the last all that this quality has of beauty and splendor in appearance : and how in giving to aeneas that which was without all dispute greater and more real , he is satisfied with the solid part of it , and makes what is glaring and dazling in it to give place to the sweet temper and the piety of his hero. because piety makes up the goodness of aeneas's character , as valour makes up all that turnus has of good in his character . but whatever we discommend here in the character of this last hero , yet 't is only an evil in morality , which does not make it the less good in a poetical sense . these reflections are not designed to banish it out of poems , but so to distinguish vertue from vice , that a poet may know what he does , when he gives his personage the one or the other ; and that a reader may judge of it without being mistaken . that he confound not what a quality ( such as valour for instance ) has of glaring , with what it has of solidity . that he suffer not himself to be dazled with the formalities of turnus , as if aeneas were not in truth a great deal more valiant than he : and that he imagine not that any man of honour is capable of the generosity , and the war-like vertues which virgil bestows upon turnus , and homer upon his achilles . nor is it at all necessary to carry the character of an exact and vertuous hero , as far as virgil has done that of aeneas . the endeavours he uses to avoid killing lausus , the sorrow he shews for it , the praises he bestows upon him , and the rest that we have taken notice of , exceeds the character of a simple generosity , and is the effect of that piety , which is predominant in aeneas , and in the whole poem . and it may be so contriv'd that these things , thus carried on , would not only , not be a perfection in a man of honour of another poem , but also spoil the justness of the character . so great a difference is there between generosity in general , the generosity of aeneas , and the generosity of every other particular person . chap. xv. of false characters . i call those true characters which we truly and really see in men , or which may be in them without any difficulty . no one questions but there have been men , as generous and as good as aeneas , as passionate and violent as achilles , as prudent and wise as vlysses , as impious and atheistical as mezentius , as passionate as dido and amata , &c. so that all these characters are true . poets may regularly make use of them . and when they do , these are not simple and imaginary fictions , but just imitations of such things as really are or may be . on the contrary , i affirm that a character is false , when an author so feigns it , that one can see nothing like it in the order of nature , wherein he designs it shall stand . these characters should be wholly excluded from a poem , because , transgressing all the bounds both of reason and probability , they meet with no belief from the readers . they are by so much the more offensive to them , by how much the poet seems to slight them , and to take them for silly persons on whom he may impose what he pleases . the desire of amplifying , and making every thing that 's said , look great , and marvellous , casts young poets into this error , and all others who are not indued with a justness of mind , and are not rightly informed . the enthusiastick genius of statius will afford us some instances of this bad conduct . he would bestow the character of achilles upon tydeus , and inspire him with his passions , and his anger sustained by his valour . * but is such an excessive anger tolerable which puts him upon eating the head of his enemy ? upon drinking the blood that gush'd from him ? upon devouring his very brains ? which represents him with his face horribly besmeared with this blood and brains , so that his friends could neither pluck this rage from his heart , nor this head from between his hands and teeth . he did not think he should make him valiant enough , if he let him loose to five or six men only . he must needs make him kill fifty of them . this excess is so much the more ridiculous , since we know that it cost the poet nothing . a water poet or a raw scholar might as easily say , that his hero kill'd a thousand men , as that he conquered two or three of them . there is neither art nor invention in this , but an ill governed fancy and a perfect ignorance of the justness of his character . this poet has done the same in the character he has given to capaneus , he makes him valiant and impious . and perhaps he had a mind to imitate mezentius , as he has imitated other passages , of the aenied . but instead of making such a man as he ought he has made only a chimera . indeed he was not oblig'd to make the violences of this personage to change into mildness and tenderness , as virgil has done that of mezentius , for the reasons above mentioned : but what need had he to make him insult o'er the gods more like a mad-man than an atheist ? this hero dies on the wall of thebes , which he was besieging . he was nigh making the whole town tremble . * his shadow only put them all into a constrnation . he was so far from being touched with vanity at so surprizing a success , that he thinks this victory beneath him , and is ashamed of such a pitiful thing . † these towers which amphion built are too low , he takes it ill that the fictions of fable should ever dare to publish that those fortifications were the work of a harper . for where 's the difficulty to raise the ramparts that were raised by a harp ? in truth there was neither need of swords nor machines . his hands and his feet are enough to destroy those walls and those towers , to break down bridges . after he had thus demolished these fortifications with his feet and hands , he takes the ruines and hurles them at the city , and beats down the houses and churches with them . this is what he does against men. he does not indeed do so much mischief to the gods , but he frights them almost as much , and defies them to do him any harm . * what , says he to them , is there none of the gods dare defend thebes against me ? where art thou bacchus ? or thou hercules ? the dastardly off-spring of this infamous city ? but i am ashamed , continues he , to defie the lesser deities : jupiter do thou come , for who else is more worthy to cope with me ? see the the tomb , see the ashes of thy dear semele . come , and defend them , and forget not to bring any thing that may assist thee . † heaven presently is in arms against this simple man , and seems to be all on fire . capaneus sees all this without being mov'd , and was so far from abating any thing of his fierceness , his threats , and the hopes he had of taking the city , spite of all the gods , which declar'd war against him , that he was for snatching the weapons from heaven it self , and casting its fires to burn the city . if statius had not imagin'd these extravagancies , one could never have believed they should enter into the mind of any author . the gods of this poet do not take these for extravagancies . * they are really affraid of them , and dread this man alone more than all mankind together . they betake themselves to jupiter . apollo groans , bacchus bemoans himself . hercules much affrighted , with a bow in his hand , knows not on what to resolve . venus is all in tears . to conclude , the calamity is universal , and to the disgrace of jupiter , ( before whom they seem to prefer capaneus ) the admiration they conceived for this great hero and struck them dumb , and made them fear this sovereign of the gods had not a shaft sufficient to conquer this single man. the poet himself gives us to understand , that their fear was not altogether groundless . for after jupiter had shot his thunder against him , with all his force , and had shatter'd to dust the armour capaneus wore , this bravo had still power left him to stand upon his feet so long , that jupiter thought he must shoot another bolt at him . one would fansie the fear is now over : but so great a poet is not contented with so little . cataneus during his life made only the thebans tremble and fly ; and now at his death , when he was destroyed by thunder , he fills his own men with consternation , and puts both parties to flight , because they knew not on which side he would fall , nor whose troops he would crush into pieces thereby . this is an instance of these false characters , wherein men fall for want of judgment and knowledge . an author by these great amplifications thinks he shall be a great poet. but he even degrades himself from the very name of poet ; since these fictions being of such things as cannot be in nature are no imitations . and yet all poesie is essentially an imitation . the remedy for this is to believe * horace herein , and to be perfectly instructed in morality . 't is to know that all things have their limitations : 't is to know these limitations , and to keep within them : 't is lastly to be convinc'd , that those that transgress these bounds , as in the examples we have been proposing , in propriety of speech make neither characters nor personages but meer chimeras , which were never any where but in the imaginary species of these authors brains . the end of the fourth book . monsieur bossu's treatise of the epick poem . book v. concerning the machines . chap. i. of the several sorts of deities . in the former book concerning the manners , we discoursed concerning the terrestrial , and mortal persons , and in this , under the name of machines , we shall treat concerning the divine and immortal persons : so that this will be nothing else but a consequence of what has been said about the manners and the persons ; since the gods as well as men are actors in the epopéa . we shew'd the necessity of this in our first . * book , where we likewise took notice that all these divine personages are allegorical . we observed that there are three sorts of them . some are theological , and were invented to explain the nature of god : others are physical , and they represent natural things : the last are moral , and they are the representations of vertues and vices . these three sorts of divinities or allegories , are sometimes to be met with in one and the same person . now for instances of each , and first we will begin with the theological . in the convention of the gods , by which virgil opens his tenth book , jupiter , juno , venus , and ( we might add ) fate , are personages of the first sort ; that is , such as represent the divine nature divided into four persons , as into so many attributes . * jupiter is the power of god , fate is his absolute will. to which his very power submits ; because god never acts contrary to his will. † fate therefore determines jupiter , who of himself is indifferent , and might as well act in behalf of turnus , as in favour of aeneas and his party . venus is the divine mercy , and that love which god bears towards vertuous men ; by which he is induced , never to forget them in the miseries they endure upon earth , but to help them out of 'em , and finally to reward them . lastly , juno is his justice : this punishes even the least offences ; spares not even the very best of men , who not being wholly innocent , are punished severely for their defaults in this life , where the justice and the temporal wrath of god is often declar'd against them , and so persecutes them , that there might be nothing left in them but what was vertuous , meritorious , and matter of reward . this reward is reserved for them in heaven , where this vindictive justice has nothing to do , and from whence it cannot exclude them , as * jupiter tells juno , when he mention'd aeneas . the poet suits himself to our gross way of conceiving divine things ; and to the infirmity of our minds , which makes us look upon these qualities in god as opposite to one another . * mercy upbraids justice of its severity , that it is never satisfied let good men suffer never so much , and that it never allows them any repose here on earth : whilst justice on the other hand , accuses goodness and mercy of its being the cause of all the sins that are committed , because it shelters criminals , and puts them in hopes of going off unpunished . the deities of the second sort , that are purely physical , are employ'd in the first book in raising the storm against aeneas . aeolus is the power of nature , which gathers together about hills and in their caverns , the vapours and exhalations , whence winds are form'd : and having digested these matters to a certain degree of heat and dryness , puts them upon those motions and agitations which we call the winds . 't is thus that aeolus is their master . these vapours and exhalations arise in the air , which is represented by juno : 't is therefore to this goddess that the god of the winds is beholden for his heavenly chear . there 's no need of taking notice what is meant by the persons of eurus and zephyrus , nor that of neptune , who speaks to them . we have one instance of the moral deities in the engagement of turnus with aeneas . the furies which jupiter sends against turnus , are nothing else but the reproaches of his conscience , which shew him his crimes and impiety : king latinus foretold him of this at the very beginning of the war , giving him to understand , that if he was so insolent as to despise the gods , when 't was at his choice not to oppose their orders , he would at last be oblig'd , when too late , to one that he had offended , and they were powerful . the roman orator plainly confirms the truth of this interpretation . * never think ( says he in his speech before the senate against piso ) never think , gentlemen , that thé gods send the furies with their burning torches to frighten criminals , as poets upon the theatre represent them . no : the injustice , the villainy , and the crimes of each miscreant , are his tormenters . these are the furies , the fires , and the flames , that make them faint away , and fill them with such horrour and amazement . 't is thus that turnus is represented in his last battle . † statius has likewise in few words very well expressed the nature of these dismal deities : which are no where but within our own breasts , there tormenting us by the view of the crimes we have committed . there are two things observable in the practice of virgil that confirm this doctrine . the first is , that these furies are never sent but against such as merit them : they are the only persons that are terrified by them . the second thing is , that those to whom they are sent , must necessarily own there is such a being as a god , that takes vengeance upon the criminal : for atheists , that acknowledge no god , are not liable to the checks of conscience ; nor are they used to be troubled at the offences they commit against the deity ; nor can they be supposed to be daunted with the apprehension of another life . so that the furies have nothing to do with them . this is the reason why the poet employs none against mezentius , although much more criminal than turnus . chap. ii. of the manners of the gods. homer and the ancient poets have bestowed upon their gods the manners , the passions , and the vices of men ; and some are bold to add , that they have given them such manners as turn them into meer swine . but if we would interpret what they have said about them , according to the division i have proposed , and by the allegories that are necessarily to be understood of them , we shall see that these reproaches have often more of shew than solidity in them . t is true , the learned men of antiquity have went upon wrong grounds in a thing of the highest importance , when their writings have been such , that ordinary capacities or men of a shallow reach , that is almost all men , have not been able to break the shell , and look through the veil , with which they have covered the truth ; and they have been miserably abused in taking the shadow for the substance , and deformed and dangerous figures for necessary and solid truths . whether it proceeded from pride , envy , error , or a bad conduct , 't is doubtless a great fault , and such as we can by no means excuse . but in our design , we may omit , and pass over such interpretations as a poet is not obliged to give in his verses , and we may only consider the poems , as works and instructions that should be all allegorical . in this sense , 't is much easier to defend than accuse homer ; and more just to praise than blame him . one can find no fault with him for having made mention of many gods , nor for his bestowing passions on them , as we hinted in speaking of juno and venus . he might likewise bring them in fighting against men. for have we not examples of these expressions and figures in sacred writ , and the true religion ? and if 't is sometimes allowable to speak thus of the gods in theology , there is a great deal more reason for doing so in the fictions of natural and moral philosophy . when in these two sorts of learning we describe the nature of things ; 't is as easie to describe their defects , as the contrary . it would argue a man's being a novice in poetry , and that he understood but little of the way of expression is this sort of writing , did he imagine , when he sees the name of a god or goddess , that he must needs meet with nothing , but what is fine , good , and commendable in these personages . as if virgil could not have said of fame , that she is a very foul-mouth'd goddess ; nor of sleep , that this god was ill-natur'd , when he deceiv'd good palinurus , and tumbled him over-board . 't is no more a solecism to speak thus in verse , than 't is to say in prose , that fame publishes very shameful things ; and that palinurus was asleep and fell over-board . 't is true we meet with more offensive passages , such as the adultery of venus and mars in the odysseïs . but beside , the physical and moral allegories , which may in some sort excuse these too bold figures , to say no worse of them ; and besides , that we meet with something very like it , written in the simplicity of these ancient times by authors , which we cannot condemn , i add further , that though there were no allegory , yet homer is not less excusable . and to make this out , 't is to be consider'd , that 't is neither the poet , nor his hero , nor any other person of probity that makes this recital : but the phaeacans , a soft , effeminate people , sing it amidst their festival . now 't is always allowable in a poem , and in other grave and moral writings , to introduce . vicious persons , who despise the gods , profane sacred things , and seek in that which is most holy for excuses and examples to countenance their disorders . homer then by the example of these idle people , who could do nothing but sing , dance , eat and drink , gives us this lesson , that these soft and lazy exercises are the source of all vicious pleasures ; and that the persons , who live thus are usually pleased to hear these shameful tales , and to make the gods themselves partners in their goatishness . horace learned this maxim by these words of homer , as well as by the disorders of his times ; when he says , that a girl that learns to dance betimes , learns betimes likewise to play the whore. so likewise , we may suppose that horace says of this place of the odysseïs , as much as of any other , that this poem is an excellent piece of philosophy , whereby we may learn to be men of vertue and probity , and to avoid all that is base and vicious . from whence we may conclude , that the recital of homer we are speaking of , is not so much a pernicious example of adultery and impiety , as 't is a very useful lesson , which he gives to those that would live well ; namely , that if they would not be guilty of these crimes , they must fly the arts and methods that lead thither . but in short , a poet had need be very cautious of medling with such dangerous incidents as these are , if he would not do more hurt than good by his poems . he should study the wants , the interest , the humour of his auditors , and the effects which such subjects may have upon their minds . and to speak truth , we live no longer in an age wherein simplicity might render such a subject tolerable among honest men : and wherein one might propose it without corrupting the better part of the audience , and without countenancing that corruption and vice which the rest are but too much inclined to . so that how judicious or excuseable soever homer has been in this invention ; yet a poet now-a-days would be neither judicious nor excusable , if he should venture to imitate him therein . it is good to teach what he taught : but 't is very bad teaching it his way . however things are , yet this is a particular case , which should not hinder us from concluding , that vertue and goodness do no more belong to the manners and character of the poetical gods , than to the manners and character of men. if a poet speaks of the gods in natural philosophy , he will give them such manners , speeches and actions , as are conformable to the nature of the things they would represent under these divine persons . he will say , that the god of sleep is good , bad , true , a cheat , &c. because we have pleasant dreams , and we have offensive ones , sometimes they instruct us , sometimes deceive us , very often are vain , &c. the case is the same in moral deities . minerva is wise because she represents prudence . venus is both good and bad , because the passion we enjoy under her name is capable of these two opposite qualities . theology likewise has its variety . the most sound part of it should say nothing of the gods but what is good : * but it may likewise attribute several passions to them , such as anger , revenge , sorrow , &c. not that they have any such in reality , but only in condescension and after the language of men they are said to have such , as we hinted before in speaking of virgil's juno and venus . but there are several sects , and a poet should take care who those are that he brings in speaking . for an epicurean , for instance , cannot give any passion to the gods. his theology teaches him that they enjoy a perfect repose , and do not so much as concern themselves with any of the affairs of mankind . we might likewise add that the passions and the vices of each person form to him his particular theology . the debauch'd pagans thought the gods could not be happy without enjoying the pleasures of sense . and they charg'd upon them their lasciviousness , as we before observ'd in the example of the phaeacans . there are others who think there is no god at all : or at least would perswade themselves that he does not regard us . virgil has given us an instance of this deplorable change in the person of dido . this princess at first entertains aeneas with vows and prayers which she puts up to the gods with a sincere piety . because then she was innocent and at quiet . she begins to love aeneas contrary to the vow she had made to the manes of her first husband ; which to her was a kind of deity . she begins at the same time to suppose that these * manes are no longer concerned about her , and lay no obligation upon her to keep her vow . last of all , being more corrupted , she becomes guilty of impiety against the gods : and seeing that aeneas was about to leave her by their order , she would perswade him , that they are ignorant of what is done here on earth . not that she was really and absolutely perswaded of so impious a maxim : the poet was too judicious to make so great and so strange an alteration in the manners of this queen , in so short a time . 't is her passion that makes her speak thus . but still 't is true to affirm that these words are not absolutely jargon in her mouth , but have some foundation in her heart . this therefore is a beginning of impiety , which naturally happens to those , whose vices and passions are violent , and which at last leads them into downright atheism . atheists speak neither well nor ill of the gods. they despise this belief , and laugh at those who adore and worship them . such a one is virgil's mezentius . all that we have said here concerning the manners of the gods , ought to be applied to that which we have said concerning the morals or manners of men. the manners of the gods are capable of the four qualifications which we have given to the others . they may be poetically good , since they may appear in the speeches and actions of the divine persons we introduce . they will be suitable , if we give to these persons such manners , as the nature of the things we represent require : and if , as we make a king magnificent and jealous of his authority , so we make fame to be a lying and malignant goddess . they will be likely , if we speak of venus , mercury , &c. conformable to that which is reported of them in fable , and which the first poets have invented about them . and they will be even or equal , if in a long series we see the same character maintain'd . chap. iii. how the gods act in a poem . since among the gods , there are some good , some bad , and some between both ; and since of our very passions we may make so many allegorical deities : to the gods one may attribute all the good or ; ill that is done in a poem . but these deities do not always act , after the same manner . sometimes they act invisibly , and by meer inspirations ; and this has nothing in it extraordinary or miraculous . this is no more than what we say every day , that god has assisted us upon such or such an occasion , or that the devil has inspir'd a bad action into this or that man. 't is thus that * juno helps turnus in the ninth book of the aeneid , when he was engaged in the trojan camp ; and thus † venus in the twelfth book inspires aeneas , and puts him upon assaulting the town of the latins , that so turnus might be forced to the combat , which he industriously avoided . the poet may make the gods act thus , even among atheists : for though these impious wretches acknowledge no god , yet they cannot withdraw themselves from his power . he disposes of them as he thinks fit , and without their perceiving it , can turn their thoughts and designs as he pleases . this is virgil's practice in the person of mezentius . * 't is jupiter , who , minded at last to punish him for all his crimes , engages him in a fight with aeneas . to this way of the god's acting we might likewise refer , that which they insensibly contributed to an action , for which they are thank'd . the god mars does not appear at all in the fight of the tenth book of the aeneid : yet aeneas owns he was obliged to him therein : † and to him dedicates the trophy which he raised of the arms of mezentius . these divine actions are simple and deserve not the name of machine . and they are such as are allowable in the most exact tragedies and comedies . the other way whereby the gods act is altogether miraculous and extraordinary ; and this , whether they present themselves visibly , and make themselves known to men , as when * mercury discovered himself to aeneas in the fourth book : or whether they disguise themselves under some human shape , without making themselves known , as when † cupid under the form of ascanius makes dido sensible of his power , who caresses him without knowing who he is ; or whether without any visible appearance , they make us only sensible of their power by some miraculous action , as venus in the twelfth book , when she cures the wound of aeneas . * the physician , who had it in hand acknowledges that the cure is all divine , and that he has no share in it . the machines that are prohibited in dramatick poems are of this second sort : no body cares for seeing gods or miracles upon the stage . there is likewise a third way that has something of both the other ; 't is indeed a miracle , but yet has very frequently been refer'd to that way whereby the gods act , which we mentioned first . this third comprehends the oracles , dreams , and extraordinary inspirations . virgil in his third book has instances of all this . apollo utters an oracle , the gods interpret it to aeneas in a dream and the divine helenus informs him poetically of very many things . the speech of sibyl to aeneas , and all that she discovers to him of the infernal shades , and of his posterity , is likewise nothing else but one of these demi-machines . we might to these add the hell of the odysseïs : which consists in nothing else but the conjuring up the ghost of tiresias , and of several others that were his attendants . all these ways must be probable : and though the probability in machines is of a very large extent , since 't is founded upon divine power , yet it is not without some limitations . we may apply to the epopéa those that horace prescribed to the theatre . he proposes three sorts of machines . the first is of those which we can , not only believe , but also endure the sight of : such is a god present and visibly conversing with the actors . * he does not absolutely forbid this ; but he admits it only in a plot that requires an actor of this importance . † the second sort comprehends such machines as are more incredible and extraordinary : such as the metamorphosis of progne into a swallow , and of cadmus into a serpent . ‡ he does not wholly condemn this machine , nor exclude it from the poem ; but he banishes it the stage , and the sight of the spectators . * these sights , represented thus , are odious ; because a man can never be perswaded , that he sees so strange a metamorphosis . so that , 't is only allow'd to make a recital of it . † the third sort of machines is altogether absurd . horace rejects it entirely . the instance he proposes is of a child drawn alive out of the bowels of a monster that had devour'd it . this third sort is likewise to be banish'd the epopéa , since there is no recital that can make the auditors believe it . the two others are equally allowable , and without the distinction which horace makes , which is only of use for the theatre : because , 't is only in dramatick poems , that there is any difference to be made between that which is acted upon the stage in view of the audience , and that which is done behind the scenes , which afterwards is recited . our two poets have instances of these two sorts of allowable and probable machines . all sorts of deities speak often in the epopéa , and are no less the personages thereof than men are , among whom they are often mix'd . therein are likewise rehearsed several metamorphoses , as that of vlysses's fleet into a rock , and that of aeneas's fleet into as many nymphs as there were ships . 't is true these metamorphoses are very rare , because they are a great deal less credible than the rest . this shews that one must suit one's self to the gust of the audience in this sort of probability . that which was allowable in the ages homer and virgil liv'd in may be less regular in other times . this puts me upon making a reflection on the method of making use of those machines probably , that are not of themselves probable enough . the machines which only require divine probability ( as that for instance which we have been discoursing of ) should be so disengaged from the action of the poem , that one may substract them from it , without destroying the action . but those that are necessary , and which make the essential parts of it , should be grounded upon human probability , and not on the sole power of god. now the episodes of circe , the syrens , polypheme , and the like are necessary to the action of the odysseïs , and yet they are not humanly probable . homer artificially brings them under the human probability , by the simplicity of those before whom he causes these fabulous recitals to be made . he says very pleasantly , * that the phaeacans liv'd in an island at distance from those countries where men of a genius dwelt . vlysses knew them before he made himself known to them ; and having observ'd that they were simple and credulous , and that they had all the qualities of those lazy people , that admire nothing so much as to hear of romantick adventures : he pleased them by these recitals that are suited to their own humour . but even here the poet is not unmindful of his more understanding readers . he has in these fables given them all the pleasure that can be reap'd from moral truths , so pleasantly disguised under these miraculous allegories . 't is by this means that he has reduced these machines to truth and a poetical probability . virgil likewise relates somes of these fables . he does not allow himself the same pretence ; he has others to fly to : one of the principal is , that he is not the author of them . he relates them after homer , whose authority had already establish'd them : so that he had less measures to take . chap. iv. when one must make use of machines . this question is easily resolved by the practice of our poets . we may in short affirm , that machines are to be made use of all over , since homer and virgil do nothing without them , they constantly put their gods upon duty . * petronius with his usual vehemency orders that it should be thus . he would have his poet converse less with men than with the gods : leave throughout some signs of his prophetical transports , and of the divine fury that swells him : he would have his thoughts be full of fables , that is of those allegories and ingenious figures , which , like aenigma's , put the invention of the readers upon a pleasing rack , and leave them to guess in their turns what the poet himself has written like a prophet . lastly , he would have a poem be distinguished from history in all its parts , not only by the numbers , but by this poetical fury , which expresses it self only by allegories , and does nothing but by the assistance of the gods. he therefore that would be a poet , must leave historians to write , that a fleet was shattered by a storm , and cast upon a strange coast : and must say with virgil , that juno went to aeolus , and that this god upon her instance unkennel'd the winds against aeneas . let him learn an historian to write , that a young prince behaved himself upon all occasions , with a great deal of wisdom and discretion : and let him say with homer , that minerva led him by the hand in all his enterprises . let an historian relate , that though agamemnon fell out with achilles , yet he could not but acknowledge that he stood in need of his assistance for the taking of troy : and let a poet say , that thetis , disgusted at the affront offered to her son , goes up to heaven , demands satisfaction of jupiter ; and that this god , to satisfie her , sends the god of sleep to agamemnon , who puts the cheat upon him by making him believe he must take troy that very day . plutarch , livy , and other authors of the roman history , will tell us , that he who prescribed laws to the romans , shut himself up in a wood , and feigned that a nymph dictated such laws to him , as afterwards he should propose to his subjects . a poet will say , that aeneas being alone with sibyl of cumae in the forest of averna , she makes him go down to the infernal shades , and there see the rewards of good , and the punishments of bad actions ; and that the manes of anchises informed him what sort of genius he should inspire that state with , which he was going to establish in italy . and if we would poetically reduce this fiction into the probability of history ; let us not like an historian say , that as numa feigned he had conferences with egeria , so aeneas feigns that sibyl made him see in a dream all that we read of in the sixth book : but let us say that this hero was let out of hell by that gate which was appointed for the sending out of false dreams . 't is thus that our poets make use of machines in all the parts of their works . we might take a more particular view of them , if we would but examine all the parts of the poem and the narration . the proposition in each of our three poems makes mention of the gods ; the invocation is addressed to them , and the narration is full of them . the gods are the causes of the actions . they make the plots , and dispose the solution of them too . this is so plain that it needs no farther proof . i will insist only on the vnravelling of the plots , which we may look upon as that part of the poem , which is the most important in this point , especially if we consider that aristotle and horace have treated of machines more expresly in this , than in any other part of the poem . * aristotle speaking of tragedy tells us , that the solution of the fable should proceed from the fable it self , and not from any machine , as in the medea . horace seems less severe . he only says , that the gods should not appear , but when the dignity of the plot requires their presence . but this is only designed for the theatre . this is observable by the consequence of these quotations . if aristotle had intended in this to speak of the epopéa he should have produced for his instances the vnravelling of the iliad , and that of the odysseïs , in both of which the gods are concerned . minerva fights close to vlysses against the gallants of penelope ; she helps him to kill them , and on the morrow claps up a peace between vlysses and the ithacans , and so concludes the odysseïs . in the iliad , the gods meet to appease the anger of achilles , and jupiter sends iris , thetis and mercury on this errand . minerva likewise helps achilles in his last fight with hector . she stops hector that fled from him , and when both had cast their javelins at each other without doing the least hurt , the goddess takes up the lance of achilles , and gives it him , whilst hector is upon unequal terms , arm'd only with his sword. virgil has imitated these examples . aeneas as well as achilles is clad in divine armour . juturna gives turnus his sword agen , and venus helps aeneas to his spear : and at last jupiter sends a fury , which drives away juturna , and frightens turnus so , that he scarce knew where he was , nor what he did in this last battle . chap. v. how the machines are to be us'd . the use of the machines in the epopéa is quite contrary to that which horace prescribes for the theatre . this critick would not have them be made use of in tragedy , but when needs must : and on the contrary , 't is requisite that an epick poet should not make use of them , but when they might be let alone , and then he should order them so , that his action stand in no need of them . how many gods and machines does virgil make use of to raise the storm , which casts aeneas upon carthage ? and yet this does not hinder but that this miraculous action may be look'd upon as the ordinary effect of a meer natural cause . * he makes one of his personages say that the cause of this storm , which surpriz'd the trojans , is the rising of the blustring constellation of orion . upon this the † commentators have very well observ'd ; that the poetical gods can do no harm , unless they have some favourable oportunity of doing it . 't is never to be suppos'd that there are any storms during the halcyonian days . this would be an affront to the power of the gods , by ascribing to them such a force as contradicts poetical probability . so that , thô beside this short season , there is scarce any part of the year , but when very probably and without a miracle one might be toss'd about with a storm ; yet virgil raises his storms only in a season that is more particularly subject to them . the four we read of in the aeneid , do all happen during the rising of orion . the first casts aeneas upon carthage ; the second surprizes him a hunting with dido ; the third obliges him to put into sicily , where he celebrates the anniversary of anchises ; and the fourth closes the fine day he had chose for the sports , and quenches the fire that burnt his fleet. the poet informs us that all these storms which surpriz'd aeneas , were the effects of one and the same cause . * for dido chides aeneas for preparing to leave her , whilst this dangerous constellation had still an inuflence o'er the sea ; and she conjures him ( th ô in vain ) to stay till this bad season was over . according to this practice , a poet will be very cautious how he makes use of a machine to help him out of a difficulty , wherein his own unskilfulness has cast him . but he will call in the assistance of the gods to honour his poem and hero , and no one will object against him , that 't is for want of art and invention , that he is oblig'd to implore the aid of these supernatural powers . no one will cast these reproaches upon virgil in the examples we have cited , nor in his other machines . it was not for want of skill or invention , that he had recourse to juno and neptune , either to raise a storm upon the fleet of aeneas , or to lay it again . so likewise , a woman stabb'd to the heart with a ponyard , as dido was , might very well die of the wound , without iris's being sent by juno to clip a lock of hair off her head. a ship well mann'd , and near the haven , might without any miracle enter in before another that was farther off . 't is therefore without any necessity that the poet makes use of the gods therein , and says that mnestheus would have gain'd the prize perhaps , had not cloanthes put up so many vows , and had not so many sea-gods that heard him , lent him a helping hand . virgil makes use of several ways , from whence one may discover there was necessity for machines . sometimes the thing , that is done by a god , is necessary , but it might as well have been done by a mortal . aeneas should be inform'd of what had happen'd to dido : but there was no need that venus should disguise her self under the shape of a tyrrhenian damsel , that was hunting in a wood. a mere damsel might have inform'd him : and 't is thus that we ought to interpret the changes of the gods into men. these are the ways whereby poets express themselves . an historian would say that beroe excited the other trojan dames to fire their fleet : and a poet says , that iris , sent express by juno , takes upon her the shape of beroe . sometimes the action ascrib'd to a deity cannot be done by a mere man : but then this action shall not be at all necessary . a mere mortal cannot transform the ships of aeneas into nymphs . but then whether they are thus transform'd , or whether they are destroy'd by fire , still they are lost . nor can any one see what alteration one of these two incidents would have caus'd in the affairs of aeneas more than the other . i have already mention'd the infernal shades of the sixth book , the fury that was sent by jupiter to turnus , and several other . we may therefore conclude that a machine in the epick poem is not an invention to wind ones self out of any difficulty , that is intricate , affected , and proper to some parts of the poem : but that 't is the presence of a deity , and some supernatural , extraordinary action , which the poet inserts into almost all the incidents of his work , to make it look more majestical and surprizing , and to give his readers a lesson of piety and vertue . this mixture should be so made , that one might retrench the machines without cutting off any thing from the action . chap. vi. whether the presence of the gods is any disparagement to the heroes . the care of our poets in making the actions and designs of their hero's to succeed by the assistance of the gods , puts me upon adding the following reflections to what has been already said . one would think there was no question to be made whether the love and favour of god were an honour or a disparagement to those he thus loves and favours . and yet , we suffer our selves to be so far prepossess'd with sensible and ordinary things , that we become liable to more extravagant thoughts . we judge of the justice , the favours , and ( if i may so say ) of the duties of god ; just as we do of the justice , the favours , and the duties of men. in a fight between two persons , if a third steps in , and assists one of them to kill the other , we blame that third person , and with him condemn his friend , who was so much a coward as to stand in need of succour , to protect them both from disgrace . these thoughts are proper , and this indignation just . but men treat god after the same manner . jupiter , say they , should not have assisted aeneas . was not this hero brave enough to fight turnus alone , and valiant enough to conquer him ? where is there any need then of this foreign assistance ? does it not reflect upon the hero and the god too ? and would turnus have done less , had he had the same advantage ? this is their way of arguing : from whence it must be inferr'd , that the love and favour of god will serve only to make those , that he would assist , and , and that venture to make use of that assistance , appear weak , impotent , cowardly , and not worthy of being conquerors : one should thereupon never pray to him nor thank him for any happy success . and by this means the character of mezentius will be the character of a perfect hero , and of a truly valiant man. this bravo is not for having his glory eclipsed by the assistance of any deity : his sword and his arm are the only gods he acknowledges and invokes . he vows a trophy to his victory ; but this vow is only addressed to his son lausus , whom he designs to adorn with the spoils of vanquish'd aeneas . these are the prayers he makes for his victory , and these the thanks givings he designs to make . and these are likewise the heroes those men would make , who find fault with jupiter and minerva for having bestowed the victory on aeneas , achilles , and vlysses . 't is true , it would reflect upon an hero , if himself did nothing ; if the hope and the confidence he plac'd in the promises and favour of god rendring him more negligent , he should wait for the effect with his hands in his bosom ; or else , if exposing his weakness and his little valour , and being just upon the point of yielding , he ow'd his preservation and his victory only to gods and miracles . but the practice of our poets removes this inconveniency , and we have fully satisfied the world as to this point , when we observ'd , that the presence and the action of the gods should be so order'd , that one might retrench ev'ry thing that was extraordinary and miraculous , without making any alteration in the action of the humane personages . by this means the epopéa will be neither a school of impiety and atheism , nor of idleness and sloth . but men will there learn to adore god , and acknowledge him as the only and necessary principle of all the good that can be done , and without whom the most puissant princes , and she most accomplished heroes cannot succeed in any of their designs . 't is he that inspires men with good designs , gives them courage to undertake them , and power to execute them . men will learn to respect , and submit to him ; because this submission and humility , which makes even great men stoop to their god , is the cause and the occasion of their being elevated above the rest of mankind . they will learn to fear him , by considering the misfortunes those men bring upon themselves , who abandon him : and because when our passions have shut our eyes and stop'd our ears to his orders and instructions , we are too slow in apprehending what a dreadful thing it is to make him our enemy . they will put an entire confidence in his words and promises : but withal knowing that they suppose one shall merit the effects of them by using ones utmost endeavours , an hero will so behave himself in all his actions , as if he ought to gain the success alone without the assistance of the deity : because , as the ancients say , the gods do not absolutely give us what they seem to give us , but they sell it at the price of our labours . but if on one hand god be the author of all the good we do ; 't is true likewise to say that 't is our selves that really do , whatever god does in and by us : and since these actions which god inspires into us , procures for us , and for which he gives us all the courage and strength that is necessary , are truly and properly our own actions ; it follows that the more god helps and favours us , the more glory and honour he does us . and this is the difference that is between the assistance of god and that of men. the actions of men belong only to those that do them : so that their aid diminishes our glory , as much as the divine assistance heightens it . our poets inform us thus much , and achilles who was so jeálous of his honour , knows well enough how to make the distinction we have here proposed . he was too high spirited to admit of the least assistance which might lessen his glory : he charges the grecians to keep off from hector , whom he pursues . but when minerva offers to assist him in this pursuit , and to help to conquer and kill him , he was so far from rejecting this divine aid , that he thinks it an honour to him , and brags of it ev'n to hector himself . monsieur cornoüille will allow me to end this point with what he has said about it in his andromeda : phineus casts the same reflections upon his rival perseus , as one might upon aeneas . but he is young , passionate and impious , and has the character of mezentius , * in that he acknowledges no other gods but the eyes of andromeda ; so that he is very fit to act that part . queen cassiopea makes the answer to him . phineus . what has he done , that 's worthy to be prais'd , but what another might , if jove had pleas'd ? let him be arm'd like us , what enterprize dare he then undertake , all hero as he is ? ten thousand might have been than him more brave had heav'n but deign'd to help them like this slave : they would have been more generous and great , the monster slain , the danger at their feet . 't is easie vent'ring , when the fear is o'er , to fight a foe , that can offend no more ; to sieze the certain conquest , when 't is won : and this is all th' exploit that he has done . now what reward , what praise , i can't conceive , so mean a conquest merits to receive . cassiopea . what merit 's praise , you scorn : a blindness this none can conceive . — heav'n than our selves knows better what we are ; as men deserve , so they its favours share . you might have had as great an aid divine , had jove but seen , like his , your vertues shine . but these are special favours , plac'd on high which vulgar souls can ne'er expect to see . the gods , being just , reserve this special grace only for noble souls , and for the heav'n-born race . the end of the fifth book . monsieur bossu's treatise of the epick poem . book vi. concerning the thoughts and the expression . chap. i. the foundation of this doctrine . the doctrine of the thoughts and that of the expression stand upon the same foundation . both this and that is nothing else but the art of imprinting on our auditors such ideas as we would have them receive . it seems as if this notion belonged rather to the expressions than the thoughts ; since the thoughts being nothing else but ideas , one would imagine that if they were well expressed , that would be sufficient to imprint them on the minds of the hearers . but you will see that this is not enough , if you reflect , that there is a great deal of difference between making any one comprehend what we think and have a mind to , and the inspiring into him the same inclimations , and the same thoughts . a good expression is enough for the first . but it often happens , that if i would give another the same inclinations , which i have my self , i shall succeed better , if i express quite contrary thoughts , than if i clearly discovered the ideas of my mind , and my real thoughts . if we pretend an esteem and friendship for any one in the presence of a jealous and envious rival , we shall not make him conceive any of those good thoughts for him ; but , on the contrary , we shall render the person , in whose behalf we speak , odious and contemptible to him . figurative speeches may likewise furnish us with instances of this nature . we express not our precise thought in an hyperbole , we say a great deal more of a thing , than we conceive of it , and more than we would have others conceive of it ; and the irony does the contrary . therefore this part of elocution we are speaking of , does not consist in expressing ones ideas , or in making others apprehend the ideas we propose ; but in proposing such ideas as may imprint those that we would have imprinted , let them be the same with those we propose , or the contrary , or any other . so that three things are expedient for this purpose . first , to have a right conception of the idea we would imprint on the minds of the auditors : it must be pure and disengage'd from all those that may prejudice our design . secondly , to know what thoughts are most proper to imprint this idea , by considering the present humour , interest , and disposition of our audience . and thirdly , to make a good choice of such expressions as are most proper and suitable . that which is most commonly prejudicial to the first of these , namely to the purity of the ideas , is , that beside each particular idea which we imagine , there is likewise a general idea , which seldom fails mixing with almost all the rest : 't is that idea which we conceive of our selves , and which we would fain represent as great , fine , excellent , and in a word such as we our selves conceive it . this is evident , especially in that kind of oration which the rhetoricians have stil'd the demonstrative . it seems as if an orator in such an harangue speaks more to entertain us with a vast idea of himself than of his hero : and when we go away from hearing the panegyrick of any saint or person of quality ; 't is seldom that we praise or dispraise either the one or the other of them upon the account of what the orator has said : but we only cry , that this orator has an eloquent tongue , or that he is but so , so : as if we went to hear his speech , only to pass a judgment upon his , not the hero's person . the two other kinds of oratorical discourses are not wholly free from this vice. some are so vain , as to attempt it upon all occasions , and at ev'ry turn . they are full of this vast idea of themselves , that they cannot keep it in , but out it must come , spread every where , and like a deluge overflow all the judgment , and little sense they have . we can produce instances enow , even in the juridical kind , though that is more confin'd than the other two . besides , did these persons understand wherein a true praise does consist , and were they masters of the second quality we requir'd , which is , to know what thoughts and sentiments a man should propose in order to raise a great idea of himself in the minds of those that hear him ; they would then correct this first default , they would speak correctly , and say nothing but what was of consequence and to the purpose . but since their first error proceeds from a defect in judgment , it cannot be alone . they imagine that the true esteem of an orator or a poet consists chiefly in fine thoughts , in strong and lofty expressions , in passions carry'd on to an extream , or in other such like things , which in truth belong not to eloquence , and sometimes produce effects quite contrary to the design of an unjudicious author . a lawyer , for instance , will imagine that his esteem depends upon making a set speech , adorn'd with figures , and full of a great many pretty antitheses : he will be sure to heap figure upon figure in his pleading : and chuse rather to enervate a good argument , and lose his cause by an unpardonable flight , than not give his antitheses all the embellishments he judges they are capable of . this is what pedius did according to persius's account of him . * theft ( says th' accuser ) to thy charge i lay , o pedius ! what does gentle pedius say ? studious to please the genius of the times , with periods , points , and tropes , he slurs his crimes . [ english'd thus by mr. dryden . ] martial's posthumus was troubled with another kind of whim . he had a vast esteem for the knowledge of history , and thought this science must needs make him pass for a very learned man. he therefore soon quits his subject to declaim against hannibal , and mithridates , and to plead the romans cause : as if the matter in debate were concerning their being conquerors of the world , whereas in truth the controversie was only about three kids . it was not sufficient to inform this pleader of the process of his cause , and of the business on foot ; 't was likewise requisite he should be inform'd of what he was to have no hand in . * with poisinings , murders , rapes we 've nought to do ; the judge impatiently expects that you should prove how contrary no roman laws my neighbour stole my kids : for that 's the cause . but you with strech'd-out hands and clamorous bawl thunder the punick war around the hall ; who fought with mithiri●lates ; how much blood was spilt at cannae ; how that sylla stood competitor with marius , sought his doom ; and how bold soaevola protected rome : enough of this . — now , prithee , lawyer tell what sad mishap to my three kids befell . the more vanity any man has , the more subject he is to these vices . therefore poete should be more upon their guards , than orators . the composures of the last are only to be spoken , and to establish for their authors a present fame . but a poet has immortality so much in his thoughts , that he fansies he has enough and to spare on 't ; and promises it with so much confidence to others , as if his own where indisputable , and as if all his enemies were destroy'd to the very last rat and butter-wife . these poets will stuff a poem with descriptions either ill plac'd , or ill manag'd , with affected and useless figures , with forc'd and insipid sentences , with similes more fine than just , and with other such like ornaments : and by this means they destroy the idea they ought to give of their subject , by imprinting on their readers minds nothing else but the idea of their knowledge , eloquence , and fine genius , because they forsooth fansie that the politeness of a genius , and the honour of an author consists in these things . they judge of the ancients and moderns according to these ideas ; and suppose they have excell'd homer and virgil , and all other poets , when ( without minding the character , or any thing else that is peculiar and proper to each poem ) they have heap'd up in that , which they compose , whatever appear'd beautiful in all the rest ; and when they have transplanted these pretended beauties with as little skill , as if the nose or the lips of an handsom person , had the same comeliness upon all sorts of faces , without any distinction of age , sex , or proportion . this was not virgil's opinion , when he imitated the greek poet. he has given another sort of character to his aeneid ; and he well observ'd , that this oblig'd him to give the things he borrow'd , a quite different turn . this made him say . that 't was harder to steal one verse from homer than to rob hercules of his club. this great man had just and pure ideas , and perfectly knew how to inspire his audience with them , without quitting his design , to run after false lights , and glittering thoughts , by an indiscreet vanity , more pardonable in the rawness of a scholar , than in the maturity of a master . let us apply this to some general thoughts . chap. ii. concerning descriptions . descriptions are properly such speeches as explain the parts and properties of some thing or other . this term sometimes extends even to actions : but that of a recital or narration is more proper to them , especially when these recitals are of some length , such as is that of the tempest in the first book of the aeneid , the sports of the fifth , the infernal shades of the next book , the battles of the second part , with several others which i was willing to comprehend under what i said concerning the narration . they are too considerable to be mention'd here under the name of sentiments or simple thoughts . the descriptions we now speak of are only parts of these long recitals . they therefore must be short ; and moreover , necessary and suited to the general character of the poem , and to the particular character of the subject matter that is describ'd , as far as possible . the description of carthage , which virgil makes the frontispiece of his aeneid is contained in six verses . it tells us that this city is seated over against italy , facing the very mouth of tiber ; that it is powerful in war , and that juno had a mind to make it the seat of the universal monarchy . this is the cause of the anger of this deity , and that which makes the plot of the poem . the readers would not have imagined how aeolus could keep in and let loose the winds as he thought fit , if they had not been informed , that they are inclosed in caverns . the poet spends twelve verses upon it . the ships of aeneas , so roughly handled by a tempest , and at a season , when the sea was liable to frequent and unforeseen storms , had need of an harbour , that was free from this danger , and very still ; and since it was in a strange and unknown country , 't was requisite this haven should be in a private and secret place . this is what virgil describes in eleven verses . venus presents her self to her son , disguis'd like a maid . the poet is obliged to tell how this maid happen'd to be in a wide forest . he represents her in a hunting habit. he is likewise obliged to reduce to probability such an extraordinary thing as that of a maid in armour . a description of seven lines does it compleatly . descriptions sometimes are mix'd with some passion or another . in this case not only the thread of the discourse should make them very natural ; but they should likewise be in some measure assisting to the passions to which they are joyn'd . that fine description of a calm and quiet night in the fourth book , renders the cruel disturbances of dido a great deal more moving , since they rob her of that rest which all nature enjoy'd , to the very vilest and most despicable creatures . * 't was night , each weary creature took its ease ; hush'd were the woods , and silent were the seas : pois'd in their height the stars did seem to rest , each field was still , whilst ev'ry bird and beast , the monsters of the deep , the savage bears , were laid to sleep , and dos'd away their cares . only unhappy dido finds no rest , poor queen ! so tortur'd is her love-sick braest ! if instead of this admirable turn , † only unhappy dido , the poet , carrying his description farther , had said : ‡ whilst the dardanian does securely rest in his tall ship for sudden flight prepar'd : then the whole would have been cold and insipid . the description of the trojans being hard at work , and eager to leave carthage , is likewise extreamly well manag'd . on one hand it shews what good effect the presence of a lord and master has ; for 't is the presence of aeneas that hastens their work : * he does his fleet without delay prepare . the trojans ply the work the busie main is fill'd with noise , the ships now float again . " whole oaks , the leaves unstrip'd , for hast unwrought , " down from the wood for oars and masts they brought . on ev'ry side are seen descending down long troops which bring provisions from the town . [ english'd thus by edm. waller and sidney godolphin esquires . ] and on the other side the consequence is such , that the poet to expose this their eagerness not so much to the readers , as to d. view . she there saw the preparative of her death ; and ev'ry blow the ax and hammer strook , went like so many stabs of a dagger to her very heart . can any thing be more moving than the ingenious application virgil makes ? * what were thy thoughts , sad dido ! on that day ? how deep thy sighs ? when from thy tower above thou sawst the phrygians in such order move , and heardst the tumult of the clamorous sea ? [ englished thus by the same persons . ] if in the middle of a great action , any thing is describ'd , that seems to interrupt and distract the reader 's mind ; 't is requisite that the effect of these descriptions declare the reason and necessity of them , and that by this means they be embody'd , if i may so say , in the action . we have one instance of this in the battle of the eleventh book of the aeneid , where the poet runs out into so curious a description of the arms and dress of chloreus . * chloreus , the priest of cybele , did glare in phrygian arms remarkable afar . a foaming steed he rode , whose hanches case , like feathers , scales of mingled gold and brass . he clad in foreign purple , gall'd the foe with cretan arrows from a lycian bow. gold was that bow , and gold his helmet too : gay were his upper robes which loosly flew . each limb was cover'd o're with something rare , and as he fought he glistred every where . [ englished thus by mr. stafford in dryden ' s miscellanies . part ii. p. . ] the judicious readers might perhaps have been disgusted at this beauty so carefully described in the very heat of battle , if the poet had only made it for their sakes . but 't is not design'd so much for them as for camilla . this maid is so charmed at the sight of his accoutrements , that she is wholly intent upon the conquest of them . the desire of having them costs her her life , gives the victory to the trojans , and breaks all the measures turnus had taken against aeneas . these are such descriptions as are just and manag'd with discretion . they were not made for their own sakes only , nor are they meer ornaments . seneca is far from this method . if he has any recital to make , thô never so melancholy and frightful , he begins it with such descriptions as are not only useless , but trifling and foolish . 't is requisite we should produce an instance of it . creon has a story to tell oedipus , that was the most melancholy , the most frightful , and the most ungrateful that ever could be told a king. he is intreated , he is threatned , and after great signs of grief for being forc'd to tell him such terrible and afflicting things , he begins his narration with the description of a grove , which oedipus knew as well as the french king knows the forests of vincennes , boulogne , and s. germain . but suppose oedipus had never heard of it , was he then at leisure to be told , that it was full of cypress-trees , oaks , laurel , myrtle , alder , and pine-trees ? that the cypress-trees are always green , that the laurel-trees bear bitter berries , that the alder-trees were proper to build ships , which ride on the wide ocean , &c. that the oaks of this grove had their branches distorted and eat up with age ; that time had gnawn the bark off this ; that the roots of that could no longer support it , and that it would tumble down , were it not prop'd up by the trunk of another tree . his description of all this is in these words : * far off from thebes , where dirce's sacred well with silent streams bedews the neighbouring plain , there is a grove with darkest shades o'er spread . here cypress lifting up its bushy head graces the wood with never fading green. here quite worn out with age an oak displays its crooked sapless arms ; the bark of this devouring time has gnawn ; the root of that sits loose , and throws it ' gainst another tree . here bitter lawrel , limber osiers grow , soft myrtle to the paphian goddess sacred , tough alder fit for ships and massy oars , the lofty pine that dares the strongest storm , and turns its knotty side against the wind. i' th' middle stands a tree of mighty bulk protecting all the lesser vnder-wood , and throwing all abroad its spreading boughs , defends at once , and shades the subject grove . [ english'd thus by j. hoadley of cath. hall. chap. iii. of comparisons or similes . we very commonly explain our selves by similes , and make use of them , the better to make others apprehend what we propose , and to give them a just idea thereof . there are two essential qualities belonging to them , the first is , that the thing we make use of be better known , and easier to apprehend , than that we would make known by its assistance ; and the second is , that there be an exact relation between them . as for that which concerns the knowledge of the thing we make use of in a simile , there is no need that we should have seen it with our eyes . 't is enough that we have the testimony of common opinion only on our side ; thô we know at the same time 't is either false or fabulous . the phoenix , the harpyes , and the adventures of hercules , are as proper for this purpose , as a cock , or a dog , or the actions of julius caesar . nor should we condemn some excesses that are commonly to be met with in these similes , as if they destroyed the justness of them : but we should consider that in this case there is an hyperbole added to the simile . 't is therefore allowable to liken a valiant captain to a torrent that bears down all before it ; to a thunderbolt that meets with no resistance , and to a lyon in the midst of a flock of sheep . but we are most liable to be deceiv'd in this justness , if we look upon similes only as ornaments ; for then we may neglect the justness which is essential to them , and mind nothing else but a lustre and beauty , which has nothing to do with the essence . that we may not be deceived therein , we must be acquainted with the design of the poet , and the nature of the things he makes use of . without this , one is in danger to be mistaken , and to imagine that a just and suitable simile is both false and vicious . let us now see some instances of this . virgil describing the beauty of ascanius , compares him to a precious stone set in gold , and to ivory enchac'd in box. it is true , that whoever imagines virgil would say this young prince was as handsome as a piece of ivory enchac'd in box , would find this simile to be very flat : and would have reason to complain that the poet lessens an idea that he ought to raise . but we shall find that this simile is just , if we would discover wherein it consists , and observe , that the author has distinguish'd two things in ascanius . the one is the shining of his comely head when bare : and the other is the colour of his complexion , and that of his hair . the first is compared to a precious stone enchac'd in gold. * see how the trojan youth , his head all bare , does like a gem enchac'd in gold appear . this is both just and noble . but the whiteness of a face would have been but pitifully expressed by a precious stone . it is with a great deal more justice compar'd to the whiteness of ivory , and the colour of his hair to that of box. * or like to ivory inclos'd in box : so shine the youth 's disshevl'd yellow locks vpon his milky neck . in the sixth book there is a comparison very like this last . a bough of gold , which grew upon an oak , the poet compares to misleto . he would have taken off very much from the lustre of this precious bough , if his design had been to express this lustre by that of the misleto . but this property of gold is very well known , and the bare naming of this metal raises in us an idea of it that is lovely and dazling enough : it stands in no need of being heightened by a comparison . 't is a great deal more wonderful and extraordinary to see a tree shoot forth a branch of gold , of so different a nature from its own . this therefore calls for a simile : and is the subject of that which virgil made . he does not fail making mention of the diversity of natures that is between green and yellow misleto , and the oak which produces it at a time when it has the least strength , and looks more like a dead trunk than a living plant. * just as upon some sapless oak does grow i' th' midst of winter verdant misleto : we may likewise say that this simile is a proof that nature produces some things extraordinary , and renders the fiction more probable . for virgil does sometimes make this use of the similes he employs . this is manifest from aeneas's accidental meeting with a carthaginian damsel , that was in armour and a hunting . the poet compares her to amazon , and to a spartan lass . these two quotations prove that the meeting with a damsel hunting in the forest of carthage is to be allow'd as exactly probable . this simile then is a great deal better , more just , and more ingenious than if he had compared this damsel to diana ; thô this last would have seemed more noble , and have presented it self sooner to the mind . if it seems natural to compare a huntress to diana , it seems no less so to compare a valiant commander to a lyon. should not virgil have done his hero rather than turnus this honour ? yet he does the contrary . perhaps 't is because the character of the lyon is anger . he is the emblem of it : and * horace informs us that when prometheus form'd man out of that which was proper to each animal , that which he borrow'd from the lyon was his anger . the similitude then of this animal is not at all suitable to the valour of aeneas , but a great deal more proper for that of turnus . so that when the poet did it he was not at all ignorant of the terms , anger and fury . he makes use of these very expressions , when he likens turnus to mars , to whom he never compares aeneas . we should not make comparisons between noble and ignoble , between great and inconsiderable things . but what is base and ignoble at one time and in one country , is not always so in others . we are apt to smile at homers comparing ajax to an ass in his iliad . such a comparison now adays would be indecent and ridiculous ; because it would be indecent and ridiculous for a person of quality to ride upon such a steed . but heretofore this animal was in better repute : kings and princes did not disdain the beast so much as meer tradesmen do in our times . 't is just the same with many other similes , which in homer's time were allowable . we should now pity a poet , that should be so silly and ridiculous as to compare a hero to a piece of fat : yet homer does it in a comparison he makes of vlysses . and the h. ghost himself , which cannot be supposed to have a wrong sense of things , begins the encomium of david by this idea . * as is the fat taken away from the peace offering , so was david chosen out of the children of israel . the reason of this is , that in these primitive times , wherein the sacrifices of the true religion as well as of the false , were living creatures ; the blood and the fat were reckon'd the most noble , the most august , and the most holy things . comparisons do not lessen the passion of those that hear them , but in the persons that speak them they generally denote such reflections , as do not usually proceed from a disturb'd and unquiet mind . so that it rarely happens that they seem natural and probable in the mouth of a passionate person . yet observe what the enrag'd medea says in seneca . * not time it self shall cool my glowing rage , which grows in strength still as it grows in age : cruel as beasts , or scylla , it shall be , or as charybdis whose devouring sea sucks up th' ionian and sicilian main , which meet , and shove each other back again ; so scorching and so hot shall be my ire , titan from aetna ne'er belch'd half the fire . [ englished thus by j. hoadly of cath. hall. ] such learned passions are seldom violent . a woman who takes notice that charybdis swallows up the two seas of ionium and sicily ; and that the flames , which aetna throws out , are belched by a giant that is overwhelmed with the weight of that mountain , thinks upon something else beside her anger . chap. iv. concerning sentences . this word sententia , in latin is very ambiguous . it signifies that part of poetry , which we now treat of in this book under the name of sentiments or thoughts . it likewise signifies a sentence of few words , that contains some profitable thought or other for the conduct of human life ; such as in these instances : * learn to be just , and don 't the gods contemn . the habits we contract in our youth are of great moment , &c. the word sentence in our language does not fall under the first of these two significations . therefore in this chapter we shall only take it in the latter sence , and understand by it , a moral instruction couch'd in a few words . sentences then render poems very useful , and besides that , they have i know not what kind of lustre that pleases us . so that , it seems natural to imagine , that the more any work is embellish'd with them , the more it deserves that general approbation , which horace promises to those , that have the art to mix the profitable with the pleasant . but there is not any one vertue , but what is attended with some dangerous vice or other . too many sentences make the poem sink into a stile that is too philosophical ; and cast it into a seriousness that is less becoming the majesty of a poem , than the study of the learned , and the gravity of the dogmatical . these thoughts have in their own nature a certain kind of calm wisdom , that is contrary to the passions , and with which they inspire us : they are such as make the passions languish as well in the auditors , as in the speakers . to conclude , the affectation of speaking by sentences is the cause that many foolish and triffling ones are spoken , or that they are spoken by such , whose present state and condition does not allow them to be so prudent and learned . we have a great many of these vicious instances in seneca's tragedies . the misfortunes of hecuba in the loss of her kingdom , husband , children , and liberty , render'd her no longer capable of any thing else , but barking , howling , and biting , to use the poet's dialect , who for this reason have judiciously transform'd her into a bitch . from whence then proceed these grave and moderate sentences , and these fine moral reflections ? * let those , who sit on thrones , and bear a sway in courts , who think the gods will always be propitious to them , and maintain their state ; look down on mine , and troy's unhappy fate . from these sad turns of fortune they may learn themselves may die like slaves , tho' monarchs born . certainly these are not the thoughts of this hecuba , whose name is borrow'd here . they are the thoughts of seneca the philosopher writing at quiet in his study , and meditating upon the misfortunes to which the height of fortune exposes us . the only interest he takes upon him , is to draw from thence useful maxims , and this fine moral , which the glittering thrones , and the dreadful fall of the most puissant monarchies supply'd him with . these are such sentences as are ill manag'd : let us now take notice of others that are as ill employ'd , and yet are moreover cold , ridiculous , and absurd . oedipus seeking out for a remedy to succour thebes , that is reduced to the very brink of ruin , is forc'd at last to conjure up the ghost of king laius . he orders creon to be present at that ceremony , and afterwards to come and give him an account of it . the ghost appear'd , discover'd the remedy according as it was requir'd , and creon comes to give the king an account of it . he begins with declaring , that he cannot tell how to utter his mind ; and by sentences he makes this foolish declaration to him : * we 're loth to live , when by the nauseous pill our health must be restor'd . kings take it ill they should be told , what they sometimes require . let me be silent : that 's a small desire no king can well refuse . if that 's deny'd , what can be granted me ? a man must have a strange fancy to speak sententiously , that makes his personages speak thus upon such an occasion . when he is upon declaring the only remedy that could save a state , which his silence would certainly ruin ; is it not a great piece of impertinence to say , that the least favour that could be begged of a king , is to hold ones peace ; and that if it be not lawful to conceal this remedy , nothing is lawful ? yet oedipus , who at the first denyal made him by creon , was so incensed against him , * as to threaten him with death ; when he should have been incensed more against him for his perservering in so unreasonable a denyal , and for his alledging such foolish reasons , as would make one believe he jeer'd him to his face : yet , i say , as if oedipus were of the poets own mind , and had a greater inclination for sentences , than for the safety of his subjects ; he seems to be wholly pacified , since he has the patience to hear creon say so many fine ones , and is willing to utter such as well as he . and they too are of the same stamp with those we have already seen . this is his answer , that * oftimes silence does more harm to kings and states than even speaking does ; and that lastly , † he is no obedient subject , that speaks not when commanded . the first remedy to cure these indecenies , is to imagine we hear the true persons talking naturally together , and to suppose our selves in their places , and see what we would say upon such an occasion . by this means a man will learn to use sentences seldomer , and to retrench those , that being not necessary to raise the idea of that which he would represent , are only dress'd up for a show . he will likewise learn to strip a great many thoughts of that ambitious air , which forms a general precept out of a trifle . and he will say upon these occasions ; i command you to speak , do you obey : and not like seneca , he that does not speak when commanded , does not do as we command him . in short he will know how to manage the sentences he makes use of better , and how to render them more just . the second remedy is , so to express these sentences , that they be not too apparent ; and that the effect of them befel before they are discern'd . this is * petronius's opinion . he is in the right in referring us to our virgil : for this poet is admirable in the art of inserting sentences . but before we speak of these disguised sentences , let us make this reflection upon the others : that they are generally spoken either by a grave and tragical person , or else by one of the common people . hitherto we have spoken concerning the first of these . and to that which we have already said about it , we add , that the poet should make choice either of such as may excite to action , and encourage those to whom they are spoken , such as this for instance ; * fortune assists the brave and daring souls : or such as may augment the passion , such as these two figurative ones , of the same stile ; * vile avarice ! what bold attempts dost thou excite poor mortals too ? † all conquering love ! who can resist thy sway ? they are made use of quite another way with respect to the vulgar , and the persons of comedy . they are often brought in speaking sententiously , or ( to speak more properly ) in proverbs and punns . the reason of this difference is , that the grave persons invent what they say , according as the present occasion requires ; so that their sentences are so many nice or judicious reflections , which should be inspir'd into them by objects that are present . now it seldom happens , that objects , which are present , inspire these sorts of general thoughts into passionate and interested persons . 't is this that ought to regulate the use of them in poems ; and which art and nature have taught virgil to practise . but the vulgar never invent , they only say over again by rote what they have heard others say often , and what one may suppose they themselves have said an hundred times over . so that their sentences cost them no reflection , nor the least premeditation . besides , they meet with no passion , which they interrupt contrary to art : but they only raise laughter , and that is more conformable to the art and air of comedy . chap. v. of disguis'd sentences . we are now come to shew that the sentences should be disguised ; we shall in some instances of virgil propose the methods whereby he has made these disguises . the most general method is , not to declare the moral instruction in universal terms , but to make an application of it to the action on foot . this , for instance , is a pure sentence , and declar'd in universal terms : those who hate their brethren in this life , shall be severely punished for 't in hell. virgil applys it to his action by saying , that aeneas being in hell , met there among the damn'd such as had hated their brethren here on earth . there are several ways of disguising sentences , and of applying them to the action , sometimes the consequence alone has this effect , when the poet has skill enough to manage it well . in the second book of the aeneid , the trojans were at a stand what they should do with the wooden-horse , that the grecians had left behind them aeneas , that tells the story , relates the opinions of several considerable persons , of thymaetes , capys , laocoon and others , and therewith he mixes the discourses of the people , who in the contrariety of their opinions knew not on what to resolve . we here see nothing but a bare recital of that which happen'd among the trojans upon this occasion ; this may be conceiv'd without a sentence , and without a general and universal proposition . but if this thought be taken from what follows and consider'd alone ; it is without doubt a sentence , and a discourse that shews us in general the nature and the restless inclinations of a people , that deliberate in a hurry , and know not on what to resolve : * the wavering mob can't in their votes agree some are for this , some that : it is no matter by whom , and how many these sentences are utter'd : * ne're faint beneath the weight of any ill : but boldly go , where're thy fortune calls . † let 's follow fate where-ere it leads the way ; let what will come , patience will take away the pressure of it . a sentence is well expressed any of these ways : and these thoughts taken from the places where they are , and consider'd without the consequence , as i here represent them , are true sentences , and moral precepts , which fortifie us against all manner of unlucky accidents , and against the oppositions of fortune . but in the series of the poem , they are , properly speaking , neither sentences , nor general precepts , but advices given to aeneas upon particular occasions . the latin tongue has an advantage over ours in this , by means of the ellipsis . in latin 't is often as elegant to suppress , as 't is to express a word . so that , suppressing the word that makes the particular application , one leaves the thought in that kind of ingenious ambiguity , which we observ'd in the foregoing examples , where there is nothing to be understood . here you have an instance of this ellipsis . the trojans reduc'd to their last shifts by turnus , see aeneas advancing to succour them . the poet says , spes addita suscitat iras . this expression signifies equally , either in particular , that the hope they receiv'd rally'd and increas'd their courage ; or in general , that the hope of approaching and certain succour raises mens courage , and arms them with new vigor . if the poet had added but one word , and said , ollis spes addita suscitat iras ; the first sence would have been clearly expressed , and it would not have been a pure sentence , but the application of a sentence . the leaving out of this word makes it a perfect sentence . but this leaving out the word being so natural , that we can easily understand it ; reduces the sentence into the body of the discourse , and prevents it , as i may so say , from being upon the ramble . this is one of those fine and delicate unions which persius requires . the second way of disguising the sentences , is by applying them sensibly to the particular action . this is done by drawing a particular conclusion from an argument founded upon a general proposition , which we do not express . an instance thereof is this , dido complains , because she did not set upon aeneas , whilst it was in her power ; and she starts this objection against it : that such an assault would have been as dangerous to her as to her enemy . verum anceps pugnae fuerat fortuna . one may answer her in this argument : he that is resolv'd to die , has nothing to fear ; i have nothing then to fear , since i am resolved to die . it would have been ridiculous to have expressed all this in a poem , and to make one as passionate as dido then was , to argue the case thus . 't was requisite then that one or other of these propositions should be made choice of ; each of them is intelligible enough . the mind of the composer does usually determine this without reflection , and he takes either that side to which his over serious wisdom , or to which his own imagination judiciously warm'd , and transformed into that of the person who acts and speaks , inclines him . thus the sage and sententious seneca would not have fail'd taking the general proposition . what signifies ? he would have said , he fears nothing that is resolv'd to die . virgil has follow'd his ordinary flame and stile , and says , fuisset ! quem metus moritura . seneca very frequently in his tragedies , where the moral should be less apparent than in the epopea , uttere his thoughts morally and sententiously ; and virgil on the other hand , in the epick poem , and in places that are design'd for morality , conceals his sentences under figures , and particular applications this tragedian in his design of joyning what is profitable to what is pleasant , has so manag'd things , that he quite hides the pleasant , and stifles the passion that should be predominant , that he may foist in a sentence , the effect whereof is frequently nothing else but the offending those that make impartial reflections thereon ; as in that we have already taken notice of in his oedipus . whilst virgil , retaining in the sentence , he makes use of , all that is profitable and instructive according as he is oblig'd , mixes therewith the lustre and the tenderness of the passions with a judgment and skill that is peculiar to him . if any thing lays us under an obligation of embracing vertue , and abandoning vice , 't is doubtless this maxim , viz. that the chiefest and best recompence of a good action is vertue it self , and the good habits we contract by our good actions ; as on the contrary , vicious actions imprint on us the love of vices and the habits of committing them , which sometimes lead us into a kind of fatal necessity . the habits take such deep rooting in us , that death it self does not make us relinquish them : we preserve to eternity the affections and inclinations which we have contracted in our life-time , and with which we die . so that those who are so unhappy as to leave this world with their vicious inclinations about them , are afflicted with unspeakable torments , when they come to see the deformity of those vices which they cannot divest themselves of , and the beauty of justice and vertue , from which they are banish'd for ever . virgil teaches us all this in several sentences that he disguises after a most admirable manner . the first thing is : that the manners and the habits are the best reward of good actions . he tempers this excellent precept with so much tenderness , that 't is hard to say , whether in this passage he makes use of the profitable , or the pleasant . a young nobleman , eurialus , the most amiable , and the most beloved of all the trojans , meets with an important occasion of serving his prince , to which nothing but his own vertue obliges him . he embraces the opportunity with all earnestness , and is going to expose himself to a death , that perhaps might be the heart-breaking of his mother . she loved this son so passionately , that she was the only woman that followed him into italy , without fearing the dangers and the fatigues which kept all the rest behind at sicily . eurialus , that lov'd his mother as dearly , dares not take his leave of her , because he could not away with the tenderness of her tears . he therefore recommends her to young ascanius . ascanius receives her into his protection : and on both sides they express all the passion , which a great poet was able to inspire them with . 't is in the midst of these passions , that a grave old man with tears in his eyes , embraces eurialus and his dear friend nisus ; prays for their success , and for a reward of so much vertue , promises them such a one as we have been discoursing of . * with this he took the hand of either boy , embrac'd them closely both , and wept for joy. ye brave young men , what equal gifts can we , what recompence for such desert , decree ? the greatest sure , and best you can receive , the gods , your vertue , and your fame will give . [ english'd thus by mr. dryden in his miscellan . part ii. pag. . ] the second sentence is this , that when we die , we carry along with us the habits we have contracted here . the poet makes mention of the troublesome and tormenting habits , upon the occasion of those lovers which aeneas meets with labouring under the same miseries they did before their death . curae non ipsâ in morte relinquunt . and he says as much concerning the pleasant inclinations , when in the elysian fields aeneas meets with heroes that had the same diversions there , which they enjoy'd whilst here on earth . — quae gratia currûm armorumque fuit vivis , quae cura nitentes pascere equos : eadem sequitur tellure repôstos . the poet makes a particular application of this last passage by adding the words chariots and horses . one might entirely retrench them , and that which remains be a pure and perfect sentence . quae gratia fuit vivis , quae cura , eadem sequitur tellure repôstos . the preceding passage is pure and general in the terms , and in the expression . curae non ipsâ in morte relinquunt . 't is the consequence alone that renders it singular , and reduces it into the body of the action . these two particular applications do in the general say the same thing , and teach us ; that we eternally preserve the same passions and habits , which we have contracted whilst living , unless we relinquish them before we die . this is likewise what our poet teaches us , when among the torments of his hell , he mentions that which the damn'd suffer there at the sight of the justice and vertue they have despis'd , and of which they have eternally depriv'd themselves . * the miserable theseus , says virgil , is in hell , and there will for ever be ; and phlegias more miserable than he , is always calling to those about him ; hark ye , cries he to the damn'd , and learn what 't is to be just and pious . this passage presents us with a sentence disguis'd a quite different way from those we have been discoursing of . for the former are concealed under the expression that contains them : but this last , on the other hand , is not contained in the expression that presents it to us . who is there but at first fight will take this verse of virgil for a sentence , and for an admonition to be just and pious ? learn to be just , and don 't the gods contemn . in truth a man would not question but this was the poet's design ; if he only considers his person , and that of the readers ; and he cannot say but that he has given it full force : for to cause this sentence to be spoken in this frightful place of torment , where men are punish'd severely for neglecting to practise it , must needs render it very moving and convincing . but when , without considering the person of the reader , one reflects upon the consequence , and minds only him that speaks , and the persons to whom he speaks : 't is no such easie matter to imagine , that virgil's design was to inspire piety and justice into souls , that are no longer capable thereof , being condemn'd to suffer eternal torments in a place from whence they must never depart . the poet's meaning then is something else , since he makes these words be said in a passage where nothing but crimes and punishments are his theme . the torments of sense , denoted by the chains , the whips , the wheels , and the flames , are not the greatest . the conscience forms such , to which the others are not to be compar'd . and as our author has said , that external things are not even in this life the highest recompence of vertuous actions ; he would have us likewise understand , that 't is the same case with punishments , and that our soul has no greater a tormenter than its own self . * perseus , who has taken many things from virgil , may as well have taken this thought from him too . this poet could not imagin any dreadfuller torment , than for a man to have a view of vertue , when he lies under such a fatal necessity , as to be no longer able to pursue it . plato says , if vertue could be seen with the eyes of the body , it would charm all the world. what torment then must those men needs suffer , who see it more evidently than with their bodily eyes , and are so far from being able to enjoy its charms , that they see themselves ty'd down inseparably to the contrary vices , with which they are forc'd to make this comparison , when in the midst of their torments they are call'd upon , learn to be just , and don 't the gods contemn ? chap. vi. concerning several other thoughts . the points and the neat turns are in the pleasant , what the sentences are in the profitable . their lustre dazles young poets , and others too that have more fancy than judgment . the sentences cool the action , and retard its motions by an unseasonable gravity : and the points destroy the majesty of a poem by pretty conceits that are unbecoming it . sometimes these fine words produce forc'd and ridiculous thoughts , when a poet would prepare them , and start up occasions to make use of them . in the troad of seneca , agamemnon falls out with pyrrhus , and hits him in the teeth , * that the place of his nativity was surrounded with water . † pyrrhus the grandson of thetis replies , that these waters were his grandmothers : from whence 't is concluded that they cannot prejudice his island , nor set bounds to his empire ; since in some sort they belong to it . this was an ingenious repartee : but upon what account does agamemnon upbraid pyrrhus for being born in an island ? this king of kings would never have said thus to pyrrhus , had not the poet foresaw , what this youngster would have answered him . 't is easier redressing this fault , than 't is that of the sentences ; because the sentences and the precepts of morality are necessary to the epopéa , whose sole design is to instruct men , which cannot be done without these sentences . they therefore cannot be excluded . one must learn how to make use of them , and this requires a great deal of art , a great deal of fancy , and a mature and solid judgment . but the points are so little necessary , that one may quite exclude them from a poem . our poets have done so : among so many sentences , there are so few points , and pretty conceits , that one may suppose that even those that happen to be there , are such as crept in without the poets being aware of them . virgil was too ingenious not to meet with a great many points that lay in his way , but he has made no use of them , and by consequence one may presume he wholly rejected them . the amplification of the things one speaks of belongs likewise to the same genius ; and those that are in love with glaring and fine thoughts are subject to a vicious amplification . in the thebaid of s●… oedipus renounces the innocency he had retain'd even in the midst of the crimes he had committed , and he takes them all upon himself , only upon a desire he had of expressing his great kindness for his daughter antigone . he had murder'd his father , and marry'd his mother without knowing it . he was severely punished for it . but when he saw antigone did not abandon him in his miseries , he cries out : o my dear daughter , i am well enough satisfied with my commission of parricide and incest , since 't is to these that i am beholden for such a daughter . the genius of statius , and the frantick desire he had of making all things look great , is such , that he chooses rather to contradict himself , than not have his humour . when he would amplifie the valour of capaneus , jupiter scarce thinks his whole godhead to be match enough for this great man : and after he had darted one thunder bolt at him , he is ready to cast another . and when he comes to speak of the great power of jupiter , this very god smiles at the vanity and weakness of capaneus , and disdains him so much , that he could scarce perswade himself to take his bolt in his hand to crush him with it in pieces . the affected study and knowledge of all arts and sciences , is another dangerous rock to the vanity of writers . though a poet should know ev'ry thing ; yet 't is not with a design he should vent his science by retail , and let the world see the extent of his mind : but that he may say nothing that should argue him ignorant , and that he may speak correctly upon several occasions . 't is requisite likewise that these occasions be natural , and such as appear unavoidable , and unsought for . we have seen one instance of this in the doctrine of the immortality of the soul , which virgil has so judiciously and necessarily placed in his sixth book . 't is so easie to make use of all manner of terms of art in a poem , that a man must be one of little thought and a mean soul , that shall be ambitious of the praise of having done it . there needs only reading over a book of the art one would speak of ; or conversing with an artificer : and after that to make some one or other that understands it see what we have writ about it . an author will be a pitiful creature , if he does not attain his end by this means : but he will not be much the more learned for having succeeded therein . a great poet will never stoop to so low and useless a vanity in an epick poem . let him indeed learn , and know every thing ; but then let him make use of this his knowledge as we before advis'd ; and let him do it by using the most common , and the most intelligble terms he can . the minds of his readers must never be burden'd , when there is no occasion for it : the passions and the pleasure of a poem require an entire freedom from every thing else . the desire of appearing learned , makes a poem smell of it from one end to the other . we shall see women , that in a violent passion will make reflections on things , which in all probability they are wholly ignorant of ; and on which , though they were acquainted with them , they ought not in the condition they are in to spend the least thought . these poetical heroine's are vers'd in history , mythology , geography , a great many curious properties of nature , and very fine lessons in morality : in a word , they are not ignorant , in their very passions , of whatever the poet knows in his study , amidst his books and common places . if they complain of any cruelty , they name ye all the cruel tyrants that ever were , and know without the least mistake , wherein the wicked inclination of each person did consist . † 't is not enough for them to mention busiris and diomedes ; they must needs add the altars of the one , and the horses of the other . they would think it a shame only to know that the scythians are cruel ; they must likewise know that they have no six'd habitation , but are here to day , and there to morrow . this is what seneca's andromache knew ; and on which she reflected even during the sad recital of the death of her only son , little astyanax , who was thrown from the top of a tower. if one considers on all this , one can never be affected with these learned complaints : and if the audience never think thereon , to what purpose are they us'd . the madness of medea is no less learned than the sadness of andromache . this mad-woman threatens to burn the king of corinth's palace : the flame whereof should be seen off the promontory of malea , which lies at the farther end of the peloponnesus . but this is not all ; this passion would not have been learned enough , had not medea added , that this promontory is inaccessible , that the rocks which surround it with water-lilies , oblige the ships to go a great way about , and that they are forc'd to fail at such a distance off it , that their voyage by this means is so much the longer . sometimes likewise , not being able to express these things by circumlocutions , so as to be understood , all shall be included in an epithet , an adverb , or some other word , and then let the reader guess at the meaning . but poems are not invented for this . i shall here make this one reflection more ; that , though we are to avoid ostentation , and never to affect appearing learned : yet we must not fall into the contrary fault , and appear ignorant , as statius has done in the beginning of his thebaid . he undertakes the war of eteocles and polynices , and before he enters upon the m●… he relates all that happen'd at the founding of thebes , and from thence down to their times . he expresses this in a doubt ; and he asks his muses , whether he must begin his recital with the rape of europa . this doubt is a sign of so gross an ignorance in the art , that it betrays a man's want of judgment , when he gives his readers such a disadvantageous character of himself . chap. vii . of the expression . the expression should be suitable to the subjects one treats on , and consequently should be beautiful , noble , and august in the epick poem , as well as in tragedy . but 't is very observable that this beauty , and this grandeur is of a very large extent , and like a genus divides it self into several species . this will be easily conceiv'd , if one recollect what we have already said in the fourth book concerning the character of the hero , and of the whole poem in general . the characters of achilles , vlysses , and aeneas are very great , and yet differ very much from each other . the iliad consists altogether in battles , in anger , and in a continual commotion without bounds and measure . the odysseis on the contrary is full of nothing else but prudence , patience , and wisdom . so that the learned observe there is a considerable difference in the stile and verses of these two poems . there is a great deal of flegm in the odysseis : but the iliad is all over one continual flame . the aeneid should be a great deal softer than the two greek poems . beside this first distinction , each part of which comprehends an entire poem , there are likewise inferiour distinctions , which divide each poem into its episodes and lesser parts . for though the same character should be predominant , yet it should not take up the whole of the poem , there are many passages very different from one another . this alters the stile so far , that * sometimes anger makes comedy wear the buskin , and sometimes sorrow makes tragedy throw it off . this puts me in mind of a queen i saw once upon the stage , who complain'd of her long misfortunes in a stile that was quite opposite thereto . she made a comparison between them , and the happiness of her former years : and she compar'd these different states to the several seasons of the year ; but in such a manner , that she only insisted on the description of the beauty and pleasantness of the spring . and when after a long train of these fine things , which inspir'd nothing but pleasure and joy , she pass'd on to the description of winter , and when one would have expected to hear at last something that was conformable to the present condition of this unfortunate princess , she gave us the reverse of it . she made a description of winter , not by representing the melancholy part of it , but by making an elegant amplification on all the beauties of spring , which the winter wanted . all this was expressed in such choice phrases , which certainly cost the poet those studies and sleepless nights , which * horace condemns in those that make complaints . 't is not enough to express the passion one treats of well ; 't is moreover requisite that one prevent it not by any description that may at first give quite contrary sentiments . i will not make aurora rise with a smile , to see the sad passions which dido had abandon'd her self to , when the first break of day presents her with the flight of aeneas . this concerns the doctrine of the thoughts as much as that of the expression ; and oft times the turn and the expression make all the beauty of a thought a fable , an allusion , a point of doctrine , a metaphor , or some other figure shall be wholly contain'd in one word . that which we are now speaking of is more particularly design'd for the expression . poets are oblig'd to keep up to the rules of art : but they are not to discover them openly . oftentimes these very reflections prejudice , and hinder the pleasure and the passion . in this case they have recourse to some expression and phrase , which being of it self indifferent to the matter that is treated on , and not obliging the reader to any reflection that lessens his attention to the main thing , does yet give those an occasion of finding out the rules and the artifice , who have a mind to look after them . here is one instance of this taken from the supposition of those that suppose that aeneas did not spend the winter in africk . the poet represents the hast which the trojans made to equip their ships for a sudden voyage into italy , and he expresses it thus : frondentesque ferunt remos , & robora sylvis infabricata fugae studio . virgil's meaning will seem sufficiently explain'd , if one should say , that the trojans prepar'd for their departure with so much earnestness and precipitation , that they brought the trees almost just as they found them , without giving themselves the leisure to square them , to take the bark , or so much as to strip the branches off them . and yet the word frondentes is not mention'd , which denotes expresly that these trees had their leaves on : from whence one may conclude , that this time was not the winter season ; and that this other expression , hyberno sidere , which virgil makes use of upon the same occasion , cannot denote that season , but only signifies the tempestuous constellation of orion , which is predominant in the summer . the two remarks i have made in this chapter , are so much the more necessary , because that those who never invent any thing of their own , but make it their only business to translate , do never sufficiently reflect thereon . one of the best translators of the aeneid into french , has in one single verse given us an example of these two things . 't is in that of the fifth book . septima post trojae excidium , jam vertitur aestas . this signifies that 't was the end of the seventh summer since the ruine of troy. by this the poet gives us to understand , that aeneas did not spend the winter in carthage , since he came thither about the solstice of the seventh summer ; and at the end of the same summer he is upon his return to sicily . this likewise makes it appear that anchises , whose anniversary they then celebrated , dyed at the end of the summer . lastly , this serves to give an account what the time and the duration of the epick action in the aeneid is . all these proofs then are enervated , and the quite contrary are brought in in their stead by this translation : le septiéme printemps peint la terre de fleurs . the seventh spring now paints the earth with flowers . beside this pleasant expression , and these terms of spring , flowers , and painted earth , are entirely opposite to the design of him that speaks , and to the occasion upon which it is spoken . the trojan matrons did not lament the death of anchises , whose anniversary they then kept , so much as they did the miseries they had already suffer'd on the sea , and those they were still to suffer . they had not their thoughts then upon the flowers of the spring , nor upon the beauties of the earth , but upon the sad and frightful scenes the sea presented to them ; which they look'd upon with tears in their eyes , and with sighs and complaints in their mouths ; * with weeping eyes the deep they all survey'd ; and fetching hideous sighs , alass ! they said , must we poor wearied souls endure again the rage and fury of the savage main ? chap. viii . how one ought to judge of elocution . whatever rules we have laid down in this treatise , and howsoever we have expressed our thoughts , yet it has been far from our design to form a poet , and to teach men how to make an epopea : but only to give the world a clearer insight into the aeneid . so that we must look upon the whole only as the way whereby one should judge of that excellent piece . 't is upon this consideration that we shall here add some general reflexions to those we have already made . the justness of the judgment one passes upon the thoughts and elocution of an author , depends on the nature of the poem one reads , and which one should be throughly qualified with , and beside that , it depends upon the qualities of the mind of him that reads it . † horace touches upon the first point in the comparison he makes between poetry and painting . pictures have their shadows , their distances , and their point of sight , without which they lose all their grace and regularity . the images that adorn the arch of a very high cupola , are very large where they are , and to those who view them pretty near , represent only members that are monstrous in their projections . a man would render himself ridiculous , if he seriously found fault with those mishapen postures , which men of understanding greatly admire . because in truth these irregular figures are harder to draw well , than all the ordinary decorations , where every thing is just and regular . 't is just so with the works of the poets . it is easie after the same manner to find fault with the most excellent and admirable touches of them . one shall inveigh against homer for carrying on the bravery of achilles even to brutality ; and for degrading the patience of vlysses , even to the making him a beggar . he will laugh at the meekness and piety of aeneas ; and prefer the valour of turnus before him . and yet that which appears defective in these poetical hero's , is just in the same manner as certain . pictures seem irregular , when one takes them out of their proper place , and considers them alone , without their circumstances . these pretended faults have more justness and artifice in them and are a great deal harder to manage , than the pitiful beauties , and the cold and languishing perfections , which the meanest poets may steal from morality , and give to their chief personages . poetry then has its shadow , and its point of sight as well as painting . and to discover the beauty and artifice of each passage , a man must not examine it alone and without its circumstances ; for then he will be liable to mistakes . he should read it with the same passions with which it was penn'd . and he must entertain these motions in the whole series of the subject matter , and of the body of the poem . to do otherwise , is to deceive ones self , or upon design to deceive others . 't is to do as eschynes , when he upbraids demosthenes , and says , the phrases he made use of were more like monsters than words in a speech . that they might appear such , he proposes them out of their due place , and without that patheticalness with which they were spoken and heard . cicero says this is no such hard matter . nor is there any difficulty to find fault with several beauties of homer and virgil , and to turn them into ridicule , either by being ignorant of the art , or by the wit of an enemy , or by the spite of an envious humour , or lastly by the buffooneries of a railer . we may likewise fall into these false criticisms for want of learning , and a deep reach . we would fain have homer and virgil form the customs and manners of their personages according to the modern mode . we think their ways of speaking fantastical , because they would be ridiculous , if turn'd verbatim into our language . we faney there 's an extraordinary meanness in the words pots and kettles , blood , fat , the intestines and other parts of animals , because all this is now nothing else but butcher's and kitchen-girls language , and we are apt to laugh at it . and we never consider that in homer and virgil's time all this was agreeable to the sense of the * holy ghost himself , which could never be in the wrong , that god had very carefully enjoyn'd moses all these things , as the most august and venerable that he would have us'd in the religion and worship he requir'd of men ; and that lastly , queens , and princesses , and persons of the finest make , observ'd them with care , respect , and veneration . 't is therefore according to these ideas that our poets were bound to speak of these things . they would have been impious had they treated these subjects with contempt . and perhaps a christian would do little better , should he dare to ridicule them , especially if we reflect that the books of homer and virgil have us'd them less than they are made use of in several books of the holy bible , which a man by thus doing will expose to the buffoonery of libertines and atheists . the expression in its kind is of no less extent , and requires no less study . the greek and latin are two dead languages , of which we are no longer masters . they have their turns , their delicacies , and their beauties , which we ought to study in the best originals . it would be a piece of vanity , if we pretended to understand the languages which we no longer speak , as well as those who have improv'd them for so many ages together , and as well as those that have brought them to their highest perfection , and have come off with the greatest success . shall a french man , or any man now a days pretend that he is better qualified to criticise upon homer than aristotle was ? if not , then we should credit him * , when he assures us , that this poet has surpass'd all others in the art of writing well , whether we consider his sentiments and thoughts , or whether we consider his expression : and that he has not only excell'd all others , but met with perfect success . we may therefore shut up all by ending as we began . languages as well as poems are the inventions of art and a genius , which gives them their form and perfection . if we have a mind to know them throughly , and to pass a right judgment upon the ancients , we must before every thing rectifie our judgment . if a man has a mind to know whether a line be strait or no , he does not take the next piece of wood he can find to clap to it , but this piece of wood must in the first place be made perfectly strait , if he would have it serve for a rule : else , if he applys it , and it does not touch all the parts of the line , he will not guess whether the fault be in the line or in the piece of wood. just so likewise , before we judge of a poem , we should rectifie our judgment , and prove it by the excellent works of the best masters . if they do not please us , we should rather think the fault is in our own judgments , than in those models ; and if they do please us , we may rely upon our selves with the greater assurance , according to that judicious thought of quinctilian : that he whom cicero pleases , should by that conclude , that he has benefited himself very much . the same thing we say of our four authors . a person may rely upon his own judgment in that which concerns the epick poem , and may assure himself of its rectitude and straightness , when his thoughts , his genius , and his reasonings are conformable to the precepts of aristotle and horace , and to the practice of homer and virgil. the end . an essay vpon satyr , written by the famous monsieur dacier . horace having entitled his books of satyrs sermones and satyrae indifferently , and these two titles giving different idea's ; i think it very necessary to explain what the latins understood by the word satyr . the learned casaubon is the first , and indeed the only man , that has with success attempted to shew what the satyrical poesie of the greeks , and the satyr of the romans , was . his book is an inestimable treasure ; and it must be confessed , i have had considerable helps from it ; which is the use we ought to make of the works of such extraordinary men , who have gone before us only to be our guides , and serve us as torches in the darkness of antiquity . nevertheless , you must not so continually fix your eyes upon them , as not to consider whither you are led : for they divert sometimes into paths , where you cannot with safety follow them . this method is what my self have observed in forsaking my directors , and have ventured that way which no body before me has gone ; of which the following discourse will convince you . satyr is a kind of poetry only known amongst the romans , having no relation to the satyrical poesie of the greeks , though some learned men have pretended to the contrary . quinctilian leaves no room to doubt upon this point , when he writes in chap. . satyra quidem tota nostra est . the same reason makes horace call it , in the last satyr of book . graecis intactum carmen . the natural and true etymology is this : the latins called it satvr , quasi plenum , to which there was nothing wanting for its perfection . thus satur color , when the wool has taken a good dye , and nothing can be added to the perfection of it . from satur they have made satura , which they wrote sometimes with an i , satira : they used in other words , the same variation of the letter u into i , as in maxumus , maximus ; optumus , optimus . satura is an adjective , which has reference to a substantive understood ; for the ancient romans said saturam , understanding lancem : and satura lanx was properly a bason fill'd with all sorts of fruit , which they offer'd every year to ceres and bacchus , as the first fruits of all they had gathered . these offerings of different things mix'd together , were not unknown to the greeks , who call'd 'em 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a sacrifice of all sorts of fruit , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an offering of all sorts of grain , when they offer'd pot-herbs . the grammarian diomedes has perfectly describ'd both the custom of the romans , and the word satura , in this passage , lanx referta varias multisque primitiis , sacris cereris inferebatur , & à copia & saturitate rei , satura vocabatur : cujus generis lancium & virgilius in georgicis meminit , cum hoc modo dicit , lancibus & pandis fumantia reddimus exta . and — lancesque & liba feremus . from thence the word satura was apply'd to many other mixtures , as in festus : satyra cibi genus , ex variis rebus conditum . from hence it pass'd to the works of the mind ; for they call'd some laws leges saturas , which contain'd many heads or titles ; as the julian , papian , and popean laws , which were called miscellas , which is of the same signification with satura . from hence arose this phrase , per saturam legem ferre , when the senate made a law , without gathering , and counting the votes , in haste , and confusedly all together , which was properly call'd , per saturam sententias exquirere , as salust has it after lelius . but they rested not here , but gave this name to certain books , as pescennius festus , whose histories were call'd saturas , or per saturam . from all these examples , 't is not hard to suppose , that these works of horace took from hence their name , and that they were call'd , saturae quia multis & variis rebus hoe carmen refertum est , because these poems are full of a great many different things , as porphyrius says , which is partly true . but it must not be thought it is immediately from thence ; for this name had been used before for other things , which bore a nearer resemblance to the satyrs of horace ; in explanation of which , a method is to be follow'd , which casaubon himself never thought of , and which will put things in so clear a light , that there can be no place left for doubt . the romans having been almost four hundred years without any scenical plays , chance and debauchery made them find in one of their feasts , the saturnian and fescennine verses , which for six score years they had instead of dramatick pieces . but these verses were rude , and almost without any numbers , as being made extempore , and by a people as yet but barbarous , who had little other skill , than what flow'd from their joy , and the fumes of wine . they were filled with the grossest sort of raileries , and attended with gestures and dances . to have a livelier idea of this , you need but reflect upon the honest peasants , whose clownish dances are attended with extempore verses ; in which , in a wretched manner , they jeer one another with all they know . to this horace refers in the first epistle of his second book ; fescennina per hunc inventa licentia morem , versibus alternis opprobria rustica fudit . this licentious and irregular verse , was succeeded by a sort more correct , filled with a pleasant raillery , without the mixture of any thing scurrillous ; and these obtain'd the name of satyrs , by reason of their variety , and had regulated forms , that is , regular dances and musick ; but undecent postures were banish'd . titus livius has it in his seventh book . vernaculis artificibus , quia hister tusco verbo ludio vocabatur , nomen histrionibus inditum , qui non sicut ante fescennino versu similem compositum temere , ac rudem alternis faciebant ; sed impletas modis satyras , descripto jam ad tibicinem cantu , motuque congruents peragebant . these satyrs were properly honest farces , in which the spectators and actors were rallied without distinction . livius andronicus found things in this posture when he first undertook to make comedies and tragedies in imitation of the grecians . this diversion appearing more noble and perfect , they run to it in multitudes , neglecting the satyrs for some time , tho they receiv'd them a little after ; and some modell'd them into a purpos'd form , to act at the end of their comedies , as the french act their farces now . and then they alter'd their name of satyrs for that of exodia , which they preserve to this day . this was the first and most ancient kind of roman satyr . there are two other sorts , which though very different from this first , yet both owe their birth to this , and are , as it were , branches of it . this i shall prove the most succinctly i can . a year after livius andronicus had caus'd his first efforts to be acted , italy gave birth to ennius ; who being grown up , and having all the leisure in the world to observe the eager satisfaction with which the romans receiv'd the satyrs , of which i have already spoke , was of opinion , that poems , tho not adapted to the theatre , yet preserving the gaul , the railings , and pleasantness which made these satyrs take with so much applause , would not fail of being well receiv'd : he therefore ventur'd at it , and compos'd several discourses , to which he retain'd the name of satyrs . these discourses were entirely like those of horace , both for the matter and the variety . the only essential difference that is observable , is , that ennius , in imitation of some greeks , and of homer himself , took the liberty of mixing several kinds of verses together , as , hexameters , iambics , trimeters , with tetrimeters , trochaics or square verse ; as it appears from the fragments which are left us . these following verses are of the square kind , which aulus gellius has preserv'd us , and which very well merit a place here for the beauty they contain : hoc erit tibi argumentum semper in promptu situm , ne quid expectes amicos , quod tute agere possies . i attribute also to these satyrs of ennius these other kinds of verses , which are of a beauty and elegance much above the age in which they were made ; nor will the sight of 'em here be unpleasant . non habeo denique nauci marsum augurem , non vicanos aruspices , non de cicro astrologos , non isiacos conjectores , non interpretes hominum : non enim sunt ii aut scientia , aut arte divini ; sed superstitiosi vates , impudentesque harioli , aut inertes , aut insani , aut quibus egestas imperat : qui sui quaestus causa fictas suscitant sententias , qui sibi semitam non sapiunt , alteri monstrant viam , quibus devitias pollicentur , ab iis drachmam petunt , de divitiis deducant drachmam , reddant caetera . horace has borrow'd several things from these satyrs . after ennius , came pacuvius ; who also writ satyrs in imitation of his unkle ennius . lucilius was born in the time when pacuvius was in most reputation . he also wrote satyrs . but he gave 'em a new turn , and endeavoured to imitate , as near as he could , the character of the old greek comedy , of which we had but a very imperfect idea in the ancient roman satyr , and such , as one might find in a poem , which nature alone had dictated before the romans had thought of imitating the grecians , and enriching themselves with their spoils . 't is thus you must understand this passage of the first satyr of the second book of horace . — quid , cum est lucilius ausis , primus in hunc operis componere carmina morem ? horace never intended by this to say , that there were no satyrs before lucilius , because ennius and pacuvius were before him , whose example he followed : he only would have it understood , that lucilius having given a new turn to this poem , and embellish'd it , ought by way of excellence to be esteemed the first author . quinctilian had the same thought , when he writ , in the first chapter of the tenth book , satyra quidem tota nostra est , in qua primus insignem laudem adeptus est lucilius . you must not therefore be of the opinion of casaubon , who building on the judgment of diomedes , thought that the satyr of ennius , and that of lucilius , were entirely different : these are the very words of this grammarian , which have deceived this judicious critick : satyra est carmen apud romanos , non quidem apud graecos maledicum , ad carpenda hominum vitia , archaeae comoediae charactere compositum , quale scripserunt lucilius & horatius , & persius . sed olim carmen quod ex variis poematibus constabat , satyra dicebatur , quale scripserunt pacuvius & ennius . you may see plainly , that diomedes distinguishes the satyr of lucilius from that of ennius and pacuvius ; the reason which he gives for this distinction , is ridiculous , and absolutely false . the good man had not examin'd the nature and origin of these two satyrs , which were entirely like one another , both in matter and form ; for lucilius added to it only a little politeness , and more salt , almost without changing any thing : and if he did not put together several sorts of verse in the same piece , as ennius has done , yet he made several pieces , of which some were entirely hexameters , others entirely iambics , and others trechaics , as is evident from his fragments . in short , if the satyrs of lucilius differ from these of ennius , because the former has added much to the endeavours of the latter , as casaubon has pretended , it will follow from thence , that those of horace , and those of lucilius , are also entirely different ; for horace has no less refin'd on the satyrs of lucilius , than he on those of ennius and pacuvius . this passage of diomedes has also deceiv'd dousa the son. i say not this to expose some light faults of these great men , but only to shew , with what exactness , and with what caution , their works must be read , when they treat of any thing so obscure and so ancient . i have made appear what was the ancient satyr , that was made for the theatre : i have shewn , that that gave the idea of the satyr of ennius : and , in fine , i have sufficiently prov'd , that the satyrs of ennius and pacuvius , of lucilius and horace , are but one kind of poem , which has received its perfection from the last . 't is time now to speak of the second kind of satyr , which i promised to explain , and which is also derived from the ancient satyr : 't is that which we call varronian , or the satyr of menippus the cinick philosopher . this satyr was not only composed of several sorts of verse , but varro added prose to it , and made a mixture of greek and latin. quinctilian , after he had spoke of the satyr of lucitius , adds , alterum illud est , & prius satyrae genus , quod non sola carminum varietate mistum condidit terentius varro , vir romanorum eruditissimus . the only difficulty of this passage is , that quinctilian assures us , that this satyr of varro was the first ; for how could that be , since varro was a great while after lucilius ? quinctilian meant not that the satyr of varro was the first in order of time ; for he knew well enough , that in that respect he was the last : but he would give us to understand , that this kind of satyr , so mix'd , was more like the satyr of ennius and pacuvius , who gave themselves a greater liberty in this composition than lucilius , who was more severe and correct . we have now only some fragments left of the satyr of varro , and those generally very imperfect ; the titles , which are most commonly double , shew the great variety of subjects , of which varro treated . seneca's book on the death of claudius , boetius his consolation of philosophy , and that of petronius arbiter , are satyrs entirely like those of varro . this is what i have in general to say on satyr ; nor is it necessary i insist any more on this subject . this the reader may observe , that the name of satyr in latin , is not less proper for discourses that recommend virtue , than to those which are design'd against vice. it had nothing so formidable in it as it has now , when a bare mention of satyr makes them tremble , who would fain seem what they are not ; for satyr , with us , signifies the same thing , as exposing or lashing of some thing or person : yet this different acceptation alters not the word , which is always the same ; but the latins , in the titles of their books , have often had regard only to the word , in the extent of its signification , founded on its etymology , whereas we have had respect only to the first and general use , which has been made of it in the beginning , to mock and deride ; yet this word ought always to be writ in latin with an ( u ) or ( i ) satura , or satira , and in english by an ( i ) . those who have wrote it with a ( y ) thought with scaliger , heinsius , and a great many others , that the divinities of the groves , which the grecians call'd satyrs , the romans fauns , gave their names to these pieces ; and that of the word satyrus they had made satyra , and that these satyrs had a great affinity with the satyrick pieces of the greeks , which is absolutely false , as casaubon has very well prov'd it , in making it appear , that of the word satyrus they could never make satyra , but satyrica : and in shewing the difference betwixt the satyrick poems of the greeks , and the roman satyrs . mr. spanheim , in his fine preface to the caesars , of the emperour julian , has added new reflections to those which this judicious critick had advanced ; and he has establish'd , with a great deal of judgment , five or six essential differences between those two poems , which you may find in his book . the greeks had never any thing that came near this roman satyr , but their silli [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which were also biting poems , as they may easily be perceived to be yet , by some fragments of the silli of timon . there was however this difference , that the silli of the greeks were parodious from one end to the other , which cannot be said of the roman satyrs ; where , if sometimes you find some parodia's , you may plainly see that the poet did not design to affect it , and by consequence the parodia's do not make the essence of a satyr , as they do the essence of the silli . having explain'd the nature , origin , and progress of satyr , i 'll now say a word or two of horace in particular . there cannot be a more just idea given of this part of his works , than in comparing them to the statues of the sileni , to which alcibiades in the banquet compares socrates . they were figures , that without had nothing agreeable or beautiful , but when you took the pains to open them , you found the figures of all the gods. in the manner that horace presents himself to us in his satyrs , we discover nothing of him at first that deserves our attachment . he seems to be fitter to amuse children , than to employ the thoughts of men ; but when we remove that which hides him from our eyes , and view him even to the bottom , we find in him all the gods together ; that is to say , all those vertues which ought to be the continual practice of such as seriously endeavour to forsake their vices . hitherto we have been content to see only his out-side ; and 't is a strange thing , that satyrs , which have been read so long , have been so little understood , or explain'd : they have made a halt at the out-side , and were wholly busied in giving the interpretation of words . they have commented upon him like grammarians , not philosophers ; as if horace had writ meerly to have his language understood , and rather to divert , than instruct us . that is not the end of this work of his . the end of any discourse is , the action for which that discourse is compos'd ; when it produces no action , 't is only a vain amusement , which idly tickles the ear , without ever reaching the heart . in these two books of his satyrs , horace would teach us , to conquer our vices , to rule our passions , to follow nature , to limit our desires , to distinguish true from false , and idea's from things , to forsake prejudice , to know throughly the principles and motives of all our actions , and to shun that folly which is in all men who are bigotted to the opinions they have imbibed under their teachers , which they keep obstinately , without examining whether they are well grounded . in a word , he endeavours to make us happy for our selves , agreeable , and faithful to our friends , easie , discreet , and honest to all , with whom we are oblig'd to live . to make us understand the terms he uses , to explain the figures he employs , and to conduct the reader safely through the labyrinth of a difficult expression , or obscure parenthesis , is no great matter to perform : and as epictetus says , there is nothing in that beautiful , or truly worthy a wise man. the principal and most important business , is , to shew the rise , the reason , and the proof of his precepts , to demonstrate that those who do not endeavour to correct themselves by so beautiful a model , are just like sick men , who having a book full of receipts , proper to their distempers , content themselves to read 'em , without comprehending them , or so much as knowing the advantage of them . i urge not this because i have my self omitted any thing in these annotations , which was the incumbent duty of a grammarian to observe ; this i hope the world will be sensible of , and that there remains no more difficulty in the text. but that which has been my chief care , is , to give an insight into the very matter that horace treats of , to shew the solidity of his reasons , to discover the turns he makes use of to prove what he aims at , and to refute or elude that which is opposed to him , to confirm the truth of his decisions , to make the delicacy of his sentiments perceiv'd , to expose to open day the folly he finds in what he condemns . this is what none have done before me . on the contrary , as horace is a true proteus , that takes a thousand different forms , they have often lost him , and not knowing where to find him , have grappled him as well as they could ; they have palm'd upon him in several places , not only opinions which he had not , but even those which he directly refutes : i don't say this to blame those who have taken pains before me on the works of this great poet ; i commend their endeavours ; they have open'd me the way ; and if it be granted , that i have some little advantage over them , i owe it wholly to the great men of antiquity , whom i have read with more care , and without doubt with more leisure . i speak of homer , of plato , and aristotle , and of some other greek and latin authors , which i study centinually , that i may 〈◊〉 my taste on theirs , and draw out of their writings , the justness of wit , good sense and reason . i know very well , that there are now a days some authors , who laugh at these great names , who disallow the acclamations which they have receiv'd from all ages , and who would deprive them of the crowns which they have so well deserv'd , and which they have got before such august tribunals . but for fear of falling into admiration , which they look upon as the child of ignorance , they do not perceive that they go from that admiration , which plato calls the mother of wisdom , and which was the first that opened mens eyes . i do not wonder that the celestial beauties , which we find in the writing of these incomparable men , lose with them all their attractives and charms , because they have not the strength to keep their eyes long enough upon them . besides , it is much easier to despise than understand them . as for my self , i declare , that i am full of admiration and veneration for their divine geniuses : i have them always before my eyes , as venerable and incorruptible judges ; before whom i take pleasure to fansie , that i ought to give an account of my writings . at the same time i have a great respect for posterity , and i always think with more fear than confidence , on the judgment that will pass on my works , if they are happy enough to reach it . all this does not hinder me from esteeming the great men that live now . i acknowledge , that there are a great many who are an honour to our age , and who would have adorn'd the ages past . but amongst these great men i speak of , i do not know one , and there cannot be one , who does not esteem and honour the ancients who is not of their taste , and who follows not their rules . if you go never so little from them , you go at the same time from nature and truth ; and i shall not be afraid to affirm , that it wou'd not be more difficult to see without eyes , or light , than 't is impossible to acquire a solid merit , and to form the understanding by other means , than by those that the greeks and romans have traced for us : whether it be that we follow them by the only force of natural happiness , or instinct , or that art and study have conducted us thither . as for those who thus blame antiquity , without knowing of it , once for all i 'll undeceive them , and make it appear , that in giving all the advantage to our age , they take the direct course to dishonour it ; for what greater proofs can be of the rudeness , or rather barbarity of an age , than in it to hear homer called dull and heavy , plato tiresome and tedious , aristotle ignorant , demosthenes and cicero vulgar orators , virgil a poet without either grace or beauty , and horace an author unpolished , languid , and without force ? the barbarians who ravag'd greece , and italy , and who laboured with so much fury to destroy all things that were fine and noble , have never done any thing so horrible as this . but i hope that the false taste of some particular men without authority , will not be imputed to the whole age , nor give the least blemish to the ancients . 't was to no purpose that a certain emperour declar'd himself an enemy to homer , virgil , and titus livius . all his efforts were ineffectual , and the opposition he made to works so perfect , serv'd only to augment in his history the number of his follies , and render him more odious to all posterity . of pastorals . by monsieur de fontenelle , englished by mr. motteux . of all kinds of poetry the pastoral is probably the most ancient , as the keeping of flocks was one of the first employments which men took up . 't is very likely that these primitive shepherds , amidst the tranquility and leisure which they enjoy'd , bethought themselves of singing their pleasures and their loves ; and then their flocks , the woods , the springs , and all those objects that were most familiar to them naturally came into the subject of their songs . they liv'd in great plenty after their way , without any controul by superiour power , being in a manner the kings of their own flocks ; and i do not doubt but that a certain joy and openness of heart that generally attends plenty and liberty induo'd them to sing , and to make verses . society in time was brought to perfection , or rather declin'd and was perverted ; and men took up employments that seem'd to them of greater consequence ; more weighty affairs fill'd their minds , towns and cities were built every where , and mighty states at last were founded and establisht . then those who liv'd in the country became slaves to those who dwelt in cities , and the pastoral life being grown the lot of the most wretched sort of people , no longer inspir'd any delightful thought . to please others in ingenious composures , men ought to be in a condition to free themselves from pressing want ; and their minds ought to be refin'd through a long use of civil society : now a pastoral life has always wanted one of these two circumstances : the primitive shepherds , of whom we have spoken , liv'd indeed in plenty enough , but in their times the world had not yet had leisure to grow polite . the following ages might have produc'd something more refin'd , but the shepherds of those days were too poor and dejected : so that the country-way of living , and the poetry of shepherds must needs have been always very homely and artless . and indeed nothing is more certain , than that no real shepherds can be altogether like those of theocritus . can any one think that 't is natural for shepherds to say like his ? [ * gods ! when she view'd , how strong was the surprise ! her soul took fire , and sparkled through her eyes ! how did her passions , how her fury move ! how soon she plung'd into th' abyss of love ! let the following passages be examin'd : o that , to crown what e're my wish can crave , i were that bee which flies into your cave ! there softly through your garland wou'd i creep , and steal a kiss when you are fast asleep ! i know what love is now , a cruel god , a tygress bore , and nurs'd him in a wood , a cruel god , he shoots through ev'ry vein — the fair calistris , as my goats i drove , with apples palts me , and still murmurs love. the pastures flourish , and the flocks improve , all smiles , so soon as here resorts my love ; but oh! when e're the dear one leaves the place , at once there fades the shepherds and the grass . ye gods , i wish not heaps of gold refin'd , nor rapid swiftness to outstrip the wind ; but let me sit and sing by yonder rock , clasp thee , my dear , and view my feeding flock . i am of opinion that there will be found in these expressions more beauty and more delicacy of imagination than real shepherds have . but i don't know how theocritus having sometimes rais'd his shepherds in so pleasing a manner above their native genius , could let them so very often fall to it again : i wonder he did not perceive 't was fit that a certain gross clownishness , which is always very unbecoming , should be omitted . when daphnis in the first idyllium is ready to die for love , and a great number of deities are come to visit him , in the midst of that honourable company , he is reprov'd for being like the goat-herds , who envy the pleasure of their copulating goats , and are jealous of them ; and 't is most certain that the terms us'd by theocritus to represent this , are much of the kind of the idea which they give . ah daphnis , loose and wanton in thy love ! a herdsman thought , thou dost a goat-herd prove : a goat-herd , when he sees the kids at rut , sits down , and grieves that he 's not born a goat : thus , when you see the virgins dance , you grieve , because refus'd , and now disdain to live . in another idyllium the goat-herd comatas , and the herdsman laco contend about some theft , which they have committed against each other ; comatas stole laco's pipe , and laco had stollen the skin which comatas us'd to wear to cover himself withal , so that he had left him bare . they rail at each other , and vent their passion in reviling and abusive words , which might become a couple of graecians , but certainly are not over civil ; and then , after a gentle item which one of them gives the other of smelling rank , they both sing for a wager ; the one having challeng'd the other to that musical fight , though it should rather have been to a rubbers at fisticuffs , considering what went before ; and what seems the more odd , is , that whereas they begun with gross taunts and ill language , now that they are going to sing against each other , they affect an uncommon niceness concerning the choice of the place where they are to sing ; each proposing one , of which he makes a florid description . for my part , i have much a-do to believe that all this is very well set together . their songs are as odly diversify'd ; for among the things that relate to their amours , and that are pretty , comatas puts laco in mind of a beating which he bestow'd upon him ; and laco answers him , that he does not remember it , but that he has not forgot how comatas was bound and soundly lash'd by his master eumaras . i do not fansie that those who say that venus , the graces , and cupid compos'd theocritus's idyllia , will pretend that they had a hand in these passages . there are some other places in theocritus that are not altogether so low , which yet are not very entertaining , because they barely treat of country matters . his fourth idyllium is wholly of this kind . the subject of it is only a certain aegon , who , being gone to the olympick games , has left his herds to one corydon . battus tells the trustee , that the herds are in a pitiful condition since aegon left them . corydon answers , that he does his best , that he drives them to the best pastures he knows , and feeds them at a rack of hay . battus says that aegon 's pipe is spoil'd and mouldy in his absence ; corydon replys . that it is not so , that aegon when he went gave it him , and that he is a notable piper . then battus desires corydon , to pull a thorn out of his foot , and the other having advis'd him , never to walk over mountains without his shooes , the idyllium presently concludes , a thing which those who are not conversant with antiquity , would scarce have believ'd possible . when in a pastoral strife one says , ho! my goats go on the brow of yonder hill ; and the other answers , go , my sheep , feed on to the eastward . or , i hate the brush-tail'd fox , which comes at night and devours our grapes ; and the other , i hate the beetles that eat the figs. or , when one says , i have made my self a bed with cow's skins near a cool stream , and there i value summer's burning heats , no more than children do their fathers threats , their mothers kind complaints , &c. and the other answers , i live in a large shady cave , where soft chitterlings afford me pleasing food , and when the winter comes i 'm stor'd with wood ; so that i value cold no more , not i , than toothless men do nuts when pap is by . may not these discourses be thought too clownish , and fitter to be spoken by real country fellows than by such shepherds as are introduc'd in eclogues ? virgil , who having had the example of theocritus before his eyes , has had an opportunity to outdo him , hath made his shepherds more polite and agreeable . any one who compares his third eclogue with that of laco and comatas in theocritus will easily find how well he cou'd rectifie and surpass what he did imitate : not but that he still somewhat too much resembles theocritus , when he loses some time in making his pastors say , beware the stream , drive not the sheep too nigh , the bank may fail , the ram is hardly dry . and , kids from the river drive , and sling your hook , anon i 'll wash them in the shallow brook. and , boys , drive to shades , when milk is drain'd by heat , in vain the milk-maid stroaks an empty teat . all this is the less pleasing considering that it comes after some tender things which are very pretty and genteel , and which have made the reader the more unfit to relish such things as altogether relate to the country . calpurnius a writer of eclogues , who liv'd almost three hundred years after virgil , and whose works however are not wholly destitute of beauty , seems to have been sorry that virgil did express but with the words , novimus & qui te , those injurious terms with which laco and comatas treat one another in theocritus ; tho after all , it had yet been better had virgil wholly supprest that short hint . calpurnius has judg'd this passage worthy a larger extent and therefore wrote an eclogue which is made up of nothing but those invectives , with which two shepherds ready to sing for a prize , ply each other with a great deal of fury , till the shepherd who was to be their judge , is so affrighted that he runs away and leaves ' em . a very fine conclusion ! but no author ever made his shepherds so clownish as j. baptista mantuanus , a latin poet , who liv'd in the foregoing age , and who has been compar'd to virgil , tho he has indeed nothing common with him besides his being of mantua . the shepherd faustus describing his mistress , says , that she had a good big bloated red face , and that , though she was almost blind of an eye , he thought her more beautiful than diana . 't were impossible to guess what precaution another shepherd takes before he begins a discourse of considerable length ; and who knows but that our modern mantuan valued himself mightily upon having copied nature most faithfully in those passages ? i therefore am of opinion , that pastoral poetry cannot be very charming if it is as low and clownish as shepherds naturally are ; or if it precisely runs upon nothing but rural matters . for , to hear one speak of sheep and goats , and of the care that ought to be taken of those animals , has nothing which in it self can please us ; what is pleasing is the idea of quietness , which is inseparable from a pastoral life . let a shepherd say , my sheep are in good case , i conduct them to the best pastures , they feed on nothing but the best grass , and let him say this in the best verse in the world , i am sure that your imagination will not be very much delighted with it . but let him say , how free from anxious cares is my life ! in what a quiet state i pass my days ! all my desires rise no higher than that i may see my flocks in a thriving condition , and the pastures wholesome and pleasing ; i envy no man's happiness , &c. you perceive that this begins to become more agreeable : the reason of it is , that the idea runs no longer immediately upon country affairs , but upon the little share of care which shepherds undergo , and upon the quietness and leisure which they enjoy ; and what is the chiefest point , upon the cheapness of their happiness . for , all men would be happy , and that too at an easie rate . a quiet pleasure is the common object of all their passions , and we are all controuled by a certain laziness : even those who are most stirring are not precisely such for business sake , or because they love to be in action , but because they cannot easily satisfie themselves . ambition , as it is too much an enemy to this natural laziness , is neither a general passion nor very delicious . a considerable part of mankind is not ambitious ; many have begun to be such , but by the means of some undertakings and ties that have determin'd them before they seriously reflected on what they did , and that have made them unfit ever to return to calmer inclinations ; and even those who have most ambition , do often complain of the cares which it exacts and the pains that attend it . the reason of this is that the native laziness , of which we were speaking , is not wholly supprest , though it has been sacrificed to that presumptuous tyrant of the mind ; it prov'd the weakest , and cou'd not over balance its rival ; yet it still subsists and continually opposes the motions of ambition . now no man can be happy while he is divided by two warring inclinations . however , i do not say that men can relish a state of absolute laziness and idleness ; no , they must have some motion , some agitation , but it must be such a motion and agitation as may be reconcil'd , if possible , to the kind of laziness that possesses 'em ; and this is most happily to be found in love , provided it be taken in a certain manner . it must neither be a hot , jealous , touchy , furious , desperate love , but tender , pure , simple , delicate , faithful , and , that it may preserve it self in this state , attended with hopes : then the heart is taken up , but not disturb'd ; we have cares , but no uneasinesses ; we are mov'd , but not torn , and this soft motion is just such , as the love of rest , and our native laziness can bear it . besides , 't is most certain that love is the most general and the most agreable of all the passions . so , in the state of life which we have now describ'd , there is a concurrence of the two strongest passions , laziness and love ; which thus are both satisfied at once ; and , that we may be as happy as 't is possible we should by the passions , 't is necessary that all those by which we are mov'd , agree together in us . this is properly what we conceive of a pastoral life . for , it admits of no ambition , nor of any thing that moves the heart with too much violence ; therefore our laziness has cause to be contented . but this way of living by reason of its idleness and tranquility creates love more easily than any other , or at least indulges it more : but after all , what love ! a love more innocent , because the mind is not so dangerously refin'd ; more assiduous , because those who feel it are not diverted by any other passion ; more full of discretion , because they hardly have any acquaintance with vanity ; more faithful because with a vivacity of imagination less used , they have also less uneasiness , less distaste , and less fickleness ; that is to say , in short , a love purg'd of whatever the excesses of human fancy have sophisticated it with . this consider'd , 't is not to be admir'd why the pictures which are drawn of a pastoral life , have always something so very smiling in them , and indulge our fancies more than the pompous description of a splendid court and of all the magnificence that can shine there . a court gives us no idea but of toilsome and constrain'd pleasures : for , as we have observ'd , the idea is all in all : cou'd the scene of this quiet life , with no other business but love , be plac'd any where but in the country , so that no goats nor sheep shou'd be brought in , i fansie it would be never the worse ; for , the goats and sheep add nothing to its felicity ; but as the scene must lye either in the country or in towns , it seems more reasonable to chuse the first . as the pastoral life is the most idle of all others , 't is also the most fit to be the ground work of those ingenious representations of which we are speaking . so that no ploughmen , reapers , vine-dressers or hunts men , can by any means be so properly introduc'd in eclogues , as shepherds : which confirms what i said , that what makes this kind of poetry please , is not it's giving an image of a country life , but rather the idea which it gives of the tranquility and innocence of that life . yet there is an idyllium of battus and milo , two reapers in theocrtius , which has beauties . milo asks battus why he does not reap as fast as he used to do ? he answers , that he is in love , and then sings something that 's very pretty about the woman that he loves . but milo laughs at him , and tells him he is a fool , for being so idle as to be in love ; that this is not an imployment fit for one who works for food ; and that , to divert himself and excite one another to work , he should sing some songs which he denotes to him , and which altogether relate to the harvest . i must needs own that i do not so well like this conclusion . for i would not be drawn from a pleasing and soft idea to another that is low and without charms . sannazarius has introduced none but fishermen in his eclogues ; and i always perceive , when i read those piscatory poems , that the idea which i have of the fishermen's hard and toilsome way of living , shocks me . i don't know what moved him to bring in fishermen instead of shepherds , who were in possession of the eclogue time out of mind , but had the fishermen been in possession of it , it had been necessary to put the shepherds in their place : for , singing , and above all , an idle life becomes none but shepherds : besides methinks 't is prettier and more genteel to send flowers or fruit to one's mistress , than send her oysters as sannazarius's lyco doth to his . 't is true that theocritus hath an idyllium of two fishermen ; but it doth not seem to me so beautiful as to have deserv'd to tempt any man to write one of that kind . the subject of it is this ; two old fishermen had but sparingly supp'd together in a wretched little thatcht-house , by the sea-side : one of them wakes his bedfellow to tell him , he had just dreamt that he was catching a golden fish ; and the other answers him , that he might starve though he had really caught such a one . was this worth writing an eclogue ! however , though none but shepherds were introduc'd in eclogues , 't is impossible but that the life of shepherds which after all is yet very clownish must sessen and debase their wit , and hinder their being as ingenious , nice , and full of gallantry as they are commonly represented in pastorals . the famous lord d'urfé's astraea seems a less fabulous romance than amadis de gaule ; yet i fansie that in the main it is as incredible , as to the politeness and graces of his shepherds , as amadis can be as to all its enchantments , all its fairies , and the extravagance of its adventures . how comes it then that pastorals please in spight of the falsity of the characters , which ought always to shock us ? could we be pleased with seeing some courtiers represented as having a clownishness which should resemble that of real shepherds as much as the gallantry which shepherds have in pastorals resembles that of courtiers ? no , doubtless ; but indeed that character of the shepherds is not false after all , if we look upon it one way : for we do not mind the meanness of the concerns that are their real employment , but the little trouble which those concerns bring . this meanness would wholly exclude ornaments and gallantry , but on the other hand the quiet state promotes them ; and 't is only on that tranquility that whatever pleases in a pastoral life is grounded . our imagination is not to be pleased without truth ; but it is not very hard to please it ; for , often 't is satisfied with a kind of half truth . let it see only the half of a thing , but let that half be shown in a lively manner , then it will hardly bethink it self that you hide from it the other half , and you may thus deceive it as long as you please , since all the while it imagines that this single moiety , with the thoughts of which it is taken up , is the whole thing . the illusion and at the same time the pleasingness of pastorals therefore consists in exposing to the eye only the tranquility of a shepherd's life , and in dissembling or concealing its meanness , as also in showing only its innocence and hiding its miseries ; so that i do not comprehend why theocritus dwelt so much upon its miseries and clownishness . if those who are resolved to find no faults in the ancients , tell us that theocritus had a mind to draw nature just such as it is , i hope that according to those principles , we shall have some idyllia of porters , or watermen discoursing together of their particular concerns : which will be every whit as good as some idyllia of shepherds speaking of nothing but their goats or their cows . the business is not purely to describe , we must describe such objects as are delightful : when the quiet that reigns in the country , and the simplicity and tenderness which are discover'd there in making love , are represented to me , my imagination , mov'd and affected with these pleasing ideas , is fond of a shepherd's life ; but tho' the vile and low employments of shepherds , were describ'd to me with all the exactness possible , i shou'd never be taken with 'em , and my imagination wou'd not in the least be touch'd . the chief advantage of poetry consists in representing to us in a lively manner the things that concern us , and in striking strongly a heart which is pleas'd with being mov'd . here 's enough , and perhaps too much against these shepherds of theocritus , and those who , like 'em , have too much of the shepherd in ' em . what we have left of moschus and bion in the pastoral kind , makes me extreamly lament what we have lost of theirs . they have no manner of rusticity , but rather a great deal of delicacy and grace , and some ideas wholly new and pleasing . they are accus'd of being too florid ; and i do not deny but that they may be said to be such in some few places ; yet i don't know why the criticks are more inclin'd to excuse theocritus's clownishness , than moschus and bion's elegancy ; methinks they should have done the contrary . is it not that virgil has prejudic'd every one for theocritus , having done to no other the honour of imitating and copying him ? or is it not rather that the learned have a taste that uses to nauseate what is delicate and genteel ? what ever it is , i find that all their favour is for theocritus , and that they have resolv'd to dubb him prince of the bucolick poets . the moderns have not often been guilty of making their shepherds thus clownish . the author of astraea , in that romance , which otherwise is full of admirable things , has rather run into the other extream . some of his shepherds are absolutely drawn such as they ought to have been , but some others , if i am not mistaken , might better have been plac'd in grand cyrus , or in cleopatra . these shepherds often seem to me courtiers disguis'd in a pastoral dress , and ill mimicks of what they would imitate ; sometimes they appear to me most cavilling sophisters ; for tho' none but sylvander has studied in the school of the massilians , there are some others who happen to be as full of subtility as himself ; though i don't comprehend how they cou'd even but understand him , not having like him took their degrees in the massilian schools . it does not belong to shepherds to speak of all sorts of matters , and when a poet has a mind to raise his style , he may make use of other persons . when virgil desir'd to give a pompous description of the imaginary return of the golden age , which he promises to the world at the birth of pollio's son , he should not have excited the pastoral muses to leave their natural strain , and raise their voices to a pitch which they can never reach ; his business was to have left them , and have address'd himself to some others . yet i do not know after all if it had not have been better to have kept to the pastoral muses ; for , he might have given a pleasing description of the good which the return of peace was ready to cause in the country ; and this , methinks , had been as acceptable at least as all those incomprehensible wonders which he borrows of the cumean sibyl , this new race of men which is to descend from heaven , these grapes which are to grow on bryars , and these lambs whose native fleece is to be of a scarlet , or crimson hue , to save mankind the trouble of dying the wool. he might have flatter'd pollis more agreeably with things that might have seem'd more consistent with probability , though , after all , even these perhaps did not wholly seem inconsistent with it , at least to the party concern'd ; for praise is seldom thought such by those on whom it is lavish'd . shall i dare to say that calpurnius , an author much inferiour to virgil seems to have handled a subject of the same nature much more to the purpose : take notice that i only speak of the design or fable , and not at all of the stile . he brings in two shepherds , who to be skreen'd from the sun 's sultry heat , shelter themselves in a cave where they find some verses written with the god faunus's own hand , which contain a prophecy about the happiness which the roman empire is to enjoy under the emperour carus . according to the duty of a pastoral poet , he dwells sufficiently on the prosperity and plenty that relates to the country , and then proceeds to higher matters ; because , as he makes a god speak , he has a right to do so ; but he brings in nothing like the sibyl's prophecies . 't is pity that virgil did not write the verses of this piece ; neither had there been need to have had them all written by him . virgil makes phoebus say to him at the beginning of his sixth eclogue , that a shepherd ought not to sing kings nor wars , but to stick to his flocks , and such subjects as only require a plain stile . without doubt phoebus's counsel was very good , but i cannot imagine how virgil could forget it so much as to fall a singing immediately after , the original of the world , and the framing of the universe , according to epicurus's system , which was a great deal worse than to sing kings and wars . i must needs own that i cannot in the least tell what to make of this piece ; i do not understand what is the design , nor what coherence there is between the several parts of it : for after these philosophical notions , we have the fables of hylas and pasiphae , and of phaeton's sisters which have no manner of relation to them , and in the middle of these fables , which are all borrow'd from very remote times , we have cornelius gallus , virgil 's contemporary , and the honours which he receives on paruassus ; after which , we presently come to the fables of scylla and philomela . 't is honest silenus that gives all this fine medly ; and , as virgil tells us , that according to his laudable custom , he had taken a hearty carouse the day before , i am afraid , the fumes were hardly yet got out of his head. here let me once more take the freedom to own that i like better the design of an eclogue of this kind , by nemesianus , an author who was calpurnius's contemporary , and who is not altogether to be despis'd . some shepherds , finding pan asleep , try to play on his pipe , but as a mortal can make a god's pipe yield only a very unpleasing sound , pan is awak'd by it ; and tells them , that if they are for songs , he 'll gratifie them presently . with this be sings to them something of the history of bacebus , and dwells on the first vintage that ever was made , of which he gives a description which seems to me very agreeable ; this design is more regular than that of virgil's silenus , and the verses also are pretty good . the moderns have been often guilty of handling high subjects in their eclogues . the french poet rensard has given us in his the praises of princes and of france , and almost all that looks like bucolick in them , is his calling henry ii. henriot , [ or harry . ] charles ix . carlin , and queen catherine de medicis , catin , [ or kate. ] 't is true , he owns that he did not follow the rules , but it had been better to have done it , and thus have avoided the ridicule which the disproportion that is between the subject and the form of the work produces . hence it happens that in his first eclogue it falls to the lot of the shepherdess margot [ or peg ] to sing the elogy of turnebus , budaeus , and vatable , the greatest men of their age for greek and hebrew , but with whom , certainly peg ought not to have been acquainted . because shepherds look well in some kinds of poetry , many writers prostitute them to every subject . they are often made to sing the praises of kings in the sublimest stile the poet can write ; and provided he has but talk'd of oaten pipes , meads and plains , fern or grass , streams or vallies , he thinks he has written an eclogue . when shepherds praise a hero , they shou'd praise him shepherd-like , and i do not doubt but that this wou'd be very ingenious and taking , but it wou'd require some art , and the shortest cut it seems is to make the shepherds speak the common dialect of praise , which is very big and softy indeed , but very common and consequently easie enough of conscience . allegorical eclogues also are not very easie . j. b. mantuanus , who was a carmelite fryar , has one in which two shepherds dispute , the one representing a carmelite fryar , who is of that party of the order which they call , the strict observance , and the other of that which they call the mitigated . the famous bembus is their judge ; and 't is worth observing , that he prudently makes them lay down their crooks , lest they fall together by the ears . now , though in the main our mantuan has pretty well kept the allegory , 't is too ridiculous to find the controversie between these two sorts of carmelitans handled ecloguewise . yet i had rather see a shepherd represent one of these , than have him act the epicuraean , and say impious things ; 't is what happens sometimes to some of mantuanus's shepherds , though they are very clownish , and he himself was of a religious order . amyntas , one of them , in an angry fit , which makes him rail against the laws and vertue , meerly because he is in love , says , that men are great fools to feed themselves up with a fancy of being taken up to heaven after their death ; and he adds , that the most that is like to happen then , is that they may chance to transmigrate into some birds , and so flutter up and down through the air. in vain to make this excusable , our fryar says , that amyntas had liv'd a long time in town ; and as much in vain badius his worthy commentator ; for as much a modern as mantuanus is , he has one , and as bigotted and hot for his author as those of the ancients ; in vain , i say , he takes from thence an opportunity to make this rare reflection , that love causes us to doubt of matters of faith : 't is certain that these errours , which ought to be detested by all those who have heard of them , ought not to be known , much less mention'd by shepherds . to make amends , sometimes our mantuan makes his shepherds mighty godly . in one of his eclogues you have a catalogue of all the virgin mary's holidays ; in another an apparition of the virgin , who promises a shepherd , that , when he shall have past his life on mount carmel , she 'll take him to a more pleasant place , and will make him dwell in heaven with the dryades , and hamadryades , a sort of new-fashion'd saints whom we did not yet know in heaven such gross and inexcusable indecencies may be easily avoided in the character of shepherds , but there are some that are not so observable , of which some writers cannot so easily be freed : 't is the making their shepherds speak too wittily . sometimes even those of the marquess de racan are guilty of this , though they generally use to be very reserv'd in that point . as for the italian authors , they are always so full of false and pointed thoughts , that we must resolve right or wrong to give them leave to indulge themselves in that darling stile of theirs , as natural to them as their mother tongue . they never take the pains to make their shepherds speak in a pastoral stile , but make use of as bold and exaggerated figures , and are as full of conceipts in that sort of poetry , as they are in others . father beuhours in his excellent treatise of the manner of thinking justly in ingenious composures , finds fault with tasso's sylvia , who seeing the reflection of her face in a fountain , and adorning her self with flowers , tells them she does not wear them to mend her beauty , but to lessen them , and disgrace them by being plac'd near her brighter charms . our judicious critick thinks this thought too full of affectation , and not natural enough for a shepherdess , and none can refuse their assent to this criticism which is the result of a very delicate taste : but when that is done , let none give themselves the trouble of reading guarini's , bouarelli's and marini's pastoral poetry with a design to find any thing in them truly pastoral , for sylvia's thought is one of the most unaffected and single things in the world , if compar'd to most of those of which these authors are full . and indeed tasso's amynta is the best thing that italy has produc'd in the pastoral kind ; and has certainly very great beauties ; even the passage of sylvia , except what we have observ'd in it , is one of the most ingenious and best describ'd things i ever read , and we ought to own our selves extremely oblig'd to an italian author , for not having been more prodigal of pointed thoughts . monsieur de segrais , whose works are the most excellent pattern we have of pastoral poetry , owns himself , that he did not always keep exactly to the stile which it requires . he says , that he has sometimes been obliged to humour the genius of this age , which delights in figures and glittering things : but this must be said on his behalf , that he only condescended to follow this method after he had sufficiently prov'd that he can when he pleases perfectly hit the true beauties of pastoral . after all , none can well tell which is the taste or genius of this age , 't is not determined either to what is good or bad , but seems wavering sometimes on this and sometimes on that side . so i believe , that , since there is still a hazard to be run what ever side we take , 't were better to follow the rules and true ideas of things . between the usual clownishness of theocritus's shepherds , and the too much wit of most of our modern shepherds , a certain medium shou'd be kept , but 't is so far from being easily follow'd in the performance , that 't is even difficult to denote it . the shepherds ought to have wit , and it ought to be fine and genteel too ; for they cou'd not please without it , but they ought to have that wit only in a certain degree , otherwise they are no more shepherds : i 'll endeavour to determine this degree , and adventure to give my notion of it . the men who have the most wit , and those who have but an indifferent share of it , do not differ so much in the sense which they have of things as they do in their manner of expressing it . the passions , amidst all the disturbance which they cause , are attended by a kind of light , which they impart almost equally to all those whom they possess . there is a certain penetration , certain ideas , which , without any regard to the difference of the minds , are always found in men in whatever concerns and affects them . but these passions , at the same time that they in a manner inform the mind of all men alike , do not enable them to speak equally well . those whose mind is more refin'd , more capacious and more improv'd by study or conversation do , while they express their sentiments , and something that hath the air of a reflection , and that is not inspir'd by the passion alone ; whereas the others speak their minds more simply , and add , in a manner , nothing that 's foreign : any ordinary man will easily say ; i so passionately desir'd that my mistress might be faithful , that i believ'd her such ; but it only belongs to a refin'd wit , as the duke de la rochefoucaut to say , my understanding was fool'd by my will , or , my reason was cully'd by my desire ; [ ● esprita eté en moy la dupe du coeur : ] the sence is the same , the penetration equal , but the expression is so different , that one would almost think 't is no more the same thing . we take no less pleasure in finding a sentiment exprest simply , than in a more thought-like and elaborate manner , provided it be always equally fine : nay the simple way of expressing it ought to please more , because it occasions a kind of a gentle surprise , and a small admiration . we are amaz'd to find something that is fine and delicate in common and unaffected terms ; and on that account the more the thing is fine , without ceasing to be natural ; and the expression common , without being low , the deeper we ought to be struck . admiration and surprise are so powerful that they can even raise the value of things beyond their intrinsick worth . all paris has lavish'd exclamations of admiration on the siamese embassadors for their ingenious sayings ; now had some spanish or english embassadors spoken the same things , no body would have minded it . this happen'd because we wrongfully suppos'd that some men who came from the remotest part of the world , of a tawny complexion , drest otherwise than we are , and till then esteem'd barbarians by those of europe , were not to be endow'd with common sense ; and we were very much surpris'd to find they had it ; so that the least thing they said fill'd us with admiration , an admiration which after all was injurious enough to those gentlemen . the same happens of our shepherds ; for , we are the more pleasingly struck with finding them thinking finely in their simple style , because we the least expected it . another thing that suits with the pastoral stile is to run only on actions , and never almost on reflections . those who have a middling share of wit , or a wit but little improv'd by a converse with polite books or persons , use to discourse only of those particular things of which they have had a sense ; while others raising themselves higher , reduce all things into general ideas : the minds of the latter have work'd and reflected upon their sentiments and experiments , it happens that what they have seen hath led them to what they have not seen ; whereas those of an inferior order , not pursuing their ideas beyond what they have a sense of , it may happen that what resembles it most may still be new to them . hence proceeds the insatiable desire of the multitude to see the same objects , and their admiring always almost the same things . a consequence of this disposition of mind is the adding to the things that are related any circumstances whether useful or not . this happens because the mind has been extreamly struck with the particular action , and with all that attended it . contrary to this a great genius , despising all these petty circumstances , fixes on what is most essential in things , which commonly may be related without the circumstances . 't is truer than it seems , that in such composures wher in passion is to be describ'd , 't is better to imitate the way of speaking used by men of indifferent capacity , than the stile of more refined wits . i must own that thus there is little related besides actions and we do not rise to reflections ; but nothing is more graceful than actions , so display'd as to bring their reflection along with them . such is this admirable touch in virgil ; galataea throws an apple at me , then runs to hide her self behind the willows , and first would be perceiv'd . the shepherd does not tell you what is galataea's design , though he is fully sensible of it ; but the action has made a deep pleasing impression on his mind , and , according as he represents it , 't is impossible but you must guess its meaning . now the mind is delighted with sensible ideas , because it easily admits of them , and it loves to penetrate , provided it be without effort ; whether it be that it loves to act but to a certain degree , or that a little penetration indulges its vanity . so the mind hath the double pleasure , first of getting an easie idea , then of penetrating , whenever such cases as that of galataea are laid before it . the action , and , in a manner , the soul of the action all at once strike the eyes of the mind ; it can see nothing more in the matter , nor more quickly , neither can it ever be put to less expence . in virgil's second eclogue , corydon , to commend his pipe , tells us that damaetas gave it him when he died , and said to him , thou art the second master it hath had , and amyntas was jealous , because it was not bequeath'd him : all these circumstances are altogether pastoral : it might not perhaps be disagreable to bring in a shepherd who is puzzled in the midst of his story , and who finds some difficulty in recovering himself ; but this wou'd require some art in the management . there are no persons whom it becomes better to lengthen a little their narrations with circumstances than lovers . they ought not indeed to be absolutely needless or too far-fetch'd ; for , this would be tedious , though it may be natural enough ; but those that have but a half relation to the action which is talk'd of , and that show more passion than they , are considerable , can never fail to please . so when , in one of monsieur de segrais's eclogues , a shepherdess says , the songs which lysis and menalcas sing please ev'ry swain , and make the vallies ring ; but i like better those which near this tree , mr jealous shepherd lately made for me . the circumstance of the tree is pretty , only as it had been needless for any other but a lover . according to our idea of shepherds , tales and narrations become them very well ; but for them to make speeches , such as those in astraea , full of general reflections , and chains of arguments , is a thing which i do not think their character allows . it is not amiss to make them give descriptions , provided they be not very long . that of the cup which the goat-herd promises to thyrsis , in theocritus's first idyllium somewhat exceeds the bounds : yet , according to that example , ronsard , and belleau his contemporary , have made some that are yet longer . when their shepherds are about describing a basket , a goat or a black-bird , which they make the prize of a pastoral combate , they never have done : not that their descriptions are sometimes without great beauties , and are writ without admirable art ; far from this , they have too much of it for shepherds . vida a latin poet of the last age , and of great reputation , in his eclogue of nice , whom i take to be victoria colonna , the marquess of pescario's widow , brings in the shepherd damon giving a description of a rush basket which he is to make for her . he says , that he will represent in it davalos , that is the marquess , dying , and grieved that he does not die in battle ; some kings , captains , and nymphs in tears about him , nice praying the gods in vain , nice fainting away at the news of davalos's death , and with difficulty recovering her senses by the means of the water which her women throw on her face ; and he adds that he would have expressed many complaints and moans , if they could be exprest on rush . here are a great many things to be show'd on a basket ! neither do i relate them all ; but i cannot tell how all this can be exprest on rush , nor how damon , who owns he cannot express on it the complaints of nice , is not at a loss to display on it the marquess's grief for dying in his bed. i shrewdly suspect that achilles's shield is the original from which this basket has been imitated . i find that virgil has us'd similitudes very often in his pastoral discourses : these similitudes are very properly brought in , to supply the place of those trivial comparisons , and principally of those clownish proverbial sayings , which real shepherds use almost continually : but as there is nothing more easily to be imitated than this way of using similitudes , 't is what virgil hath been most copied in . we find in all your writers of eclogues , nothing more common than shepherdesses who exceed all others as much as lofty pines e'er top the lowly reed , or highest oaks the humblest shrubs exceed ; we see nothing but the cruelty of ungrateful shepherdesses who are to a shepherd , what frosts or storms are to the tenderest flowers , like hale to rip'ning corn , &c. i think all this old and worn thread-bare at this time of day , and to say the truth on 't , 't is no great pity . similitudes naturally are not very proper for passion , and shepherds shou'd only use them when they find it difficult to express themselves otherwise ; then they wou'd have a very great beauty , but i know but very few of that kind . thus we have pretty near discover'd the pitch of wit which shepherds ought to have , and the style they should use . 't is methinks with eclogues , as with those dresses which are worn at masques or balls ; they are of much finer stuff than those which real shepherds usually wear ; nay they are even adorn'd with ribbands and points , and are only made after the country cut . in the same manner the thoughts which are the subject matter of eclogues , ought to be finer and more delicate than those of real shepherds ; but they must have the most simple and most rural dress possible . not but that we ought to use both simplicity and a country-like plainness ev'n in the thoughts , but we ought to take notice that this simplicity and country-like plainness only exclude your excessive delicacy in the thoughts , like that of the refin'd wits in courts and cities , and not the light which nature and the passions bestow of themselves ; otherwise the poet wou'd degenerate and run into childish talk that wou'd beget laughter rather than admiration . something of this kind is pleasant enough in one of remi belleau's eclogues ; where a young shepherd , having stoln a kiss from a pretty shepherdess , says to her , i 've kist some new fawn'd kids , like other swains , i 've kist the sucking calf , which in our plains young colin gave me ; but this liss i swear , is sweeter much than all those kisses were . yet such a childishness seems more pardonable in this young shepherd than in the cyclops polyphemus . in theocritus's idyllium that bears his name and which is fine , he is thinking how to be reveng'd on his mother , a sea nymph , because she never took care to make galataea , another sea nymph , have a kindness for his giantship ; so he says to his mistress , that he 'll tell his mother , to make her mad , that he has à pain in his head and in his thighs . 't is hard to imagine that , ugly as he was , his mother cou'd doat on him so much as to be very much concern'd to hear the poor little urchin had those petty ills , or that the clownish giant cou'd invent so gentle a revenge , his character is better kept when he promises his mistress to make her a present of a litter of cubs , or young bears , which he breeds for her in his cave . and now that i speak of bears , i wou'd gladly know why daphnis when he is going to die bids adieu to the bears , the lyons and the wolves , as well as to the fair fountain arethuse , and to the silver streams of sicily : methinks a man does not often use to regret the loss of such company . i have but one remark more to make which hath no manner of connection with those that go before : 't is concerning those eclogues which have a burthen much like those in ballads , that is , a verse or two repeated several times . i need not say that we ought to place those repeated . verses in such parts of the eclogue as may require , or at least bear such a verse to interlard them ; but it may not be amiss to observe that all the art that theocritus hath us'd in an idyllium of this kind , was only to take this burthen and scatter it up and down through his idyllium right or wrong , without the least regard to the sence of the places where he inserted it , nay without even so much as respecting some of the phrases which he made no difficulty to split in two . i have here spoken with a great deal of freedom of theocritus and virgil , notwithstanding they are ancients ; and i do not doubt but that i shall be esteem'd one of the profane , by those pedants who profess a kind of religion which consists in worshipping the ancients . 't is true , however , that i have often commended virgil and theocritus ; but yet i have not always prais'd them ; much less have i said , like the superstitious , that even their faults ( if they had any ) were beautiful ; neither have i strain'd all the natural light of reason to justifie them ; i have partly approved , and partly consur'd them , as if they had been some living authors , whom i saw every day ; and there lies the sacrilege ! finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e * the generous briton . * which may be one great argument to prove that the writing according to the rules of aristotle and horace is no such clog to a poet's fancy as some pretend . * fracti bello , satisque repulsi ductores danaum , tot jam labentibus annis , instarmontis equum , &c. aen. . * plenius ac melius chrysippo aut crantore dicit . ep. ad loll. * dryd . dedic . to the e. of orrery before the rival ladies . notes for div a -e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . poet. c. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid . * quicquid sit pulchrum , quid turpe , quid utile , quid non , plenius & melius chrysippo & crantore dicit . epist . lib. . ep. . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . arist . poet. c. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . poet. c. . † respicere exemplar vitae morumque jubebo doctum imitatorem , & veras hinc ducere voces . hor. art. poet. * res gestae regumque ducumque . hor. art. poet. † cui mens divinior atque os magna sonaturum des nominis hujus honorem . horat. * quicquid praecipies esto brevis , ut citò dicta percipiant animi dociles , teneantque fideles . hor. poet. † denique sit quodvis simplex duntaxat , & unum . ibid. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . arist . poet. c. . ‖ versus . * ramoque sedens miserabile carmen integrat . virg. geor. . † ducite ab urbe domum , mea carmina , ducite daphnim . carmina vel coelo possunt deducere lunam . carminibus circe socios mutavit ulyssis . ecl. . ‡ lex horrendi carminis erat : duûmviri perduellionem judicent , si à duûmviris provocatione certârit , provocatione certato , &c. tit. liv. hist . l. . ‖ rem carmine signo : aeneas haec de danais victoribus armis . virg. aeneid . l. . ** tumulo superaddite carmen ; daplinis ego in sylvis hinc usque ad sidera notus , formosi pecoris custos , formosior ipse . virg. ecl. . * ego nec studium sine divite venâ , nec rude quid prosit video ingenium . hor. poet. † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . arist . poet. cap. . ‡ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . poet. c. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . poet. c. . † idicirco quidam comoedia necne poema esset quaesivere : quod acer spiritus ac vis nec verbis nec rebus inest ; nisi quod pede certo differt sermoni sermo merus . hor. lib. . sat. . ‡ primum ego meillorum dederim quibus esse poëtas , excerpam numero ; neque enim concludere versum dixeris esse satis ; neque si quis scribat uti nos sermoni propiora , putes hunc esse poëtam . ibid. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . poet. c. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . † vel qui praetextas , vel qui docuere togatas . hor. poet. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . poet. c. . * delirant reges plectuntur achivi . hor. ep. . ad loll. † fabula quae paridis narratur propter amorem graecia barbariae lento collisa ducllo . ibid. * edita ne brevibus pereat mihi charta libellis , dicatur potius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . martial . l. . * dic mihi musa virum captae post tempora trojae , qui mores hominum multorum vidit & urbes . hor. poet. † ira quidem communiter urit utrumque . hor. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . calyss . . * improba siren desidia . hor. ‡ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . odyss . . * eventus bellorum erant aut mites , aut necessarii , &c. cic. . de offic . * apud prudentes vita ejus variè extollebatur , arguebatúrve . hi pietate erga parentem & necessitudine reip. in qua nullus tunc legibus locus , ad bella civilia actum : pauca admodum vitractata , quo caeteris quies esset . dicebatur contra : pietatem erga parentem , & tempora reipub. obtentui sumpta . hist . lib. . * testaturque deos iterum se ad praelia cogi . aeneid . lib. . † iliaci cineres & flamma extrema meorum , testor in occasu vestro , nec tela , nec ullas vitavisse vices danaum , & sifata , suissent , ut caderem , meruisse manu . virg. . aeneid . * rectius iliaci carmen deducis in actus , quam si praeferres ignota indictaque primus . poet. † sermonem ausonii patrium moresque tenebunt . aeneid . . † segesta est oppidum pervetus in siciliâ , quod ab aeneâ fugiente à trojâ , atque in haec loca veniente , conditum esse demonstrant . cicer. in verrem , iv . * neve minor quinto , neu fit productior actu fabula . hor. poet. † fabula quae paridis nartatur propter amorem graecia barbariae lento collisa ducllo . epist . ad loll. * qui quid sit pulchrum quid turpe , quid utile , quid non : plenius ac melius chrysippo , & cantore dicit . ibid. † seditione , dolis , scelere , atque libidine & irà , iliacos intra muros peccatur & extra . ibid. * quandoque bonus dormitat homerus . verum opere in longo fas est obrepere somnum . hor. poet. † vos exemplaria graeca nocturna versate manu versate diurna . ibid ‡ scriptor honoratum si fortè reponis achillem ; impiger , iracundus , iners , inexorabilis , acer , &c. ibid . † rursus quid virtus & quid sapientia possit , utile proposuit nobis exemplar ulysses . ep. ad loll. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . poet. c. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . iliad . i. iratus graiis quantum nocuisset achilles ! horat. † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. poet. c . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c. . ‡ secuit lucilius urbem , te lupe , te muti. † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 po. c. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. c. . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. c. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . poet. c. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 poet. c. . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . arist . poet c. . ‡ omnia in figura contingebant iis . paul. epist . ad corinth . * ut pictura poesis erit . hor. poet. * magnanimum aeacidem , formidatamque tonanti progeniem , & patrio vetitam succedere coelo , diva refer . quanquam acta viri multum inclyta centu maeonio , sed plura vacant . nos ire per omnem , sic amor est , heroa vetis . * ex ungue leonem . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . &c. poet. . . † denique sit quodvis simplex duntaxat , & unum . hor. poet. * concordia res parvae crescunt : discordiâ magnae dilabuntur . salust . de bell. jug . † ut speciosa dehine miracula promat , antiphaten , scyllamque , & cum cyclope charybdim . hor. poet. * vobis datum est nosse mysteria , caeteris in parabolis tantum . qui potest capere capiat . sapientiam omnium antiquorum exquiret sapiens , & in versutias parabolarum simul introibit , occulta proverbiorum exquiret , & in absconditis parabolarum conversabitur . eccl. c. . * poetae officium in eo positum ut quae vera sunt in alias species obliquis figurationibus cum decore aliquo conversa traducat . lactant. instit . l. n. * familiare est syris & maxime palaestinis ad omnem sermonem suum parabolas jungere . hieron . in matth. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . poet. c. . and elsewhere . † res gestae regumque ducumque , & tristia bella . quo scribi possent numero monstravit homerus . hor. poet. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ar. poet. c. . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . iliad . . ‡ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. odyss . . a arma virumque cano , trojae qui primus ab oris italiam fato profugus lavinaque venit littora . aeneid . . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . arist . poet. c. . * purpureus larè qui splendeat unus & alter assuitur pannus . hor. poet. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . arist . poet. c. . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . odyss . lib. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . arist . poet. c. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a. poet. c. . * reges & exactos tyrannos densum humeris bibit sure vulgus . hor. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 poet. cap. . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : poet. cap. . ‡ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ibid. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . poet. c. . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. ‡ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . cap. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . cap. . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. ‡ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . cap. . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . odyss . . * sacra suosque tibi commendat troja penates : hos cape fatorum comites , his moenia quaere , &c. aeneid . . † hac casti maneant in relligione nepotes . aeneid . . ‡ hinc maxima porro accepit roma , & patrium servavit honorem . aeneid . . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 poet. cap. . * foelix , heu ! nimium foelix , si littora tantum , nunquam dardaniae tetigissent nostra carinae . aeneid . . † sensit enim simulatâ mente locutam , quo regnum italiae libycas averteret oras . * fraternas acies alternaque regna prophanis decertata odiis , sontesque evolvere thebas , picrius menti calor incidit . theb. . * humano capiticervicem pictor equinam jungere si velit , & varias inducere plumas , undique collatis membris , &c. hor. poet. * moriens vagitus in auras excidit , & ruptis immutuit ore querelis , qualia non totas peragunt insomnia voces . audiit hypsipyle . — ‡ limen mihi carminis esto oedipodae confusa domus . theb. . † nec gemino bellum trojanum orditur ab ovo . hor. poet. ‡ gentisque canam primordia dirae , sidonios raptus , & inexorabile pactum legis agenoreae , scrutantemque aequora cadmum . stat. theb. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . poetc . . † forte per augustam tenuis vulpecula rimam repserat in cumeram frumenti : pastaque , rursus ire foras pleno tendebat corpore frustra : cui mustela procul : si vis ait effugere isthinc , macra cavum repetes arctum , quem macra subisti . hor. lib. . ep. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . arist . poet. c. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . poet. c. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . arist . poet. c. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . poet. c. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. iliad . . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 iliad . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . iliad . . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . lin. ult . poemat . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . arist . poet. c. . * fracti bello , fatisque repulsi ductores danaum tot jam labentibus annis . aeneid . l. . † super & garamantas & indos proferet imperium ; jacet ex via sydera tellus , &c. aen. . * qui nescit dissimulare nescit regnare . † musa , mihi causas memora . aeneid . . * multum ille & terris jactatus & alto : multa quoque & bello passus . aeneid . . † major return mihi nascitur ordo , majus opus moveo . aeneid . . * liceat phrygio servire marito , dotalisque tuae tyrios permittere dextrae . aen. . * nec teneris addita juno unquam aberit . aeneid . . † annuit his juno & mentem laetata retorsit . aeneid . . ‡ vaginaque eripit ensem fulmineum , strictoque ferit retinacula ferro . aen. . * causa mali tanti conjux iterum hospita teucris , externique iterum thalami . aeneid . . † infelix dido , verus mihi nuncius ergo venerat extinctam ferroque extrema sequutam . aeneid . . * tantum in medio crescéntem noctem sibi ac posteris suis metuebant . liv. lib. . * nullus amor populis nec foedera sunto . exoriare aliquis nostris ex ossibus ultor , qui face dardanios ferroque sequare colonos . aeneid . . † extincti te meque , soror , populumque patresque sidonios , urbemque tuam . aeneid . . ‡ vultis & his mecum pariter considere regnis ? urbem quam statuo , vestra est . aeneid . . * fugae nec conjugis unquam praetendi taedas , aut haec in foedera veni . aeneid . . * multaque se incusat , qui non acceperit ultro dardanium aeneam , generumque asciverit turbem . aen. lib. . † quin & fatales murorum attollere moles ; saxaque sibvectare humeris trojana juvabit . aen. . * at trahere , & tantis moras licet addere rebus , sanguine trojano & rutulo dotabere , virgo . aeneid . . * aequius huic turno fuerat se opponere morti . aen. . † turnus ut infractos adverso marte latinos defecisse videt , sua nunc promissa reposci , se signari oculis . aen. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . poet. c. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . arist . poet. c. . * urbem praeclaram statui , mea maenia vidi . ulta rirum poenas inimico à flatre recepi . foelix , heu nimium foelix si littora tantum nunquam dardaniae tetigissent nostra catinae ! aen. . * ea vox audits laborum prima tulit finem . aen. . † o tandem magnis pelagi defuncte periclis , sed terra graviora manent . aen. . † ne expectetis , spectatores , dum illi hue ad vos excunt . nemo exibit , omnes intus conficiunt negotium . ubi id erit factum , ornamenta ponent . postidea loci , qui deliquit vapulabit , qui non deliquit biber . plaut . cistell . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . poet. c. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c. . * stultorum regum & populorum continet aestus . hor. ep. ad lollium . * sum pius aeneas , aen. . † jam prima incooperat aestas , et pater anchises dare fatis vela jubebat . aen. . * septima post trojae excidium jam vertitur aestas . aen. . † segnius irritant animos dimissa per aurem , quàm quae sunt oculis subjecta sidelibus , & quae ipse sibi tradit spectator . hor. poet. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . poet. c. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . iliad . . † hic genus antiquum , teucri pulcherrima proles , magnanimi heroes nati melioribus annis , itusque assaracusque , &c. aen. . † bellum est de paupere regno . thebaid . l. . * tantae molis erat romanam condere gentem . aen. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to act. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , action . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to speak . ‡ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * quid faciat laetas segetes , quo fidere terram vertere , maecenas , &c. † vos ô clarissima mundi lumina labentem coelo quae ducitis annum , &c. ‡ tuque adeo , quem mox quae sint habitura deorum incertum est , &c. * vere novo gelidus canis cum montibus humor liquitur , &c. † haec super arvorum cultu , pecorumque canebam , &c. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . iliad . . * hercules furens . † hercules oetus . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . &c. † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . arma virumque cano . ‡ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . odyss . . ‖ trojae qui primus ab oris italiam , &c. aev. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . odyss . † multum ille & terris jactatus & alto . ‡ multa quoque & bello passus . aen. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . odyss . . † dum conderet urbem inferretque deos latio , genus unde latinum , albanique patres , atque alta moenia romae . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . † trojae qui primus ab oris .... profugus . ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ‡ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . † fato profugus , vi superum , & saevae memorem junonis ob iram . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ‡ insignem pietate virum . * nec sic incipies ut scriptor cyclicus olim . fortunam priami cantabo , & nobile bellum . quid feret hic tanto dignum promissor hiatu ? parturiunt montes nascetur ridiculus mus . quanto rectius hic qui nil molitur inepté . dic mihi , musa , virum capta post tempora troja , qui mcres hominum multorum vidit & urbes . non fumum ex fulgore sed ex sumo dare lucem cogitat , ut speciosa dehinc miracula promat . antiphaten , scyllamque , & cum cyclope charybdim . hor. poet. * audaci promere cantu mens congesta jubet . gressus removere profani . jam furor humanos nostro de pectore sensus expulit , & totum spirant praecordia phoebum , &c. * odi profanum vulgus & arces . favete linguis , carmina non prius audita musarum sacerdos virginibus puerisque canto . hor. l. . od. . * magnānimum aeacidem formidatumque tonanti , progeniem , & patrio vetitam succedere coelo , diva refer . * tu modo si veteres digno deplevimus haustu , da fontes mihi , phoebe , novos ... meque inter priscu parentum nomina , cumque suo memorant amphione thebae . * scriptor , honoratum si forte reponis achillem , impiger , iracundus , iners , inexorabilis , acer , &c. hor. poet. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . † arma virumque cano . ‡ musa , mihi causas memora . * infignem pietate virum . * nune agé qui reges erato , quae tempora , rerum , quis latio antiquo fuerit status , &c. † quis deus , ô musae , tam saeva incendia teucris avertit ; tantos ratibus quis depulit ignes , dicite prisca fides facti , sed fama perennis . aen. . ‡ die , quibus imperium est animarum umbraeque filentes , et chaos & phlegeton , loca nocte silentia latè : sit mihi fas audita loqui , fit numine vestro pandere res altâ terrâ & caligine mersas . aen. . * haec damon : vos , quae responderit alphesiboeus , dicite pierides : non omnia possumus omnes . * in nova fert anīmus mutatas dicere formas corpora . di coeptis ( nam vos mutastis & illas ) aspirate meis . † quae quoniam rerum naturam sola gubernas , te sociam studeo scribundis versibus esse , quos ego de rerum naturà pandere conor . * diique , deaeque omnes studium quibus arva tueri . * sicelides musae , paulo majora canamus . vir. ecl. . extremum hunc , arethusie , mihi concede laborem . ecl. . † avia pieridum peragro loca , nullius ante trita solo : juvat integros accedere fontes , atque haurire ; juvatque novos decepere flores ; insignemque meo capiti petere inde coronam . unde prius nulli velarint tempora musae . lucr. l. . * omnis enim per se divûm natura necesse est . immortali aevosumma cum pace fruatur . semota ab nostris rebus sejunctaque longè , &c. ‡ tantum religio potuit suadere malorum . * parcus deorum cultor & infrequens , insanientis dum sapientiae consultus erro , nunc retrorsum vela dare , atque iterare cursus cogor relictos . hor. lib. . od. . * aus prodesse volunt , aut delectare poetae , aut simul & jucunda , & idonea dicere vitae ... omne tulit punctum qui miscuit utile dulci lectorem delectando pariterque monendo . hor. poet. * aeneid . l. . * sed fugite , & miseri , fugite atquo ab littors funem rumpite . † supplice sic merito . * ut pictura poesis erit . * sumite materiam vestris , qui scribitis , aequam viribus , & versate diu , quid ferre recusent , quid valeant humeri . cui lecta potenter erit res ; nec facundia deseret hunc nec lucidus ordo . et quae desperet tractata nite scere posse relinquet . hor. poet. * o pater , anne aliquos ad coelum hinc ire putandum est sublimes animas , iterumque ad tardá reverti corpora ? † dicam equidem , r●●c tu suspensum , nate , tunebo . aen. . * et dum vitat humum , nubes & ioania captat . hor. poet. * forte & nudassent enses , sic ira ferebat . theb. l , . † haud humiles tanta ira decet . * etiam decimo iliados jovem fulgurare facit , ubi ningit . nunquam hoc vidimus . scaliger . poet. book . * rectius iliacum carmen deducis in actus . aut famam sequere , aut sibi convenientia finge . hor. post. ille dies primus lethi . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . poet. c. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . poet. ibid. * multaque tolles ex oculis , quae mox narret facundia praesens . aut in avem progne , cadmus mutetur in anguem . quodcunque ostendis mihi sic incredulus odi . poet. * non satis est pulchra esse poemata , dulcia sunto . et quocumque volent animum auditoris agunto . hor. poet. † ille per extensum funem mihi posse videtur ire poeta , meum qui pectus inaniter angit , irritat , mulcet , falsis terroribus implet ut magus . l. . ep. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . il. . * consedêre duces , & vulgi stante coronâ , surgit ad hos clypei dominus septemplicis ajax . utque erat impatiens irae , sigeia torvo littora prospexit , classemque in littore vullu . protendensque manus , agimus , pro juppiter , inquit , ante rates causam , & mecum confert ur ulysses ? &c. metam . lib. . * quousque tandem abutêre , catilins , patientiâ nostrâ , &c. * illa dolos dirumque ne●as in pectore versat , cetta mori , &c. aen. . * regina è speculis ut primum albescere lucem , vidit , & acquatis classem procedere velis , littoraque , & vacuos sensit sine remice portus : terque quaterque manu pectus percussa decorum . flaventesque abscisss comas : proh jup●… hic , ait , & nostris illuserit advena regnis ! &c. ibid. * alta rupes cujus è cacumine erecta summos turba libravit pedes , &c. * non ut placidia cocant immitia . * aut spoliis ego jam raptis laudabor opimis , aut letho insigni . aen. . * multae illam frustra tyrthena per oppida matres optavere nurum . aen. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . poet. c. . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ib. † quisque suos patimur manes . exinde per amplum mittimur elysium , & pauci laeta arva tenemus . aen. . * iliacosque iterum demens áudire labores exposcit , pendetque iterum narrantis ab ore . aen. . † aut agitur res in scenis aut acta refertur . hor. poet. * segnius irritant animos demissa per aurem , quam quae sunt oculis subjecta fidellibus . ibid. † non tamen intus digna geri promes in scenam , multaque tolles ex oculis , quae mox narret facundia praesens . nec pueros coram populo medea trucidet , &c. ibid. * et quae desperet tractatu nitescere posse , relinquit : poet. † vehemens & liquidus puroque simillimus amni . hor. poet. * semper ad eventum festinat , & in medias res , non secus ac notus auditorem rapit . hor. art. poet. † annus exactis completur mensibus orbis , ex quo relliquias divinique ossa parentis condidimus terrâ , moestasque sacravimus aras . jamque dies , ni fallor , adest , &c. aen. . * dum pelago desaevit hyems , & aquosus orion . quin etiam hyberno moliris sidere classem . † nam te jam septima porsat omnibus orrantem terris & fluctibus ●●stas . aen. . * septima post trojae excidium jam vertitur aestas . aen. . † est in anfructu vallis accommods fraudi , armorumque dolis ; quam densis frondibus atrum urgez utrinque latus . aen. . * cum subito assurgens fluctu nimbosus orion . in vada caeca tulit . aen. . † autumni frigore primo lapsa cadunt folia . aen. . * non obtusa adeo gestam is pectora teucri : nec tam aversus equos tyria sol jungit ab urbe . aen. . * fracti bello fatisque repulsi ductores danaum : aen. . * postquam res asiae , priamique evertere gentem , immeritam visum superis , &c. polydorum obtruncat . aen. . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . iliad . * ipse suas artes , sua munera laetus apollo augurium citharamque dabat celeresque sagittas . ille ut depositi proferret fata parentis , scire potestatem herbarum usumque medendi maluit , & mutas agitare inglorius artes . aen. . * os humerosque deo similis , aen. . gratior & pulchro veniens in corpore virtus . aen. . * trojae & patriae communis erynnis . aen. . † sylvia prima soror , &c. aen. . ‡ quid in eversa vidi crudelius urbe ? &c. causa mali tanti conjux iterum . aen. . * credo equidem , nec vana fides , genus esse deorum . aen. . † nec tibi diva parens , generis nec dardanus autor , perfide ! sed ditis genuit te cautibus horrens caucasus , hyrcanaeque admôrunt ubera tygres . ibid. * quae vobis , quae digna , viri , pro talibus ausis praemia posse rear solvi ? pulcherrima primum dii moresque dabunt vestri . * accipe nunc danaum insidias ; & crimine ab uno disce omnes . aen. . † servius oppidius canusi duo praedia dives antiquo censu gnatis divisse duobus fertur . et haeo moriens pueris dixisse vocatis ad lectum : postquam te talos , aule , nucesque ferre sinu laxo , donare & ludere vidi : te , tiberi , numerare , cavis abscondere tristem . extimui ne vos ageret vesania discors . tu numentanum , tu ne sequerere cicutam . quare per divos oratus uterque penates , tu cave ne minuas , tu , ne majus facias id quod satis esse putat pater , & natura coercet . lib. . sat. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * deum esse amorem rurpiter vitio favens finxit libido ; quoque libe●ior foret , titulum furori numinis falsi dedit . † si tam protervus incubat menti furor , contemne famam ; fama vix vero favet , pejus merenti metior , & pejor bono . tentemus animum tristem & intractabilem . meus iste labor est , aggredi juvenem ferum . mentemque saevam flectere immitis viri . ‡ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . aristot . poet. c. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. † notandi sunt tibi mores . poet. ‡ convenientia singe . hor. poet. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . arist . poet. famam sequere . hor. poet. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . arist . poet. † servetur ad imum qualis ab incepto processerit & sibi constet . hor. poet. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ar. poet. ‡ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * monstrum horrendum . visceribus miserorum & sanguine vescitur a●● . aen. . † at furiis caci mens offera , nequid inausum aut intentatum scelerisve dolive fuisset . aen. ● . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . arist . de moribus ad nicomachum lib. . c. . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ar. poet. c. . * sit medea ferox invictaque : perfidus ixion . hor. poet. * non ego paucis offendar maculis , quas aut incuria fudit , aut humana parum cavit natura . poet. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. * tu , quid ego & populus mecum desiderat , a●di . si plausoris eges aeola m●mentis , & usque sessûri , donec cantor , vos plaudite , dicat ; aetatis cujusque netandi sunt tibi mores . poet. † reddere qui roces jam scit paer , & pede certo signat humam , gestit paribus colludere , &c. ibid. * quid non mortalia pectora cogis auri sacra fames ? aen. . † portantur avari pygmalionis opes pelago . aen. . * stultus ut luna mutatur . † puer mutatur in horas . juvenis amata relinquere pernix . * nil aequale homini fuit illi , &c. hor. lib. . sat. . † juvenis utilium tardus provisor : prodigus aeris . ‡ aetas virilis quaerit opes , inservit honori . * sonex , quaerit & inventis miser abstinet ac timet uti . hor. poet. * omnibus nobis ut res dant sese , ita magni atque humiles sumus . terent. hecyr. act. . scen. . * non ea vis animo , nec tanta superbia victis . aen. . * nec veni nisi fata locum sedemque dedissent ; nec bellum cum gente gero , &c. aen. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . poet. c. . † hoc amet , hoc spernat promissi carminis autor . hor. poet. * ille vero dissimulabat se audire . reg. lib. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . odyss . lib. . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 od. l. . * aspera multa pertulit adversis rerum immersabilis undis . hor , ad litt. † quin morere ut merita cs . aen. . * sunt hic sua praemia laudi . aen. . † alius latio jam partus achilles . aen. . * arma amens fremit , arma thoro tectisque requirit ; saevit amor ferri , & scelerata insania belli . aeneid . . † et si continuo victorem ea cura subisser , rumpere claustra manu , sociosque immittere portis : ultimus ille dies bello gentique fuisset . sed furor ardentem caedisque insana cupido egit in adversos . aen. . * hic etiam inventum priamo narrabis achillem . aeneid . . * nec tecum meus haec pepigit mihi foedera lausus . unum hoc per , siqua est victis venia hostibus , oro ; corpus humo patiare regi . scio acerba meorum circunstare odia : hunc ( oro ) defende furorem . et me consortem nati comede sepulcro . aen. . * non potui abreptum divellere corpus & undis spargere ? non socios , non ipsum absumere ferro ascanium ? patriisque epulandum apponere mensis . aen. . * improbe amor , quid non mortalia pectora cogis ? ire iterum in lacrymas , iterum tentare precando cogitur , & supplex animos submittere amori . ibid. * scribendi rectè sapere est principium & fons . rem tibi socraticae poterunt ostendere chartae . poet. * q. curtius . * qui didicit patriae quid debeat & quid amicis . * at pius aeneas audito nomine turni deserit & muros , & summas desetis arcos . aen. . * solus ego in pallanta feror , soli mihi pallas debetur ; cuperem ipse parens spectator adesset . aeneid . . † quo moriture tuis majoraque viribus audes ? fallit te incautum pietas tua . nec minus ille exultat demens . saevae jamque altius irae dardanio surgunt ductori . aen. . * qualem meruit pallanta remitto . * ingemuit miserans dextramque tetendit , & mentem patriae subiit pietatis imago . quid tibi nunc , miserande puer , &c. * atque illum effracti perfusum tabe cerebri aspicit & vivo scelerantem sanguine fauces . nec comites auferre valent . stat. * eminuit , trepidamque assurgens desuper urbem vidit , & ingenti thebas exterruit umbra . stat. † increpat attonitos : humilesne amphionis arces . proh pudor ! hi faciles carmenque imbelle secuti , et mentita diu thebarum fabula muri . et quidnam egregium prosternere moenia molli structa lyra ? simul insultans gressuque manuque diruit obstantes cuneas tabulataque saevus destruit , absiliunt pontes tectique frementis saxea fraena labant , disseptoque aggere rursus utitur , & truncas rupes in tecta domosque praecipitat , frangitque suis jam moenibus urbem . stat. * nullane pro trepidis , clamabat , numina thebis ? statis ? ubi infandae telluris alumni bacchus & alcides ? piget instigare minores . tu potius venias , ( quis enim concurrere nobis dignior ) en cineres semeleaque busta tenentur . nunc age nunc totis in me connitere telis , jupiter . † fulguraque attritis quotics mic●ere procellis : his , ait , in thebas , his jam decet ignibus uti . hinc renovare facem , lassamque accendere quercum . * ingemuit dictis superûm dolor , &c. * scribendi recte sapere est & principium & foris . est modus in rebus , sunt certi denique fines , quos ultra citraque nequit consistere rectum . * chap. . * hominum divûmque aeterna potestas . † fata viam invenient , rex jupiter omnibus idem . * indigetem aeneam scis ipsa , & scire fateris deleri coelo . * nulla est regio teucris quam det tua conjux dura . * nolite putare ut in scena videtis , homines consceleratos impulsu deorum terreri , furiarum taedis ardentibus sua quemque fraus , suum scelus , sua audacia de sanitate & mente deturbat . hae sunt impiorum furiae , hae flammae , hae faces . † dii me terrent , & jupiter hostis . nec se cognovit euntem : scelerumque in pectore dirae . statius . * domine , ne in furore tuo arguas me ; neque in ira tua corripias me . psal . . * id cinerem , aut manes credis curare sepultos ? scilicet is superis labor est , ea cura quietos sollicitat . aen. . * juno virés animumque ministrat . aen. . † hic mentem aeneae genitrix pulcherrima misit , iret ut ad muros . aen. . * at jovis interea monitis mezentius ardens succedit pugnae . aen. . † tibi magne trophaeum bellipotens . aen. . * ipse deum manifesto in lumine vidi intrantera muros , vocemque his auribus haufi . † inscia dido , infideat quantus miserae deus . aen. . * neque te aenea , mea dextera servat : major agit deus . aen. . * nec deus intersit , niss dignus vindice nodus inciderit . hor. poet. † aut in avem progne vertatur , cadmus in anguem . ‡ non tamen intus digna geri , promes in stenain , multaque tolles ex oculis , quae mox nartet facundia praesns . ibid. * quodcunque ostendis mihi , sic incredulus odi . † nec quodcunque volet poscat sibi fabula credi : neu pransae lamiae vivum puerum extrahat alvo . ibid. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . odyss . lib. . * non enim res gestae versibus comprehendendae sunt , quod longe melius historici faciunt : sed per , ambages deorumque ministeria , & fabulosum sententiarum tormentum precipitandus est liber spiritus ; ut potius furentis animi vaticinatio appareat , quam religiosae orationis sub testibus fides . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 arist . poet. . . * cum subito assurgens fluctu nimbosus orion i● vada caeca tulit . aen. . † et sciendum quod dii nisi datâ occasione nocere non possunt . * quin etiam hyberno moliris sidere classem expecta facilemque fugam , ventosque ferentes . aen. . * j'en jure par ses yeux , & mes uniques rois , & mes uniques dieux . * fures , ait pedio . pedius quid ? crimina rasae librat in antithetis . doctus posuisse figuras laudatur . pers . sat. . * non devi , neque caede , nec veneno ; sed lis est mihi de tribus capellis . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 has abesse 〈◊〉 . hoc judeae sibi postulat probarl . tu cannas , mithridaticumque bellum , et perjaria punici furoris , & syllas , mariosque muci●sque magnâ voce tonas , manuque tota : jam dic , posthume , de tribus capellis . mat. lib. . epig. . * nox erat , & placidum carpebant fefsa soporem corpora per terras : sylvaeque & saeva quierant aequora : cum medio volvuntur sydera lapsu . cum tacet omnis ager , pecudes pictaeque volucres , quaeque iacus late liquidos , quaeque aspera dumis rura tenent : somno positae sub nocte silenti lenibant curas & corda oblita laborum . et non infoelix animi phaenissa , nec unquam solvitur in somnos . † at non infoelix . ‡ aeneas celsâ in puppi , jam certus eundi carpebat somnos rebus jam rite paratis . * classemque revisit . tum vero teucri incumbunt , & littore celsas deducunt toto naves , natat uncta carina . frondentesque ferunt remos , & robora sylvis infabricata fugae studio . migrantes cernas , totâque ex urbe ruentes . aen. . * quis tibi tunc , dido , cernenti talia sensus ? quosve dabas gemitus , cum littora ferrere late prospiceres ex arce summa ? ibid. * forte facer cybele chloreus , olimque sacerdos insignis longe phrygiis fulgebat in armis ; spumantemque agitabat equum , quem pellis ahenis in plumam squamis auro conserta tegebat . ipse peregrinâ ferrugine clarus & ostro , spicula torquebat lycio cortynia cornu : aureus ex humeris sonat arcus , & aurea vati cassida , tum croceam chlamydemque sinusque crepantes carbaseos fulvo in nodum collegerat auro . pictus acu tunicas , & barbara tegmina crurum . * est procul ab urbe lucus ilicibus niger , dircaea circa , &c. sen. oedip. act. . * dardanius caput ecce puer detectus honestum qualis gemma micat fulvum quae dividit aurum , aencid . . * vel quale per artem , inclusum buxo aut oricia terebintho lucet ebur : fusos cervix cui lactea crines accipit . ibid. * quale solet sylvis , &c. aen. . * fertur prometheus addere principi limo coactus particulam undique desectam , & insani leonis vim stomacho apposuisse nostro . lib. . od. . * eccl. . . * nunquam meus cessabit in poenas furor , crescetque semper , &c. med. act. . * discite justitiam moniti & non temnere divos . aen. . * quicunque regno fidit , & magna potens dominatur aula , &c. troas . act. . * ubi turpis est medicina sanari piget , &c. oedip. act. . * itane & salutis publicae indicium obrues .... mitteris erebo vile pro cunstis caput , arcana sacri vote ni relegis tuâ . ibid. * saepe vel linguâ magis . regi atque regno mutá libertas obest . † imperia solvit , qui t●cet jussus loqui . * curandum est , ne sententiae emineant extra corpus orationis expressae , sed intexto vestibus colore nireant . homerus testis & lyrici , romanusque virgilius , & horatii curiosa felicitas . petron. * audentes fortuna juvat . aen. . * quid non mortalia pectora 〈◊〉 auri sacra fames ? ●… . † improbe amor quid non morta●… pectora cogis ? aen. . hic quibus invisi fratres dum vita manebat , incinsi poenam expectant . aen. . * scinditur incertum studia in contraria vulgus . * tu ne cede malis sed contra audentior ito quo tua te fortuna sinet . aen. . † quo fata trahunt retrahuntque , sequamur . quicquid erit , superanda omnis fortuna ferendo est . aen . * humeros dextrasque tenebat amborum , & vultum lacrymis atque ora rigabat . quae vobis , &c. aen. . * sedet aeternumque sedebit infoelix theseus : phlegiasque miserrimus omnes admonet , & magna restatur voce per umbras : discite justitiam moniti , & non temnere divos . aen. . * magne pater divum saevos punire tyrannos non alia ratione velis , &c. sat. . * inclusa fluct . † nempe cognati maris . † quis colchus , aut quis sedes incertae scytha commisit ? &c. troas , act. . * interdum vocem comoedia tollit , iratusque chremes tumido delitigat ore : et tragicus plerumque dolet sermone pedestri . hor. poet. * nec nocte paratum plorabit qui me volet incurvasse querela . hor. poet. * cunctaeque profundum pontum aspectabant flentes . heu ! tot vada fessis , & tantunti superesse mari● aen. . † ut pictura poësis erit ; quae si propius stes , te capiet magis , & quaedam falongius abstes . haec amat obscurum : volet haec sub luce videri . hor. poet. * moab is my washpot . psal . . v. . now the sons of eli were sons of belial , they knew not the lord. and the priests custom with the people was , &c. sam. . from v. . to v. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 poet. c. . notes for div a -e * these lines , and some in the following pages , are taken out of english versions ] englands helicon casta placent superis, pura cum veste venite, et manibus puris sumite fontis aquam. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a stc estc s this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) englands helicon casta placent superis, pura cum veste venite, et manibus puris sumite fontis aquam. bodenham, john, fl. , attrib. name. n. l. (nicholas ling), fl. - , attrib. name. a. b., fl. , attrib. name. [ ] p. printed by i. r[oberts] for iohn flasket, and are to be sold in paules church-yard, at the signe of the beare, at london : . one of a series sponsored by john bodenham, to whom the editorship is usually attributed; also sometimes attributed to nicholas ling and to a.b. in verse. printer's name from stc. "to his loving kinde friend, maister iohn bodenham" signed: a. b.; "to his very louing friends, m. nicholas vvanton, and m. george faucet" signed: a. b.; "to the reader, if indifferent" signed: l. n. [i.e. nicholas ling?--stc.]. first leaf blank. signatures: a-z⁴ a- b⁴. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng english poetry -- early modern, - -- early works to . pastoral poetry, english -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion englands helicon . casta placent superis , pura cum veste venite , et manibus puris sumite fontis aquam . at london printed by i. r. for iohn flasket , and are to be sold in paules church-yard , at the signe of the beare . . to his loving kinde friend , maister iohn bodenham . wits common-wealth , the first fruites of thy paines , drew on wits theater , thy second sonne : by both of which ; i cannot count the gaines , and wondrous profit that the world hath wonne . next , in the muses garden , gathering flowres , thou mad'st a nosegay , as was neuer sweeter : whos 's sent will sauour to times latest howres , and for the greatest prince no poesie meeter . now comes thy helicon , to make compleate and furnish vp thy last impos'd designe : my paines heerein , i cannot terme it great , but what-so-ere , my love ( and all ) is thine . take loue , take paines , take all remaines in me : and where thou art , my hart still liues with thee . to his very louing friends , m. nicholas vvanton , and m. george faucet . ( ⸫ ) though many miles ( but more occasions ) doo sunder vs ( kinde gentlemen ) yet apromise at parting , dooth in iustice claime performance , and assurance of gentle acceptance , would mightilie condemne me if i should neglect it . helicon , though not as i could wish , yet in such good sort as time would permit , hauing past the pikes of the presse , comes now to yorke to salute her rightfull patrone first , and next ( as his deere friends and kindsmen ) to offer you her kinde seruice . if shee speede well there , it is all shee requires , if they frowne at her beere , she greatly not cares : for the wise ( shee knowes ) will neuer be other then them selues , as for such then as would seeme so , but neither are , nor euer will be , she holds this as a maine principle ; that their malice neede as little be feared , as their fauour or friendship is to be desired . so hoping you will not forget vs there , as we continuallie shall be mindefull of you heere . i leaue you to the delight of englands helicon . yours in all he may , a. b. to the reader , if indifferent . many honoured names haue heretofore ( in their particuler interest , ) patronized some part of these inuentions : many here be , that onely these collections haue brought to light , & not inferiour ( in the best opinions ) to anie before published . the trauaile that hath beene taken in gathering them from so many handes , hath wearied some howres , which seuered , might in part haue perished , digested into this meane volume , may in the opinion of some not be altogether vnworthy the labour . if any man hath beene defrauded of any thing by him composed , by another mans title put to the same , hee hath this benefit by this collection , freely to challenge his owne in publique , where els he might be robd of his proper due . no one thing beeing here placed by the collector of the same vnder any mans name , eyther at large , or in letters , but as it was deliuered by some especiall coppy comming to his handes . no one man , that shall take offence that his name is published to any inuention of his , but he shall within the reading of a leafe or two , meete with another in reputation euery way equal with himselfe , whose name hath beene before printed to his poeme , which nowe taken away were more then theft : which may satisfie him that would faine seeme curious or be intreated for his fame . nowe , if any stationer shall finde faulte , that his coppies are robd by any thing in this collection , let me aske him this question , vvhy more in this , then in any diuine or humaine authour : from whence a man ( writing of that argument ) shal gather any saying , sentence , similie , or example , his name put to it who is the authour of the same . this is the simplest of many reasons that i could vrdge , though perhaps the neerest his capacitie , but that i would be loth to trouble my selfe , to satisfie him . further , if any man whatsoeuer , in prizing of his owne birth or fortune , shall take in scorne , that a far meaner man in the eye of the world , shal be placed by him : i tell him plainly whatsoeuer so excepting , that , that mans wit is set by his , not that man by him . in which degree , the names of poets ( all feare and dutie ascribed to her great and sacred name ) haue beene placed with the names of the greatest princes of the world , by the most autentique and worthiest iudgements , without disparagement to their soueraigne titles : which if any man taking exception thereat , in ignorance know not , i hold him vnworthy to be placed by the meanest that is but graced with the title of a poet. thus gentle reader i wish thee all happines . l. n. englands helicon . ¶ the sheepheard to his chosen nimph. onely ioy , now heere you are , fit to heare and ease my care : let my whispring voyce obtaine , sweet reward for sharpest paine . take me to thee , and thee to me , no , no , no , no , my deere , let be . night hath clos'd all in her cloke , twinkling starres loue-thoughts prouoke , daunger hence good care dooth keepe iealousie it selfe dooth sleepe . take me to thee , and thee to me : no , no , no , no , my deere , let be . better place no wit can finde , cupids yoake to loose or binde , these sweet flowers on fine bed too , vs in their best language woo , take me to thee , and thee to me : no , no , no , no , my deere , let be . this small light the moone bestowes , serues thy beames but to enclose , so to raise my hap more hie , feare not else , none can vs spie . take me to thee , and thee to me : no , no , no , no , my deare , let be . that you heard was but a mouse , dumbe sleepe holdeth all the house , yet a-sleepe me thinks they say , young folkes , take time while you may . take me to thee , and thee to me : no , no , no , no , my deare , let be . niggard time threats , if we misse this large offer of our blisle , long stay , ere he graunt the same , ( sweet then ) while each thing dooth frame , take me to thee , and thee to me : no , no , no , no , my deere , let be . your faire mother is a bed , candles out , and curtaines spred , she thinks you doo letters write , write , but let me first indite . take me to thee , and thee to me , no , no , no , no , my deere , let be . sweete ( alas ) why saine you thus ? concord better fitteth vs. leaue to mars the force of hands , your power in your beauty stands . take me to thee , and thee to me : no , no , no , no , my deare , let be . woe to me , and you doo sweare me to hate , but i forbeare , cursed be my destenies all , that brought me to so high a fall . soone with my death i will please thee : no , no , no , no , my deare , let be . s. phil. sidney . finis . theorello . ¶ a sheepheards edillion . you sheepheards which on hillocks sit , like princes in their throanes : and guide your flocks , which else would flit your flocks of little ones : good kings haue not disdained it , but sheepheards haue beene named : a sheepe-hooke is a scepter fit , for people well reclaimed . the sheepheards life so honour'd is and praised : that kings lesse happy seeme , though higher raised . the sommer sunne hath guilded faire , with morning rayes the mountaines : the birds doo caroll in the ayre , and naked nimphs in fountaines . the siluanes in their shagged haire , with hamadriades trace : the shadie satires make a quiere , which rocks with ecchoes grace . all breathe delight , all solace in the season : not now to sing , were enemie to reason . cosma my loue , and more then so , the life of mine affections : nor life alone , but lady too , and queene of their directions . cosma my loue , is faire you know , and which you sheepheards know not : is ( sophi said ) thence called so , but names her beauty showe not , yet hath the world no better name then she : and then the world , no fairer thing can be . the sunne vpon her fore-head stands , ( or iewell sunne-like glorious , ) her fore-head wrought with ioues owne hands , for heauenly white notorious . her golden lockes like hermus sands , ( or then bright hermus brighter : ) a spangled cauill binds in with bands , then siluer morning lighter . and if the planets are the chiefe in skies : no other starres then planets are her eyes . her cheeke , her lip ; fresh cheeke , more fresh , then selfe-blowne buds of roses : rare lip , more red then those of flesh , which thousand sweetes encloses : sweet breath , which all things dooth refresh , and words than breath farre sweeter : cheeke firme , lip firme , not fraile nor nesh , as substance which is fleeter . in praise doo not surmount , although in placing : her christall necke , round breast , and armes embracing . the thorough-shining ayre i weene , is not so perfect cleare : as is the skie of her faire skinne , whereon no spots appeare . the parts which ought not be seene , for soueraigne woorth excell : her thighs with azure braunched beene , and all in her are well . long iuorie hands , legges straighter then the pine : well shapen feete , but vertue most diuine . nor cloathed like a sheepheardesse , but rather like a queene : her mantle dooth the formes expresse , of all which may be seene . roabe fitter for an empresse , then for a sheepheards loue : roabe fit alone for such a lasse , as emperours doth moue . roabe which heauens queene , the bride of her owne brother , would grace herselfe with , or with such another . who euer ( and who else but ioue ) embroidered the same : hee knew the world , and what did moue , in all the mightie frame . so well ( belike his skill to proue ) the counterfeits he wrought : of vvood-gods , and of euery groaue , and all which else was ought . is there a beast , a bird , a fish worth noate ? then that he drew , and picturde in her coate . a vaile of lawne like vapour thin vnto her anckle trailes : through which the shapes discerned bin , as too and fro it sailes . shapes both of men , who neuer lin to search her wonders out : of monsters and of gods a kin , which her empale about . a little world her flowing garment seemes : and who but as a wonder thereof deemes ? for heere and there appeare forth towers , among the chalkie downes : citties among the country bowers , vvhich smiling sun-shine crownes . her mettall buskins deckt with flowers , as th' earth when frosts are gone : besprinckled are with orient showers of hayle and pebble stone . her feature peerelesse , peerelesse her attire , i can but loue her loue , with zeale entire . o who can sing her beauties best , or that remaines vnsung ? doe thou apollo tune the rest , vnworthy is my tongue . to gaze on her , is to be blest , so wondrous fayre her face is ; her fairenes cannot be exprest , in goddesses nor graces . i loue my loue , the goodly worke of nature : admire her face , but more admire her stature . on thee ( ô cosma ) will i gaze , and reade thy beauties euer : delighting in the blessed maze , which can be ended neuer . for in the luster of thy rayes , appeares thy parents brightnes : who himselfe infinite displaies in thee his proper greatnes . my song must end , but neuer my desire : for cosmas face is theorellos fire . e. b. finis . astrophels loue is dead . ring out your belles , let mourning shewes be spread , for loue is dead . all loue is dead infected with plague of deepe disdaine : worth as nought worth reiected , and faith faire scorne doth gaine . from so vngratefull fancie , from such a femall frenzie , from them that vse men thus : good lord deliuer vs. weepe neighbours weepe , doe you not heare it saide that loue is dead ? his death-bed peacocks follie , his winding sheete is shame : his will false , seeming holie , his sole exectour blame . from so vngratefull fancie , from such a female frenzie , from them that vse men thus : good lord deliuer vs. let dirge be sunge , and trentals richly read , for loue is dead . and wrong his tombe ordaineth , my mistresse marble hart : which epitaph containeth , her eyes were once his dart. from so vngratefull fancie , from such a female frenzie , from them that vse men thus : good lord deliuer vs. alas , i lye , rage hath this errour bred , loue is not dead . loue is not dead , but sleepeth in her vnmatched minde : where shee his counsell keepeth , till due desert she find . therefore from so vile fancie , to call such wit a frenzie , who loue can temper thus : good lord deliuer vs. sir. phil. sidney . finis . ¶ a palinode . as withereth the primrose by the riuer , as fadeth sommers-sunne from gliding fountaines ; as vanisheth the light blowne bubble euer , as melteth snow vpon the mossie mountaines . so melts , so vanisheth , so fades , so withers , the rose , the shine , the bubble and the snow , of praise , pompe , glorie , ioy ( which short life gathers , ) faire praise , vaine pompe , sweet glory , brittle ioy . the withered primrose by the mourning riuer , the faded sommers-sunne from weeping fountaines : the light-blowne bubble , vanished for euer , the molten snow vpon the naked mountaines , are emblems that the treasures we vp-lay , soone wither , vanish , fade , and melt away . for as the snowe , whose lawne did ouer-spread th' ambitious hills , which giant-like did threat to pierce the heauen with theyr aspiring head , naked and bare doth leaue their craggie seate . when as the bubble , which did emptie flie the daliance of the vndiscerned winde : on whose calme rowling waues it did relie , hath shipwrack made , where it did daliance finde : and when the sun-shine which dissolu'd the snow , cullourd the bubble with a pleasant varie , and made the rathe and timely primrose grow , swarth clowdes with-drawne ( which longer time doe tarie ) oh what is praise , pompe , glory , ioy , but so as shine by fountaines , bubbles , flowers or snow ? e. b. finis . ¶ astrophell the sheep-heard , his complaint to his flocke . goe my flocke , goe get yee hence , seeke a better place of feeding : where yee may haue some defence from the stormes in my breast breeding , and showers from mine eyes proceeding . leaue a wretch , in whom all woe , can abide to keepe no measure : merry flocke , such one forgoe vnto whom mirth is displeasure , onely ritch in mischiefes treasure . yet ( alas ) before you goe , heare your wofull maisters storie : which to stones i else would showe , sorrow onely then hath glorie : when t is excellently sorrie . stella , fiercest sheepheardesse , fiercest , but yet fairest euer : stella , whom the heauens still blesse , though against me she perseuer , though i blisse , inherite neuer . stella , hath refused me , stella , who more loue hath proued in this caitiffe hart to be , then can in good by vs be moued : towards lambkins best beloued . stella , hath refused me , astrophell that so well serued . in this pleasant spring must see while in pride flowers be preserued : himselfe onely winter-sterued . why ( alas ) then dooth she sweare , that she loueth me so dearely : seeing me so long to beare coales of loue that burne so clearely : and yet leaue me helplesse meerely ? is that loue ? forsooth i trow , if i saw my good dogge greeued : and a helpe for him did know , my loue should not be beleeued : but he were by me releeued . no , she hates me , well away , faigning loue , somewhat to please me : knowing , if she should display all her hate , death soone would seaze me : and of hideous torments ease me . then my deare flocke now adiew , but ( alas ) if in your straying , heauenly stella meete with you , tell her in your pittious blaying : her poore slaues vniust decaying . s. phil. sidney . finis . ¶ hobbinolls dittie in prayse of eliza queene of the sheepheards . yee dainty nimphs that in this blessed brooke doo bath your brest ; forsake your watry bowers , and hether looke at my request . and you faire virgins that on parnasse dwell , whence floweth helicon the learned well : helpe me to blaze her worthy praise , who in her sexe dooth all excell . of faire eliza be your siluer song , that blessed wight : the flower of virgins , may she flourish long , in princely plight : for shee is sirinx daughter , without spot , which pan the sheepheards god on her begot : so sprung her grace , of heauenly race : no mortall blemish may her blot . see where she sits vpon the grassie greene , o seemely sight : yclad in scarlet , like a mayden queene , and ermines white . vpon her head a crimson coronet , with daffadills and damaske roses set , bay leaues betweene , and primeroses greene : embellish the sweet violet . tell me , haue ye beheld her angels face , like phoebe faire ? her heauenly hauiour , her princely grace , can well compare the red-rose medled and the vvhite yfere , in eyther cheeke depeincten liuely cheere . her modest eye , her maiestie , where haue you seene the like but there ? i saw phoebus thrust out his golden head , on her to gaze : but when he saw how broade her beames did spread : it did him maze . he blusht to see an other sunne below , ne durst againe his fierie face out-show : let him if he dare his brighnes compare with hers , to haue the ouerthrow . shew thy selfe cinthia with thy siluer rayes , and be not abasht , when she the beames of her beauty displayes , oh how art thou dasht ? but i will not match her with latonaes seede , such folly great sorrow to niobe did breede , now is she a stone , and makes deadly moane , warning all other to take heede . pan may be proud , that euer he begot such a bellibone : and sirnix reioyce , that euer was her lot to beare such a one . soone as my younglings cryen for the dam , to her will i offer a milke-white lamb. shee is my goddesse plaine , and i her sheepheards swaine , albe for-swonck and for-swat i am . i see caliope speede her to the place , where my goddesse shines : and after her the other muses trace with their violines . bin they not baie-braunches which they doo beare : all for eliza in her hand to weare ? so sweetly they play , and sing all the way , that it a heauen is to heare . loe how finely the graces can it foote , to the instrument : they dauncen deffely , and singen soote in their merriment . wants not a fourth grace to make the daunce euen ? let that roome to my lady be giuen . shee shall be a grace , to fill the fourth place , and raigne with the rest in heauen . and whether runnes this beuie of ladies bright , ranged in a roe ? they been all ladies of the lake behight that vnto her goe : chloris , that is the chiefe nimph of all , of oliue-braunches beares a coronall : oliues beene for peace when warres doo surcease , such for a princesse beene principall . bring hether the pinke and purple cullumbine . with gillyflowers bring sweet carnasions , and sops in vvine , worne of paramours . strew me the ground with daffa-down-dillies , and cowslips , and kings-cups , and loued lillies , the pretty paunce , and the cheuisaunce , shall match with the faire flower-delice . ye sheepheards daughters that dwell on the greene , hie you there a pace , let none come there but such as virgins beene , to adorne her grace . and when you come where as she is in place : see that your rudenes doo not you disgrace . bind your fillets fast , and gird on your wast : for more finenesse with a tawdrie lace . now rise vp eliza , decked as thou art , in royall ray : and now ye dainty damsels may depart , each one her way . i feare i haue troubled your troupes too long : let dame eliza thanke you for her song . and if you come hether , when damzins i gather i will part them all , you among . edm. spencer . finis . ¶ the sheepheards daffadill . gorbo , as thou cam'st this way by yonder little hill , or as thou through the fields didst stray , saw'st thou my daffadill ? shee 's in a frock of lincolne greene , the colour maydes delight , and neuer hath her beauty seene but through a vayle of white . then roses richer to behold , that dresse vp louers bowers , the pansie and the marigold are phoebus paramoures . thou well describ'st the daffadill , it is not full an hower since by the spring neere yonder hill i saw that louely flower . yet with my flower thou didst not meete , not newes of her doest bring , yet is my daffadill more sweete then that by yonder spring . i saw a sheepheard that doth keepe in yonder field of lillies , was making ( as he fed his sheepe ) a vvreath of daffadillies . yet gorbo : thou delud'st me still , my flower thou didst not see . for know ; my pretty daffadill is worne of none but mee . to shew it selfe but neere her seate no lilly is so bold , except to shade her from the heate , or keepe her from the cold . through yonder vale as i did passe descending from the hill , i met a smerking bonny-lasse , they call her daffadill . whose presence as a-long she went the pretty flowers did greete , as though their heads they downe-ward bent , with homage to her feete . and all the sheepheards that were nie , from top of euery hill ; vnto the vallies loud did crie , there goes sweet daffadill . i gentle sheepheard now with ioy thou all my flock doest fill : come goe with me thou sheepheards boy , let vs to daffadill . michaell drayton . finis . ¶ a canzon pastorall in honour of her maiestie . alas what pleasure now the pleasant spring hath giuen place , to harsh black frosts the sad ground couering , can wee poore wee embrace , when euery bird on euery branch can sing naught but this note of woe alas ? alas this note of woe why should we found ? with vs as may , september hath a prime , then birds and branches your alas is fond , which call vpon the absent sommer time : for did flowres make our may or the sun-beames your day . when night and winter did the vvorld embrace , well might you waile your ill and sing alas . loe matron-like the earth her selfe attires in habite graue , naked the fields are , bloomelesse are the brires , yet we a sommer haue , who in our clime kindleth these liuing fires , which bloomes can on the briers saue . no ice dooth christallize the running brooke , no blast deflowres the flowre-adorned field , christall is cleere , but cleerer is the looke , which to our climes these liuing fires dooth yield : winter though euery where hath no abiding heere : on brooks and briers she doth rule alone , the sunne which lights our world is alwayes one . edmund bolton . finis . ¶ melicertus madrigale . what are my sheepe , without their wonted food ? what is my life , except i gaine my loue ? my sheepe consume , and faint for want of blood , my life is lost vnlesse i grace approue . no flower that saplesse thriues , no turtle without pheare . the day without the sunne doth lower for woe , then woe mine eyes , vnlesse they beauty see : my sonne samelaes eyes , by whom i know , wherein delight consists , where pleasures be . nought more the hart reuiues , then to embrace his deare . the starres from earthly humours gaine their light , our humours by their light possesse their power : samelaes eyes fed by my weeping sight , infuse my paines or ioyes , by smile or lower . so wends the source of loue , it feedes , it failes , it ends . kind lookes , cleare to your ioy , behold her eyes , admire her hart , desire to tast her kisses : in them the heauen of ioy and solace lyes , without them , euery hope his succour misses . oh how i liue to prooue , whereto this solace tends ? ro. greene. finis . ¶ olde damons pastorall . from fortunes frownes and change remou'd , wend silly flocks in blessed feeding : none of damon more belou'd , feede gentle lambs while i sit reading . carelesse vvorldlings , outrage quelleth all the pride and pompe of cittie : but true peace with sheepheards dwelleth , ( sheepheards who delight in pittie . ) whether grace of heauen betideth , on our humble minds such pleasure : perfect peace with swaines abideth , loue and faith is sheepheards treasure . on the lower plaines the thunder little thriues , and nought preuaileth : yet in citties breedeth wonder , and the highest hills assaileth . enuie of a forraigne tyrant threatneth kings , not sheepheards humble : age makes silly swaines delirant , thirst of rule garres great men stumble . what to other seemeth sorrie , abiect state and humble biding : is our ioy and country glorie , highest states haue worse betiding . golden cups doo harbour poyson , and the greatest pompe , dissembling : court of seasoned words hath foyson , treason haunts in most assembling . homely breasts doo harbour quiet , little feare , and mickle solace : states suspect their bed and diet , feare and craft doo haunt the pallace . little would i , little want i , where the mind and store agreeth , smallest comfort is not scantie , least he longs that little seeth . time hath beene that i haue longed , foolish i , to like of follie : to conuerse where honour thronged , to my pleasures linked wholy . now i see , and seeing sorrow that the day consum'd , returnes not : who dare trust vpon to morrow , when nor time , nor life soiournes not ? thom. lodge . finis . ¶ perigot and cuddies roundelay . it fell vpon a holy-eue , hey hoe holy-day : when holy-fathers wont to shriue , now ginneth this roundelay . sitting vpon a hill so hie , hey hoe the hie hill : the while my flocke did feede thereby , the while the sheepheards selfe did spill . i saw the bouncing bellybone , hey hoe bonny-bell : tripping ouer the dale alone , shee can trip it very well . well decked in a frock of gray , hey hoe gray is greete : and in a kirtle of greene say , the greene is for maydens meete . a chaplet on her head she wore , hey hoe the chaplet : of sweet violets therein was store , she 's sweeter then the violet . my sheepe did leaue their wonted food , hey hoe silly sheepe : and gaz'd on her as they were wood , vvood as he that did them keepe . as the bony-lasse passed by , hey hoe bony-lasse : shee rold at me with glauncing eye , as cleare as the christall-glasse . all as the sunnie-beame so bright , hey hoe the sun-beame : glaunceth from phoebus face forth right , so loue into my hart did streame . or as the thunder cleaues the clouds , hey hoe the thunder : wherein the lightsome leuin shrouds , so cleaues my soule a-sunder . or as dame cinthias siluer ray , hey hoe the moone-light : vpon the glistering vvaue doth play , such play is a pitteous plight . the glaunce into my hart did glide , hey hoe the glider : there-with my soule was sharply gride , such wounds soone wexen wider . hasting to raunch the arrow out , hey hoe perigot : i left the head in my hart roote , it was a desperate shot . there it rankleth aye more and more , hey hoe the arrow : ne can i finde salue for my sore , loue is a curelesse sorrow . and though my bale with death i bought , hey hoe heauie cheere : yet should thilke lasse not from my thought , so you may buy gold too deere . but whether in painfull loue i pine , hey hoe pinching paine : or thriue in wealth , she shall be mine , but if thou can her obtaine . and if for gracelesse greefe i dye hey hoe gracelesse greefe : witnesse , she slew me with her eye , let thy folly be the preefe . and you that saw it , simple sheepe , hey hoe the faire flocke : for priefe thereof my death shall weepe , and moane with many a mocke . so learn'd i loue on a holy-eue , hey hoe holy-day : that euer since my hart did greeue , now endeth our roundelay . edm. spencer . finis . ¶ phillida and coridon . in the merry moneth of may , in a morne by breake of day , foorth i walked by the wood side , when as may was in his pride : there i spied all alone , phillida and coridon . much a-doo there was god wot , he would loue , and she would not . she sayd neuer man was true , he sayd , none was false to you . he sayd , he had lou'd her long , she sayd , loue should haue no wrong . coridon would kisse her then , she said , maides must kisse no men , till they did for good and all . then she made the sheepheard call all the heauens to witnesse truth : neuer lou'd a truer youth . thus with many a pretty oath , yea and nay , and faith and troth , such as silly sheepheards vse , when they will not loue abuse ; loue , which had beene long deluded , was with kisses sweete concluded . and phillida with garlands gay : was made the lady of the may. n. breton . finis . ¶ to colin cloute. beautie sate bathing by a spring , where fayrest shades did hide her . the winds blew calme , the birds did sing , the coole streames ranne beside her . my wanton thoughts entic'd mine eye , to see what was forbidden : but better memory said , fie , so , vaine desire was chidden . hey nonnie , nonnie , &c. into a slumber then i fell , when fond imagination : seemed to see , but could not tell her feature or her fashion . but euen as babes in dreames doo smile , and sometime fall a weeping : so i awakt , as wise this while , as when i fell a sleeping . hey nonnie , nonnie , &c. sheepheard tonie . finis . ¶ rowlands song in praise of the fairest beta . o thou siluer thames , ô clearest christall flood , beta alone the phaenix is of all thy watry brood . the queene of virgins onely she , and thou the queene of floods shalt be . let all the nimphs be ioyfull then , to see this happy day : thy beta now alone shall be the subiect of my lay. with dainty and delightsome straines of sweetest virelayes , come louely sheepheards sit we down , & chaunt our betas praise . and let vs sing so rare a verse , our betas praises to rehearse : that little birds shall silent be , to heare poore sheepheards sing : and riuers backward bend their course , & flow vnto the spring . range all thy swannes faire thames together on a ranke : and place them duly one by one vpon thy stately banke . then set together all a-good , recording to the siluer flood : and craue the tunefull nightingale to helpe ye with her lay ; the osell and the thrustlecocke , chiefe musique of our may. o see what troupes of nimphs been sporting on the strands , and they been blessed nimphs of peace , with oliues in their hands . how merrily the muses sing , that all the flowrie meddowes ring and beta sits vpon the banke in purple and in pall , and she the queene of muses is , and weares the coronall . trim vp her golden tresses with apollos sacred tree , o happy sight vnto all those that loue and honour thee , the blessed angels haue prepar'd a glorious crowne for thy reward ? not such a golden crowne as haughty caesar weares : but such a glittering starrie crowne as ariadne beares . make her a goodly chaplet of azurd cullumbine , and wreath about her coronet with sweetest eglantine . bedeck our beta all with lillies . and the dainty daffadillies , with roses damaske , white and red , and fairest flowre-delice : with cowslips of ierusalem , and cloaues of paradice . o thou faire torch of heauen , the dayes most dearest light , and thou bright-shining cinthia , the glory of the night . you starres the eyes of heauen , and thou the glyding leuen , and thou ô gorgeous iris , with all strange colours dyed : when she streames footh her rayes , then dasht is all your pride . see how the day stands still , admiring of her face , and time loe stretcheth foorth his armes thy beta to embrace . the sirens sing sweete layes , the trytons sound her prayse , goe passe on thames , and hie thee fast vnto the ocean sea : and let thy billowes there proclaime thy betas holy-day . and water thou the blessed roote of that greene oliue tree , with whose sweete shadow all thy bancks with peace preserued be . laurell for poets and conquerours : and mirtle for loues paramours . that fame may be thy fruite , the boughs preseru'd by peace , and let the mournfull cypres die , now stormes and tempests cease . wee le strew the shoare with pearle , where beta walks a-lone , and we will paue her princely bower with richest indian stone . perfume the ayre , and make it sweete , for such a goddesse it is meete . for if her eyes for purity contend with titans light : no meruaile then , although they so doo dazell humaine sight . sound out your trumpets then from londons stately towers , to beate the stormie winds a-backe , and calme the raging showers . set to the cornet and the flute , the orpharion and the lute : and tune the taber and the pipe to the sweet violons : and mooue the thunder in the ayre with lowdest clarions . beta , long may thine altars smoake with yeerely sacrifise , and long thy sacred temples may their sabaoths solemnise . thy sheepheards watch by day and night , thy maides attend the holy light . and thy large empire stretch her armes from east vnto the west : and albion on the appenines aduaunce her conquering crest . mich. drayton . finis . ¶ the barginet of antimachus . in pride of youth , in midst of may , when birds with many a merry lay , salute the sunnes vp-rising : i sate me downe fast by a spring , and while these merry chaunters sing , i fell vpon surmizing . amidst my doubt and minds debate , of change of time , of vvorlds estate , i spyed a boy attired in siluer plumes , yet naked quite , saue pretty feathers fit for flight , wherewith he still aspired . a bowe he bare to worke mens wrack , a little quiuer at his back , with many arrowes filled : and in his soft and pretty hand , he held a liuely burning brand , where-with he louers killed . fast by his side , in rich aray , there sate a louely lady gay , his mother as i guessed : that set the lad vpon her knee , and trimd his bowe , and taught him flee , and mickle loue professed . oft from her lap at sundry stoures , he leapt , and gathered sommer flowres , both violets and roses : but see the chaunce that followed fast , as he the pompe of prime dooth wast , before that he supposes : a bee that harbour'd hard thereby , did sting his hand , and made him crye oh mother , i am wounded : faire venus that beheld her sonne , cryed out alas , i am vndone , and there-vpon she swounded . my little lad the goddesse sayd , who hath my cupid so dismayd ? he aunswered : gentle mother the hony-worker in the hiue , my greefe and mischiefe dooth contriue , alas it is none other . shee kist the lad : now marke the chaunce , and straite she fell into a traunce , and crying , thus concluded : ah wanton boy , like to the bee , thou with a kisse hast wounded me , and haplesse loue included . a little bee dooth thee affright , but ah , my wounds are full of spright , and cannot be recured : the boy that kist his mothers paine , gan smile , and kist her whole againe , and made her hope assured . she suckt the wound , and swag'd the sting , and little loue ycurde did sing , then let no louer sorrow : to day though greefe attaint his hart , let him with courage bide the smart , amends will come to morrow . thom. lodge . finis . ¶ menaphons roundelay . when tender ewes brought home with euenings sun , wend to their folds , and to their holds the sheepheards trudge when light of day is done : vpon a tree , the eagle ioues faire bird did pearch , there resteth hee . a little flie his harbour then did search , and did presume , ( though others laugh'd thereat ) to pearch whereas the princely eagle sat . the eagle frownd , and shooke his royall wings , and charg'd the flie from thence to hie . afraide , in hast the little creature flings , yet seekes againe , fearefull to pearke him by the eagles side . with moodie vaine the speedie poast of ganimede replide : vassaile auaunt , or with my wings you die . is 't fit an eagle seate him with a flie ? the flie crau'd pitty , still the eagle frownd . the silly flie ready to die : disgrac'd , displac'd , fell groueling to the ground . the eagle sawe : and with a royall mind said to the flie , be not in awe , i scorne by me the meanest creature die . then seate thee heere : the ioyfull flie vp-flings , and sate safe shadowed with the eagles wings . ro. greene. finis . ¶ a pastorall of phillis and coridon . on a hill there growes a flower , faire befall the dainty sweete : by that flower there is a bower , where the heauenly muses meete . in that bower there is a chaire , frindged all about with gold : where dooth sit the fairest faire , that euer eye did yet behold . it is phillis faire and bright , shee that is the sheepheards ioy : shee that venus did despight , and did blind her little boy . this is she , the wise , the rich , that the world desires to see : this is ipsa quae the which , there is none but onely shee . who would not this face admire ? who would not this saint adore ? who would not this sight desire , though he thought to see no more ? oh faire eyes , yet let me see , one good looke , and i am gone : looke on me , for i am hee , thy poore silly coridon . thou that art the sheepheards queene , looke vpon thy silly swaine : by thy comfort haue beene seene dead men brought to life againe . n. breton . finis . ¶ coridon and melampus song . cor. melampus , when will loue be void of feares ? mel. when iealousie hath neither eyes nor eares . cor. melampus , when will loue be throughly shrieued ? mel. when it is hard to speake , and not beleeued . cor. melampus , when is loue most malecontent ? mel. when louers range , and beare their bowes vnbent . cor. melampus , tell me , when takes loue least harme ? mel. when swaines sweete pipes are puft , and trulls are warme . cor. melampus , tell me , when is loue best fed ? mel. when it hath suck'd the sweet that ease hath bred . cor. melampus , when is time in loue ill spent ? mel. when it earnes meede , and yet receaues no rent . cor. melampus , when is time well spent in loue ? mel. when deedes win meedes , and words loues works doo proue . geo. peele . finis . ¶ tityrus to his faire phillis . the silly swaine whose loue breedes discontent , thinks death a trifle , life a loathsome thing , sad he lookes , sad he lyes : but when his fortunes mallice dooth relent , then of loues sweetnes he will sweetly sing , thus he liues , thus he dyes . then tityrus whom loue hath happy made , will rest thrice happy in this mirtle shade . for though loue at first did greeue him : yet did loue at last releeue him . i. d. finis . ¶ sheepheard . sweete thrall , first step to loues felicitie , sheepheardesse . sweete thrall , no stop to perfect libertie . hee . o life . shee . what life ? hee . sweete life . shee . no life more sweete : hee . o loue. shee . what loue ? hee . sweete loue. shee . no loue more meete . i. m. finis . another of the same authour . fields were ouer-spread with flowers , fairest choise of floraes treasure : sheepheards there had shadie bowers , where they oft reposd with pleasure . meadowes flourish'd fresh and gay , where the wanton . heards did play . springs more cleare then christall streames , seated were the groues among : thus nor titans scorching beames , nor earths drouth could sheepheards wrong . faire pomonaes fruitfull pride : did the budding braunches hide . flocks of sheepe fed on the plaines , harmelesse sheepe that roamd at large : heere and there sate pensiue swaines , wayting on their wandring charge . pensiue while their lasses smil'd : lasses which had them beguil'd . hills with trees were richly dight , vallies stor'd with vestaes wealth : both did harbour sweet delight , nought was there to hinder health . thus did heauen grace the soyle : not deform'd with work-mens toile . purest plot of earthly mold , might that land be iustly named : art by nature was controld , art which no such pleasures framed . fayrer place was neuer seene : fittest place for beauties queene . i. m. finis . ¶ menaphon to pesana . faire fields proud floraes vaunt , why i' st you smile , when as i languish ? you golden meades , why striue you to beguile my weeping anguish ? i liue to sorrow , you to pleasure spring , why doo ye spring thus ? what , will not boreas tempests wrathfull king , take some pitty on vs ? and send forth winter in her rustie weede , to waile my bemoanings : while i distrest doo tune my country reede vnto my groanings . but heauen and earth , time , place , and euery power , haue with her conspired : to turne my blisfull sweete to balefull sower , since i this desired . the heauen whereto my thoughts may not aspire , aye me vnhappie : it was my fault t' imbrace my bane the fire that forceth me die . mine be the paine , but hers the cruell cause , of this strange torment : wherefore no time my banning prayers shall pause . till proud she repent . ro. greene. finis . ¶ a sweete pastorall . good muse rock me a sleepe , with some sweet harmonie : this wearie eye is not to keepe thy warie companie . sweete loue be gone a while , thou knowest my heauines : beauty is borne but to beguile , my hart of happines . see how my little flocke that lou'd to feede on hie : doo headlong tumble downe the rocke , and in the vallie die . the bushes and the trees that were so fresh and greene : doo all their dainty colour leese , and not a leafe is seene . the black-bird and the thrush , that made the woods to ring : with all the rest , are now at hush , and not a noate they sing . sweete philomele the bird , that hath the heauenly throate , dooth now alas not once affoord recording of a noate . the flowers haue had a frost each hearbe hath lost her sauour : and phillida the faire hath lost , the comfort of her fauour . now all these carefull sights , so kill me in conceite : that how to hope vpon delights it is but meere deceite . and therefore my sweete muse that knowest what helpe is best , doo now thy heauenly cunning vse , to set my hart at rest . and in a dreame bewray what fate shall be my friend : whether my life shall still denay , or when my sorrow end . n. breton . finis . ¶ harpalus complaynt on phillidaes loue bestowed on corin , who loued her not , and denyed him that loued her . phillida was a faire mayde , as fresh as any flower : whom harpalus the heards-man prayde to be his paramour . harpalus and eke corin , were heard-men both yfere : and phillida could twist and spinne , and thereto sing full cleere . but phillida was all too coy , for harpalus to winne : for corin was her onely ioy , who forc'd her not a pinne . how often would she flowers twine , how often garlands make : of cowslips and of cullumbine , and all for corins sake ? but corin he had hawkes to lure , and forced more the field : of louers law he tooke no cure , for once he was beguild . harpalus preuailed naught , his labour all was lost : for he was furthest from her thought , and yet he lou'd her most . therefore woxe he both pale and leane , and drye as clod of clay : his flesh it was consumed cleane , his colour gone away . his beard it had not long beene shaue , his haire hung all vnkempt : a man most fit euen for the graue , whom spitefull loue had spent . his eyes were red and all fore-watcht , his face besprent with teares : it seem'd vnhap had him long hatcht , in midst of his dispaires . his cloathes were blacke and also bare , as one forlorne was hee : vpon his head he alwayes ware a wreath of willow-tree . his beasts he kept vpon the hill , and he sate in the dale : and thus with sighs and sorrowes shrill , he gan to tell his tale . oh harpalus , thus would he say , vnhappiest vnder sunne : the cause of thine vnhappy day , by loue was first begun . for thou went'st first by sute to seeke , a tyger to make tame : that sets not by thy loue a leeke , but makes thy greefe a game . as easie were it to conuert the frost into a flame : as for to turne a froward hart whom thou so faine wouldst frame . corin , he liueth carelesse , he leapes among the leaues : he eates the fruites of thy redresse , thou reap'st , he takes the sheaues . my beasts a-while your food refraine , and harke your heard-mans sound : whom spightfull loue alas hath slaine , through-girt with many a wound . oh happy be ye beasts wild , that heere your pasture takes : i see that ye be not beguild , of these your faithfull makes . the hart he feedeth by the hind , the bucke hard by the doe : the turtle-doue is not vnkind to him that loues her so . the ewe she hath by her the ram , the young cowe hath the bull : the calfe with many a lusty lamb , doo feede their hunger full . but well-away that nature wrought , thee phillida so faire : for i may say that i haue bought thy beauty all too deare . what reason is 't that cruelty with beauty should haue part ? or else that such great tirannie , should dwell in vvomans hart ? i see therefore to shape my death , she cruelly is prest : to th' end that i may want my breath , my dayes beene at the best . oh cupid graunt this my request , and doo not stop thine eares : that she may feele within her brest , the paine of my despaires . of corin that is carelesse , that she may craue her fee : as i haue done in great distresse , that lou'd her faithfully . but since that i shall die her slaue , her slaue and eke her thrall : write you my friends vpon my graue , this chaunce that is befall . heere lyeth vnhappy harpalus , by cruell loue now slaine : whom phillida vniustly thus , hath murdred with disdaine . l. t. haward , earle of surrie . finis . ¶ an other of the same subiect , but made as it were in aunswere . on a goodly sommers day , harpalus and phillida , he a true harted swaine , shee full of coy disdaine , droue their flocks to field : he to see his sheepheardesse , she did dreame on nothing lesse , then his continuall care , which to grim-fac'd dispaire , wholely did him yield . corin she affected still , all the more thy hart to kill . thy case dooth make me rue , that thou should'st loue so true , and be thus disdain'd : while their flocks a feeding were , they did meete together there . then with a curtsie lowe , and sighs that told his woe , thus to her he plain'd . bide a while faire phillida , list what harpalus will say onely in loue to thee , though thou respect not mee , yet vouchsafe an eare : to preuent ensuing ill , which no doubt betide thee will , if thou doo not fore-see , to shunne it presentlie , then thy harme i feare . firme thy loue is , well i wot , to the man that loues thee not . louely and gentle mayde , thy hope is quite betrayde , which my hart doth greeue : corin is vnkind to thee , though thou thinke contrarie . his loue is growne as light , as is his faulcons flight , this sweet nimph beleeue . mopsus daughter , that young mayde , her bright eyes his hart hath strayde from his affecting thee , now there is none but shee that is corins blisse : phillis men the virgin call , she is buxome , faire and tall , yet not like phillida : if i my mind might say , eyes oft deeme amisse . he commends her beauty rare , which with thine may not compare . he dooth extoll her eye , silly thing , if thine were by , thus conceite can erre : he is rauish'd with her breath , thine can quicken life in death . he prayseth all her parts , thine , winnes a world of harts , more , if more there were . looke sweet nimph vpon thy flock , they stand still , and now feede not , as if they shar'd with thee : greefe for this iniurie , offred to true loue . pretty lambkins , how they moane , and in bleating seeme to groane , that any sheepheards swaine , should cause their mistres paine : by affects remoue . if you looke but on the grasse , it 's not halfe so greene as 't was : when i began my tale , but it is witherd pale , all in meere remorce . marke the trees that brag'd euen now , of each goodly greene-leau'd-bow , they seeme as blasted all , ready for winters fall , such is true loues force . the gentle murmur of the springs , are become contrary things , they haue forgot their pride , and quite forsake their glide , as if charm'd they stand . and the flowers growing by , late so fresh in euery eye , see how they hang the head , as on a suddaine dead , dropping on the sand . the birds that chaunted it yer-while , ere they hear'd of corins guile , sit as they were afraide , or by some hap dismaide , for this wrong to thee : harke sweet phil , how philomell , that was wont to sing so well , iargles now in yonder bush , worser then the rudest trush , as it were not shee . phillida , who all this while neither gaue a sigh or smile : round about the field did gaze , as her wits were in a maze ; poore despised mayd . and reuiued at the last , after streames of teares were past , leaning on her sheepheards hooke , with a sad and heauie looke , thus poore soule she sayd . harpalus , i thanke not thee , for this sorry tale to mee . meete me heere againe to morrow , then i will conclude my sorrow mildly , if may be : with their flocks they home doo fare , eythers hart too full of care , if they doo meete againe , then what they furder sayne , you shall heare from me . shep. tonie . finis . ¶ the nimphes meeting their may queene , entertaine her with this dittie . with fragrant flowers we strew the way , and make this our cheefe holy-day . for though this clime were blest of yore : yet was it neuer proud before . o beauteous queene of second troy : accept of our vnfayned ioy . now th' ayre is sweeter then sweet balme , and satires daunce about the palme , now earth with verdure newly dight , giues perfect signes of her delight . o beauteous queene , &c. now birds record new harmonie , and trees doo whistle melodie , now euery thing that nature breedes , dooth clad it selfe in pleasant weedes . o beauteous queene , &c. tho. watson . finis . ¶ colin cloutes mournfull dittie for the death of astrophell . sheepheards that wunt on pipes of oaten reede , oft-times to plaine your loues concealed smart ; and with your pitteous layes haue learn'd to breede compassion in a country-lasses hart : harken ye gentle sheepheards to my song , and place my dolefull plaint your plaints among . to you alone i sing this mournfull verse , the mournfulst verse that euer man heard tell : to you whose softned harts it may emprerse with dolours dart for death of astrophell . to you i sing , and to none other wight : for well i wot , my rimes been rudely dight . yet as they been , if any nicer wit shall hap to heare , or couet them to reade : thinke he , that such are for such one 's most fit ▪ made not to please the liuing , but the dead . and if in him found pitty euer place : let him be moou'd to pitty such a case . edm. spencer . finis . ¶ damaetas iigge in praise of his loue. iolly sheepheard , sheepheard on a hill on a hill so merrily , on a hill so cherily , feare not sheepheard there to pipe thy fill , fill euery dale , fill euery plaine : both sing and say ; loue feeles no paine . iolly sheepheard , sheepheard on a greene on a greene so merrily , on a greene so cherily , be thy voyce shrill , be thy mirth seene , heard to each swaine , seene to each trull : both sing and say ; loues ioy is full . iolly sheepheard , sheepheard in the sunne , in the sunne so merrily , in the sunne so cherily , sing forth thy songs , and let thy rimes runne downe to the dales , to the hills aboue : both sing and say ; no life to loue . iolly sheepheard , sheepheard in the shade , in the shade so merrily , in the shade so cherily , ioy in thy life , life of sheepheards trade ; ioy in thy loue , loue full of glee : both sing and say ; sweet loue for me . iolly sheepheard , sheepheard heere or there , heere or there so merrily , heere or there so cherily , or in thy chat , eyther at thy cheere , in euery iigge , in euery lay : both sing and say ; loue lasts for aye . iolly sheepheard , sheepheard daphnis loue , daphnis loue so merrily , daphnis loue so cherily , let thy fancie neuer more remoue , fancie be fixt , fixt not to fleete , still sing and say ; loues yoake is sweete . iohn wootton . finis . ¶ montanus praise of his faire phaebe . phaebe sate , sweete she sate , sweete sate phaebe when i saw her , white her brow coy her eye , brow and eye , how much you please me ? words i spent , sighs i sent , sighs and words could neuer draw her , oh my loue , thou art lost , since no sight could euer ease thee . phaebe sate by a fount , sitting by a fount i spide her , sweete her touch , rare her voyce , touch and voyce , what may distaine you ? as she sung , i did sigh , and by sighs whilst that i tride her , oh mine eyes you did loose , her first sight whose want did paine you . phoebes flocks white as wooll , yet were phoebes lookes more whiter , phoebes eyes doue-like mild , doue-like eyes both mild and cruell , montane sweares in your lamps , he will die for to delight her , phoebe yeeld or i die , shall true harts be fancies fuell ? thom. lodge . finis . ¶ the complaint of thestilis the forsaken sheepheard . thestilis a silly swaine , when loue did him forsake , in mournfull wife amid the woods , thus gan his plaint to make . ah wofull man ( quoth he ) falne is thy lot to mone , and pine away with carefull thoughts , vnto thy loue vnknowne . thy nimph forsakes thee quite , whom thou didst honour so : that aye to her thou wert a friend , but to thy selfe a foe . ye louers that haue lost your harts-desired choyce : lament with me my cruell hap , and helpe my trembling voyce . was neuer man that stoode so great in fortunes grace , nor with his sweate ( alas too deere ) possest so high a place : as i whose simple hart , aye thought himselfe still sure , but now i see high springing tides , they may not eye endure . shee knowes my guiltlesse hart , and yet she lets it pine : of her vntrue professed loue , so feeble is the twine . what wonder is it then , if i berent my haires : and crauing death continually , doo bathe my selfe in teares ? when craesus king of lide , was cast in cruell bands , and yeelded goods and life into his enemies hands : what tongue could tell his woe ? yet was his griefe much lesse then mine , for i haue lost my loue , which might my woe redresse . ye woods that shroud my limbs , giue now your hollow sound : that ye may helpe me to bewaile , the cares that me confound . ye riuers rest a while , and stay your streames that runne : rue thestilis , the wofulst man that rests vnder the sunne . transport my sighs ye winds , vnto my pleasant foe : my trickling teares shall witnes heare , of this my cruell woe . oh happy man were i , if all the gods agreed : that now the sisters three should cut in twaine my fatall threed . till life with loue shall end , i heere resigne all ioy , thy pleasant sweete i now lament , whose lacke breeds mine annoy . farewell my deere therefore , farewell to me well knowne , if that i die , it shall be sayd : that thou hast slaine thine owne . l. t. howard , e. of surrie . finis . ¶ to phillis the faire sheepheardesse . my phillis hath the morning sunne , at first to looke vpon her : and phillis hath morne-waking birds , her risings still to honour . my phillis hath prime-featherd flowres , that smile when she treads on them : and phillis hath a gallant flocke , that leapes since she dooth owne them . but phillis hath too hard a hart , alas that she should haue it : it yeelds no mercie to desert , nor grace to those that craue it . sweete sunne , when thou look'st on , pray her regard my moane . sweete birds , when you sing to her , to yeeld some pitty , woo her , sweet flowers that she treads on , tell her ▪ her beauty deads one . and if in life her loue she nill agree me : pray her before i die , she will come see me . s. e. d. finis . ¶ the sheepheard dorons ligge . through the shrubs as i can crack , for my lambs pretty ones , mongst many little ones , nimphs i meane , whose haire was black as the crow . like as the snow her face and browes shin'd i weene , i saw a little one , a bonny pretty one , as bright , buxome , and as sheene : as was shee on her knee that lull'd the god , whose arrowes warmes such merry little ones , such faire-fac'd pretty ones , as dally in loues chiefest harmes . such was mine , whose gray eyne made me loue : i gan to wooe this sweete little one , this bonny pretty one . i wooed hard a day or two , till she bad , be not sad , wooe no more , i am thine owne , thy dearest little one , thy truest pretty one . thus was faith and firme loue showne , as behooues sheepheards loues . ro. greene. finis . ¶ astrophell his song of phillida and coridon . faire in a morne , ( ô fairest morne ) was neuer morne so faire : there shone a sunne , though not the sunne , that shineth in the ayre . for the earth , and from the earth , ( was neuer such a creature : ) did come this face , ( was neuer face , ) that carried such a feature . vpon a hill , ( ô blessed hill , was neuer hill so blessed ) there stoode a man , ( was neuer man for vvoman so distressed . ) this man beheld a heauenly view , which did such vertue giue : as cleares the blind , and helps the lame , and makes the dead man liue . this man had hap , ( ô happy man more happy none then hee ; ) for he had hap to see the hap , that none had hap to see . this silly swaine , ( and silly swaines are men of meanest grace : ) had yet the grace , ( ô gracious guest ) to hap on such a face . he pitty cryed , and pitty came , and pittied so his paine : as dying , would not let him die , but gaue him life againe . for ioy whereof he made such mirth , as all the vvoods did ring : and pan with all his swaines came foorth , to heare the sheepheard sing . but such a song sung neuer was , nor shall be sung againe : of phillida the sheepheards queene , and coridon the swaine . faire phillis is the sheepheards queene , ( was neuer such a queene as she , ) and coridon her onely swaine , ( was neuer such a swaine as he . ) faire phillis hath the fairest face , that euer eye did yet behold : and coridon the constants faith , that euer yet kept flocke in fold . sweete phillis is the sweetest sweete , that euer yet the earth did yeeld : and coridon the kindest swaine , that euer yet kept lambs in field . sweete philomell is phillis bird , though coridon be he that caught her : and coridon dooth heare her sing , though phillida be she that taught her . poore coridon dooth keepe the fields , though phillida be she that owes them : and phillida dooth walke the meades , though coridon be he that mowes them . the little lambs are phillis loue , though coridon is he that feedes them : the gardens faire are phillis ground , though coridon be he that weedes them . since then that phillis onely is , the onely sheepheards onely queene : and coridon the onely swaine , that onely hath her sheepheard beene . though phillis keepe her bower of state , shall coridon consume away : no sheepheard no , worke out the weeke , and sunday shall be holy-day . n. breton . finis . ¶ the passionate sheepheards song . on a day , ( alack the day , ) loue whose moneth was euer may : spied a blossome passing faire , playing in the wanton ayre . through the veluet leaues the wind , all vnseene gan passage find : that the sheepheard ( sicke to death , ) wish'd himselfe the heauens breath . ayre ( quoth he ) thy cheekes may blow , ayre , would i might triumph so . but alas , my hand hath sworne , nere to pluck thee from thy thorne . vow ( alack ) for youth vnmeete , youth so apt to pluck a sweete . thou for whom ioue would sweare , iuno but an aethiope were , and deny him selfe for ioue , turning mortall for my loue. w. shakespeare . finis . ¶ the vnknowne sheepheards complaint . my flocks feede not , my ewes breede not , my rammes speede not , all is amisse : loue is denying , faith is defying , harts renying , causer of this . all my merry iiggs are quite forgot , all my ladies loue is lost god wot . where her faith was firmely fixt in loue , there a nay is plac'd without remoue . one silly crosse , wrought all my losse , o frowning fortune , cursed fickle dame : for now i see , inconstancie more in vvomen then in men remaine . in black mourne i , all feares scorne i , loue hath forlorne me , liuing in thrall : hart is bleeding , all helpe needing , o cruell speeding , fraughted with gall . my sheepheards pipe can sound no deale , my weathers bell rings dolefull knell . my curtaile dogge that wont to haue plaide , playes not at all , but seemes afraide . with sighs so deepe , procures to weepe , in howling-wise , to see my dolefull plight : how sighs resound , through hartlesse ground , like a thousand vanquish'd men in bloody fight . cleare wells spring not , sweet birds sing not , greene plants bring not foorth their die : heards stand weeping , flocks all sleeping , nimphs back peeping fearefully . all our pleasure knowne to vs poore swaines , all our merry meeting on the plaines . all our euening sports from vs are fled , all our loue is lost , for loue is dead . farewell sweete loue , thy like nere was , for sweete content , the cause of all my moane : poore coridon must liue alone , other helpe for him , i see that there is none . ignoto . finis . ¶ another of the same sheepheards . as it fell vpon a day , in the merry moneth of may , sitting in a pleasant shade , which a groue of mirtles made . beasts did leape , and birds did sing , trees did grow , and plants did spring . euery thing did banish moane , saue the nightingale alone . shee poore bird , as all forlorne , lean'd her breast against a thorne , and there sung the dolefull'st ditty , that to heare it was great pitty . fie , fie , fie , now would she crie teru , teru , by and by . that to heare her so complaine , scarse i could from teares refraine . for her greefes so liuely showne , made me thinke vpon mine owne . ah ( thought i ) thou mourn'st in vaine , none takes pitty on thy paine . sencelesse trees , they cannot heare thee , ruthlesse beasts , they will not cheere thee . king pandion he is dead , all thy friends are lapt in lead . all thy fellow birds doo sing , carelesse of thy sorrowing . euen so poore bird like thee , none a-liue will pitty mee . ignoto . finis . ¶ the sheepheards allusion of his owne amorous infelicitie , to the offence of actaeon . actaeon lost in middle of his sport both shape and life , for looking but awry : diana was afraide he would report what secrets he had seene in passing by . to tell but truth , the selfe same hurt haue i : by viewing her for whom i daily die . i leese my wonted shape , in that my mind dooth suffer wrack vpon the stonie rock of her disdaine , who contrarie to kind dooth beare a breast more hard then any stock ; and former forme of limbs is changed quite : by cares in loue , and want of due delight . i leese my life , in that each secret thought , which i conceaue through wanton fond regard : dooth make me say , that life auayleth nought , where seruice cannot haue a due reward . i dare not name the nimph that works my smart , though loue hath grau'n her name within my hart . tho. watson . finis . ¶ montanus sonnet to his faire phaebe . a turtle sate vpon a leauelesse tree , mourning her absent pheare , with sad and sorrie cheare . about her wondring stood , the cittizens of vvood . and whilst her plumes she rents , and for her loue laments : the stately trees complaine them , the birds with sorrow paine them . each one that dooth her view , her paines and sorrowes rue . but were the sorrowes knowne , that me hath ouer-throwne : oh how would phaebe sigh , if she did looke on mee ? the loue-sicke polipheme that could not see , who on the barren shoare , his fortunes did deplore : and melteth all in mone , for galatea gone , and with his cries afflicts both earth and skies , and to his woe betooke , dooth breake both pipe and hooke . for whom complaines the morne , for whom the sea-nimphs mourne . alas his paine is nought , for were my woe but thought : oh how would phaebe sigh , if she did looke on me ? beyond compare my paine , yet glad am i : if gentle phaebe daine , to see her montan die . thom. lodge . finis . ¶ phaebes sonnet , a replie to montanus passion . downe a downe , thus phillis sung , by fancie once distressed : who so by foolish loue are stung are worthily oppressed . and so sing i , with downe a downe , &c. vvhen loue was first begot , and by the mothers will : did fall to humane lot ▪ his solace to fulfill . deuoide of all deceite , a chast and holy fire : did quicken mans conceite , and vvomens breasts inspire . the gods that saw the good , that mortalls did approoue : with kind and holy moode , began to talke of loue. downe a downe , thus phillis sung by fancie once distressed , &c. but during this accord , a wonder strange to heare : whilst loue in deede and word , most faithfull did appeare ; false semblance came in place , by iealousie attended : and with a double face , both loue and fancie blended . which made the gods forsake , and men from fancie flie : and maydens scorne a make , forsooth and so will i. downe a downe , thus phillis sung , by fancie once distressed : who so by foolish loue are stung , are worthily oppressed . and so sing i , with downe a downe , &c. thom. lodge . finis . ¶ coridons supplications to phillis . sweete phillis , if a silly swaine , may sue to thee for grace : see not thy louing sheepheard slaine , with looking on thy face . but thinke what power thou hast got , vpon my flock and mee : thou seest they now regard me not , but all doo follow thee . and if i haue so farre presum'd , with prying in thine eyes : yet let not comfort be consum'd , that in thy pitty lyes . but as thou art that phillis faire , that fortune fauour giues : so let not loue dye in despaire , that in thy fauour liues . the deere doo brouse vpon the bryer , the birds doo pick the cherries : and will not beauty graunt desire , one handfull of her berries ? if it be so that thou hast sworne , that none shall looke on thee : yet let me know thou doost not scorne , to cast a looke on mee . that 〈◊〉 with loues content 〈◊〉 sworne the sheepheards queene . n. bretan . finis . ¶ damaetas madrigall in praise of his daphnis . tvne on my pipe the praises of my loue , loue faire and bright : fill earth with sound , and ayrie heauens aboue , heauen's loues delight , with daphnis praise . to pleasant tempe groues and plaines about , plaines sheepheards pride : resounding ecchoes of her praise ring out , ring farre and wide my daphnis praise . when i begin to sing , begin to sound , sounds loud and shrill : doo make each note vnto the skies rebound , skies calme and still , with daphnis praise . her tresses are like vviers of beaten gold , gold bright and sheene : like nysus golden haire that scilla pold , scill , ore-seene through minos loue . her eyes like shining lamps in midst of night , night darke and dead : or as the starres that giue the sea-men light , light for to leade their wandring ships . amidst her cheekes the rose and lilly striue , lilly , snow-white : when their contend dooth make their colour thriue . colour too bright for sheepheards eyes . her lips like scarlet of the finest die , scarlet blood-red : teeth white as snow , which on the hills dooth lie , hills ouer-spread by winters force . her skinne as soft as is the finest silke , silke soft and fine : of colour like vnto the whitest milke , milke of the kine of daphnis heard . as swift of foote as is the pretty roe , roe swift of pace : when yelping hounds pursue her to and fro , hounds fierce in chase , to reaue her life . cease tongue to tell of any more compares , compares too rude : daphnis deserts and beauty are too rare , then heere conclude faire daphnis praise . i. wootton . finis . ¶ dorons description of his faire sheepheardesse samela . like to diana in her sommer weede ▪ girt with a crimson roabe of brightest die : goes faire samela . whiter then be the flocks that stragling feed , when wash'd by arethusa , faint they lie , is faire samela . as faire aurora in her morning gray , deckt with the ruddy glister of her loue : is faire samela . like louely thetis on a calmed day , when as her brightnes neptunes fancies moue . shines faire samela . her tresses gold , her eyes like glassie streames , her teeth are pearle , the brests are iuorie : of faire samela , her cheekes like rose and lilly yeeld foorth gleames , her browes bright arches fram'd of ebonie , thus faire samela passeth faire venus in her brightest hew , and iuno in the shew of maiestie : for she 's samela . pallas in wit , all three if you well view , for beauty , wit , and matchlesse dignitie , yeeld to samela . ro. greene. finis . ¶ wodenfrides song in praise of amargana . the sunne the season in each thing reuiues new pleasures , the sweet spring hath put to flight the winter keene : to glad our louely sommer queene . the pathes where amargana treads , with flowrie tap'stries flora spreads . and nature cloathes the ground in greene : to glad our louely sommer queene . the groaues put on their rich aray , with hawthorne bloomes imbroydered gay , and sweet perfum'd with eglantine : to glad our louely sommer queene . the silent riuer stayes his course , whilst playing on the christall sourse , the siluer scaled fish are seene , to glad our louely sommer queene . the woods at her faire sight reioyces , the little birds with their lowd voyces , in consort on the bryers beene , to glad our louely sommer queene . the fleecie flocks doo scud and skip , the vvood-nimphs , fawnes , and satires trip , and daunce the mirtle trees betweene : to glad our louely sommer queene . great pan ( our god ) for her deere sake , this feast and meeting bids vs make , of sheepheards , lads , and lasses sheene : to glad our louely sheepheards queene . and euery swaine his chaunce dooth proue , to winne faire amarganaes loue , in sporting strifes quite voide of spleene : to glad our louely sommer queene . all happines let heauen her lend , and all the graces her attend . thus bid me pray the muses nine , long liue our louely sommer queene . w. h. finis . ¶ another of the same . happy sheepheards sit and see , with ioy , the peerelesse wight : for whose sake pan keepes from ye annoy , and giues delight . blessing this pleasant spring , her praises must i sing . list you swaines , list to me : the whiles your flocks feeding be . first her brow a beauteous globe , i deeme , and golden haire ; and her cheeke auroraes roabe , dooth seeme , but farre more faire . her eyes like starres are bright . and dazle with their light , rubies her lips to see , but to tast , nectar they be . orient pearles her teeth , her smile dooth linke the graces three : her white necke dooth eyes beguile to thinke it iuorie . alas her lilly-hand , how it dooth me commaund ? softer silke none can be : and whiter milke none can see . circes wand is not so straite , as is her body small : but two pillers beare the waight of this maiestick hall. those be i you assure , of alablaster pure , polish'd fine in each part : ne're nature yet shewed like art. how shall i her pretty tread expresse vvhen she dooth walke ? scarse she dooth the primerose head depresse , or tender stalke of blew-veind violets , whereon her foote she sets . vertuous she is , for we finde in body faire , beauteous minde . liue faire amargana still extold in all my rime : hand want art , when i want will t' vnfold her woorth diuine . but now my muse dooth rest , dispaire clos'd in my brest , of the valour i sing : weake faith that no hope dooth bring . w. h. finis . ¶ an excellent pastorall dittie . a carefull nimph , with carelesse greefe opprest , vnder the shaddow of an ashen tree : with lute in hand did paint out her vnrest , vnto a nimph that bare her companie . no sooner had she tuned euery string : but sob'd and sigh'd , and thus began to sing . ladies and nimphs , come listen to my plaint , on whom the cheerefull sunne did neuer rise : if pitties stroakes your tender breasts may taint , come learne of me to wet your wanton eyes . for loue in vaine the name of pleasure beares : his sweet delights are turned into feares . the trustlesse shewes , the frights , the feeble ioyes , the freezing doubts , the guilefull promises : the feigned lookes , the shifts , the subtill toyes , the brittle hope , the stedfast heauines . the wished warre in such vncertaine peace : these with my woe , my woes with these increase . thou dreadfull god , that in thy mothers lap , doo'st lye and heare the crie of my complaint , and seest , and smilest at my sore mishap , that lacke but skill my sorrowes heere to paint : thy fire from heauen before the hurt i spide , quite through mine eyes into my brest did glide . my life was light , my blood did spirt and spring , my body quicke , my hart began to leape : and euery thornie thought did prick and sting , the fruite of my desired ioyes to reape . but he on whom to thinke , my soule still tyers : in bale forsooke , and left me in the bryers . thus fancie strung my lute to layes of loue , and loue hath rock'd my wearie muse a-sleepe : and sleepe is broken by the paines i proue , and euery paine i feele dooth force me weepe . then farewell fancie , loue , sleepe , paine , and sore : and farewell weeping , i can waile no more . shep. tonie . finis . ¶ phillidaes loue-call to her coridon , and his replying . phil. coridon , arise my coridon , titan shineth cleare : cor. who is it that calleth coridon , who is it that i heare ? phil. phillida thy true-loue calleth thee , arise then , arise then ; arise and keepe thy flock with me : cor. phillida my true-loue , is it she ? i come then , i come then , i come and keepe my flock with thee . phil. heere are cherries ripe my coridon , eate them for my sake : cor. heere 's my oaten pipe my louely one , sport for thee to make . phil. heere are threeds my true-loue , fine as silke , to knit thee , to knit thee a paire of stockings white as milke . cor. heere are reedes my true-loue , fine and neate , to make thee , to make thee a bonnet to with-stand the heate . phil. i will gather flowers my coridon , to set in thy cap : cor. i will gather peares my louely one , to put in thy lap . phil. i will buy my true-loue garters gay , for sundayes , for sundayes , to weare about his legs so tall : cor. i will buy my true-loue yellow say , for sundayes , for sundayes , to weare about her middle small . phil. when my coridon sits on a hill , making melodie : cor. when my louely one goes to her wheele singing cherilie . phil. sure me thinks my true-loue dooth excell for sweetnes , for sweetnes , our pan that old arcadian knight : cor. and me thinks my true-loue beares the bell for clearenes , for clearenes , beyond the nimphs that be so bright . phil. had my coridon , my coridon , beene ( alack ) my swaine : cor. had my louely one , my louely one , beene in ida plaine . phil. cinthia endimion had refus'd , preferring , preferring my coridon to play with-all : cor. the queene of loue had beene excus'd , bequeathing , bequeathing , my phillida the golden ball . phil. yonder comes my mother , coridon , whether shall i flie ? cor. vnder yonder beech my louely one , while she passeth by . say to her thy true-loue was not heere , remember , remember , to morrow is another day : phil. doubt me not , my true-loue , doo not feare , farewell then , farewell then , heauen keepe our loues alway . ignoto . finis . ¶ the sheepheards solace . phaebus delights to view his laurell tree , the poplar pleaseth hercules alone : melissa mother is and fautrixe to the bee , pallas will weare the oliue branch alone . of sheepheards and their flocks pales is queene : and ceres ripes the corne was lately greene . to chloris euery flower belongs of right , the dryade nimphs of vvoods make chiefe account : oreades in hills haue their delight , diana dooth protect each bubling fount . to hebe louely kissing is assign'd : to zephire euery gentle-breathing wind . but what is loues delight ? to hurt each where he cares not whom , with darts of deepe desire : with watchfull iealousie , with hope , with feare , with nipping cold , and secret flames of fire . o happy houre , wherein i did forgoe : this little god , so great a cause of woe . tho. watson . finis . ¶ syrenus song to eugerius . let now the goodly spring-tide make vs merrie , and fields , which pleasant flowers doo adorne : and vales , meades , woods , with liuely colours flourish , let plenteous flocks the sheepheards riches nourish , let hungry woolues by dogges to death be torne , and lambes reioyce , with passed winter wearie . let euery riuers ferrie . in waters flow , and siluer streames abounding , and fortune , ceaselesse wounding . turne now thy face , so cruell and vnstable , be firme and fauourable . and thou that kill'st our soules with thy pretences : molest not ( wicked loue ) my inward sences . let country plainenes liue in ioyes not ended , in quiet of the desert meades and mountaines , and in the pleasure of a country dwelling let sheepheards rest , that haue distilled fountaines of teares : prooue not thy wrath , all paines excelling , vpon poore soules , that neuer haue offended . let thy flames be incended in haughtie courts , in those that swim in treasure , and liue in case and pleasure . and that a sweetest scorne ( my wonted sadnes ) a perfect rest and gladnes and hills and dales , may giue me : with offences molest not ( wicked loue ) my inward sences . in what law find'st thou , that the freest reason and wit , vnto thy chaines should be subiected , and harmelesse soules vnto thy cruell murder ? o wicked loue , the wretch that flieth furder from thy extreames , thou plagu'st . o false , suspected , and carelesse boy , that thus thy sweets doost season , o vile and wicked treason . might not thy might suffise thee , but thy fuell of force must be so cruell ? to be a lord , yet like a tyrant minded , vaine boy with errour blinded . why doost thou hurt his life with thy offences : that yeelds to thee his soule and inward sences ? he erres ( alas ) and foulely is deceaued that calls thee god , being a burning fire : a furious flame , a playning greefe and clamorous , and venus sonne ( that in the earth was amorous , gentle , and mild , and full of sweet desire ) who calleth him , is of his wits bereaued . and yet that she conceaued by proofe , so vile a sonne and so vnruly : i say ( and yet say truly ) that in the cause of harmes , that they haue framed , both iustly may be blamed : she that did breede him with such vile pretences , he that dooth hurt so much our inward sences . the gentle sheepe and lambs are euer flying the rauenous woolues and beasts , that are pretending to glut their mawes with flesh they teare asunder . the milke-white doues at noyse of fearfull thunder flie home a-maine , themselues from harme defending . the little chick , when puttocks are a crying , the woods and meadowes dying for raine of heauen ( if that they cannot haue it ) doo neuer cease to craue it . so euery thing his contrary resisteth , onely thy thrall persisteth in suffering of thy wrongs without offences : and lets thee spoile his hart and inward sences . a publique passion , natures lawes restrayning , and which with words can neuer be declared , a soule twixt loue , and feare , and desperation , and endlesse plaint , that shuns all consolation , a spendlesse flame , that neuer is impaired , a friendlesse death , yet life in death maintayning , a passion , that is gayning on him that loueth well , and is absented , whereby it is augmented . a iealousie , a burning greefe and sorrow , these fauours louers borrow of thee fell loue , these be thy recompences : consuming still their soule and inward sences . bar. yong. finis . ¶ the sheepheard arsileus replie to syrenus song . o let that time a thousand moneths endure , which brings from heauen the sweet and siluer showers , and ioyes the earth ( of comfort late depriued ) with grasse and leaues , fine buds , and painted flowers . ecchoe , returne vnto the vvoods obscure . ring foorth the sheepheards songs in loue contriued . let old loues be reuiued , which angry winter buried but of late , and that in such a state my soule may haue the full accomplishment of ioy and sweet content . and since fierce paines and greefes thou doost controule : good loue , doo not forsake my inward soule . presume not ( sheepheards ) once to make you merrie , with springs , and flowers , or any pleasant song , ( vnlesse mild loue possesse your amorous breasts ) if you sing not to him , your songs doo wearie , crowne him with flowers , or else ye doo him wrong , and consecrate your springs to his behests . i to my sheepheardesse my happy loues with great content doo sing . and flowers to her doo bring . and sitting neere her by the riuer side , enioy the braue spring-tide . since then thy ioyes such sweetnes dooth enroule : good loue , doo not forsake my inward soule . the wise ( in auncient time ) a god thee nam'd , seeing that with thy power and supreame might , thou didst such rare and mighty wonders make : for thee a hart is frozen and enflam'd , a foole thou mak'st a wise man with thy light , the coward turnes couragious for thy sake . the mighty gods did quake at thy commaund : to birds and beasts tranformed , great monarches haue not scorned to yeeld vnto the force of beauties lure : such spoiles thou doost procure with thy braue force , which neuer may be tould : with which ( sweet loue ) thou conquer'st euery soule . in other times obscurely i did liue but with a drowsie , base , and simple kinde of life , and onely to my profit bend me : to thinke of loue my selfe i did not giue , or for good grace , good parts ; and gentle minde , neuer did any sheepheardesse commend me . but crowned now they send me a thousand garlands , that i wone with praise , in wrastling dayes by dayes , in pitching of the barre with arme most strong , and singing many a song . after that thou didst honour , and take hould of my ( sweet loue ) and of my happy soule . what greater ioy can any man desire , then to remaine a captiue vnto loue : and haue his hart subiected to his power ? and though sometimes he tast a little sower by suffering it , as mild as gentle doue yet must he be , in liew of that great hire whereto he dooth aspire : if louers liue afflicted and in paine , let them with cause complaine of cruell fortune , and of times abuse , and let not them accuse thee ( gentle-loue ) that dooth with blisse enfould within thy sweetest ioyes each liuing soule . behold a faire sweete face , and shining eyes , resembling two most bringht and twinkling starres , sending vnto the soule a perfect light : behold the rare perfections of those white and iuorie hands , from greefes most surest barres that mind wherein all life and glory lyes , that ioy that neuer dyes , that he dooth feele , that loues and is beloued , and my delights approoued , to see her pleas'd , whose loue maintaines me heere , all those i count so deere , that though sometimes loue dooth my ioyes controule : yet am i glad he dwels within my soule . bar. yong. finis . ¶ a sheepheards dreame . a silly sheepheard lately sate among a flock of sheepe : where musing long on this and that , at last he fell a sleepe . and in the slumber as he lay , he gaue a pitteous groane : he thought his sheepe were runne away , and he was left alone . he whoopt , he whistled , and he call'd , but not a sheepe came neere him : which made the sheepheard sore appall'd , to see that none would heare him . but as the swaine amazed stood , in this most solemne vaine : came phillida foorth of the vvood , and stoode before the swaine . whom when the sheepheard did behold , he straite began to weepe : and at the hart he grew a cold , to thinke vpon his sheepe . for well he knew , where came the queene , the sheepheard durst not stay : and where that he durst not be seene , the sheepe must needes away . to aske her if she saw his flock , might happen pacience mooue : and haue an aunswere with a mock , that such demaunders prooue . yet for because he saw her come alone out of the vvood : he thought he would not stand as dombe , vvhen speach might doo him good . and therefore falling on his knees , to aske but for his sheepe : he did awake , and so did leese the honour of his sleepe . n. breton . finis . ¶ the sheepheards ode . nights were short , and dayes were long , blossomes on the hawthorne hong , philomell ( night-musiques king , ) told the comming of the spring : whose sweete-siluer-sounding-voyce , made the little birds reioyce , skipping light from spray to spray , till aurora shew'd the day . scarse might one see , when i might see ( for such chaunces sudden be . ) by a well of marble-stone , a sheepheard lying all a-lone . weepe he did , and his weeping made the fading flowers spring . daphnis was his name i weene , youngest swaine of sommers queene . when aurora saw t' was he weepe she did for companie : weepe she did for her sweet sonne , that ( when antique troy was wonne ) suffer'd death by lucklesse fate , whom she now laments too late : and each morning ( by cocks crewe ) showers downe her siluer dewe , whose teares falling from their spring , giue moisture to each liuing thing that on earth encrease and grow , through power of their friendly foe . whose effect when flora felt , teares , that did her bosome melt , ( for who can resist teares often , but she whom no teares can soften ? ) peering straite aboue the banks , shew'd her selfe to giue her thanks . wondring thus at natures worke ( wherein many meruailes lurke ) me thought i heard a dolefull noyse , consorted with a mournfull voyce , drawing neere , to heare more plaine , heare i did , vnto my paine , ( for who is not pain'd to heare him in griefe whom hart holds deere ? ) silly swaine with griefe ore-gone thus to make his pitteous mone . loue i did , alas the while , loue i did , but did beguile my deere loue with louing so , whom as then i did not know . loue i did the fayrest boy that these fields did ere enioy . loue i did faire ganimede , venus darling , beauties bed : him i thought the fairest creature , him the quintessence of nature . but yet ( alas ) i was deceau'd , ( loue of reason is bereau'd . ) for since then i saw a lasse , lasse that did in beauty passe , passe faire ganimede as farre as phaebus dooth the smallest starre . loue commaunded me to loue , fancie bad me not remoue my affection from the swaine whom i neuer could obtaine : ( for who can obtaine that fauour which he cannot graunt the crauer ? ) loue at last ( though loth ) preuail'd , loue that so my hart assail'd , wounding me with her faire eyes ah how loue can subtillize ? and deuise a thousand shifts how to worke men to his drifts . her it is , for whom i mourne , her , for whom my life i scorne . her , for whom i weepe all day , her , for whom i sigh , and say eyther she , or else no creature shall enioy my loue : whose feature though i neuer can obtaine , yet shall my true-loue remaine : till ( my body turn'd to clay ) my poore soule must passe away , to the heauens ; where i hope it shall finde a resting scope . then since i loued thee alone , remember me when i am gone . scarse had he these last words spoken , but me thought his hart was broken , with great greefe that did abound , ( cares and greefe the hart confound . ) in whose hart thus riu'd in three , eliza written i might see in caracters of crimson blood , whose meaning well i vnderstood . which , for my hart might not behold : i hied me home my sheepe to fold . rich. barnefielde . finis . ¶ the sheepheards commendation of his nimph. what sheepheard can expresse the fauour of her face ? to whom in this distresse i doo appeale for grace . a thousand cupids flye about her gentle eye . from which each throwes a dart , that kindleth soft sweet fire within my sighing hart , possessed by desire . nosweeter life i trie then in her loue to die . the lilly in the field , that glories in his white : for porenes now must yeeld and render vp his right . heauen pictur'd in her face , dooth promise ioy and grace . faire cinthiaes siluer light , that beates on running streames : compares not with her white , whose haires are all sunne-beames . so bright my nimph dooth shine as day vnto my eyne . with this there is a red , exceedes the damaske-rose : which in her cheekes is spred , whence euery fauour growes . in skie there is no starre , but she surmounts it farre . when phoebus from the bed of thetis dooth arise : the morning blushing red , in faire carnation wise : he shewes in my nimphs face , as queene of euery grace . this pleasant lilly white , this taint of roseate red : this cinthiaes siluer light , this sweete faire dea spred , these sun-beames in mine eye , these beauties make me die . earle of oxenford . finis . ¶ coridon to his phillis . alas my hart , mine eye hath wronged thee , presumptuous eye , to gaze on phillis face : whose heauenly eye no mortall man may see , but he must die , or purchase phillis grace . poore coridon , the nimph whose eye dooth mooue thee : dooth loue to draw , but is not drawne to loue thee . her beautie , natures pride , and sheepheards praise , her eye , the heauenly planet of my life : her matchlesse wit and grace , her fame displaies , as if that loue had made her for his wife . onely her eyes shoote fierie darts to kill : yet is her hart as cold as caucase hill . my wings too weake to flye against the sunne , mine eyes vnable to sustaine her light : my hart dooth yeeld that i am quite vndone , thus hath faire phillis slaine me with her sight . my bud is blasted , withred is my leafe : and all my corne is rotted in the sheafe . phillis , the golden fetter of my minde , my fancies idoll , and my vitall power : goddesse of nimphs , and honour of thy kinde , this ages phaenix , beauties richest bower . poore coridon for loue of thee must die : thy beauties thrall , and conquest of thine eye . leaue coridon to plough the barren field , thy buds of hope are blasted with disgrace : for phillis lookes no harty loue doo yeeld , nor can she loue , for all her louely face . die coridon , the spoile of phillis eye : she cannot loue , and therefore thou must die . s. e. dyer . finis . ¶ the sheepheards description of loue. melibeus . sheepheard , what 's loue , i pray thee tell ? faustus . it is that fountaine , and that well , where pleasure and repentance dwell . it is perhaps that sauncing bell , that toules all into heauen or hell , and this is loue as i heard tell . meli. yet what is loue , i pre-thee say ? fau. it is a worke on holy-day , it is december match'd with may , when lustie-bloods in fresh aray , heare ten moneths after of the play , and this is loue , as i heare say . meli. yet what is loue , good sheepheard saine ? fau. it is a sun-shine mixt with raine , it is a tooth-ach , or like paine , it is a game where none dooth gaine , the lasse saith no , and would full faine : and this is loue , as i heare saine . meli. yet sheepheard , what is loue , i pray ? fau. it is a yea , it is a nay , a pretty kind of sporting fray , it is a thing will soone away , then nimphs take vantage while ye may : and this is loue as i heare say . meli. yet what is loue , good shepheard show ? fau. a thing that creepes , it cannot goe , a prize that passeth too and fro , a thing for one , a thing for moe , and he that prooues shall finde it so ; and sheepheard this is loue i troe . ignoto . finis . ¶ to his flocks . feede on my flocks securely , your sheepheard watcheth surely , runne about my little lambs , skip and wanton with your dammes , your louing heard with care will tend ye : sport on faire flocks at pleasure , nip vestaes flowring treasure , i my selfe will duely harke , when my watchfull dogge dooth barke , from woolfe and foxe i will defend ye . h. c. finis . ¶ a roundelay betweene two sheepheards . . shep. tell me thou gentle sheepheards swaine , who's 's yonder in the vale is set ? . shep. oh it is she , whose sweetes doo staine , the lilly , rose , the violet . . shep. why dooth the sunne against his kind , fixe his bright chariot in the skies ? . shep. because the sunne is strooken blind , with looking on her heauenly eyes . . shep. why doo thy flocks forbeare their food , which sometime were thy chiefe delight ? . shep. because they neede no other good , that liue in presence of her sight . . shep. why looke these flowers so pale and ill , that once attir'd this goodly heath ? . shep. she hath rob'd nature of her skill , and sweetens all things with her breath . . shep. why slide these brookes so slow away , whose bubling murmur pleas'd thine eare ? . shep. oh meruaile not although they stay , when they her heauenly voyce doo heare . . shep. from whence come all these sheepheards swaines , and louely nimphs attir'd in greene ? . shep. from gathering garlands on the plaines , to crowne our faire the sheepheards queene . both. the sunne that lights this world below . flocks . flowers , and brookes will witnesse beare : these nimphs and sheepheards all doo know , that it is she is onely faire . mich. drayton . finis . ¶ the solitarie sheepheards song . o shadie vales , ô faire enriched meades , o sacred vvoods , sweet fields , and rising mountaines : o painted flowers , greene hearbs where flora treads , refresht by wanton winds and watry fountaines . o all you winged queristers of vvood , that pearcht aloft , your former paines report : and straite againe recount with pleasant moode , your present ioyes in sweete and seemely sort . o all you creatures whosoeuer thriue on mother earth , in seas , by ayre , by fire : more blest are you then i heere vnder sunne , loue dies in me , when as he dooth reuiue in you , i perish vnder beauties ire , where after stormes , winds , frosts , your life is wunne . thom. lodge . finis . ¶ the sheepheards resolution in loue . if loue him-selfe be subiect vnto loue , and range the vvoods to finde a mortall pray , if neptune from the seas him-selfe remoue , and seeke on sands with earthly wights to play : then may i loue my sheepheardesse by right ; who farre excells each other mortall wight ? if pluto could by loue be drawne from hell , to yeeld him-selfe a silly virgins thrall . if phoebus could vouchsafe on earth to dwell , to winne a rustick mayde vnto his call : then how much more should i adore the sight , of her in whom the heauens them-selues delight ? if country pan might follow nimphs in chase , and yet through loue remaine deuoide of blame , if satires were excus'd for seeking grace , to ioy the fruites of any mortall dame : my sheepheardesse , why should not i loue still on whom nor gods nor men can gaze their fill ? tho. watson . finis . ¶ coridons hymne in praise of amarillis . would mine eyes were christall fountaines , where you might the shadow view of my greefes , like to these mountaines swelling for the losse of you . cares which curelesse are alas , helplesse , haplesse for they grow : cares like tares in number passe , all the seedes that loue dooth sow . who but could remember all twinkling eyes still representing ? starres which pierce me to the gall , cause they lend no more contenting . and you nectar-lips , alluring humane sence to tast of heauen : for no art of mans manuring , finer silke hath euer weauen . who but could remember this , the sweete odours of your fauour ? when i smeld i was in blisse , neuer felt i sweeter sauour . and your harmlesse hart annoynted , as the custome was of kings : shewes your sacred soule appoynted , to be prime of earthly things . ending thus remember all , cloathed in a mantle greene : t is enough i am your thrall , leaue to thinke what eye hath seene . yet the eye may not so leaue , though the thought doo still repine : but must gaze till death bequeath , eyes and thoughts vnto her shrine . which if amarillis chaunce , hearing to make hast to see : to life death she may aduance . therefore eyes and thoughts goe free . t. b. finis . ¶ the sheepheard carillo his song . guarda mi las vaccas carillo , por tu fe , besa mi primero , yo te las guardare . ipre-thee keepe my kine for me carillo , wilt thou ? tell. first let me haue a kisse of thee , and i will keepe them well . if to my charge or them to keepe , thou doost commend thy kine or sheepe , for thee i doo suffise : because in this i haue beene bred , but for so much as i haue fed by viewing thee , mine eyes ; commaund not me to keepe thy beast : because my selfe i can keepe least . how can i keepe , i pre-thee tell , thy kie , my selfe that cannot well defend , nor please thy kinde as long as i haue serued thee ? but if thou wilt giue vnto me a kisse to please my minde : i aske no more for all my paine , and i will keepe them very faine . for thee , the gift is not so great that i doo aske , to keepe thy neate , but vnto me it is a guerdon , that shall make me liue . disdaine not then to lend , or giue so small a gift as this . but if to it thou canst not frame : then giue me leaue to take the same . but if thou doost ( my sweet ) denie to recompence me by and by , thy promise shall relent me : heere-after some reward to finde , behold how i doo please my minde , and fauours doo content me , that though thou speak'st it but in iest : i meane to take it at the best . behold how much loue works in me ; and how ill recompenc'd of thee that with the shadow of thy happy fauours ( though delay'd ) i thinke my selfe right well appay'd , although they prooue a scoffe . then pitty me , that haue forgot : my selfe for thee , that carest not . o in extreame thou art most faire , and in extreame vniust despaire thy cruelty maintaines : o that thou wert so pittifull vnto these torments that doo pull my soule with sencelesse paines , as thou shew'st in that face of thine : where pitty and mild grace should shine . if that thy faire and sweetest face assureth me both peace and grace , thy hard and cruell hart : which in that white breast thou doo'st beare , dooth make me tremble yet for feare thou wilt not end my smart . in contraries of such a kinde : tell me what succour shall i 〈◊〉 ? if then young sheepheardesse thou craue a heards-man for thy beast to haue , with grace thou maist restore thy sheepheard from his barren loue , for neuer other shalt thou prooue , that seekes to please thee more : and who to serue thy turne , will neuer shun , the nipping frost , and beames of parching sun. bar. yong. finis . ¶ corins dreame of his faire chloris . what time bright titan in the zenith sat , and equally the fixed poales did heate : when to my flock my daily woes i chat , and vnderneath a broade beech tooke my seate . the dreaming god which morpheus poets call augmenting fuell to my aetnaes fire , with sleepe possessing my weake sences all , in apparitions makes my hopes aspire . me thought i saw the nimph i would embrace , with armes abroade comming to me for helpe : a lust-led satire hauing her in chace , which after her about the fields did yelpe . i seeing my loue in such perplexed plight , a sturdie bat from off an oake i reft : and with the rauisher continued fight , till breathlesse i vpon the earth him left . then when my coy nimph saw her breathlesse foe , with kisses kind she gratifies my paine : protesting rigour neuer more to show , happy was i this good hap to obtaine . but drowsie slumbers flying to their cell , my sudden ioy conuerted was to bale : my wonted sorrowes still with me doo dwell , i looked round about on hill and dale : but i could neither my faire chloris view , nor yet the satire which yer-while i slew . w. s. finis . ¶ the sheepheard damons passion . ah trees , why fall your leaues so fast ? ah rocks , where are your roabes of mosse ? ah flocks , why stand you all agast ? trees , rocks , and flocks , what , are ye pensiue for my losse ? the birds me thinks tune naught but moane , the winds breath naught but bitter plaint : the beasts forsake their dennes to groane , birds , winds , and beasts , what , dooth my losse your powers attaint ? floods weepe their springs aboue their bounds , and eccho wailes to see my woe : the roabe of ruthe dooth cloath the grounds , floods , eccho , grounds , why doo ye all these teares bestow ? the trees , the rocks and flocks replie , the birds , the winds , the beasts report : floods , eccho , grounds for sorrow crie , we greeue since phillis nill kinde damons loue consort . thom. lodge . finis . ¶ the sheepheard musidorus his complaint . come sheepheards weedes , become your maisters minde , yeeld outward shew , what inward change he tries : nor be abash'd , since such a guest you finde , whose strongest hope in your weake comfort lies . come sheepheards weedes , attend my wofull cries , disuse your selues from sweete menalcas voyce : for other be those tunes which sorrow ties , from those cleare notes which freely may reioyce . then poure out plaints , and in one word say this : helplesse his plaint , who spoiles him selfe of blisse . s. phil. sidney . finis . ¶ the sheepheards braule , one halfe aunswering the other . . we loue , and haue our loues rewarded ? . we loue , and are no whit regarded . . we finde most sweet affections snare : . that sweete but sower dispairefull care . . who can dispaire , whom hope dooth beare ? . and who can hope , that feeles dispaire ? all. as without breath no pipe dooth moue : no musique kindly without loue . s. phil. sidney . finis . ¶ dorus his comparisons . my sheepe are thoughts , which i both guide and serue , their pasture is faire hills of fruitlesse loue : on barren sweetes they feede , and feeding sterue , i waile their lot , but will not other proue . my sheepe-hooke is wanne hope , which all vpholds : my weedes , desires , cut out in endlesse folds . what wooll my sheepe shall beare , while thus they liue : in you it is , you must the iudgement giue . s. phil. sidney . finis . ¶ the sheepheard faustus his song . a faire mayde wed to prying iealousie , one of the fairest as euer i did see : if that thou wilt a secret louer take , ( sweet life ) doe not my secret loue forsake . ecclipsed was our sunne , and faire aurora darkened to vs quite , our morning starre was doone , and sheepheards starre lost cleane out of our sight , when that thou didst thy faith in wedlock plight . dame nature made thee faire , and ill did carelesse fortune marry thee , and pitty with despaire it was , that this thy haplesse hap should be , a faire mayde wed to prying iealousie . our eyes are not so bold to view the sun , that flie with radiant wing : vnlesse that we doo hold a glasse before them , or some other thing . then wisely this to passe did fortune bring to couer thee with such a vaile : for heeretofore , when any viewed thee , thy sight made his to faile , for ( sooth ) thou art : thy beautie telleth mee , one of the fairest as euer i did see . thy graces to obscure , with such a froward husband , and so base she meant thereby most sure that cupids force , and loue thou should'st embrace , for 't is a force to loue , no wondrous case . then care no more for kin , and doubt no more , for feare thou must forsake , to loue thou must begin , and from hence-forth this question neuer make , if that thou should'st a secret louer take ? of force it dooth behooue that thou should'st be belou'd , and that againe ( faire mistresse ) thou should'st loue , for to what end , what purpose , and what gaine , should such perfections serue ? as now in vaine my loue is of such art , that ( of it selfe ) it well deserues to take in thy sweete loue a part : then for no sheepheard , that his loue dooth make , ( sweet life ) doo not my secret loue forsake . bar. yong. finis . ¶ another of the same , by firmius the sheepheard . if that the gentle winde dooth mooue the leaues with pleasant sound , if that the kid behind is left , that cannot find her dam , runnes bleating vp and downe : the bagpipe , reede , or flute , onely with ayre if that they touched be , with pitty all salute , and full of loue doo brute thy name , and sound diana , seeing thee : a faire mayde wed to prying iealousie . the fierce and sauage beasts ( beyond their kind and nature yet ) with pitteous voyce and brest , in mountaines without rest the selfe same song doo not forget . if that they stay'd at ( faire ) and had not passed to prying iealousie : with plaints of such despaire as moou'd the gentle ayre to teares : the song that they did sing , should be one of the fayrest as euer i did see . mishap , and fortunes play , ill did they place in beauties brest : for since so much to say , there was of beauties sway , they had done well to leaue the rest . they had enough to doo , if in her praise their wits they did awake : but yet so must they too , and all thy loue that woo , thee not too coy , nor too too proude to make , if that thou wilt a secret louer take . for if thou hadst but knowne the beauty , that they heere doo touch , thou woul'dst then loue alone thy selfe , nor any one , onely thy selfe accounting much . but if thou doo'st conceaue this beauty , that i will not publique make , and mean'st not to bereaue the world of it , but leaue the same to some ( which neuer peere did take , ) ( sweet life ) doo not my secret loue forsake . bar. yong. finis . ¶ damelus song to his diaphenia . diaphenia like the daffadown-dillie , white as the sunne , faire as the lillie , heigh hoe , how i doo loue thee ? i doo loue thee as my lambs are beloued of their dams , how blest were i if thou would'st prooue me ? diaphenia like the spreading roses , that in thy sweetes all sweetes incloses , faire sweete how i doo loue thee ? i doo loue thee as each flower , loues the sunnes life-giuing power . for dead , thy breath to life might mooue me . diaphenia like to all things blessed , when all thy praises are expressed , deare ioy , how i doo loue thee ? as the birds doo loue the spring : or the bees their carefull king , then in requite , sweet virgin loue me h. c. finis . ¶ the sheepheard eurymachus to his faire sheepheardesse mirimida . when flora proud in pompe of all her flowers sate bright and gay : and gloried in the dewe of iris showers , and did display her mantle checquer'd all with gaudie greene , then i alone a mournfull man in ericine was seene . with folded armes i trampled through the grasse , tracing as he that held the throane of fortune brittle glasse , and loue to be like fortune fleeting , as the restlesse wind mixed with mists whose dampe dooth make the clearest eyes grow blind . thus in a maze , i spied a hideous flame , i cast my sight , and sawe where blithely bathing in the same with great delight a worme did lie , wrapt in a smoakie sweate : and yet t was strange , it carelesse lay , and shrunk not at the heate . i stoode amaz'd , and wondring at the sight , while that a dame , that shone like to the heauens rich sparkling light , discourst the same , and said , my friend , this worme within the fire : which lyes content , is venus worme , and represents desire . a salamander is this princely beast , deck'd with a crowne , giuen him by cupid as a gorgeous creast , gainst fortunes frowne , content he lyes , and bathes him in the flame , and goes not foorth , for why , he cannot liue without the same . as he , so louers liue within the fire of feruent loue : and shrinke not from the flame of hote desire , nor will not moue from any heate that venus force imparts : but lie content , within a fire , and waste away their harts . vp flewe the dame , and vanish'd in a cloud , but there stoode i , and many thoughts within my mind did shroud my loue : for why i felt within my hart a scorching fire , and yet as did the salamander , t was my whole desire . ro. greene. finis . ¶ the sheepheard firmius his song . sheepheards giue eare , and now be still vnto my passions , and their cause , and what they be : since that with such an earnest will , and such great signes of friendships lawes , you aske it me . it is not long since i was whole , nor since i did in euery part free-will resigne : it is not long since in my sole possession , i did know my hart , and to be mine . it is not long , since euen and morrow , all pleasure that my hart could finde , was in my power : it is not long , since greefe and sorrow , my louing hart began to binde , and to deuoure . it is not long , since companie i did esteeme a ioy indeede still to frequent : nor long , since solitarilie i liu'd , and that this life did breede my sole content . desirous i ( wretched ) to see , but thinking not to see so much as then i sawe : loue made me know in what degree , his valour and braue force did touch me with his lawe . first he did put no more nor lesse into my hart , then he did view that there did want : but when my breast in such excesse of liuely flames to burne i knew , then were so scant my ioyes , that now did so abate , ( my selfe estraunged euery way from former rest : ) that i did know , that my estate , and that my life was euery day , in deaths arrest . i put my hand into my side , to see what was the cause of this vnwonted vaine : where i did finde , that torments hied by endlesse death to preiudice my life with paine . because i sawe that there did want my hart , wherein i did delight , my dearest hart : and he that did the same supplant , no iurisdiction had of right to play that part . the iudge and robber , that remaine within my soule , their cause to trie , are there all one : and so the giuer of the paine , and he that is condemn'd to die or i , or none . to die i care not any way , though without why , to die i greeue , as i doo see : but for because i heard her say , none die for lone , for i beleeue none such there be . then this thou shalt beleeue by me too late , and without remedie as did in briefe : anaxarete , and thou shalt see , the little she did satisfie with after griefe . bar. yong. finis . ¶ the sheepheards praise of his sacred diana . praysed be dianaes faire and harmelesse light , praised be the dewes , where-with she moists the ground : praised be her beames , the glory of the night , prais'd be her power , by which all powers abound . prais'd be her nimphs , with whom she decks the vvoods , prais'd be her knights , in whom true honour liues : prais'd be that force , by which she mooues the floods , let that diana shine which all these giues . in heauen queene she is among the spheares , she mistresse-like makes all things to be pure : eternity in her oft change she beares , she beauty is , by her the faire endure . time weares her not , she dooth his chariot guide , mortality below her orbe is plast : by her the vertue of the starres downe slide . in her is vertues perfect image cast . a knowledge pure it is her woorth to know : with circes let them dwell , that thinke not so , finis . ¶ the sheepheards dumpe . like desart woods , with darksome shades obscured , where dreadfull beasts , where hatefull horror raigneth , such is my wounded hart , whom sorrow paineth . the trees are fatall shafts , to death inured , that cruell loue within my hart maintaineth , to whet my greefe , when as my sorrow waineth . the ghastly beasts , my thoughts in cares assured , which wadge me warre , whilst hart no succour gaineth , with false suspect , and feare that still remaineth . the horrors , burning sighs , by cares procured , which foorth i send , whilst weeping eye complaineth , to coole the heate the helplesse hart containeth . but shafts , but cares , sighs , horrors vnrecured , were nought esteem'd , if for their paines awarded : your sheepheards loue might be by you regarded . s. e. d. finis . ¶ the nimph dianaes song . when that i poore soule was borne , i was borne vnfortunate : presently the fates had sworne , to fore-tell my haplesse state . titan his faire beames did hide , phoebe ' clips'd her siluer light : in my birth my mother died , young and faire in heauie plight and the nurse that gaue me suck , haplesse was in all her life : and i neuer had good luck , being mayde or married wife . i lou'd well , and was belou'd , and forgetting , was forgot : this a haplesse marriage mou'd , greeuing that it kills me not . with the earth would i were wed , then in such a graue of woes daylie to be buried , which no end nor number knowes . young my father married me , forc'd by my obedience : syrenus , thy faith , and thee i forgot without offence . which contempt i pay so farre , neuer like was paid so much : iealousies doo make me warre , but without a cause of such . i doo goe with iealous eyes , to my folds , and to my sheepe : and with iealousie i rise , when the day begins to peepe . at his table i doo eate , in his bed with him i lie : but i take no rest , nor meate , without cruell iealousie . if i aske him what he ayles , and whereof he iealous is ? in his aunswere then he failes , nothing can he say to this . in his face there is no cheere , but he euer hangs the head : in each corner he dooth peere , and his speech is sad and dead . ill the poore soule liues ywis : that so hardly married is . bar. yong. finis . ¶ rowlands madrigall . faire loue rest thee heere , neuer yet was morne so cleere , sweete be not vnkinde , let me thy fauour finde , or else for loue i die . harke this pretty bubling spring , how it makes the meadowes ring , loue now stand my friend , heere let all sorrow end , and i will honour thee . see where little cupid lyes , looking babies in her eyes . cupid helpe me now , lend to me thy bowe , to wound her that wounded me . heere is none to see or tell , all our flocks are feeding by , this banke with roses spred , oh it is a dainty bed , fit for my loue and me . harke the birds in yonder groaue , how they chaunt vnto my loue , loue be kind to me , as i haue beene to thee , for thou hast wonne my hart . calme windes blow you faire , rock her thou sweete gentle ayre , o the morne is noone , the euening comes too soone , to part my loue and me . the roses and thy lips doo meete , oh that life were halfe so sweete , who would respect his breath , that might die such a death , oh that life thus might die . all the bushes that be neere , with sweet nightingales beset , hush sweete and be still , let them sing their fill , there 's none our ioyes to let . sunne why doo'st thou goe so fast ? oh why doo'st thou make such hast ? it is too early yet , so soone from ioyes to flit , why art thou so vnkind ? see my little lambkins runne , looke on them till i haue done , hast not on the night , to rob me of her sight , that liue but by her eyes . alas , sweet loue , we must depart , harke , my dogge begins to barke , some bodie 's comming neere , they shall not finde vs heere , for feare of being chid . take my garland and my gloue , weare it for my sake my loue , to morrow on the greene , thou shalt be our sheepheards queene , crowned with roses gay . mich. drayton . finis . ¶ alanius the sheepheard , his dolefull song , complayning of ismeniaes crueltie . no more ( ô cruell nimph , ) now hast thou prayed enough in thy reuenge , prooue not thine ire on him that yeelds , the fault is now appayed vnto my cost : now mollifie thy dire hardnes , and brest of thine so much obdured : and now raise vp ( though lately it hath erred , ) a poore repenting soule , that in the obscured darknes of thy obliuion lyes enterred . for it falls not in that , that should commend thee : that such a swaine as i may once offend thee . if that the little sheepe with speede is flying from angry sheepheard ( with his words afrayed ) and runneth here and there with fearefull crying , and with great griefe is from the flock estrayed : but when it now perceiues that none doth follow , and all alone , so farre estraying mourneth , knowing what danger it is in , with hollow and fainting bleates , then fearefull it returneth vnto the flock , meaning no more to leaue it : should it not be a iust thing to receaue it ? lift vp those eyes ( ismenia ) which so stately to view me , thou hast lifted vp before me , that liberty , which was mine owne but lately , giue me againe , and to the same restore me : and that mild hart , so full of loue and pittie , which thou didst yeeld to me , and euer owe me ; behold ( my nimph ) i was not then so wittie to know that sincere loue that thou didst shew me : now wofull man , full well i know and rue it , although it was too late before i knew it . how could it be ( my enemie ? ) say , tell me , how thou ( in greater fault and errour being then euer i was thought ) should'st thus repell me ? and with new league and cruell title seeing thy faith so pure and worthy to be changed ? and what is that ismenia , that dooth bind it to loue , whereas the same is most estranged , and where it is impossible to finde it ? but pardon me , if heerein i abuse thee : since that the cause thou gau'st me dooth excuse me . but tell me now , what honour hast thou gayned , auenging such a fault by thee committed , and there-vnto by thy occasion trayned ? what haue i done , that i haue not acquitted ? or what excesse that is not amply payed , or suffer more , that i haue not endured ? what cruell minde , what angry breast displayed , with sauage hart , to fiercenes so adiured ? would not such mortall griefe make milde and tender : but that , which my fell sheepheardesse dooth render ? now as i haue perceaued well thy reasons , which thou hast had , or hast yet to forget me , the paines , the griefes , the guilts of forced treasons , that i haue done , wherein thou first didst set me : the passions , and thine eares and eyes refusing to peare and see me , meaning to vndoe me : cam'st thou to know , or be but once perusing th'vnsought occasions , which thou gau'st vnto me : thou should'st not haue where-with to more torment me : nor i to pay the fault my rashnes lent me . bar. yong. finis . ¶ montana the sheepheard , his loue to aminta . i serue aminta , whiter then the snowe , straighter then cedar , brighter then the glasse : more fine in trip , then foote of running roe , more pleasant then the field of flowring grasse . more gladsome to my withering ioyes that fade : then winters sunne , or sommers cooling shade . sweeter then swelling grape of ripest vvine , softer then feathers of the fairest swan : smoother then iet , more stately then the pine , fresher then poplar , smaller then my span . clearer then phoebus fierie pointed beame : or icie crust of christalls frozen streame . yet is she curster then the beare by kind , and harder harted then the aged oake : more glib then oyle , more fickle then the wind , more stiffe then steele , no sooner bent but broake . loe thus my seruice is a lasting sore : yet will i serue , although i die therefore . shep. tonie . finis . ¶ the sheepheards sorrow for his phaebes disdaine . oh woods vnto your walks my body hies , to loose the trayterous bonds of tyring loue , where trees , where hearbs , where flowers , their natiue moisture poures from foorth their tender stalkes , to helpe mine eyes , yet their vnited teares may nothing moue . when i behold the faire adorned tree , which lightnings force and winters frost resists , then daphnes ill betide , and phaebus lawlesse pride enforce me say , euen such my sorrowes be : for selfe disdaine in phaebes hart consists . if i behold the flowers by morning teares looke louely sweete : ah then forlorne i crie sweete showers for memnon shed , all flowers by you are fed . whereas my pittious plaint that still appeares , yeelds vigor to her scornes , and makes me die . when i regard the pretty glee-full bird , with teare-full ( yet delightfull ) notes complaine : i yeeld a terror with my teares . and while her musique wounds mine eares , alas say i , when will my notes afford such like remorce , who still beweepe my paine ? when i behold vpon the leafe-lesse bow the haplesse bird lament her loues depart : i draw her biding nigh , and sitting downe i sigh , and sighing say : alas , that birds auow a setled faith , yet phaebe scornes my smart . thus wearie in my walke , and wofull too , i spend the day , fore-spent with daily greefe : each obiect of distresse my sorrow dooth expresse . i doate on that which dooth my hart vndoo : and honour her that scornes to yeeld releefe . ignoto . finis . ¶ espilus and therion , their contention in song for the may-ladie . espilus . tvne vp my voyce , a higher note i yeeld , to high conceite , the song must needes neede be hie : more high then starres , more firme then flintie field are all my thoughts , in which i liue and die . sweete soule to whom i vowed am a slaue : let not wild vvoods so great a treasure haue . therion . the highest note comes oft from basest minde , as shallow brookes doo yeeld the greatest sound : seeke other thoughts thy life or death to find , thy starres be falne , plowed is thy flinty ground . sweet soule , let not a wretch that serueth sheepe , among his flock so sweete a treasure keepe . espilus . two thousand sheepe i haue as white as milke , though not so white as is thy louely face : the pasture rich , the wooll as soft as silke , all this i giue , let me possesse thy grace . but still take heede , least thou thy selfe submit : to one that hath no wealth , and wants his wit. therion . two thousand deere in wildest vvoods i haue , them can i take , but you i cannot hold : he is not poore who can his freedome saue , bound but to you , no wealth but you i would . but take this beast , if beasts you feare to misse : for of his beasts the greatest beast he is . both kneeling to her maiestie . espilus . iudge you , to whom all beauties force is lent : therion . iudge you of loue , to whom all loue is bent . this song was sung before the queenes most excellent maiestie , in wansted garden : as a contentention betweene a forrester and a sheepheard for the may-ladie . s. phil. sidney . finis . ¶ olde melibeus song , courting his nimph. loues queene long wayting for her true-loue , slaine by a boare which he had chased , left off her teares , and me embraced , she kist me sweete , and call'd me new-loue . with my siluer haire she toyed , in my stayed lookes she ioyed . boyes ( she sayd ) breede beauties sorrow : olde men cheere it euen and morrow . my face she nam'd the seate of fauour , all my defects her tongue defended , my shape she prais'd , but most commended . my breath more sweete then balme in sauour . be old man with me delighted , loue for loue shall be requited . with her toyes at last she wone me : now she coyes that hath vndone me . m. f g. finis . ¶ the sheepheard syluanus his song . my life ( young sheepheardesse ) for thee of needes to death must post : but yet my greefe must stay with me , after my life is lost . the greeuous ill , by death that cured is , continually hath remedy at hand : but not that torment that is like to this , that in slow time , and fortunes meanes dooth stand . and if this sorrow cannot be ended with life ( at most : ) what then dooth this thing profit me , a sorrow wonne or lost ? yet all is one to me , as now i trie a flattering hope , or that that had not been yet : for if to day for want of it i die , next day i doo no lesse for hauing seene it . faine would i die , to end and free this greefe , that kills me most : if that it might be lost with me , or die when life is lost . bar. yong. finis . ¶ coridons song . a blithe and bonny country-lasse , heigh hoe bonny-lasse , sate sighing on the tender grasse , and weeping sayd : will none come woo me ? a smicker boy , a lither swaine , heigh hoe a smicker swaine : that in his loue was wanton faine , with smiling lookes straite came vnto her . when as the wanton wench espied , heigh hoe when she espied , the meanes to make her selfe a bride , she simpred smooth like bonnie-bell : the swaine that sawe her squint-eyed kinde , heigh hoe squint-eyed kinde , his armes about her body twin'd and sayd , faire lasse , how fare ye , well ? the country-kit sayd , well forsooth , heigh hoe well forsooth , but that i haue a longing tooth , a longing tooth that makes me crie : alas ( said he ) what garres thy greefe , heigh hoe what garres thy greefe ? a wound ( quoth she ) without releefe , i feare a mayde that i shall die . if that be all , the sheepheard sayd , heigh hoe the sheepheard sayd , i le make thee wiue it gentle mayde , and so recure thy maladie : heereon they kist with many an oath , heigh hoe many an oath , and fore god pan did plight their troath , so to the church apace they hie . and god send euery pretty peate , heigh hoe the pretty peate , that feares to die of this conceite , so kind a friend to helpe at last : then maydes shall neuer long againe , heigh hoe to long againe , when they finde ease for such a paine , thus my roundelay is past . thom. lodge . finis . ¶ the sheepheards sonnet . my fairest ganimede disdaine me not , though sillie sheepheard i , presume to loue thee , though my harsh songs and sonnets cannot mooue thee : yet to thy beauty is my loue no blot : apollo , ioue , and many gods beside s'dain'd not the name of country sheepheards swaines , nor want we pleasures , though we take some paines . we liue contentedly : a thing call'd pride which so corrupts the court and euery place , ( each place i meane where learning is neglected , and yet of late , euen learnings selfe 's infected , ) i know not what it meanes in any case . we onely ( when molorchus gins to peepe , learne for to fold , and to vnfold our sheepe . rich. barnefielde . finis . ¶ seluagia and siluanus , their song to diana . sel. i see thee iolly sheepheard merrie , and firme thy faith , and sound as a berrie . sil. loue gaue me ioy , and fortune gaue it , as my desire could wish to haue it . sel. what didst thou wish , tell me ( sweete louer , ) whereby thou might'st such ioy recouer ? sil. to loue where loue should be inspired : since there 's no more to be desired . sel. in this great glory , and great gladnes , think'st thou to haue no touch of sadnes ? sil. good fortune gaue me not such glorie : to mock my loue , or make me sorrie . sel. if my firme loue i were denying , tell me , with sighs would'st thou be dying ? sil. those words ( in ieast ) to heare thee speaking : for very griefe this hart is breaking . sel. yet would'st thou change , i pre-thee tell me , in seeing one that did excell me ? sil. o no , for how can i aspire , to more , then to mine owne desire ? sel. such great affection doo'st thou beare me : as by thy words thou seem'st to sweare me ? sil. of thy deserts , to which a debter i am , thou maist demaund this better . sel. sometimes me thinks , that i should sweare it , sometimes me thinks , thou should'st not beare it . sil. onely in this my hap dooth greeue me , and my desire , not to beleeue me . sel. imagine that thou doo'st not loue mine , but some braue beauty that 's aboue mine . sil. to such a thing ( sweete ) doo not will me : where faining of the same dooth kill me . sel. i see thy firmenesse gentle louer , more then my beauty can discouer . sil. and my good fortune to be higher then my desert , but not desire . bar. yong. finis . ¶ montanus his madrigall . it was a vallie gawdie greene , where dian at the fount was seene , greene it was , and did passe all other of dianaes bowers , in the pride of floraes flowers . a fount it was that no sunne sees , cirkled in with cipres trees , set so nie , as phaebus eye could not doo the virgins scathe , to see them naked when they bathe . she sate there all in white , colour fitting her delight , virgins so ought to goe : for white in armorie is plaste to be the colour that is chaste . her taffata cassock you might see , tucked vp aboue her knee , which did show there below legges as white as whales bone , so white and chast was neuer none . hard by her vpon the ground , sate her virgins in a round , bathing their golden haire , and singing all in notes hie : fie on venus flattering eye . fie on loue , it is a toy , cupid witlesse , and a boy , all his fires , and desires , are plagues that god sent from on hie : to pester men with miserie . as thus the virgins did disdaine louers ioy and louers paine , cupid nie did espie greeuing at dianaes song , slily stole these maydes among . his bowe of steele , darts of fire , he shot amongst them sweete desire , which straite flies in their eyes , and at the entraunce made them start , for it ranne from eye to hart . calisto straite supposed loue , was faire and frollique for to loue . dian she , scap'd not free , for well i wote heere-vpon , she lou'd the swaine endimion . clitia , phaebus , and chloris eye thought none so faire as mercurie . venus thus did discusse by her sonne in darts of fire : none so chast to check desire . dian rose with all her maydes , blushing thus at loues braides , with sighs all shew their thrall , and flinging thence , pronounc'd this saw : what so strong as loues sweete law ? ro. greene. finis . ¶ astrophell to stella , his third song . if orpheus voyce had force to breathe such musiques loue through pores of sencelesse trees , as it could make them moue : if stones good measure daunc'd , the thebane walls to build to cadence of the tunes , which amphyons lyre did yeeld : more cause a like effect at least-wise bringeth , o stones , ô trees , learne hearing , stella singeth . if loue might sweet'n so a boy of sheepheards broode , to make a ●yzard dull to tast loues daintie foode : if eagle fierce could so in grecian mayde delight , as his light was her eyes , her death his endlesse night : earth gaue that loue , heau'n i trow loue defineth , o beasts , ô birds , looke , loue , loe , stella shineth . the birds , stones , and trees feele this ; and feeling loue , and if the trees , nor stones stirre not the same to proue : nor beasts , nor birds doo come vnto this blessed gaze , know , that small loue is quicke , and great loue dooth amaze . they are amaz'd , but you with reason armed , o eyes , ô eares of men , how are you charmed ? s. phil. sidney . finis . ¶ a song betweene syrenus and syluanus . syrenus . who hath of cupids cates and dainties prayed , may feede his stomack with them at his pleasure : if in his drinke some ease he hath assayed , then let him quench his thirsting without measure : and if his weapons pleasant in their manner , let him embrace his standard and his banner . for being free from him , and quite exempted : ioyfull i am , and proud , and well contented . syluanus . of cupids daintie cates who hath not prayed , may be depriued of them at his pleasure : if wormewood in his drinke he hath assayed , let him not quench his thirsting without measure : and if his weapons in their cruell manner , let him abiure his standard and his banner : for i not free from him , and not exempted , ioyfull i am , and proud , and well contented . syrenus . loue 's so expert in giuing many a trouble , that now i know not why he should be praised : he is so false , so changing , and so double , that with great reason he must be dispraised . loue in the end is such a iarring passion , that none should trust vnto his peeuish fashion , for of all mischiefe he 's the onely maister : and to my good a torment and disaster . syluanus . loue 's so expert in giuing ioy , not trouble , that now i know not but he should be praised : he is so true , so constant , neuer double , that in my minde he should not be dispraised . loue in the end is such a pleasing passion , that euery one may trust vnto his fashion . for of all good he is the onely maister : and foe vnto my harmes , and my disaster . syrenus . not in these sayings to be proou'd a lyer , he knowes that dooth not loue , nor is beloued : now nights and dayes i rest , as i desire , after i had such greefe from me remooued . and cannot i be glad , since thus estraunged , my selfe from false diana i haue chaunged ? hence , hence , false loue , i will not entertaine thee : since to thy torments thou doo'st seeke to traine me . syluanus . not in these saying to be proou'd a lyer , he knowes that loues , and is againe beloued : now nights and dayes i rest in sweete desire , after i had such happy fortune prooued . and cannot i be glad , since not estraunged , my selfe into seluagia i haue chaunged ? come , come , good loue , and i will entertaine thee : since to thy sweete content thou seek'st to traine me . bar. yong. finis . ¶ ceres song in emulation of cinthia . swell ceres now , for other gods are shrinking , pomona pineth , fruitlesse her tree : faire phaebus shineth onely on me . conceite dooth make me smile whilst i am thinking , how euery one dooth reade my storie , how euery bough on ceres lowreth , cause heauen plenty on me powreth , and they in leaues doo onely glorie , all other gods of power bereauen , ceres onely queene of heauen . with roabes and flowers let me be dressed , cinthia that shineth is not so cleare : cinthia declineth when i appeare . yet in this isle she raignes as blessed , and euery one at her dooth wonder , and in my eares still fond fame whispers cinthia shall be ceres mistres , but first my carre shall riue in sunder . helpe phaebus helpe , my fall is suddaine : cinthia , cinthia must be soueraigne . this song was sung before her maiestie , at bissam , the lady russels , in prograce . the authors name unknowne to me . ¶ a pastorall ode to an honourable friend . as to the blooming prime , bleake winter being fled : from compasse of the clime , where nature lay as dead , the riuers dull'd with time , the greene leaues withered , fresh zephyri ( the westerne brethren ) be : so th' honour of your fauour is to me . for as the plaines reuiue , and put on youthfull greene : as plants begin to thriue , that disattir'd had beene : and arbours now aliue , in former pompe are seene . so if my spring had any flowers before : your breathes fauonius hath encreast the store . e. b. finis . ¶ a nimphs disdaine of loue. hey downe a downe did dian sing , amongst her virgins sitting : then loue there is no vainer thing , for maydens most vnfitting , and so think i , with a downe downe derrie . vvhen women knew no woe , but liu'd them-selues to please : mens fayning guiles they did not know , the ground of their disease . vnborne was false suspect , no thought of iealousie : from wanton toyes and fond affect , the virgins life was free . hey downe a downe did dian sing , &c. at length men vsed charmes , to which what maides gaue eare : embracing gladly endlesse harmes , anone enthralled were . thus women welcom'd woe , disguis'd in name of loue : a iealous hell , a painted show , so shall they finde that proue . hey downe a downe did dian sing , amongst her virgins sitting : then loue there is no vainer thing , for maydens most vnfitting . and so thinke i , with a downe downe derrie . ignoto . finis . ¶ apollos loue-song for faire daphne . my hart and tongue were twinnes , at once conceaued , the eldest was my hart , borne dumbe by destinie : the last my tongue , of all sweet thoughts bereaued , yet strung and tun'd , to play harts harmonie . both knit in one , and yet a-sunder placed . what hart would speake , the tongue dooth still discouer : what tongue dooth speake , is of the hart embraced , and both are one , to make a new-found louer . new-found , and onely found in gods and kings , whose words are deedes , but deedes nor words regarded : chast thoughts doo mount , and flie with swiftest wings , my loue with paine , my paine with losse rewarded . engraue vpon this tree daphnes perfection : that neither men nor gods can force affection . this dittie was sung before her maiestie , at the right honourable the lord chandos , at sudley castell , at her last being there in prograce . the author thereof vnknowne . ¶ the sheepheard delicius his dittie . neuer a greater foe did loue disdaine , or trode on grasse so gay , nor nimph greene leaues with whiter hand hath rent , more golden haire the wind did neuer blow , nor fairer dame hath bound in white attire , or hath in lawne more gracious features tied , then my sweete enemie . beautie and chastitie one place refraine , in her beare equall sway : filling the world with wonder and content . but they doo giue me paine and double woe , since loue and beautie kindled my desire , and cruell chastitie from me denied all sence of iollitie . there is no rose , nor lillie after raine , nor flower in moneth of may , nor pleasant meade , nor greene in sommer sent , that seeing them , my minde delighteth so , as faire flower which all the heauens admire , spending my thoughts on her , in whom abide all grace and gifts on hie . me thinks my heauenly nimph i see againe her neck and breast display : seeing the whitest ermine to frequent some plaine , or flowers that make the fairest show . o gods , i neuer yet beheld her nier , or farre , in shade , or sunne , that satisfied i was in passing by . the meade , the mount , the riuer , wood , and plaine , with all their braue array , yeeld not such sweete , as that faire face that 's bent sorrowes and ioy in each soule to bestow in equall parts , procur'd by amorous fire beauty and loue in her their force haue tried , to blind each humane eye . each wicked mind and will , which wicked vice dooth staine , her vertues breake and stay ▪ all ayres infect by ayre are purg'd and spent , though of a great foundation they , did grow . o body , that so braue a soule doo'st hire , and blessed soule , whose vertues euer pried aboue the starrie skie . onely for her my life in ioyes i traine my soule sings many a lay : musing on her , new seas i doo inuent of soueraigne ioy , wherein with pride i rowe . the deserts for her sake i doo require , for without her , the springs of ioy are dried and that i doo defie . sweete fate , that to a noble deede doo'st straine , and lift my hart to day : sealing her there with glorious ornament , sweete scale , sweete greefe , and sweetest ouerthrowe . sweete miracle , whose fame cannot expire , sweete wound , and golden shaft , that so espied such heauenly companie of beauties graces in sweete vertues died , as like were neuer in such yeares descried . bar. yong. finis . ¶ amintas for his phillis . avrora now began to rise againe , from watry couch , and from old tithons side : in hope to kiss vpon acteian plaine , young cephalus , and through the golden glide on easterne coast he cast so great a light , that phaebus thought it time to make retire from thetis bower , wherein he spent the night , to light the world againe with heauenly fire . no sooner gan his winged steedes to chase the stigian night , mantled with duskie vale : but poore amintas hasteth him a pace , in deserts thus , to weepe a wofull tale . you silent shades , and all that dwell therein , as birds , or beasts , or wormes that creepe on ground : dispose your selues to teares , while i begin to rue the greefe of mine eternall wound . and dolefull ghosts , whose nature flies the light , come seate your selues with me on eu'ry side : and while i die for want of my delight , lament the woes through fancie me betide . phillis is dead , the marke of my desire , my cause of loue , and shipwrack of my ioyes , phillis is gone that set my hart on fire , that clad my thoughts with ruinous annoyes . phillis is fled , and bides i wote not where , phillis ( alas ) the praise of woman-kinde : phillis the sunne of this our hemisphere , whose beames made me , and many others blinde . but blinded me ( poore swaine ) aboue the rest , that like olde oedipus i liue in thrall : still feele the woorst , and neuer hope the best , my mirth in moane , and honey drown'd in gall . her faire , but cruell eyes , bewitcht my sight , her sweete , but fading speech enthrall'd my thought : and in her deedes i reaped such delight , as brought both will and libertie to nought . therefore all hope of happines adiew , adiew desire the source of all my care : despare tells me , my weale will nere renue , till thus my soule dooth passe in charons crare . meane time my minde must suffer fortunes scorne , my thoughts still wound , like wounds that still are greene : my weakened limbs be layd on beds of thorne , my life decayes , although my death 's fore-seene . mine eyes , now eyes no more , but seas of teares , weepe on your fill , to coole my burning brest : where loue did place desire , twixt hope and feares , ( i say ) desire , the authour of vnrest . and would to god , phillis where ere thou be , thy soule did see the sower of mine estate : my ioyes ecclips'd , for onely want of thee my being with my selfe at foule debate . my humble vowes , my sufferance of woe , my sobs and sighs , and euer-watching eyes : my plaintiue teares , my wandring to and fro , my will to die , my neuer-ceasing cries . no doubt but then these sorrowes would perswade , the doome of death , to cut my vitall twist : that i with thee amidst th' infernall shade , and thou with me might sport vs as we list . oh if thou waite on faire proserpines traine , and hearest orpheus neere th' elizian springs : entreate thy queene to free thee thence againe , and let the thracian guide thee with his strings . tho. watson . finis . ¶ faustus and firmius sing to their nimph by turnes . firmius . of mine owne selfe i doo complaine , and not for louing thee so much , but that in deede thy power is such : that my true loue it dooth restraine , and onely this dooth giue me paine , for faine i would loue her more , if that i could . faustus . thou doo'st obserue ▪ who dooth not see , to be belou'd a great deale more : but yet thou shalt not finde such store ▪ of loue in others as in me : for all i haue i giue to thee . yet faine i would loue thee more , if that i could . firmius . o trie no other sheepheard swaine , and care not other loues to proue , who though they giue thee all their loue : thou canst not such as mine obtaine . and would'st thou haue in loue more gaine ? o yet i would loue thee more , if that i could . faustus . impossible it is ( my friend ) that any one should me excell in loue , whose loue i will refell , if that with me he will contend : my loue no equall hath , nor end . and yet i would loue her more , if that i could ▪ firmius . behold how loue my soule hath charm'd , since first thy beauties i did see , ( which is but little yet to me , ) my freest sences i haue harm'd ( to loue thee ) leauing them vnarm'd : and yet i would loue thee more , if that i could . faustus . i euer gaue , and giue thee still such store of loue , as loue hath lent me : and therefore well thou maist content thee , that loue dooth so enrich my fill : but now behold my cheefest will , that faine i would loue thee more , if that i could . bar. yong. finis . ¶ sireno a sheepheard , hauing a lock of his faire nimphs haire , wrapt about with greene silke , mournes thus in a loue-dittie . what chang's heere , ô haire , i see since i saw you ? how ill fits you this greene to weare , for hope the colour due ? in deede i well did hope , though hope were mixt with feare : no other sheepheard should haue scope once to approach this heare . ah haire , how many dayes , my dian made me show , with thousand prettie childish playes , if i ware you or no ? alas , how oft with teares , ( oh teares of guilefull brest : ) she seemed full of iealous feares , whereat i did but iest ? tell me ô haire of gold , if i then faultie be : that trust those killing eyes i would , since they did warrant me ? haue you not seene her moode , what streames of teares she spent : till that i sware my faith so stoode , as her words had it bent ? who hath such beautie seene , in one that changeth so ? or where one loues , so constant beene , who euer saw such woe ? ah haires , you are not greeu'd , to come from whence you be : seeing how once you saw i liu'd , to see me as you see . on sandie banke of late , i saw this woman sit : where , sooner die then change my state , she with her finger writ . thus my beleefe was stay'd , behold loues mighty hand on things , were by a vvoman say'd , and written in the sand . translated by s. phil. sidney , out of diana of montmaior . ¶ a song betweene taurisius and diana , aunswering verse for verse . taurisius . the cause why that thou doo'st denie to looke on me , sweete foe impart ? diana . because that dooth not please the eye . which dooth offend and greeue the hart . taurisius . what woman is , or euer was , that when she looketh , could be mou'd ▪ diana . she that resolues her life to passe , neyther to loue , nor to be lou'd . taurisius . there is no hart so fierce and hard . that can so much torment a soule : diana . nor sheepheard of so small regard , that reason will so much controule . taurisius . how falls it out loue dooth not kill thy crueltie with some remorce ? diana . because that loue is but a will , and free-will dooth admit no force . taurisius . behold what reason now thou hast , to remedie my louing smart : diana . the very same bindes me as fast , to keepe such daunger from my hart . taurisius . why doo'st thou thus torment my minde , and to what end thy beautie keepe ? diana . because thou call'st me still vnkinde , and pittilesse when thou doo'st weepe . taurisius . is it because thy crueltie in killing me dooth neuer end ? diana . nay , for because i meane thereby , my hart from sorrow to defend . taurisius . be bold so foule i am no way as thou doo'st think , faire sheepheardesse : diana . with this content thee , that i say , that i beleeue the same no lesse . taurisius . what , after giuing me such store ▪ of passions , doo'st thou mock me too ? diana . if aunsweres thou wilt any more . goe seeke them without more adoo . bar. yong. finis . ¶ another song before her maiestie at oxford , sung by a comely sheepheard , attended on by sundrie other sheepheards and nimphs . hearbs , words , and stones , all maladies haue cured , hearbs , words , and stones , i vsed when loued : hearbs smells , words winde , stones hardnes haue procured , by stones , nor words , nor hearbs her mind was moued . i ask'd the cause : this was a womans reason , mongst hearbs are weedes , and thereby are refused : deceite as well as trueth speakes words in season , false stones by foiles haue many one abused . i sigh'd , and then she sayd , my fancie smoaked , i gaz'd , she sayd , my lookes were follies glauncing : i sounded dead , she sayd , my loue was choaked , i started vp , she sayd , my thoughts were dauncing . oh sacred loue , if thou haue any godhead : teach other rules to winne a maydenhead . anonimus . finis . ¶ the sheepheards song : a caroll or himne for christmas . sweete musique , sweeter farre then any song is sweete : sweete musique heauenly rare , mine eares ( ô peeres ) dooth greete . you gentle flocks , whose fleeces pearl'd with dewe , resemble heauen , whom golden drops make bright : listen , ô listen , now , ô not to you our pipes make sport to shorten wearie night , but voyces most diuine , make blisfull harmonie : voyces that seeme to shine , for what else cleares the skie ? tunes can we heare , but not the singers see : the tunes diuine , and so the singers be . loe how the firmament , within an azure fold : the flock of starres hath pent , that we might them behold . yet from their beames proceedeth not this light , nor can their christalls such reflection giue : what then dooth make the element so bright ? the heauens are come downe vpon earth to liue . but harken to the song , glorie to glories king : and peace all men among , these queristers doo sing . angels they are , as also ( sheepheards ) hee , whom in our feare we doo admire to see . let not amazement blinde your soules ( said he ) annoy : to you and all mankinde , my message bringeth ioy . for loe the worlds great sheepheard now is borne a blessed babe , an infant full of power : after long night , vp-risen is the morne , renowning bethlem in the sauiour . sprung is the perfect day , by prophets seene a farre : sprung is the mirthfull may , which winter cannot marre . in dauids cittie dooth this sunne appeare : clouded in flesh , yet sheepheards sit we heere . e. b. finis . ¶ arsileus his caroll , for ioy of the new mariage , betweene syrenus and diana . let now each meade with flowers be depainted , of sundry colours sweetest odours glowing : roses yeeld foorth your smells so finely tainted , calme winds the greene leaues mooue with gentle blowing , the christall riuers flowing with waters be encreased : and since each one from sorrow now hath ceased ▪ from mournfull plaints and sadnes . ring foorth faire nimphs your ioyfull songs for gladnes . let springs and meades all kinde of sorrow banish , and mournfull harts the teares that they are bleeding : let gloomie cloudes with shining morning vanish , let euery bird reioyce that now is breeding . and since by new proceeding , with mariage now obtained , a great content by great contempt is gained , and you deuoyd of sadnes , ring foorth faire nimphs your ioyfull songs for gladnes . who can make vs to change our firme desires , and soule to leaue her strong determination , and make vs freeze in ice , and melt in fires , and nicest harts to loue with emulation , who rids vs from vexation , and all our minds commaundeth ? but great felicia , that his might withstandeth , that fill'd our harts with sadnes , ring foorth faire nimphs your ioyfull songs for gladnes . your fields with their distilling fauours cumber ( bridegroome and happy bride ) each heauenly power your flocks , with double lambs encreas'd in number , may neuer tast vnsauorie grasse and sower . the winters frost and shower your kids ( your pretie pleasure ) may neuer hurt , and blest with so much treasure , to driue away all sadnes : ring foorth faire nimphs your ioyfull songs for gladnes . of that sweete ioy delight you with such measure , betweene you both faire issue to engender : longer then nestor may you liue in pleasure , the gods to you such sweete content surrender , that may make mild and tender , the beasts in euery mountaine , and glad the fields , and vvoods , and euery fountaine , abiuring former sadnes , ring foorth faire nimphs your ioyfull songs for gladnes . let amorous birds with sweetest notes delight you , let gentle winds refresh you with their blowing : let fields and forrests with their good requite you , and flora decke the ground where you are going . roses and violets strowing , the iasmine and the gilliflower , with many more , and neuer in your bower , to tast of houshold sadnes : ring foorth faire nimphs your ioyfull songs for gladnes . concord and peace hold you for aye contented , and in your ioyfull state liue you so quiet : that with the plague of iealousie tormented you may not be , nor fed with fortunes diet . and that your names may flie yet , to hills vnknowne with glorie . but now because my breast so hoarce , and sorrie it faints , may rest from singing : end nimphs your songs , that in the clouds are ringing . bar. yong. finis . ¶ philistus farewell to false clorinda . clorinda false adiew , thy loue torments me : let thirsis haue thy hart , since he contents thee . oh greefe and bitter anguish , for thee i languish , faine i ( alas ) would hide it , oh , but who can abide it ? i can , i cannot i abide it . adiew , adiew then , farewell , leaue my death now desiring : for thou hast thy requiring . thus spake philistus , on his hooke relying : and sweetly ●ell a dying . out of m. morleyes madrigalls . finis . ¶ rosalindes madrigall . loue in my bosome like a bee , dooth suck his sweete : now with his wings he playes with me , now with his feete . within mine eyes he makes his nest , his bed amidst my tender brest , my kisses are his daily feast , and yet he robs me of my rest . ah wanton will ye ? and if i sleepe , then pierceth he , with prettie slight : and makes his pillow of my knee , the liue-long night . strike i my lute , he tunes the string , he musique playes if i but sing , he lends me euery louely thing , yet cruell he my hart dooth sting . whist wanton , still ye . else i with roses euery day will whip ye hence : and binde ye when ye long to play , for your offence . i le shut mine eyes to keepe ye in , i le make you fast it for your sinne , i le count your power not woorth a pin . alas , what heereby shall i winne if he gaine-say me ? what if i beate the wanton boy with many a rod ? he will repay me with annoy , because a god. then sit thou safely on my knee , and let thy bower my bosome be : lurke in mine eyes , i like of thee . o cupid , so thou pitty me , spare not , but play thee . thom. lodge . finis . ¶ a dialogue song betweene syluanus and arsilius . syl. sheepheard , why doo'st thou hold thy peace ? sing , and thy ioy to vs report : arsil. my ioy good sheepheard ) should be lesse , if it were told in any sort . syl. though such great fauours thou doo'st winne , yet daigne thereof to tell some part : arsil. the hardest thing is to begin , in enterprizes of such art. syl. come make an end , no cause omit , of all the ioyes that thou art in : arsil. how should i make an end of it , that am not able to begin ? syl. it is not iust , we should consent , that thou should'st not thy ioyes recite : arsil. the soule that felt the punishment , dooth onely feele this great delight . syl. that ioy is small , and nothing fine , that is not told abroade to manie : arsil. if it be such a ioy as mine , it neuer can neuer be told to anie . syl. how can this hart of thine containe a ioy , that is of such great force ? arsil. i haue it , where i did retaine my passions of so great remorce . syl. so great and rare a ioy is this , no man is able to with-hold : arsil. but greater that a pleasure is , the lesse it may with words be told . syl. yet haue i heard thee heeretofore , thy ioyes in open songs report : arsil. i said , i had of ioy some store , but not how much , nor in what sort . syl. yet when a ioy is in excesse , it selfe it will oft-times vnfold : arsil. nay , such a ioy would be the lesse , if but a word thereof were told . bar. yong. finis . ¶ montanus sonnet . when the dogge full of rage with his irefull eyes frownes amidst the skies : the sheepheard to asswage the furie of the heate , him selfe dooth safely seate by a fount full of faire , where a gentle breath mounting from beneath , tempereth the ayre . there his flocks drinke their fill , and with ease repose , while sweet sleepe doth close eyes from toyling ill , but i burne , without rest , no defensiue power shields from phoebus lower , sorrow is my best . gentle loue lower no more , if thou wilt inuade in the secret shade , labour not so sore i my selfe and my flocks , they their loue to please , i my selfe to ease , both leaue the shadie oakes , content to burne in fire , sith loue dooth so desire . s. e. d. finis . ¶ the nimph seluagia her song . sheepheard , who can passe such wrong , and a life in woes so deepe ? which to liue is to too long , as it is too short to weepe . greeuous sighs in vaine i wast , leesing my affiance , and i perceaue my hope at last with a candle in the hand . what time then to hope among bitter hopes , that neuer sleepe ? when this life is to too long , as it is too short to weepe . this greefe which i feele so rife , ( wretch ) i doo deserue as hire : since i came to put my life in the hands of my desire . then cease not my complaints so strong , for ( though life her course dooth keepe : ) it is not to liue so long , as it is too short to weepe . bar. yong. finis . ¶ the heard-mans happie life . what pleasure haue great princes , more daintie to their choice , then heardmen wilde , who carelesse , in quiet life reioyce ? and fortunes fate not fearing , sing sweet in sommer morning . their dealings plaine and rightfull are voide of all deceite : they neuer know how spightfull , it is to kneele and waite ; on fauourite presumptuous , whose pride is vaine and sumptuous . all day theyr flocks each tendeth , at night they take their rest : more quiet then who sendeth his ship into the east ; where gold and pearle are plentie , but getting very daintie . for lawyers and their pleading , they'steeme it not a straw : they thinke that honest meaning , is of it selfe a law ; where conscience iudgeth plainely , they spend no money vainely . oh happy who thus liueth , not caring much for gold : with cloathing which suffiseth , to keepe him from the cold . though poore and plaine his diet : yet merrie it is and quiet . out of m. birds set songs . finis . ¶ cinthia the nimph , her song to faire polydora . neere to the riuer banks , with greene and pleasant trees on euery side , where freest minds would most haue beene , that neuer felt braue cupids pride , to passe the day and tedious howers : amongst those painted meades and flowers . a certaine sheepheard full of woe , syrenus call'd , his flocks did feede : not sorrowfull in outward show , but troubled with such greefe indeede , as cruell loue is wont t' impart vnto a painefull louing hart . this sheepheard euery day did die , for loue he to diana bare : a sheepheardesse so fine perdie , so liuely , young , and passing faire , excelling more in beauties feature : then any other humane creature . vvho had not any thing , of all she had , but was extreame in her , for meanely wise none might her call , nor meanely faire , for he did erre if so he did : but should deuise her name of passing faire and wise . fauours on him she did bestow , which if she had not , then be sure he might haue suffered all that woe which afterward he did endure when he was gone , with lesser paine : and at his comming home againe . for when indeede the hart is free from suffering paine or torments smart : if wisedome dooth not ouer-see and beareth not the greatest part ; the smallest greefe and care of minde : dooth make it captiue to their kinde . neere to a riuer swift and great , that famous ezla had to name : the carefull sheepheard did repeate the ●eares he had by absence blame , which he suspect where he did keepe : and feede his gentle lambs and sheepe . and now sometimes he did behold his sheepheardesse , that there about was on the mountaines of that old and auncient leon , seeking out from place to place the pastures best : her lambs to feede , her selfe to rest . and sometime musing , as he lay , when on those hills she was not seene : was thinking of that happie day , when cupid gaue him such a queene of beautie , and such cause of ioy : wherein his minde he did imploy . yet sayd ( poore man ) when he did see him selfe so sunke in sorrowes pit : the good that loue hath giuen me , i onely doo imagine it , because this neerest harme and trouble : heereafter i should suffer double . the sunne for that it did decline , the carelesse man did not offend with fierie beames , which scarce did shine , but that which did of loue depend , and in his hart did kindle fire : of greater flames and hote desire . him did his passions all inuite , the greene leaues blowne with gentle winde : christaline streames with their delight , and nightingales were not behinde , to helpe him in his louing verse : which to himselfe he did rehearse . bar. yong. finis . ¶ the sheepheard to the flowers . sweete violets ( loues paradise ) that spread your gracious odours , which you couched beare within your palie faces : vpon the gentle wing of some calme-breathing-winde that playes amidst the plaine , if by the fauour of propitious starres you gaine such grace as in my ladies bosome place to finde : be proude to touch those places . and when her warmth your moysture foorth dooth weare , whereby her daintie parts are sweetly fed : your honours of the flowrie meades i pray , you prettie daughters of the earth and sunne : with mild and seemely breathing straite display my bitter sighs , that haue my hart vndone . vermillion roses , that with new dayes rise display your crimson folds fresh looking faire , whose radiant bright , disgraces the rich adorned rayes of roseate rising morne , ah if h●● virgins hand . doo pluc●●●r pure , ere phoebus view the land , and vaile your gracious pompe in louely natures scorne . if chaunce my mistres traces fast by your flowers to take the sommers ayre : then wofull blushing tempt her glorious eyes , to spread their teares , adonis death reporting , and tell loues torments , sorrowing for her friend : whose drops of blood within your leaues consorting , report faire venus moanes to haue no end . then may remorce , in pittying of my smart : drie vp my teares , and dwell within her hart . ignoto . finis . ¶ the sheepheard arsilius , his song to his rebeck . now loue and fortune turne to me againe , and now each one enforceth and assures a hope , that was dismayed , dead , and vaine : and from the harbour of mishaps assures a hart that is consum'd in burning fire , with vnexpected gladnes , that admires my soule to lay a-side her mourning tire , and sences to prepare a place for ioy , care in obliuion endlesse shall expire . for euery greefe of that extreame annoy , which when my torment raign'd , my soule ( alas ) did feele , the which long absence did destroy , fortune so well appayes , that neuer was so great the torment of my passed ill : as is the ioy of this same good i passe . returne my hart , sursaulted with the fill of thousand great vnrests , and thousand feares : enioy thy good estate , if that thou will , and wearied eyes , leaue off your burning teares , for soone you shall behold her with delight , for whom my spoiles with glorie cupid beares . sences which seeke my starre so cleare and bright , by making heere and there your thoughts estray : tell me , what will you feele before her sight ? hence solitarinesse , torments away , felt for her sake , and wearied members cast of all your paine , redeem'd this happie day . o stay not time , but passe with speedie hast , and fortune hinder not her comming now , o god , betides me yet this greefe at last ? come my sweete sheepheardesse , the life which thou ( perhaps ) didst thinke was ended long agoe , at thy commaund is readie still to bow . comes not my sheepheardesse desired so ? o god , what if she 's lost , or if she stray within this vvood , where trees so thick doo grow ? or if this nimph that lately went away , perhaps forgot to goe and seeke her out : no , no , in ( her ) obliuion neuer lay . thou onely art my sheepheardesse , about whose thoughts my soule shall finde her ioy and rest ▪ why comm'st not then to assure it from doubt ? o seest thou not the sunne passe to the west ? and if it passe , and i behold thee not : then i my wonted torments will request and thou shalt waile my hard and heauie lot . bar. yong. finis . ¶ another of astrophell to his stella . in a groaue most rich of shade , where birds wanton musique made ; may , then young , his pyed weedes showing , new perfum'd , with flowers fresh growing . astrophell with stella sweete , did for mutuall comfort meete both within them-selues oppressed , but each in the other blessed . him great harmes had taught much care , her faire necke a foule yoake bare : but her sight his cares did banish , in his sight her yoake did vanish . wept they had , alas the while . but now teares them-selues did smile . while their eyes by loue directed , enter changeably reflected . sigh they did , but now betwixt , sighs of woes , were glad sighs mixt , with armes crost , yet testifying restlesse rest , and liuing dying . their eares hungry of each vvord , which the deare tongue would afford , but their tongues restrain'd from walking , till their harts had ended talking . but when their tongues could not speake , loue it selfe did silence breake , loue did set his lips a-sunder , thus to speake in loue and wonder . stella , soueraigne of my ioy , faire triumpher of annoy , stella , starre of heauenly fire , stella , loadstarre of desire . stella , in whose shining eyes , are the lights of cupids skies , whose beames where they once are darted , loue there-with is straite imparted . stella , whose voyce when it speakes , sences all a-sunder breakes . stella , whose voyce when it singeth . angels to acquaintance bringeth . stella , in whose body is writ each character of blisse , whose face all , all beauty passeth , saue thy minde , which it surpasseth . graunt , ô graunt : but speech alas failes me , fearing on to passe . graunt , ô me , what am i saying ? but no fault there is in praying . graunt ( ô deere ) on knees i pray , ( knees on ground he then did stay ) that not i , but since i loue you , time and place for me may mooue you . neuer season was more fit , neuer roome more apt for it . smiling ayre alowes my reason , the birds sing , now vse the season . this small winde , which so sweete is , see how it the leaues dooth kisse , each tree in his best attyring sence of loue to loue inspiring . loue makes earth the water drinke , loue to earth makes water sinke : and if dumbe things be so wittie , shall a heauenly grace want pittie ? there his hands in their speech , faine would haue made tongues language plaine . but her hands , his hands repelling : gaue repulse , all grace excelling . then she spake ; her speech was such , as not eares , but hart did touch : while such wise she loue denied , as yet loue she signified . astrophell , said she , my loue , cease in these effects to proue . now be still , yet still beleeue me , thy greefe more then death dooth greeue me . if that any thought in me , can tast comfort but of thee , let me feede with hellish anguish , ioylesse , helplesse , endlesse languish . if those eyes you praised , be halfe so deere as you to me : let me home returne starke blinded of those eyes , and blinder minded . if to secret of my hart i doo any wish impart : where thou art not formost placed ; be both wish and i defaced . if more may be said , i say all my blisse on thee i lay . if thou loue , my loue content thee , for all loue , all faith is meant thee . trust me , while i thee denie , in my selfe the smart i trie . tirant , honour dooth thus vse thee , stellaes selfe might not refuse thee . therefore ( deere ) this no more moue , least , though i leaue not thy loue , which too deepe in me is framed : i should blush when thou art named . there-with-all , away she went , leauing him to passion rent : with what she had done and spoken , that there-with my song is broken . s. phil. sidney . finis . ¶ syrenus his song to dianaes flocks . passed contents , oh what meane ye ? forsake me now , and doo not wearie me . vvilt thou heare me ô memorie , my pleasant dayes , and nights againe , i haue appai'd with seauen-fold paine . thou hast no more to aske me why , for when i went , they all did die as thou doo'st see : o leaue me then , and doo not wearie me . greene field , and shadowed valley , where sometime my chiefest pleasure was , behold what i did after passe . then let me rest , and if i beare not with good cause continuall feare : now doo you see , o leaue me then , and doo not trouble me . i saw a hart changed of late , and wearied to assure mine : then i was forced to recure mine by good occasion , time , and fate . my thoughts that now such passions hate o what meane ye ? forsake me now , and doo not wearie me . you lambs and sheepe that in these layes , did sometime follow me so glad : the merrie houres , and the sad are passed now , with all those dayes . make not such mirth and wunted playes as once did ye . for now no more , you haue deceaued me . if that to trouble me you come , or come to comfort me in deede : i haue no ill for comforts neede . but if to kill me : then ( in some ) now my ioyes are dead and dombe , full well may ye kill me , and you shall make an end of me . bar. yong. finis . ¶ to amarillis . though amarillis daunce in greene , like faierie queene , and sing full cleere , with smiling cheere . yet since her eyes make hart so sore , hey hoe , i hill loue no more . my sheepe are lost for want of foode and i so wood that all the day : i sit and watch a heard-mayde gay , who laughs to see me sigh so sore : hey hoe , i hill loue no more . her louing lookes , her beautie bright , is such delight , that all in vaine : i loue to like , and loose my gaine , for her that thanks me not therefore , hey hoe , i hill loue no more . ah wanton eyes , my friendly foes , and cause of woes , your sweet desire breedes flames of yce , and freeze in fire . you scorne to see me weepe so sore : hey hoe , i hill loue no more . loue ye who list , i force him not , sith god it wot the more i waile : the lesse my sighs and teares preuaile . what shall i doo , but say therefore , hey hoe , i hill loue no more ? out of m. birds set songs . finis . ¶ cardenia the nimph , to her false sheepheard faustus . faustus , if thou wilt reade from me these fewe and simple lines , by them most clearely thou shalt fee , how little should accounted be thy faigned words and signes . for noting well thy deedes vnkinde , sheepheard , thou must not scan : that euer it came to my minde , to praise thy faith like to the winde , or for a constant man. for this in thee shall so be found , as smoake blowne in the aire : or like quick-siluer turning round , or as a house built on the ground of sands that doo impaire . to firmenesse thou art contrarie , more slipp'rie then the ecle : changing as weather-cocke on hie , or the camelion on the die , or fortunes turning wheele . vvho would beleeue thou wert so free , to blaze me thus each houre ? my sheepheardesse , thou liu'st in me , my soule dooth onely dwell in thee , and euery vitall power . pale atropos my vitall string shall cut , and life offend : the streames shall first turne to their spring . the world shall end , and euery thing , before my loue shall end . this loue that thou didst promise me , sheepheard , where is it found ? the word and faith i had of thee , o tell me now , where may they be , or where may they resound ? too soone thou did'st the tytle gaine of giuer of vaine words : too soone my loue thou did'st obtaine , too soone thou lou'dst diana in vaine , that nought but scornes affords . but one thing now i will thee tell , that much thy pacience mooues : that though diana dooth excell in beautie , yet she keepes not well her faith , nor loyall prooues . thou then hast chosen , each one saith , thine equall , and a shrow : for if thou hast vndone thy faith , her loue and louer she betrayeth , so like to like may goe . if now this sonnet which i send will anger thee : before remember faustus ( yet my friend , ) that if these speeches doo offend , thy deedes doo hurt me more . thus let each one of vs amend , thou deedes , i words so spent : for i confesse i blame my pen , doo thou as much , so in the end , they deedes thou doo repent . bar. yong. finis . ¶ of phillida . as i beheld , i saw a heardman wilde , with his sheepe-hooke a picture fine deface : which he sometime his fancie to beguile , had caru'd on bark of beech in secret place . and with despight of most afflicted minde , through deepe dispaire of hart , for loue dismaid : he pull'd euen from the tree the carued rinde , and weeping sore , these wofull words he said . ah phillida , would god thy picture faire , i could as lightly blot out of my brest : then should i not thus rage in deepe dispaire , and teare the thing sometime i liked best . but all in vaine , it booteth not god wot : what printed is in hart , on tree to blot . out of m. birds set songs . finis . ¶ melisea her song , in scorne of her sheepheard narcissus . young sheepheard turne a-side , and moue me not to follow thee : for i will neither kill with loue , nor loue shall not kill me . since i will liue , and neuer show , then die not , for my loue i will not giue for i will neuer haue thee loue me so , as i doo meane to hate thee while i liue . that since the louer so dooth proue , his death , as thou doo'st see : be bold i will not kill with loue , nor loue shall not kill me . bar. yong. finis . ¶ his aunswere to the nimphs song . if to be lou'd it thee offend , i cannot choose but loue thee still : and so thy greefe shall haue no end , whiles that my life maintaines my will. o let me yet with greefe complaine , since such a torment i endure : or else fulfill thy great disdaine , to end my life with death most sure . for as no credite thou wilt lend , and as my loue offends thee still : so shall thy sorrowes haue no end , whiles that my life maintaines my will. if that by knowing thee , i could leaue off to loue thee as i doo : not to offend thee , then i would leaue off to like and loue thee too . but since all loue to thee dooth tend , and i of force must loue thee still : thy greefe shall neuer haue an end , whiles that my life maintaines my will. bar. yong. finis . ¶ her present aunswere againe to him . me thinks thou tak'st the worser way , ( enamoured sheepheard ) and in vaine that thou wilt seeke thine owne decay , to loue her , that dooth thee disdaine . for thine owne selfe , thy wofull hart keepe still , else art thou much to blame : for she to whom thou gau'st each part of it , disdaines to take the same . follow not her that makes a play , and iest of all the greefe and paines : and seeke not ( sheepheard ) thy decay . to loue her that thy loue disdaines . bar. yong. finis . ¶ his last replie . since thou to me wert so vnkinde , my selfe i neuer loued , for i could not loue him in my minde , whom thou ( faire mistresse ) doo'st abhorre . if viewing thee , i sawe thee not , and seeing thee , i could not loue thee : dying , i should not liue ( god wot ) nor liuing , should to anger mooue thee . but it is well that i doo finde my life so full of torments , for all kinde of ills doo fit his minde whom thou ( faire mistresse ) doo'st abhorre . in thy obliuion buried now my death i haue before mine eyes : and heere to hate my selfe i vow , as ( cruell ) thou doo'st me despise . contented euer thou didst finde me with thy scornes , though neuer ( for to say the trueth ) i ioyed in minde , after thou didst my loue abhorre . bar. yong. finis . ¶ philon the sheepheard , his song . while that the sunne with his beames hot , scorched the fruites in vale and mountaine : philon the sheepheard late forgot , sitting besides a christall fountaine : in shaddow of a greene oake tree , vpon his pipe this song plaid he . adiew loue , adiew loue , vntrue loue , vntrue loue , vntrue loue , adiew loue : your minde is light , soone lost for new loue . so long as i was in young sight , i was as your hart , your soule , and treasure : and euermore you sob'd and sigh'd , burning in flames beyond all measure . three dayes endured your loue to me : and it was lost in other three . adiew loue , adiew loue , vntrue loue. &c. another sheepheard you did see , to whom your hart was soone enchained : full soone your loue was leapt from me , full soone my place he had obtained . soone came a third , your loue to win : and we were out , and he was in . adiew loue. &c. sure you haue made me passing glad , that you your minde so soone remoued : before that i the leysure had , to choose you for my best beloued . for all my loue was past and done : two dayes before it was begun . adiew loue. &c. out of m. birds set songs . finis . ¶ lycoris the nimph , her sad song . in dewe of roses , steeping her louely cheekes , lycoris thus sate weeping . ah dorus false , that hast my hart bereft me , and now vnkinde hast left me . heare alas , oh heare me , aye me , aye me , cannot my beautie mooue thee ? pitty , yet pitty me , because i loue thee . aye me , thou scorn'st the more i pray thee : and this thou doo'st , and all to slay me . why doo then , kill me , and vaunt thee : yet my ghoast still shall haunt thee . out of m. morleyes madrigalls . finis . ¶ to his flocks . bvrst foorth my teares , assist my forward greefe , and shew what paine imperious loue prouokes kinde tender lambs , lament loues scant releefe , and pine , since pensiue care my freedom yoakes , oh pine , to see me pine , my tender flocks . sad pyning care , that neuer may haue peace , at beauties gate , in hope of pittie knocks : but mercie sleepes , while deepe disdaines encrease , and beautie hope in her faire bosome yoakes : oh greeue to heare my greefe , my tender flocks . like to the windes my sighs haue winged beene , yet are my sighs and sutes repaide with mocks : i pleade , yet she repineth at my teene , o ruthlesse rigour , harder then the rocks , that both the sheepheard kills , and his poore flocks . finis . ¶ to his loue. come away , come sweet loue , the golden morning breakes : all the earth , all the ayre , of loue and pleasure speakes . teach thine armes then to embrace , and sweet rosie lips to kisse : and mixe our soules in mutuall blisse . eyes were made for beauties grace , viewing , ruing loues long paine : procur'd by beauties rude disdaine . come away , come sweet loue , the golden morning wasts : while the sunne from his sphere his fierie arrowes casts , making all the shadowes flie , playing , staying in the groaue : to entertaine the stealth of loue . thither sweet loue let vs hie flying , dying in desire : wing'd with sweet hopes and heauenly fire . come away , come sweet loue , doo not in vaine adiorne beauties grace that should rise like to the naked morne . lillies on the riuers side , and faire cyprian flowers new blowne , desire no beauties but their owne . ornament is nurse of pride , pleasure , measure , loues delight : hast then sweet loue our wished flight . finis . ¶ another of his cinthia . away with these selfe-louing-lads , whom cupids arrowe neuer glads . away poore soules that sigh and weepe , in loue of them that lie and sleepe , for cupid is a meadow god : and forceth none to kisse the rod. god cupids shaft like destenie , dooth eyther good or ill decree . desert is borne out of his bowe , reward vpon his feete doth goe . what fooles are they that haue not knowne , that loue likes no lawes but his owne ? my songs they be of cinthias prayse , i weare her rings on holly-dayes , on euery tree i write her name , and euery day i reade the same . where honor , cupids riuall is : there miracles are seene of his . if cinthia craue her ring of mee , i blot her name out of the tree . if doubt doe darken things held deere : then welfare nothing once a yeere . for many run , but one must win : fooles onely hedge the cuckoe in . the worth that worthines should moue , is loue , which is the due of loue . and loue as well the sheepheard can , as can the mightie noble man. sweet nimph t is true , you worthy be , yet without loue , nought worth to me . finis . ¶ another to his cinthia . my thoughts are wingde with hopes , my hopes with loue , mount loue vnto the moone in cleerest night : and say , as shee doth in the heauens moue , on earth so waines and wexeth my delight . and whisper this but softly in her eares : hope oft doth hang the head , and trust shed teares . and you my thoughts that some mistrust doe carry , if for mistrust my mistrisse doe you blame : say , though you alter , yet you doe not varie , as shee doth change , and yet remaine the same . distrust doth enter harts , but not infect , and loue is sweetest , seasoned with suspect . if shee for this , with clowdes doe maske her eyes , and make the heauens darke with her disdaine : with windie sighes disperse them in the skyes , or with thy teares dissolue them into rayne . thoughts , hopes , and loue , returne to me no more , till cinthia shine , is shee hath done before . ¶ these three ditties were taken out of maister iohn dowlands booke of tableture for the lute , the authours names not there set downe , & therefore left to their owners . finis . montanus sonnet in the woods . alas , how wander i amidst these woods , whereas no day bright shine doth finde accesse ? but where the melancholy fleeting floods , ( darke as the night ) my night of woes expresse , disarmde of reason , spoyld of natures goods , without redresse to salue my heauinesse i walke , whilst thought ( too cruell to my harmes , ) with endlesse greefe my heedlesse iudgement charmes . my silent tongue assailde by secrete feare , my trayterous eyes imprisond in theyr ioy : my fatall peace deuour'd in fained cheere , my hart enforc'd to harbour in annoy . my reason rob'd of power by yeelding care , my fond opinions , slaue to euery ioy . oh loue , thou guide in my vncertaine way : woe to thy bowe , thy fire , the cause of my decay . s. e. d. finis . ¶ the sheepheards sorrow , being disdained in loue . mvses helpe me , sorrow swarmeth , eyes are fraught with seas of languish : haplesse hope my solace harmeth , mindes repast is bitter anguish . eye of day regarded neuer , certaine trust in vvorld vntrustie : flattering hope beguileth euer , wearie old , and wanton lustie . dawne of day beholds enthroned , fortunes darling proud and dreadlesse : darksome night dooth heare him moaned , who before was rich and needelesse . rob the spheare of lines vnited , make a suddaine voide in nature : force the day to be benighted , reaue the cause of time and creature . ere the world will cease to varie , this i weepe for , this i sorrow : muses , if you please to tarie , further helpe i meane to borrow . courted once by fortunes fauour , compast now with enuies curses : all my thoughts of sorrowes sauour , hopes runne fleeting like the sourses . aye me , wanton scorne hath maimed all the ioyes my hart enioyed : thoughts their thinking haue disclaimed , hate my hopes haue quite annoyed . scant regard my vveale hath scanted , looking coy , hath forc'd my lowring : nothing lik'd ▪ where nothing wanted , weds mine eyes to ceaselesse showring . former loue was once admired , present fauour is estraunged : loath'd the pleasure long desired , thus both men and thoughts are chaunged . louely swaine with luckie speeding , once , but now no more so friended : you my flocks haue had in feeding , from the morne , till day was ended . drink and fodder , foode and folding , had my lambs and ewes together : i with them was still beholding , both in warmth and winter weather . now they languish , since refused , ewes and lambs are pain'd with pining : i with ewes and lambs confused , all vnto our deaths declining . silence , leaue thy caue obscured , daigne a dolefull swaine to tender : though disdaines i haue endured . yet i am no deepe offender . phillips sonne can with his finger hide his scarre , it is so little : little sinne a day to linger , wise men wander in a tittle . trifles yet my swaine haue turned , though my sunne he neuer showeth : though i weepe , i am not mourned , though i want , no pittie groweth . yet for pittie , loue my muses , gentle silence be their couer : they must leaue their wonted vses , since i leaue to be a louer . they shall liue with thee enclosed , i will loath my pen and paper : art shall neuer be supposed , sloth shall quench the watching taper . kisse them silence , kisse them kindly , though i leaue them , yet i loue them : though my wit haue led them blindly , yet a swaine did once approue them . i will trauaile soiles remoued , night and morning neuer merrie : thou shalt harbour that i loued , i will loue that makes me wearie . if perchaunce the sheepheard strayeth , in thy walks and shades vnhaunted : tell the teene my hart betrayeth , how neglect my ioyes haue daunted . thom. lodge . finis . ¶ a pastorall song betweene phillis and amarillis , two nimphes , each aunswering other line for line . fie on the sleights that men deuise , heigh hoe sillie sleights : when simple maydes they would entice , maides are yong mens chiefe delights . nay , women they witch with their eyes , eyes like beames of burning sunne : and men once caught , they soone despise , so are sheepheards oft vndone . if any young man win a maide , happy man is he : by trusting him she is betraide , fie vpon such treacherie . if maides win young men with their guiles , heigh hoe guilefull greefe : they deale like weeping crocodiles , that murther men without releefe . i know a simple country hinde , heigh hoe sillie swaine : to whom faire daphne prooued kinde , was he not kinde to her againe ? he vowed by pan with many an oath , heigh hoe sheepheards god is he : yet since hath chang'd , and broke his troath , troth-plight broke , will plagued be . she had deceaued many a swaine , fie on false deceite : and plighted troath to them in vaine , there can be no greefe more great . her measure was with measure paide , heigh hoe , heigh hoe equall meede : she was beguil'd that had betraide , so shall all deceauers speede . if euery maide were like to me , heigh hoe hard of hart : both loue and louers scorn'd should be , scorners shall be sure of smart . if euery maide were of my minde , heigh hoe , heigh hoe louely sweete : they to their louers should prooue kinde , kindnes is for maydens meete . me thinks loue is an idle toy , heigh hoe busie paine : both wit and sence it dooth annoy , both sence & wit thereby we gaine . tush phillis cease , be not so coy , heigh hoe , heigh hoe coy disdaine : i know you loue a sheepheards boy , fie that maydens so should faine . well amarillis , now i yeeld , sheepheards pipe aloude : loue conquers both in towne and field , like a tirant , fierce and proude . the euening starre is vp ye see , vesper shines , we must away : would euery louer might agree , so we end our roundelay . h. c. finis . the sheepheards antheme . neere to a bancke with roses set about , where prettie turtles ioyning bill to bill : and gentle springs steale softly murmuring out , washing the foote of pleasures sacred hill . there little loue sore wounded lyes , his bow and arrowes broken : bedewde with teares from venus eyes , oh that it should be spoken . beare him my hart , slaine with her scornfull eye , where sticks the arrow that poore hart did kill : with whose sharpe pyle , yet will him ere he die , about my hart to write his latest will. and bid him send it backe to mee , at instant of his dying : that cruell , cruell shee may see , my fayth and her denying . his hearse shall be a mournfull cypres shade , and for a chauntrie , philomels sweet lay : where prayer shall continually be made , by pilgrime louers , passing by that way . with nimphs and sheepheards yeerely mone , his timelesse death beweeping : and telling that my hart alone , hath his last will in keeping . mich. drayton . finis . the countesse of pembrookes pastorall . a sheepheard and a sheepheardesse , sate keeping sheepe vpon the downes : his lookes did gentle blood expresse , her beauty was no foode for clownes . sweet louely twaine , what might you be ? two fronting hills bedect with flowers , they chose to be each others seate : and there they stole theyr amorous houres , with sighes and teares , poore louers meate , fond loue that feed'st thy seruants so . faire freend , quoth he , when shall i liue , that am halfe dead , yet cannot die ? can beautie such sharpe guerdon giue , to him whose life hangs in your eye ? beautie is milde , and will not kill . sweet swaine , quoth shee , accuse not mee , that long haue been thy humble thrall : but blame the angry destinie , whose kinde consent might finish all , vngentle fate , to crosse true loue . quoth hee , let not our parents hate , disioyne what heauen hath linckt in one : they may repent , and all too late if chyldlesse they be left alone . father nor freend , should wrong true loue . the parents frowne , said shee , is death , to children that are held in awe : from them we drew our vitall breath , they challenge dutie then by law , such dutie as kills not true loue . they haue , quoth hee , a kinde of sway , on these our earthly bodies heere : but with our soules deale not they may , the god of loue doth hold them deere . hee is most meet to rule true loue . i know , said shee , t is worse then hell , when parents choyse must please our eyes : great hurt comes thereby , i can tell , forc'd loue in desperate danger dies . fayre mayde , then fancie thy true loue . if wee , quoth hee , might see the houre , of that sweet state which neuer ends , our heauenly gree might haue the power , to make our parents as deere freends . all rancour yeelds to soueraine loue . then god of loue , sayd shee , consent , and shew some wonder of thy power : our parents , and our owne content , may be confirmde by such an houre , graunt greatest god to further loue . the fathers , who did alwayes tend , when thus they got theyr priuate walke , as happy fortune chaunc'd to send , vnknowne to each , heard all this talke . poore soules to be so crost in loue . behind the hills whereon they sate , they lay this while and listned all : and were so mooued both thereat , that hate in each began to fall . such is the power of sacred loue . they shewed themselues in open sight , poore louers , lord how they were mazde ? and hand in hand the fathers plight , whereat ( poore harts ) they gladly gazde . hope now begins to further loue . and to confirme a mutuall band , of loue , that at no time should ceasse : they likewise ioyned hand in hand , the sheepheard and the sheepheardesse . like fortune still befall true loue . shep. tome . finis . another of astrophell . the nightingale so soone as aprill bringeth vnto her rested sence a perfect waking : while late bare earth , proude of newe clothing springeth , sings out her woes , a thorne her song-booke making . and mournfully bewayling her throate in tunes expresseth , what greefe her brest oppresseth , for tereus force , on her chast will preuailing . oh philamela faire , oh take some gladnes , that heere is iuster cause of plaintfull sadnes . thine earth now springs , mine fadeth : thy thorne without , my thorne my hart inuadeth . alas , shee hath no other cause of languish but tereus loue , on her by strong hand wroken : wherein she suffering all her spirits languish , full woman-like complaines , her will was broken . but i , who daily crauing , cannot haue to content mee : haue more cause to lament mee , sith wanting is more woe , then too much hauing . oh philamela faire , oh take some gladnes , that heere is iuster cause of plaintfull sadnes , thine earth now springs , mine fadeth : thy thorne without , my thorne my hart inuadeth . s. phil. sidney . finis . ¶ faire phillis and her sheepheard . sheepheard , saw you not my faire louely phillis , walking on this mountaine , or on yonder plaine ? she is gone this way to dianaes fountaine , and hath left me wounded , with her high disdaine . aye me , she is faire , and without compare , sorrow come and sit with me : loue is full of feares , loue is full of teares , loue without these cannot be . thus my passions paine me , for my loue hath slaine me , gentle sheepheard beare a part : pray to cupids mother , for i know no other that can helpe to ease my smart . sheepheard , i haue seene thy faire louely phillis where her flocks are feeding , by the riuers side : oh , i must admire she so farre exceeding in surpassing beautie , should surpasse in pride . but alas i finde , they are all vnkinde beauty knowes her power too well : when they list , they loue , when they please , they moue , thus they turne our heauen to hell . for their faire eyes glauncing , like to cupids dauncing , roule about still to deceaue vs : with vaine hopes deluding , still dispraise concluding , now they loue , and now they leaue vs. thus i doo despaire , haue her i shall neuer , if she be so coy , lost is all my loue : but she is so faire i must loue her euer , all my paine is ioy , which for her i proue . if i should her trie , and she should denie heauie hart with woe will breake : though against my will , tongue thou must be still , for she will not heare thee speake . then with sighs goe prooue her , let them shew i loue her , gracious venus be my guide : but though i complaine me , she will still disdaine me , beauty is so full of pride . what though she be faire ? speake , and feare not speeding , be she nere so coy , yet she may be wunne : vnto her repaire , where her flocks are feeding , sit and tick and toy till set be the sunne . sunne then being set , feare not vulcanes net , though that mars therein was caught : if she doo denie thus to her replie venus lawes she must be taught . then with kisses mooue her , that 's the way to prooue her , thus thy phillis must be wone : she will not forsake thee , but her loue will make thee , when loues duty once is done . happie shall i be , if she graunt me fauour , else for loue i die phillis is so faire : boldly then goe see , thou maist quickly haue her , though she should denie , yet doo not despaire . she is full of pride , venus be my guide , helpe a sillie sheepheards speede : vse no such delay , sheepheard , goe thy way , venture man and doo the deede . i will sore complaine me , say that loue hath slaine thee , if her fauours doo not feede : but take no deniall , stand vpon thy triall , spare to speake , and want of speede . i. g. finis . ¶ the sheepheards song of venus and adonis . venus faire did ride , siluer doues they drew her , by the pleasant lawnds ere the sunne did rise : vestaes beautie rich opend wide to view her , philomel records pleasing harmonies . euery bird of spring cheerefully did sing , paphos goddesse they salute : now loues queene so faire , had of mirth no care , for her sonne had made her mute . in her breast so tender he a shaft did enter , when her eyes beheld a boy : adonis was he named , by his mother shamed , yet he now is venus ioy . him alone she met , ready bound for hunting , him she kindly greetes , and his iourney stayes : him she seekes to kisse no deuises wanting , him her eyes still wooe , him her tongue still prayes . he with blushing red hangeth downe the head , not a kisse can he afford : his face is turn'd away , silence sayd her nay , still she woo'd him for a word . speake shee said thou fairest , beautie thou impairest , see mee , i am pale and wan : louers all adore mee , i for loue implore thee , christall teares with that downe ran . him heere-with shee forc'd to come sit downe by her , shee his necke embrac'de gazing in his face : hee like once transformd stird no looke to eye her euery hearbe did wooe him growing in that place . each bird with a dittie , prayed him for pitty in behalfe of beauties queene : waters gentle murmour , craued him to loue her , yet no liking could be seene . boy shee sayd , looke on mee , still i gaze vpon thee , speake i pray thee my delight : coldly hee replyed , and in breefe denyed , to bestow on her a sight . i am now too young , to be wunne by beauty , tender are my yeeres i am yet a bud : fayre thou art , shee said then it is thy dutie , wert thou but a blossome to effect my good . euery beauteous flower , boasteth in my power , byrds and beasts my lawes effect : mirrha thy faire mother , most of any other , did my louely hests respect . be with me delighted , thou shalt be requited , euery nimph on thee shall tend : all the gods shall loue thee , man shall not reproue thee , loue himselfe shall be thy freend . wend thee from mee venus , i am not disposed , thou wring'st mee too hard , pre-thee let me goe : fie , what a paine it is thus to be enclosed , if loue begin with labour , it will end in woe . kisse mee , i will leaue , heere a kisse receiue , a short kisse i doe it find : wilt thou leaue me so ? yet thou shalt not goe , breathe once more thy balmie wind . it smelleth of the mirh-tree , that to the world did bring thee , neuer was perfume so sweet : when she had thus spoken , shee gaue him a token , and theyr naked bosoms meet . now hee sayd , let 's goe , harke , the hounds are crying , grieslie boare is vp , hunts-men follow fast : at the name of boare , venus seemed dying , deadly coloured pale , roses ouer-cast . speake sayd shee , no more , of following the boare , thou vnfit for such a chase : course the fearefull hare , venson doe not spare , if thou wilt yeeld venus grace . shun the boare i pray thee , else i still will stay thee , herein he vowed to please her minde , then her armes enlarged , loth shee him discharged , forth he went as swift as winde . thetis phoebus steedes in the west retained , hunting sport was past , loue her loue did seeke : sight of him too soone gentle queene shee gained , on the ground he lay blood had left his cheeke . for an orped swine , smit him in the groyne , deadly wound his death did bring : which when venus found , shee fell in a swound , and awakte , her hands did wring . nimphs and satires skipping , came together tripping , eccho euery cry exprest : venus by her power , turnd him to a flower , which shee weareth in her creast . h. c. finis . ¶ thirsis the sheepheard his deaths song . thirsis to die desired , marking her eyes that to his hart was neerest : and shee that with his flame no lesse was fiered , sayd to him : oh hart 's loue deerest : alas , forbeare to die now , by thee i liue , by thee i wish to die too . thirsis that heate refrained , wherewith to die poore louer then hee hasted , thinking it death while hee his lookes maintained , full fixed on her eyes , full of pleasure , and louely nectar sweet from them he tasted . his daintie nimph , that now at hand espyed the haruest of loues treasure , said thus , with eyes all trembling , faint and wasted : i die now , the sheepheard then replyed , and i sweet life doe die too . thus these two louers foutunately dyed , of death so sweet , so happy , and so desired : that to die so againe their life retired . out of maister n. young his musica transalpina . finis . ¶ another stanza added after . thirsis enioyed the graces , of chloris sweet embraces , yet both theyr ioyes were scanted : for darke it was , and candle-light they wanted . wherewith kinde cinthia in the heauen that shined , her nightly vaile resigned , and her faire face disclosed . then each from others lookes such ioy deriued : that both with meere delight dyed , and reuiued . out of the same . finis . ¶ another sonet thence taken . zephirus brings the time sweetly senteth with flowers and hearbs , which winters frost exileth : progne now chirpeth , philomel lamentesh , flora the garlands white and red compileth : fields doo reioyce , the frowning skie relenteth , ioue to behold his dearest daughter smileth : the ayre , the water , the earth to ioy consenteth , each creature now to loue him reconcileth . but with me wretch , the stormes of woe perseuer , and heauie sighs which from my hart she straineth that tooke the key thereof to heauen for euer , so that singing of birds , and spring-times flowring : and ladies loue that mens affection gaineth , are like a desert , and cruell beasts deuouring . finis . ¶ the sheepheards slumber . in pescod time , when hound to horne , giues eare till buck be kild : and little lads with pipes of corne , sate keeping beasts a field . i went to gather strawberies tho , by woods and groaues full faire : and parcht my face with phoebus so , in walking in the ayre . that downe i layde me by a streame , with boughs all ouer-clad : and there i met the straungest dreame , that euer sheepheard had . me thought i saw each christmas game , each reuell all and some : and euery thing that i can name , or may in fancie come . the substance of the sights i saw , in silence passe they shall : because i lack the skill to draw , the order of them all . but venus shall not passe my pen , whose maydens in disdaine : did feed vpon the harts of men , that cupids bowe had slaine . and that blinde boy was all in blood , be-bath'd to the eares : and like a conquerour he stood , and scorned louers teares . i haue ( quoth he ) more harts at call , then caesar could commaund : and like the deare i make them fall , that runneth o're the lawnd . one drops downe heere , another there , in bushes as they groane ; i bend a scornfull carelesse eare , to heare them make their moane . ah sir ( quoth honest meaning ) then , thy boy-like brags i heare : when thou hast wounded many a man , as hunts-man doth the deare . becomes it thee to triumph so ? thy mother wills it not : for she had rather breake thy bowe , then thou shouldst play the sot . what saucie merchant speaketh now , sayd venus in her rage : art thou so blinde thou knowest not how i gouerne euery age ? my sonne doth shoote no shaft in wast , to me the boy is bound : he neuer found a hart so chast , but he had power to wound , not so faire goddesse ( quoth free-will , ) in me there is a choise : and cause i am of mine owne ill , if i in thee reioyce . and when i yeeld my selfe a slaue , to thee , or to thy sonne : such recompence i ought not haue , if things be rightly done . why foole stept forth delight , and said , when thou art conquer'd thus : then loe dame lust , that wanton maide , thy mistresse is iwus . and lust is cupids darling deere , behold her where she goes : she creepes the milk-warme flesh so neere , she hides her vnder close . where many priuie thoughts doo dwell , a heauen heere on earth : for they haue neuer minde of hell , they thinke so much on mirth . be still good meaning , quoth good sport , let cupid triumph make : for sure his kingdome shall be short if we no pleasure take . faire beautie , and her play-feares gay , the virgins vestalles too : shall sit and with their fingers play , as idle people doo , if honest meaning fall to frowne , and i good sport decay : then venus glory will come downe , and they will pine away . indeede ( quoth wit ) this your deuice , with straungenes must be wrought , and where you see these women nice , and looking to be sought : with scowling browes their follies check , and so giue them the fig : let fancie be no more at beck , when beautie lookes so big . when venus heard how they conspir'd , to murther women so : me thought indeede the house was fier'd , with stormes and lightning tho . the thunder-bolt through windowes burst . and in their steps a wight : which seem'd some soule or sprite accurst , so vgly was the sight . i charge you ladies all ( quoth he ) looke to your selues in hast : for if that men so wilfull be , and haue their thoughts so chast ; and they can tread on cupids brest , and martch on venus face : then they shall sleepe in quiet rest , when you shall waile your case . with that had venus all in spight , stir'd vp the dames to ire : and lust fell cold , and beautie white , sate babling with desire . whos 's mutt'ring words i might not marke , much whispering there arose : the day did lower , the sunne wext darke , away each lady goes . but whether went this angry flock , our lord him-selfe doth know : where-with full lowdly crewe the cock , and i awaked so . a dreame ( quoth i ? ) a dogge it is , i take thereon no keepe : i gage my head , such toyes as this , dooth spring from lack of sleepe . ignoto . finis . in wonted walkes , since wonted fancies change , some cause there is , which of strange cause doth rise : for in each thing whereto my minde doth range , part of my paine me seemes engraued lies . the rockes which were of constant minde , the marke in climbing steepe , now hard refusall show : the shading woods seeme now my sunne to darke , and stately hils disdaine to looke so low . the restfull caues , now restlesse visions giue , in dales i see each way a hard assent : like late mowne meades , late cut from ioy i liue , alas , sweet brookes , doe in my teares augment . rocks , woods , hills , caues , dales , meades brookes aunswer mee : infected mindes infect each thing they see . s. phil. sidney . finis . ¶ of disdainfull daphne . shall i say that i loue you , daphne disdainfull ? sore it costs as i proue you , louing is painfull . shall i say what doth greeue mee ? louers lament it : daphne will not releeue mee , late i repent it . shall i dye , shall i perrish , through her vnkindnes ? loue vntaught loue to cherrish , sheweth his blindnes . shall the hills , shall the valleyes , the fieldes the cittie , with the sound of my out-cryes , moue her to pittie ? the deepe falls of fayre riuers , and the windes turning : are the true musique giuers , vnto my mourning . where my flocks daily feeding , pining for sorrow : at their maisters hart bleeding , shot with loues arrow . from her eyes to my hart-string , was the shaft launced : it made all the woods to ring , by which it glaunced . when this nimph had vsde me so , then she did hide her : haplesse i did daphne know ; haplesse i spyed her . thus turtle-like i waild me , for my loues loosing : daphnes trust thus did faile me , woe worth such chusing . m. h. nowell . finis . ¶ the passionate sheepheard to his loue . come liue with mee , and be my loue , and we will all the pleasures proue , that vallies , groues , hills and fieldes , woods , or steepie mountaine yeeldes . and wee will sit vpon the rocks , seeing the sheepheards feede theyr flocks , by shallow riuers , to whose falls , melodious byrds sings madrigalls . and i will make thee beds of roses , and a thousand fragrant poesies , a cap of flowers , and a kirtle , imbroydred all with leaues of mirtle . a gowne made of the finest wooll , which from our pretty lambes we pull , fayre lined slippers for the cold : with buckles of the purest gold . a belt of straw , and iuie buds , with corall clasps and amber studs , and if these pleasures may thee moue , come liue with mee , and be my loue . the sheepheards swaines shall daunce & sing , for thy delight each may-morning , if these delights thy minde may moue ; then liue with mee , and be my loue . chr. marlow . finis . ¶ the nimphs reply to the sheepheard . if all the world and loue were young , and truth in euery sheepheards tongue , these pretty pleasures might me moue , to liue with thee , and be thy loue . time driues the flocks from field to sold , when riuers rage , and rocks grow cold , and philomell becommeth dombe , the rest complaines of cares to come . the flowers doe fade , & wanton fieldes , to wayward winter reckoning yeeldes , a honny tongue , a hart of gall , is fancies spring , but sorrowes fall . thy gownes , thy shooes , thy beds of roses , thy cap , thy kirtle , and thy poesies , soone breake , soone wither , soone forgotten : in sollie ripe , in reason rotten . thy belt of straw and iuie buddes , thy corall claspes and amber studdes , all these in mee no meanes can moue , to come to thee , and be thy loue . but could youth last , and loue still breede , had ioyes no date , nor age no neede , then these delights my minde might moue , to liue with thee , and be thy loue . ignoto . finis . ¶ another of the same nature , made since . come liue with mee , and be my deere , and we will reuell all the yeere , in plaines and groaues , on hills and dales : where fragrant ayre breedes sweetest gales . there shall you haue the beauteous pine , the cedar , and the spreading vine , and all the woods to be a skreene : least phoebus kisse my sommers queene . the seate for your disport shall be ouer some riuer in a tree , where siluer sands , and pebbles sing , eternall ditties with the spring . there shall you see the nimphs at play , and how the satires spend the day , the fishes gliding on the sands : offering their bellies to your hands . the birds with heauenly tuned throates , possesse vvoods ecchoes with sweet noates , which to your sences will impart , a musique to enflame the hart . vpon the bare and leafe-lesse oake , the ring-doues wooings will prouoke a colder blood then you possesse , to play with me and doo no lesse . in bowers of laurell trimly dight , we will out-weare the silent night , while flora busie is to spread : her richest treasure on our bed . ten thousand glow-wormes shall attend , and all their sparkling lights shall spend , all to adorne and beautifie : your lodging with most maiestie . then in mine armes will i enclose lillies faire mixture with the rose , whose nice perfections in loues play : shall tune me to the highest key . thus as we passe the welcome night , in sportfull pleasures and delight , the nimble fairies on the grounds , shall daunce and sing mellodious sounds . if these may serue for to entice , your presence to loues paradice , then come with me , and be my deare : and we will straite begin the yeare . ignoto . finis . ¶ the wood-mans walke . through a faire forrest as i went vpon a sommers day , i met a wood-man queint and gent , yet in strange aray . i meruail'd much at his disguise , whom i did know so well : but thus in tearmes both graue and wise , his minde he gan to tell . friend , muse not at this fond aray , but list a while to me : for it hath holpe me to furuay what i shall shew to thee . long liu'd i in this forrest faire , till wearie of my weale : abroade in walks i would repaire , as now i will reueale . my first dayes walke was to the court , where beautie fed mine eyes : yet found i that the courtly sport , did maske in slie disguise . for falshood sate in fairest lookes , and friend to friend was coy : court-fauour fill'd but empty bookes , and there i found no ioy . desert went naked in the cold , when crouching craft was sed : sweet words were cheapely bought and sold , but none that stood in sted , wit was imployed for each mans owne , plaine meaning came too short : all these deuises seene and knowne , made me forsake the court. vnto the citty next i went , in hope of better hap : where liberally i launch'd and spent , as set on fortunes lap . the little stock i had in store , me thought would nere be done : friends flockt about me more and more , as quickly lost as wone . for when i spent , they were kinde , but when my purse did faile : the formost man came last behinde , thus loue with wealth doth quaile . once more for footing yet i stroue , although the world did frowne : but they before that held me vp , together troad me downe . and least once more i should arise , they sought my quite decay : then got i into this disguise , and thence i stole away . and in my minde ( me thought ) i saide , lord blesse me from the cittie : where simplenes is thus betraide , and no remorce or pittie . yet would i not giue ouer so , but once more trie my fate : and to the country then i goe , to liue in quiet state . there did appeare no subtile showes , but yea and nay went smoothly : but lord how country-folks can glose , when they speake most soothly . more craft was in a buttond cap , and in an old wiues rayle : then in my life it was my hap , to see on downe or dale . there was no open forgerie , but vnder-handed gleaning : which they call country pollicie , but hath a worser meaning . some good bold-face beares out the wrong , because he gaines thereby : the poore mans back is crackt ere long , yet there he lets him lye . and no degree among them all , but had such close intending : that i vpon my knees did fall , and prayed for their amending . back to the vvoods i got againe , in minde perplexed sore : where i found ease of all this paine , and meane to stray no more . there , citty , court , nor country too , can any way annoy me : but as a vvood-man ought to doo , i freely may imploy me . there liue i quietly alone , and none to trip my talke : wherefore when i am dead and gone , think on the wood-mans walke . shep. ionie . finis . ¶ thirsis the sheepheard , to his pipe. like desert woods , with darkesome shades obscured , where dreadfull beasts , where hatefull horror raigneth . such is my wounded hart , whom sorrow payneth , the trees are fatall shaft , to death inured , that cruell loue within my breast maintaineth , to whet my greefe , when as my sorrow wayneth . the ghastly beasts , my thoughts in cares assured , which wage me warre , while hart no succour gaineth : with false suspect , and feare that still remaineth . the horrors , burning sights by cares procured , which foorth i send , whilst weeping eye complaineth : to coole the heate , the helplesse hart containeth . but shafts , but cares , but sighs , horrors vnrecured , were nough esteem'd , if for these paines awarded : my faithfull loue by her might be regarded . ignoto . finis . ¶ an excellent sonnet of a nimph. vertue , beauty , and speach , did strike , wound , charme , my hart , eyes , eares , with wonder , loue , delight : first , second , last , did binde , enforce , and arme , his works , showes , sutes , with wit , grace , and vowes-might . thus honour , liking , trust , much , farre , and deepe , held , pearst , possest , my iudgement , sence , and will ; till wrongs , contempt , deceite , did grow , steale , creepe , bands , fauour , faith , to breake , defile , and kill . then greefe , vnkindnes , proofe , tooke , kindled , taught , well grounded , noble , due , spite , rage , disdaine : but ah , alas , ( in vaine ) my minde , sight , thought , dooth him , his face , his words , leaue shunne , refraine . for nothing , time , nor place , can loose , quench , ease : mine owne , embraced , sought , knot , fire , disease . s. phil. sidney . finis . ¶ a report song in a dreame , betweene a sheepheard and his nimph. shall we goe daunce the hay ? the hay ? neuer pipe could euer play better sheepheards roundelay . shall we goe sing the song ? the song ? neuer loue did euer wrong : faire maides hold hands all a-long . shall we goe learne to woo ? to woo ? neuer thought came euer too , better deede could better doo . shall we goe learne to kisse ? to kisse ? neuer hart could euer misse comfort , where true meaning is . thus at base they run , they run , when the sport was scarse begun : but i wakt , and all was done . n. breton . finis . ¶ another of the same . say that i should say , i loue ye ? would you say , t is but a saying ? but if loue in prayers mooue ye ? will you not be moou'd with praying ? think i think that loue should know ye ? will you thinke , t is but a thinking ? but if loue the thought doo show ye , will ye loose your eyes with winking ? write that i doo write you blessed , will you write , t is but a writing ? but if truth and loue confesse it : will ye doubt the true enditing ? no , i say , and thinke , and write it , write , and thinke , and say your pleasure : loue , and truth , and i endite it , you are blessed out of measure . n. breton . finis . ¶ the sheepheards conceite of prometheus . prometheus , when first from heauen hie , he brought downe fire , ere then on earth vnseene : fond of delight , a satyre standing by , gaue it a kisse , as it like sweete had beene . feeling forth-with the other burning power , wood with the smart , with shoutes and shrikings shrill : he sought his ease in riuer , field , and bower , but for the time his greefe went with him still . so silly i , with that vnwonted sight , in humane shape , an angell from aboue : feeding mine eyes , th' impression there did light , that since i runne , and rest as pleaseth loue. the difference is , the satires lips , my hart : he for a while , i euermore haue smart . s. e. d. finis . ¶ another of the same . a satyre once did runne away for dread , with sound of horne , which he him-selfe did blow : fearing , and feared thus , from him-selfe he fled , deeming strange euili in that he did not know . such causelesse feares , when coward minds doo take , it makes them flie that , which they faine would haue : as this poore beast , who did his rest forsake , thinking not why , but how him-selfe to saue . euen thus mought i , for doubts which i conceaue of mine owne words , mine owne good hap betray : and thus might i , for feare of may be , leaue the sweet pursute of my desired pray . better like i thy satire , dearest dyer : who burnt his lips , to kisse faire shining fier . s. phil. sidney . finis . ¶ the sheepheards sunne . faire nimphs , sit ye heere by me , on this flowrie greene : while we this merrie day doo see , some things but sildome seene . sheepheards all , now come sit a-round , on yond checquerd plaine : while from the vvoods we heere resound , some come for loues paine . euery bird sits on his bowe , as brag as he that is the best : then sweet loue , reueale howe our minds may be at rest ? eccho thus replyed to mee , sit vnder yonder beechen tree , and there loue shall shew thee how all may be redrest . harke , harke , harke the nightingale , in her mourning lay : shee tells her stories wofull tale , to warne yee if shee may . faire maydes , take yee heede of loue , it is a perlous thing : as philomele her selfe did proue , abused by a king. if kings play false , beleeue no men , that make a seemely outward show : but caught once , beware then , for then begins your woe . they will looke babies in your eyes , and speake so faire as faire may be : but trust them in no wise , example take by mee . fie , fie , said the threstle-cocke , you are much too blame : for one mans fault , all men to blot , inpayring theyr good name . admit you were vsde amisse , by that vngentle king , it followes not that you for this , should all mens honours wring . there be good , and there be bad , and some are false , and some are true : as good choyse is still had amongst vs men , as you . women haue faultes as well as wee , some say for our one , they haue three . then smite not , nor bite not , when you as faultie be . peace , peace , quoth madge-howles then , sitting out of sight : for women are as good as men , and both are good alike . not so , said the little wrenne , difference there may be : the cocke alway commaunds the he●●● then men shall goe for mee . then robbin-redbrest stepping in , would needs take vp this tedious strife , protesting , true-louing , in eyther legthened life . if i loue you , and you loue mee , can there be better harmonie ? thus ending contending , loue must the vmpsere be . faire nimphs , loue must be your guide , chast , vnspotted loue : to such as doe your thralles betyde , tesolu ' de without remoue . likewise iolly sheepheard swaines if you doe respect , the happy issue of your paines , true loue must you direct . you heare the birds contend for loue , the bubling springs do sing sweet loue , the mountaines and fountaines do eccho nought but loue . take hands then nimphes & sheepheards all , and to this riuers musiques fall sing true loue , and chast loue begins our festuall . shep. tonie . finis . ¶ colin the enamoured sheepheard , singeth this passion of loue . o gentle loue , vngentle for thy deede , thou makest my hart , a bloodie marke , with piercing shot to bleede . shoote soft sweete loue , for feare thou shoote amisse , for feare too keene , thy arrowes beene : and hit the hart , where my beloued is . too faire that fortune were , nor neuer i shall be so blest , among the rest : that loue shal ceaze on her by simpathy . then since with loue my prayers beare no boote , this doth remaine , to ease my paine , i take the wound , and die at venus foote . geo. peele . finis . ¶ oenones complaint in blanke verse . melpomene the muse of tragicke songs , with mournfull tunes in stole of dismall hue , assist a sillie nimphe to waile her woe , and leaue thy lustie company behind . this lucklesse wreathe becomes not me to weare , the poplar tree for tryumph of my loue , then as my ioy , my pride of loue is left ; be thou vncloathed of thy louely greene . and in thy leaues my fortunes written be , and then some gentle winde let blow abroade , that all the world may see , how false of loue , false paris hath to his oenone beene . geo. peele . finis . ¶ the sheepheards consort . harke iollie sheepheards , harke yond lustie ringing : how cheerefully the bells daunce , the whilst the lads are springing ? goe we then , why sit we here delaying : and all yond mery wanton lasses playing ? how gailie flora leades it , and sweetly treads it ? the woods and groaues they ring , louely resounding : with ecchoes sweet rebounding . out of ma. morleys madrigals . finis . a discourse of the pastoral care written by gilbert, lord bishop of sarum. burnet, gilbert, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing b estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work 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[ ], xxxiv, , [ ] p. printed by r.r. for ric. chiswell, london : . reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng pastoral theology. clergy -- office. preaching. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - john latta sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a discourse of the pastoral care. written by the right reverend father in god , gilbert , lord bishop of sarum . london : printed by r. r. for ric. chiswell , at the rose and crown in st. paul's church-yard . mdcxcii . of the pastoral care . imprimatur , jo. cant . maii . . to the queens most excellent majesty . may it please your majesty , the title of defender of the faith , is so inherent in the royal dignity , and so essential a part of its security as well as of its glory , that there was no need of papal bulls to add it to the crown that your majesty now wears : you hold it by a much better tenure , as well as by a more ancient possession . nor can one reflect on the pope's giving it to king henry the viiith , without remembring what is said of caiaphas , that being high priest that year , he prophesied . for since that time , the true faith hath been so eminently defended by our princes , and that of both sexes , we having had our pulcheria's as well as our constantine's and our theodose's , that this church has been all along the chief strength and honour of the reformation , as well as the main object of the envy and spite of those of the roman communion . but tho your majesty's royal ancestors have done so much for us , there remains yet a great deal to be done for the compleating of our reformation , especially as to the lives and manners of men . this will most effectually be done by obliging the clergy to be more exemplary in their lives , and more diligent and faithful in the discharge of their pastoral duty . and this work seems to be reserved for your majesties , and designed to be the felicity and glory of your reign . to serve god by promoting this great and glorious design , which is so truly worthy of your majesty's best care and endeavours , i have purposely written this treatise , which i do with all humility dedicate and present to your sacred majesty . may that god who is the king of kings , and hath bless'd us with two such excellent princes , preserve you both long to us , and make you as happy in us , as we are in you ▪ may you reign over us till you have accomplished all those great designs for which god hath raised you up , and with which he hath filled your hearts : and may this church be made by your means the perfection of beauty , and the ioy of the whole earth . these are the daily and most fervent prayers of , may it please your majesty , your majesty's most loyal , most humble , and most obedient subject and chaplain , gi . sarum . the contents . the preface . page i chap. i. of the dignity of sacred imployments , and the names and designations given to them in scripture . pag. chap. ii. of the rules set down in scripture for those that minister in holy things , and of the corruptions that are set forth in them . p. chap. iii. passages out of the new testament relating to the same matter . chap. iv. of the sense of the primitive church in this matter . chap. v. an account of some canons in divers ages of the church relating to the duties and labours of the clergy . chap. vi. of the declared sense and rules of the church of england in this matter . chap. vii . of the due preparation of such as may , and ought to be put in orders . chap. viii . of the functions and labours of clergy-men . chap. ix . concerning preaching . the conclusion . errata . pref . p. . l. . for tue r. the. book , p. . l. . cancells r. excells . p. . l. . declareth r. delayeth . p. . l. . of r. to . p. . l. . as as r. as at . p. . l. . after not r. : p. . l. . also him r. him also . p. . l. . man r. men . p. . l. . all , this r. all this , p. . l. . strongly r. strangely . the preface . this subject , how important soever in it self , yet has been so little treated of , and will seem so severe in many parts of it , that if i had not judged this a necessary service to the church , which did more decently come from one , who , how undeserving soever he is , yet is raised to a post that may justify the writing on so tender a head , i should never have undertaken it . but my zeal for the true interests of religion , and of this church , determined me to set about it ; yet since my design is to correct things for the future , rather than to reproach any for what is past , i have resolved to cast it rather into advices and rules , into plain and short directions , than into long and laboured discourses , supported by the shews of learning , and citations from fathers , and historical observations ; this being the more profitable , and the less invidious way of handling the subject . it ought to be no imputation on a church , if too many of those that are dedicated to her service , have not all the characters that are here set forth , and that are to be desired in clergymen . even in the apostles days there were false apostles , and false teachers ; as one of the twelve was a traytor , and had a devil ; some loved the pre-eminence , others loved this present world to a scandalous degree ; some of those that preached christ , did it not sincerely , but out of contention ; they vied with the apostles , and hoped to have carried away the esteem from them , even while they were suffering for the faith : for envying their credit , they designed to raise their own authority , by lessening the apostles ; and so hoped to have added affliction to their bonds . in the first and purest ages of the church we find great complaints of the neglects and disorders of the clergy of all ranks . many became the stewards and bailiffs of other peoples estates ; and while they looked too diligently after those cares which did not belong to them , they even in those times of trial , grew very remiss in the most important of all cares , which was their proper business . as soon as the empire became christian , the authority , the immunity , and the other advantages , which by the bounty of princes , followed the sacred functions , made them to be generally much desired ; and the elections being then for most part popular , ( though in some of the greater cities , the magistracy took them into their hands , and the bishops of the province were the judges both of the fitness of the person , and of the regularity of the election ) ; these were managed with much faction and violence , which often ended in blood , and that to so great an excess , that if we had not witnesses to many instances of this among the best men in those ages , it would look like an uncharitable imputation on those times , to think them capable of such enormities . indeed the disorders , the animosities , the going so oft backwards and forwards in the matters of faith , as the emperors happened to be of different sides , are but too ample a proof of the corruptions that had then got into the church . and what can we think of the breach made in the churches of africk by donatus , and his followers , upon so inconsiderable a point , as whether cecilian and his ordainers had denied the faith in the last persecution , or not ? which grew to that height , that almost in every town of africk there were divided assemblies , and separating bishops , upon that account . nor was this wound healed but with the utter ruine of those churches . st. ierom , though partial enough to his own side , as appears by his espousing damasus's interests , notwithstanding that vast effusion of blood that had been at his election ; which was set on by him , and continued for four days with so much violence , that in one night , and at one church , a hundred and seven and thirty were killed ; yet he could not hold from laying open the corruptions of the clergy in a very severe style . he grew so weary of them , and they of him , that he went and spent the rest of his days at bethlehem . those corruptions were so much the more remarkable , because the eminent men of those times , procured a great many canons to be made , both in provincial and general councils , for correcting abuses , as soon as they observed them creeping into the church : but it is plain from st. chrysostom's story , that tho bad men did not oppose the making good rules , while they were so many dead letters in their registers ; yet they could not bear the rigorous execution of them : so that those good canons do shew us indeed what were the growing abuses of the times , in which they were made ; and how good men set themselves against them ; but are no sure indications of the reformation that was effected by them . the tottering state of the roman empire which had then fallen under a vast dissolution of discipline and manners , and coming into feeble hands , was then sinking with its own weight , and was become on all sides an easy prey to its invaders , who were either pagans or arians , ought to have awakened the governours of the church to have apprehended their approaching ruin ; to have prevented it by their prayers and endeavours ; and to have corrected those abuses which had provoked god , and weakned and distracted both church and empire . but if we may believe either gildas here in britain , or salvian in france , they rather grew worse , more impenitent , and more insensible , when they saw the judgments of god coming upon the empire , province after province rent from it , and over-run by the barbarians . when that great wound was in some sort healed , and a second form of christianity rose up and prevailed again in the western parts , and the world became christian with the allay that dark and superstitious ages had brought into that holy doctrine : then all the rules of the former ages were so totally forgotten , and laid aside , that the clergy universally lost their esteem : and tho' charles the great , and his son , held a great many councils for correcting these abuses , and published many capitulars on the same design ; yet all was to no purpose : there was neither knowledge nor vertue enough left to reform a corruption that was become universal . the clergy by these disorders fell under a general contempt , and out of that rose the authority , as well as the wealth of the monastick orders ; and when riches and power had corrupted them , the begging orders took away the credit from both ; yet even their reputation , which the outward severity of their rule , habit , and manner of life did both establish and maintain long , was at last so generally lost , that no part or body of the roman-clergy had credit enough to stop the progress of the reformation ; which was in a great measure occasion'd by the scorn and hatred that fell on them , and which was so spread over all the parts of europe , that to it , even their own historians do impute the great advances that luther's doctrine made for about fifty years together ; whole kingdoms and provinces embracing it as it were all of the sudden . it has now for above an hundred years made a full stand , and in most places it has rather lost ground , than gained any . the true account of this is not easily given ; the doctrine is the same ; and it has been of late defended with greater a●vantages , with more learning , and better reasoning than it was at first ; yet with much less success . the true reason of the slackning of that work , must be imputed to the reformation made in several points with relation to the manners , and the labours of the clergy , by the church of rome , and the depravation under which most of the reformed churches are fallen . for the manners and the labours of the clergy , are real arguments , which all people do both understand and feel ; they have a much more convincing force , they are more visible , and perswade more universally , than books can do , which are little read , and less considered : and indeed the bulk of mankind is so made , that there is no working on them , but by moving their affections , and commanding their esteem . it cannot be denied but that the council of trent established the errors of popery in such a manner , as to cut off all possibility of ever treating , or reuniting with them ; since those decisions , and their infallibility , which is their foundation , are now so twisted together , that they must stand and fall together : yet they established such a reformation in discipline , as may make churches that pretend to a more glorious title , justly ashamed . for tho , there are such reserves made for the plenitude of the papal authority , that in great instances , and for a favourite , all may be broke through ; yet the most notorious abuses are so struck at , and this has been in many places so effectually observed , chiefly where they knew that their deportment was looked into , and watched over by protestants , that it must be acknowledged , that the cry of the scandals of religious houses is much laid : and tho' there is still much ignorance ●mong their mass-priests ; yet their parish-priests are generally another sort of men : they are well instructed in their religion ; lead regular lives , and perform their parochial duties with a most wonderful diligence : they do not only say mass , and the other publick functions daily , but they are almost perpetually imploying themseves in the several parts of their cures : instructing the youth , hearing confessions , and visiting the sick : and besides all this , they are under the constant obligation of the breviary : there is no such thing as non-residence or plurality , to be heard of in whole countries of that communion ; and though about cathedrals , and in greater cities , the vast number of priests , gives still great and just occasion to censure ; yet the parish-priests have almost universally recovered the esteem ●f the people : they are no more disposed to think ill of them , or to hearken to any thing that may give them a just cause , or at least a plausible colour for departing from them . so that the reformation that popery hath been forced to make , has in a great measure stopt the progress of the reformation of the doctrine and worship that did so long carry every thing before it . but this is the least melancholy part of the account that may be given of this matter . the reformers began that blessed work with much zeal ; they and their first successors carried it on with learning and spirit : they were active in their endeavours , and constant and patient in their sufferings ; and these things turn'd the esteem of the world , which was alienated from popery , by the ignorance and scandals of the clergy , all towards them : but when they felt the warmth of the protection and encouragement that princes and states gave them , they insensibly slackned ; they fell from their first heat and love ; they began to build houses for themselves , and their families , and neglected the house of god : they rested satisfied with their having reformed the doctrine and worship ; but did not study to reform the lives and manners of their people : and while in their offices they lamented the not having a publick discipline in the church , as it was in the primitive times ; they have either made no attempts at all , or at least very faint ones for restoring it . and thus , while popery has purified it self from many former abuses , reformed churches have added new ones to the old , that they still retain , and are fond of . zeal in devotion , and diligence in the pastoral care , are fallen under too visible and too scandalous a decay . and whereas the understanding of the scriptures , and an application to that sacred study , was at first the distinguishing character of protestants , for which they were generally nicknamed gospellers ; these holy writings are now so little studied , that such as are obliged to look narrowly into the matter , find great cause of regret and lamentation , from the gross ignorance of such as either are in orders , or that pretend to be put in them . but the most capital and comprehensive of all abuses , is , that the false opinion of the worst ages of popery , that made the chief , if not the only obligation of priests to be the performing offices ; and judged , that if these were done , the chief part of their business was also done , by which the pastoral care came to be in a great measure neglected , does continue still to leaven us : while men imagine that their whole work consists in publick functions , and so reckon , that if they either do these themselves , or procure and hire another person in holy orders to do them , that then they answer the obligation that lies on them : and thus the pastoral care , the instructing , the exhorting , the admonishing and reproving , the directing and conducting , the visiting and comforting the people of the parish , is generally neglected : while the incumbent does not think fit to look after it , and the curate thinks himself bound to nothing but barely to perform offices according to agreement . it is chiefly on design to raise the sense of the obligations of the clergy to the duties of the pastoral care , that this book is written . many things do concur in our present circumstances , to awaken us of the clergy , to mind and do our duty with more zeal and application than ever . it is very visible that in this present age , the reformation is not only at a stand , but is going back , and grows sensibly weaker and weaker . some churches have been plucked up by the roots ; and brought under a total desolation and dispersion ; and others have fallen under terrible oppressions and shakings . we have seen a design formed and carried on long , for the utter destruction of that great work. the clouds were so thick gathered over us , that we saw we were marked out for destruction : and when that was once compass●d , our e●emies saw well enough , that the rest of their designs would be more easily brought about . it is true , our enemies intended to se● us one upon another by turns , to make us do half their work ; and to have still an abused party among us ready to carry on their 〈◊〉 ; for they thought it too bold an attempt , to fall upon all at once ; but while they were thus shifting hands , it pleased god to cut them short in their designs ; and to blast that part of them in which we were concerned , so entirely , that now they carry them on more barefacedly : and drive at conquest , which is at one stroke to destroy our church and religion , our laws and our properties . in this critical state of things , we ought not only to look at the instruments of the calamities that have fallen so heavily on so many protestant churches , and of the dangers that hang over the rest ; but we ought chiefly to look up to that god , who seems to be provoked at the whole reformation ; because they have not walked suitably to the light that they have so long enjoyed , and the blessings which had been so long continued to them ; but have corrupted their ways before him . they have lost the power of religion , while they have seemed to magnify the form of it , and have been zealous for opinions and customs ; and therefore god has in his wrath , taken even that form from them , and has loathed their solemn assemblies ; and brought them under a famine of the word of the lord , which they had so much despised . while these things are so , and while we find that we our selves , are as a brand pluck'd out of the fire , which may be thrown back into it again , if we are not allarmed by the just , but unsearchable judgments of god , which have wasted other churches so terribly , while they have only frighted us ; what is more evident , than that the present state of things , and the signs of the times , call aloud upon the whole nation to bring forth fruits meet for repentance ? since the ax is laid to the root of the tree . and as this indeed concerns the body of the nation , so we who are the priests and ministers of the lord , are under more particular obligations , first to look into our own ways , and to reform whatsoever is amiss among us , and then to be intercessors for the people , committed to our charge : to be mourning for their sins , and by our secret fastings and prayers , to be standing in those breaches which our crying abominations have made : and so to be averting those judgments , which may be ready to break in upon us ; and chiefly to be lifting up our voices like trumpets , to shew our people their transgressions . to be giving them faithful warning , from which we may expect this blessed success , that we may at least gain upon such a number , that for their sakes , god , who will not slay the righteous with the wicked , may be yet entreated for our sins ; and that the judgments which hang over us , being quite dissipated , his gospel , together with peace and plenty , may still dwell among us , and may shine from us , with happy influences to all the ends of the earth . and even such pastors as shall faithfully do their duty , but without any success , may depend upon this , that they shall save their own souls ; and shall have a distinguished fate , if we should happen to fall under a common calamity : they having on them not only the mark of mourners and intercessors , but of faithful shepherds : whereas if an overflowing scourge should break in upon us , we have all possible reason , both from the judgments of god , and the present scituation of affairs , to believe that it will begin at the sanctuary , at those who have profaned the holy things ; and have made the daily sacrifice to be loathed . there is another , and perhaps yet a more dismal character of the present state of the age , that calls on the clergy , to consider well both their own deportment , and the obligations that lie upon them ; which is the growing atheism and impiety , that is daily gaining ground , not only among us , but indeed all europe over . there is a circulation observed in the general corruptions of nations : sometimes ignorance and brutality overruns the world , that makes way for superstition and idolatry : when mankind is disgusted with these , then fantastical and enthusiastical principles , and under these hypocritical practises have their course ; these being seen through , give grea● occasions to profaness , and with that , atheism , and a di●belief of all religion , at least of all revealed religion , is nourished : and that is very easily received by depraved minds , but very hardly rooted out of them : for though it is very easie to beat an enquirer into things , out of all speculative atheism ; yet when a disbelief of sacred matters , and a profane contempt of them , has once vitiated ones mind , it is a very extraordinary thing , and next to miraculous , to see such an one reduced . now this i am forced to declare , that having had much free conversation with many that have been fatally corrupted that way , they have very often owned to me , that nothing promoted this so much in them , as the very bad opinion which they took up of all clergy-men of all sides : they did not see in them that strictness of life , that contempt of the world , that zeal , that meekness , humility and charity ; that diligence and earnestness , with relation to the great ttuths of the christian religion , which they reckoned they would most certainly have , if they themselves firmly believed it : therefore they concluded , that those , whose business it was more strictly to enquire into the truth of their religion , knew that it was not so certain , as they themselves , for other ends , endeavoured to make the world believe it was : and that , tho for carrying on of their own authority or fortunes , which in one word , they call their trade , they seemed to be very positive in affirming the truth of their doctrines ; yet they in their own hearts did not believe it , since they lived so little suitable to it , and were so much set on raising themselves by it ; and so little on advancing the honour of their profession , by an exemplary piety , and a shining conversation . this is a thing not to be answered by being angry at them for saying it , or by reproaching such as repeat it , as if they were enemies to the church ; these words of heat and faction signifying nothing to work upon , or convince any . for how little strength soever there may be in this , as it is made an argument , it is certainly so strong a prejudice , that nothing but a real refutation of it , by the eminent vertues and labours of many of the clergy , will ever conquer it . to this , as a branch or part of it , another consideration from the present state of things is to be added , to call upon the clergy to set about the duties of their calling ; and that is , the contempt they are generally fallen under , the injustice they daily meet with , in being denied their rights , and that by some out of principle , and by others out of downright and undisguised sacriledge . i know a great deal of this is too justly , and too truly to be cast on the poverty of the clergy : but what can we say , when we find often the poorest clarks in the richest livings ? whose incumbents not content to devour the patrimony of the church , while they feed themselves , and not the flock out of it ; are so scandalously hard in their allowance to their curates , as if they intended equally to starve both curate and people : and is it to be supposed , that the people will think themselves under a very strict obligation of conscience , to pay religiously all that is due to one , who seems to think himself under no obligation to labour for it . and since it is a maxim founded upon natural equity , that the benefice is given for the office ; men will not have great scruples in denying the benefice , where the office is neglected , or ill performed . and as for the too common contempt that is brought on the clergy , how guilty soever those may be , who out of hatred to their profession , despise them for their works sake ; yet we who feel our selves under these disadvantages , ought to reflect on those words of the prophet , and see how far they are applicable to us ; the priests lips should keep knowledge , and they should seek the law at his mouth , for he is the messenger of the lord of hosts . but ye are departed out of the way , ye have caused many to stumble at the law : therefore have i also made you contemptible and base before all the people ; according as ye have not kept my ways , but have been partial in my law. if we studied to honour god , and so to do honour to our profession , we might justly hope that he would raise it again to that credit which is due to it ; and that he would make even our enemies to be at peace with us , or at least afraid to hurt or offend us . and in this we have good reason to rest assured ; since we do not find many instances of clergy-men , who live and labour , who preach and visit as they ought to do , that are under any eminent degrees of contempt : if some do despise those that are faith●ul to their trust , yet they must do ●t secretly ; they dare not shew ●t , as long as their deportment procures them the esteem , which we must confess does generally follow true worth , and hearty labours in the ministry . these are things of such consequence , that it may seem a consideration too full of ill nature , of emulation , and of jealousie , if i should urge upon the clergy the divisions and separation that is formed among us ; though there is a terrible word in the prophet , that belongs but too evidently to this likewise ; the pastors are become brutish , and have not sought the lord ; therefore they shall not prosper , and all their flocks shall be scattered . if we led such exemplary lives , as became our character , if we applied our selves wholly to the duties of our profession , if we studied to out-live , and outlabour those that divide from us ; we might hope by the blessing of god , so far to overcome their prejudices , and to gain both upon their esteem and affections , that a very small matter might go a great way towards the healing of those wounds , which have so long weakned and distracted us . speculative arguments do not reach the understandings of the gre●ter part , who are only capable of sensible ones : and the strongest reasonings will not prevail , till we first force them to think the better of our church , for what they see in our selves , and make them wish to be of a communion , in which they see so much ●●uth , and unaffected goodness and worth : when they are once brought so far , it will be easy to comp●ss all the rest : if we did ge●e●ally mind our duties , and discharge them fai●hfully , this would prepare such as mean well in their separation from us , to consider better of the grounds on which they maintain it ▪ and that will best enforce the arguments that we have to lay before them . and as for such as divide from us with bad designs , and an unrelenting spite , they will have a small party , and a feeble support , if there were no more occasion given to work on the affections of the people , by our errours and disorders . if then either the sense of the wrath of god , or the desire of his favour and protection ; if zeal for our church and countrey ; if a sense of the progress of atheism and ●rreligion ; if the contempt that falls on us , and the injustices that are daily done us ; if a desire to heal and unite , to purifie and perfect this our church : if either the concerns of this world , or of the nex● , can work upon us , and affect us , all these things concur to call on us , to apply our utmost care and industry to raise the honour of our holy profession , to walk worthy of it , to perform the engagements that we came under at the altar , when we were dedicated to the service of god , and the church ; and in all things both to adorn our religion , and our church . it is not our boasting that the church of england is the best reformed , and the best constituted church in the world , that will signifie much to convince others : we are too much parties to be believed in our own cause . there was a generation of men that cried , the temple of the lord , the temple of the lord , as loud as we can cry , the church of england , the church of england : when yet by their sins they were pulling it down : and kindling that fire which consumed it . ●t will have a better grace to see others boast of our church , from what they observe in us , than for us to be c●ying it up with our words , when our deeds do decry it . our enemies will make severe inferences from them ; and our pretensions will be thought vain and impudent things , as long as our lives contradict them . it was on design to raise in myself and in others , a deep sense of the obligations that we lie under , of the duties of our functions ; of the extent of them , and of the rewards that follow them , and to observe the proper methods of performing them , so as they may be of the greatest advantage both to our selves and others , that i have entred on these meditations . they have been for many years the chief subjects of my thoughts : if few have writ on them among us , yet we have st. gregory nazianzen 's apologetick , saint chrysostom's books of the priesthood , gregory the great 's pastoral , and bernard's book of consideration , among the ancients , and a very great number of excellent treatises , writ lately in france upon them . i began my studies in divinity with reading these , and i never yet grew weary of them ; they raise so many noble designs , they offer such schemes , and carry so much of unction and life in them , that i hope an imperfect ess●y this way may have some effec● . for the searcher of hearts knows , i have no design in it , save this of stirring up in my self and others , the gift which was gi●en by the imposition of hands . of the pastoral care. chap. i. of the dignity of sacred imployments , and the names and designations given to them in scripture . how low soever the esteem of the clergy may be sunk in a profane and corrupt age , and how much soever the errors and disorders of clergy-men may have contributed to bring this not only upon themselves , but upon others who deserve better , but are unhappy in being mixed with so much ill company ; yet certainly if we either consider the nature of things in themselves , or the value that is set on that profession , in the scriptures , it will appear that it ought to be considered at another rate than it is . as much as the soul is better than the body , and as much as the purifying and perfecting the soul is preferable to all those mechanical imployments which relate to the body , and as much as eternity is more valuable than this short and transitory life ; so much does this imployment excel all others . a clergy-man , by his character and design of life , ought to be a man separated from the cares and concerns of this world , and dedicated to the study and meditation of divine matters . whose conversation ought to be a pattern for others ; a constant preaching to his people : who ought to offer up the prayers of the people in their name , and as their mouth to god ; who ought to be praying and interceding for them in secret , as well as officiating among them in publick : who ought to be distributing among them the bread of life , the word of god ; and to be dispensing among them the sacred rites , which are the badges , the union , and the supports of christians . he ought to admonish , to reprove , and to comfort them , not only by his general doctrine in his sermons , but from house to house ; that so he may do these things more home and effectually , than can be done from the pulpit . he is to watch over their souls , to keep them from error , and to alarm them out of their sins , by giving them warning of the judgments of god ; to visit the sick , and to prepare them for the judgment and life to come . this is the function of a clergy-man ; who that he may perform all these duties with more advantage , and better effect , ought to behave himself so well , that his own conversation may not only be without offence , but be so exemplary , that his people may have reason to conclude , that he himself does firmly believe all those things which he proposes to them : that he thinks himself bound to follow all those rules that he sets them ; and that they may see such a serious spirit of devotion in him , that from thence they may be induced to believe , that his chief design among them , is to do them good , and to save their souls : which may prepare them so to esteem and love him , that they may not be prejudiced against any thing that he does and says in publick , by any thing that they observe in himself in secret . he must also be imploying himself so well in his private studies , that from thence he may be furnished with such a variety of lively thoughts , divine meditations , and proper and noble expressions , as may enable him to discharge every part of his duty , in such a manner , as may raise not so much his own reputation , as the credit of his function , and of the great message of reconciliation that is committed to his charge : above all studies , he ought to apply himself to understand the holy scriptures aright ; to have his memory well furnished that way , that so upon all occasions , he may be able to enforce what he says out of them , and so be an able minister of the new testament . this is in short the character of a true clergy-man , which is to be more fully opened and enlarged on in the following parts of this book . all this looks so great and so noble , that it does not appear necessary to raise it , or to insist on it more fully . indeed it speaks its own dignity so sensibly , that none will dispute it , but such as are open enemies to all religion in general , or to the christian religion in particular ; and yet even few of these , are so entirely corrupted , as not to wish that external order and policy were kept up among men , for restraining the injustice and violence of unruly appetites and passions ; which few , even of the tribe of the libertines , seem to desire to be let loose ; since the peace and safety of mankind , require that the world be kept in method , and under some yoke . it will be more sutable to my design , to shew how well this character agrees with that which is laid down in the scriptures concerning these offices . i shall begin first with the names , and then go on to the descriptions , and lastly proceed to the rules that we find in them . the name of deacon , that is now appropriated to the lowest office in the church , was in the time that the new testament was writ , used more promiscuously : for the apostles , the evangelists , and those whom the apostles sent to visit the churches , are all called by this name . generally in all those places where the word minister is in our translation , it is deacon in the greek , which signifies properly a servant , or one who labours for another . such persons are dedicated to the immediate service of god ; and are appropriated to the offices and duties of the church : so this term both expresses the dignity and the labour of the imployment . the n●xt ●rder carries now the name of presbyter , or elder ; which tho at first it was applied not only to bishops , but to the ap●s●l●s themselves ; yet in the succeeding ages , it came to be appropriated to the second ra●k of the officers in the church . i● either signifies a seniority of age , or of 〈◊〉 , in opposition to a neophite or novice , one newly converted to the faith ; but by common p●actice ▪ as senate or senator , being at first given to councellors , by reason of their age , came afterwards to be a title appropriate to them ; so the t●tle presbyter ( altered in pronunciation to be in english , pri●st ) or elder being a character of respect , denotes the dignity of those to whom it belongs : but since st. paul divides this title either into two different ranks , or into two different performances of the duties of the same rank , those that rule well , and those that labour in word and doctrine ; this is a title that speaks both the dignity , and likewise the duty belonging to this function . the title which is now by the custom of many ages given to the highest function in the church , of bishop , or inspector , and overseer , as it imports a dignity in him , as the chief of those who labour ; so it does likewise express his obligation to care and diligence , both in observing , and overseeing the whole flock , and more specially in inspecting the deportment and labours of his fellow workmen , who are subordinate to him in the constitution of the church , yet ought to be esteemed by him in imitation of the apostles , his brethren , his fellow-labourers , and fellow-servants . next to the names of the sacred functions , i shall consider the other designations and figures , made use of to express them . the most common is that of pastor or shepherd . it is to be remembred , that in the first simplicity of mankind for many ages , men looked after their own cattel , or employed their children in it ; and when they trusted that care to any other , it was no small sign of their confidence , according to what iacob said to laban . the care of a good shepherd was a figure then so well understood , that the prophet expresses god's care of his people , by this , of his feeding them as a shepherd , carrying his lambs in his bosom , and gently leading them that were with young . christ also calls himself the good shepherd , that knew his sheep , and did not as a hireling , fly away when the wolf came , but laid down his life for his sheep . this then being so often made use of in both testaments , is an expression of the great trust committed to the clergy , which likewise supposes a great , a constant , and a tender care in looking to , in feeding or instructing , in watching over , and guarding the flock against errors and sins , and their being ready to offer themselves to the first fury of persecution . the title of stewards , or dispensers , which is the most honourable in a household , is also given to them . these assign to every one his due share , both of labour and of provision ; these watch over them , and have the care and order of the other servants assigned to them . so in this great family , of which christ is the h●ad , the stewards are a post of great digni●y , but also of much labour , they ought to be observing the rest of this houshold , that they may be faithful in the distribution , and so encourage , admonish , reprove or censure , as there is occasion for it . they are also called ambassadors , and that upon the noblest and desirablest message , for their business is to treat of p●ac● between god and man ; to them is given the word or doctrine of reconciliation ; they are sent by christ , and do speak in god's name ; as if god did beseech men by them ; so do they in christ's stead , who is the mediator , press men to be reconciled to god ; words of a very high sound , of great trust and dignity , but which import likewise great obligations . an ambassador is very solicitous to maintain the dignity of his character , and his master's honour ; and chiefly to carry on that which is the main business that he is sent upon , which he is always contriving how to promote : so if the honour of this title affects us as it ought to do , with a just value for it , we ought at the same time to consider the obligations that accompany it , of living suitable to it , answering in some sort , the dignity and majesty of the king of kings , that has committed it to us ; and of labouring with all possible diligence , to effectuate the great design on which we are sent ; the reconciling sinners to god : the work having in it self a proportion to the dignity of him that imploys us in it . another , and yet a more glorious title , is that of angels , who as they are of a pure and sublime nature , and are called a flaming fire , so they do always behold the face of our heavenly father , and ever do his will , and are also ministring spirits , sent forth to minister to them that are appointed to be the heirs of salvation : this title is given to bishops and pastors ; and as if that were not enough , they are in one place called not only the messengers or angels of the churches , but also the glory of christ. the natural importance of this is , that men to whom this title is applied , ought to imitate those heavenly powers , in the elevation of their souls ; to contemplate the works and glory of god , and in their constant doing his will , more particularly in ministring to the souls of those , for whom the great angel of the covenant made himself a sacrifice . i do not among these titles reckon those of rulers or governours , that are also given to bishops , because they seem to be but another name for bishops , whose inspection was a rule and government , and so carried in its signification , both authority and labour . to these designations ▪ that carry in them characters of honour , but of honour joyned to labour , and for the sake of which the honour was due , according to that , esteem them very highly for their works sake ; i shall add some other designations , that in their significations carry only labour without honour , being borrowed from labours that are hard , but no way honourable . they are often called watchmen , who used to stand on high towers , and were to give the alarm , as they saw occasion for it : these men were obliged to a constant attendance , to watch in the night , as well as in the day : so all this being applied to the clergy , imports that they ought to be upon their watch-tower , observing what dangers their people are exposed to , either by their sins , which provoke the judgments of god ; or by the designs of their enemies ; they ought not by a false respect , suffer them to sleep and perish in their sins ; but must denounce the judgments of god to them , and rather incur their displeasure by their freedom , than suffer them to perish in their security . st. paul does also call church-men by the name of builders , and gives to the apostles the title of master-builders ; this imports both hard and painful labour , and likewise great care and exactness in it , for want of which the building will be not only exposed to the injuries of weather , but will quickly tumble down ; and it gives us to understand , that those who carry this title , ought to study well the great rule , by which they must carry on the interest of religion , that so they may build up their people in their most holy faith , so as to be a building fitly framed together . they are also called labourers in god's husbandry , labourers in his vineyard , and harvest , who are to sow , plant and water , and to cultivate the soil of the church . this imports a continual return of daily and hard labour , which requires both pain and diligence . they are also called soldiers , men that did war and fight against the powers of darkness . the fatigue , the dangers and difficulties of that state of li●e ar● so well understood , that no application is necessary to make them more sensible . and thus by a particular enumeration of ei●her the more special names of these o●●●ces , such as deacon , priest and bishop , rul●r and governour , or of the designa●ions given to them of shepherds or pastors , stewards , ambassadors and angels , it appears that there is a great dignity belonging to them , but a dignity which must carry labour with it , as that for which the honour is due : the other titles of watchmen , builders , labourers and soldiers , import also that they are to decline no part of their duty , for the labour that is in it , the dangers that may follow , or the seeming meanness that may be in it , since we have for this so great a rule and pattern set us by our saviour , who has given us this character of himself , and in that a rule to all that pretend to come after him , the son of man came not to be ministred unto , but to minister . this was said upon the proud contentions that had been among his disciples , who should be the greatest : two of them presuming upon their near relation to him , and pretending to the first dignity in his kingdom ; upon that he gave them to understand , that the dignities of his kingdom were not to be of the same nature with those that were in the world. it was not rule or empire to which they were to pretend ; the disciple was not to be above his lord : and he that humbled himself to be the last and lowest in his service , was by so doing , really the first . he himself descended ●o the washing his disciples feet ; which 〈◊〉 proposeth to their imitation ; and that came in latter ages to be taken up by princes , and acted by them in pageantry : but the plain account of that action , is , that it was a prophetical emblem ; of which sort we find several instances both in isaiah , ieremy and ezekiel : the prophet doing somewhat that had a mystical signification in it , relating to the subject of his prophecy : so that our saviour's washing the feet of his disciples , imported the humility , and the descending to the meanest offices of charity , which he recommended to his followers , particularly to those whom he appointed to preach his gospel to the world. chap. ii. of the rules set down in scripture for those that minister in holy things ; and of the corruptions that are set forth in them . i intend to write with all possible simplicity , without the affectations of a strictness of method : and therefore i will give one full view of this whole matter , without any other order than as it lies in the scriptures : and will lay both the rules and the reproofs that are in them together , as things that give light to one another . in the law of m●ses we find many very particular rules given for the washing and consecration of the priests and levites , chiefly of the holy priest. the whole tribe of levi was sanctified and separated from the common labours , either of war or tillage : and tho they were but one in twelve , yet a tenth of all was appointed for them : they were also to have a large share of another tenth ; that so they might be not only delivered from all cares , by that large provision that was made for them , but might be able to relieve the necessities of the widows and fatherless , the poor and the strangers , that sojourned among them ; and by their bounty and charity , be possessed both of the love and esteem of the people . they were holy to the lord ; they were said to be sanctified or dedicated to god ; and the head of their order carried on his mitre this inscription , holiness to the lord. the many washings that they were often to use , chiefly in doing their functions , carried this signification in them , that they were appropriated to god , and that they were under very strict obligations to a high degree of purity ; they might not so much as mourn for their dead relations , to shew how far they ought to rise above all the concerns of flesh and bloo● , and even the most excusable passions of human nature . but above all things , these rules taught them , with what exactness , decency and purity they ought to perform those offices that belonged to their function ; and therefore when aaron's two sons , nadab and abihu transgressed the law that god had given , fire came out from the lord , and devoured them ; and the reason given for it , carries in it a perpetual rule . i will be sanctified in all them that dr●w near to me , and before all the people i will be glorified : which import , that such as minister in holy things , ought to behave themselves so , that god's name may be glorified by their means ; otherwise , that god will glor●fy himself by his severe judgments on them . a signal instance of which we do also find in eli's two sons , whose impieties and defilements , as they made the people to abhor the offering of the lord : so they also drew down , not only heavy judgments on themselves , but on the whole house of eli ; and indeed on the whole nation . but besides the attendance which the priests and levites were bound to give at the temple , and on the publick service there , they were likewise obliged to study the law , to give the people warning out of it , to instruct them in it , and to conduct them , and watch over them : and for this reason they had cities assigned them in all the corners of the land ; that so they might both more easily observe the manners of the people , and that the people might more easily have recourse to them . now when that nation became corrupted both by idolatry and immorality , god raised up prophets to be extraordinary monitors to them ; to declare to them their sins , and to denounce those judgments which were coming upon them , because of them ; we find the silence , the ignorance , and the corruption of their pastors , their shepherds , and their watchmen , is a main article of their charge ; so isaiah tells them , that their watchmen were blind , ignorant , dumb dogs , that could not bark ; sleeping , lying down , and loving to slumber : yet these careless watchmen were covetous and insatiable , they were greedy dogs , which could never have enough ; shepherds they were , that could not understand ; but how remiss soever they might be in god's work , they were careful enough of their own : they all looked to their own way , every one to his own gain from his quarter . they were , no doubt , exact in levying their tythes and first-fruits , how little soever they might do for them , bating their bare attendance at the temple , to officiate there ; so guilty they were of that reigning abuse , of thinking they had done their duty , if they either by themselves , or by proxy , had performed their functions without minding what was incumbent on them , as w●tchmen , or shepherds . in opposition to such careless and corrupt guides , god promises to his people , to set watch-men over them that should never hold their peace day nor night . as the captivity drew nearer , we may easily conclude , that the corruptions both of priest and people increased , which ripened them for the judgments of god , that were kept back by the reformations which h●zekiah and iosiah had made : but at last , all was so depraved that though god sent two prophets , ieremy and ezekiel , to prepare them for that terrible calamity , yet this was only to save some few among them ; for the sins of the nation were grown to that height , that though moses and samuel , noah , iob and daniel , had been then alive , to intercede for them , yet god declared that he would not hear them ; nor spare the nation for their sakes : so that even such mighty intercessors could only save their own souls . in this deplorable state we shall find that their priests and pastors had their large share . the priests said not , wh●re is the lord ? they that handled the law , knew me not , the pastors also transgressed against me ; and their corruption went so far , that they had not only false prophets to support them , but the people , who , how bad soever they may be themselves , do generally hate evil priests , grew to be pleased with it . the prophets prophecy falsely ; and the priests bear rule by their means ; and my people love to have it so : from the prophet even to the priest , every one dealt falsly . and upon that , a wo is denounced against the pastors that destroyed and scattered the sheep of god's pasture . they by their office ought to have fed the people ; but instead of that , they had scattered the flock , and driven them away , and had not visited them : both prophet and priest was profane ; their wickedness was found even in the house of god. in opposition to all which , god promises by the prophet , that he would set shepherds over them , that should feed them ; so that the people should have no more reason to be afraid of their pastors , or of being mis-led by them ; and he promised upon their return from the captivity , to give them pastors according to his own heart , who should feed them with knowledge and understanding . in ezekiel we find the solemn and severe charge given to watch-men , twice repeated ; that they ought to warn the wicked from his wickedness ; otherwise , though he should indeed die in his sin , god would require his blood at the watchman● hand ; but if he gave warning , he had by so doing , delivered his own soul. in that prophecy we have the guilt of the priests set forth very heinously . her priests have violated my law , and profaned my holy things ; they have put no difference between the holy and profane , the clean , and the unclean , and have hid their eyes from my sabbaths ; the effect of which was , that god was profaned among them . this is more fully prosecuted in the th chap. which is all addressed to the shepherds of israel , wo be to the shepherds of israel , that do feed themselves : should not the shepherds feed the flock ? ye eat the fat , and ye cloath you with the wool , ye kill them that are fed , but ye feed not the flock : then follows an enumeration of the several sorts of troubles that the people were in , under the figure of a flock , to shew how they had neglected their duty , in all the parts and instances of it ; and had trusted to their authority , which they had abused to tyranny and violenc● ▪ the diseased have ye not strengthened , neither have ye healed that which was sick , neither have ye bound up that which was broken , neither have ye brought again that which was driven away , neither have ye sought that which was lost ; but with force , and with cruelty have ye ruled them ; upon which follows a terrible expostulation , and denunciation of judgments against them : i am against the shepherds , saith the lord , i will require my flock at their hands , and cause them to cease from feeding the flock ; neither shall the shepherds feed themselves any more . and in the th chap of that prophecy , one rule is given , which was set up in the primitive church , as an unalterable maxim , that such priests as had been guilty of idolatry , should not do the office of a priest any more , nor come near to any of the holy things , or enter within the sanctuary , but were still to bear their shame : they might minister in some inferior services , such as keeping the gates , or slaying the sacrifice ; but they were still to bear their iniquity . i have past over all that occurs in these prophets , which relates to the false prophets , because i will bring nothing into this discourse , that relates to sins of another order , and nature . in daniel we have a noble expression of the value of such as turn men to righteousness , that they shall shine as the stars , for ever and ever . in hosea we find among the sins and calamities of that time , this reckoned as a main cause of that horrid corruption , under which they had fallen , there being no truth , no mercy , nor knowledge of god in the land , which was defiled by swearing , lying , killing , stealing and committing adultery . my people are destroyed for lack of knowledge : to which is added , because thou hast rejected knowledge ( or the instructing the people ) i will also reject thee , that thou shalt be no priest to me ; seeing thou hast forgot the law of thy god ; i will also forget thy children . that corrupt race of priests attended still upon the temple , and offered up the sin-offering , and feasted upon their portion ; which is wrong rendred , they eat up the sin of my people ; for sin stands there as in the law of moses , for sin offering : because of the advantage this brought them , they were glad at the abounding of sin ; which is expressed by their setting their heart , or lifting up their soul to their iniquity : the conclusion of which is , that they should be given up for a very heavy curse , of , like priests , like people . in ioel we find the duty of the priests and ministers of the lord , set forth in times of great and approaching calamities , thus , they ought to be intercessors for the people , and to weep between the porch and the altar ; and say , spare thy people , and give not thine heritage to reproach , that the heathen ( strangers and idolaters ) should rule over them : wherefore should they say among the people , where is their god ? there is in amos , a very black character of a depraved priesthood , their priests teach for hire , and their prophets divine for money . these were the forer unners of the destruction of that nation : but though it might be expected , that the captivity should have purged them from their dross , as it did indeed free them from all inclinations to idolatry ; yet other corruptions had a deeper root . we find in zechary , a curse against the idol shepherd , who resembled the true shepherd , as an idol does the original : but he was without sense and life . wo be to the idol shepherd that leav●th the flock : the curse is figuratively expressed , the sword shall be upon his arm , and his right eye : ( the things that he valued most ) his arm shall be clean dried up , and his right eye shall be utterly darkned : but this is more copiously set out by malachi , in an address made to the priests ; and now , o ye priests , this commandment is for you ; if you will not hear , and if you will not lay it to heart , to give glory unto my name , i will even send a curse upon you , and i will curse your blessings ; yea i have cursed them already , because ye do not lay it to heart — then the first covenant with the tribe of levi is set forth ; my covenant was with him , of life and peace : the law of truth was in his mouth , and iniquity was not found in his lips : he walked with me in peace and equity , and did turn many from their iniquity : for the priests lips should preserve knowledge , and they should seek the law at his mouth ; for he is the messenger of the lord of hosts : all this sets forth the state of a pure and holy priesthood : but then follow terrible words ; but ye are departed out of the way , ye have caused many to stumble at the law : ye have corrupted the covenant of levi , saith the lord of hosts . th●r●fore have i also made you contemptible , and b●s● b●fore all the people ; according as ye have not kept my ways , but have been partial in the law. their ill example made many loath both their law , and their religion : they had corrupted their institution , and studied by a gross partiality , to bring the people to be exact in those parts of the law , in which their wealth , or their authority was concerned ; while they neglected the more essential and indispensible duties . thus far have i gone over the most important places , that have occurred to me in the old-testament , relating to this matter ; upon all whcih , i will only add one remark , that though some exception might be made to those ●xpressions , that import the dignity and sancti●ication of those who were then consecrated to the holy functions , as parts of that instituted religion , which had its period by the coming of christ ; yet such passages as relate to moral duties , and to the oblig●tions that arise out of natural religion , have certainly a more binding force , and ought to be understood and exp●ained in ● m●●e elevated and sublime sense , under th● new dispensation , which is i●tern●l and s●ir●●ua● , compared , to which , the old is c●lled the letter and the flesh : therefore the obligations of the priests , under the christian religion , to a holy strictness of life and conversation , to a diligent attendance on their flock , and for instructing and watching over them , must all be as much higher , and more binding , as this new covenant cancels the old one . chap. iii. passages out of the new-testament , relating to the same matter . this general consideration receives a vast improvement from the great example that the author of our religion , the great bishop and shepherd of our souls has set us ; who went about , ever doing good , to whom it was as his meat and drink , to do the will of his father that sent him : he was the good shepherd that knew his sheep , and laid down his life for them : and since he set such a value on the souls of that flock which he hath redeemed , and purchased with his own blood ; certainly those to whom he has committed that work of reconciliation which stood himself so dear , ought to consider themselves under very strict obligations , by that charge of which they must give a severe account at the great day , in which the blood of all those who have perished through their neglect and default , shall be required at their hands . yet because i will not aggravate this argument unreasonably , i will make no use of those passages which relate immediately to the apostles : for their function being ex●raordinary , as were also the assistances that were given them for the discharge of it , i will urge nothing that belongs properly to their mission and duty . in the character that the gospel gives of the priests and pharisees of that time , we may see a just and true idea , of the corruptions into which a bad clergy is apt to fall ; they studied to engross the knowledge of the law to themselves ; and to keep the people in ignorance , and in a blind dependance upon them : they were zealous in lesser matters , but neglected the great things of the law : they put on an outward appearance of strictness , but under that there was much rottenness : they studied to make proselites to their religion , but they had so depraved it , that they became thereby worse men than before : they made great shews of devotion , of praying , and fasting much , and giving alms : but all this was to be seen of men , and by it they devoured the estates of poor and simple people : they were very strict in observing the traditions and customs of their fathers , and of every thing that contributed to their own authority or advantage ; but by so doing they made void the law of god : in a word , they had no true worth in themselves , and hated such as had it : they were proud and spiteful , false and cruel , and made use of the credit they were in with the people , by their complying with them in their vices , and flatterring them with false hopes to set them on to destroy all those who discovered their corruptions , and whose real and shining worth , made their counterfeit shew of it the more conspicuous and odious . in this short view of those enormous disorders , which then reigned amongst them , we have a full picture of the corrupt state of bad priests , in all ages and religions , with this only difference , that the priests in our saviour's time were more careful and exact in the external and visible parts of their conversation , than they have been in other times : in which they have thrown off the very decencies of a grave and sober deportment . but now to go on with the characters and rules that we find in the new testament : our saviour as he compared the work of the gospel , in many parables to a field and harvest , so he calls those whom his father was to send ▪ the labourers in that harvest , and he left a direction to all his followers to pray to his father that he would send labourers into his harvest . out of which both the vocation and divine mission of the clergy , and the prayers of the church to god for it , that are among us fixed to the ember weeks , have been gathered by many pious writers . in the warnings that our saviour gives to prepare for his second coming , we find the characters of good and bad clergy-men stated , in opposition to one another , under the figure of stewards , the good are both wise and faithful , they wait for his coming , and in the mean while are dividing to every one of their fellow servants his portion to eat in due season , that is their proportion both of the doctrine and mysteries of the gospel , according to their several capacities and necessities : but the bad stewards are those who put the evil day far from them , and say in their heart the lord declareth his coming , upon which they eat , drink , and are drunken : they indulge their sensual appetites even to a scandalous excess , and as for their fellow servants , instead of feeding , of instructing , or watching over them , they beat them : they exerci●e a violent and tyrannical authority over them . their state in the next world is represented as different as their behaviour in this was , the one shall be exalted from being a steward to be a ruler over the houshold , to be a king and a priest for ever unto god , whereas the other shall be cut asunder , and shall have his portion with vnbelievers . the th . of st. iohn is the place which both fathers , and more modern writers have chiefly made use of to shew the difference between good and bad pastors . the good shepherds enter by the door , and christ is this door by whom they must enter ; that is from whom they must have their vocation and mission : but the thief and rober who comes to kill , steal , and de●●roy , climbeth up some other way : whatever he may do in the ritual way for forms sake , he has in his heart no regard to iesus christ , to the honour of his person , the edification of his church or the salvation of souls ; he intends only to raise and enrich himself : and so he compasses that , he cares not how many souls perish by his means , or thorough his neglect . the good shepherd knows his sheep so well , that he can call them by name , and lead them out and they hear his voice : but the hireling careth not for the sheep , he is a stranger to them , they know not his voice and will not follow him . this is urged by all , who have pressed the obligation of residence , and of the personal labours of the clergy , as a plain divine and indispensable precept : and even in the council of trent , tho' by the practices of the court of rome , it was diverted from declaring residence to be of divine right , the decree that was made to enforce it , urges this place to shew the obligation to it . the good shepherd feeds the flock , and looks for pasture for them ; and is ready to give his life for the sheep : but the bad shepherd is represented as a hireling that careth not for the flock ; that sees the wolfe coming , and upon that leaveth the sheep and flieth . this is , it is true a figure , and therefore i know it is thought an ill way of reasoning to build too much upon figurative discourses : yet on the other hand our saviour having delivered so great a part of his doctrine in parables , we ought at least to consider the main scope of a parable : and may well build upon that , tho' every particular circumstance in it cannot bear an argument . i shall add but one passage more from the gospels , which is much made use of , by all that have writ of this ma●●er . when our saviour confirmed st. peter in his apostleship , from which he had fallen by his denying of him , as in the charge which he thrice repeated of feeding his lambs and his sheep , he pursues still the figure of a shepherd ; so the question that he asked preparatory to it , was simon lovest thou me more than these , from which they justly gather , that the love of god , a zeal for his honour , and a preferring of that to all other things whatsoever , is a necessary and indispensible qualification for that holy imployment ; which distinguishes the true shepherd from the hireling : and by which only he can be both animated and fortified , to go through with the labours and difficulties , as well as the dangers and sufferings which may accompany it . when st. paul was leaving his last charge with the bishops that met him at ephesus , he still makes use of the same metaphor of shepherd in those often cited words , take heed to your selves and to all the flock over which the holy ghost hath made you bishops or overseers , to feed the church of god , which he hath purchased with his own blood. the words are solemn , and the consideration enforcing them is a mighty one ; they import the obligations of the clergy , both to an exactness in their own deportment , and to earnest and constant labours , in imitation of the apostle , who during the three years of his stay among them , had been serving god with all humility of mind with many tears and temptations , and had not ceased to warn every one both night and day , with tears : and had taught them both publickly , and from house to house : upon which he leaves them , calling them all to witness that he was pure from the blood of all men. there has been great disputing concerning the persons to whom these words were addressed ; but if all parties had studied more to follow the example here proposed , and the charge that is here given ; which are plain and easie to be understood , then to be contending about things that are more doubtful ; the good lives and the faithful labours of apostolical bishops , would have contributed more both to the edifying and healing of the church , than all their arguments or reasonings will ever be able to do . st. paul reckoning up to the romans the s●veral obligations of christians , of all ranks to assiduity and diligence , in their callings and labours , among others he numbers these , ministers let us wait on our ministring ▪ or he that teacheth on teaching , he that ruleth with diligence : in his epistle to the corinthians , as he states the dignity of the clergy in this , that they ought to be accounted of as the ministers of christ , and stewards of the mysteries of god. he adds that it is required in stewards that a man be found faithful . in that epistle , he sets down that perpetual law , which is the foundation of all the provision that has been made for the clergy , that the lord hath ordained that they which preach the gospel should live of the gospel . but if upon that , the laity have looked on thems●lves as bound to appoint so plentiful a supply , that the clergy might have whereon to live at their ease and in abundance ; then certainly this was intended that they being freed from the troubles and cares of this world , might attend continually on the ministry of the word of god and on prayer . those who do that work negligently , provoke the laity to repent of their bounty and to defraud them of it . for certainly there are no such enemies to the patrimony and rights of the church , as those who eat the fat but do not preach the gospel , nor feed the flock . happy on the ●ther hand are they , to whom that character , which the apostle assumes to himself , and to timothy , does belong ; therefore seeing we have received this ministry , as we have received mercy we faint not : but have renounced the hidden things of dishonesty , not walking in craftiness , nor handling the word of god deceitfully , but by manifestation of the truth , commending our selves to every man's conscience in the sight of god. in the epistle to the ephesians , we have the ends of the institution of all the ranks of clergy-men set forth in these words . he gave some apostles , and some prophets , and some evangelists , and some pastors and teachers : for the perfecting of the saints ▪ for t●e work of the ministry , for the edifying the body of christ : till we all come i● the vnity of the faith , and of the knowledge of the son of god , unto a perfect man , unto the measure of the stature of the fulness of christ. in these words we see something that is so vast and noble , so far above those slight and poor performances , in which the far greater part do too easily satisfie themselves ; that in charity to them we ought to suppose that they have not reflected sufficiently on the importance of them . otherwise they would have in some sort proportioned their labours to those great designs for which they are ordained ; and would remember the charge given to the colossians , to say to archippus , who it seems was remiss in the discharge of his duty , take heed to the ministry which thou hast received in the lord , that thou fullfil it . the epistles to timothy and titus are the foundation of all the canons of the church , in these we have the characters of bishops , and deacons , as well as the duties belonging to those functions , so particularly set forth that from the●ce alone every one who will weigh them well , may find sufficient instruction , how he ought to behave himself in the house of god. in these we see what patterns those of the clergy ought to be in word ( or doctrine ) in conversation , in charity , in spirit , in faith , and in purity , they ought to give attendance to reading , to exhortation , and to doctrine , that is both to the instructing and exhorting of their people . they ought not to neglect that gift that was given to them , by the laying on of hands , they ought to meditate on these things , to give themselves wholly to them , that so their profiting may appear unto all : and to take heed to themselves and their doctrine ; and to continue in them : for in so doing they shall both save themselves and those that hear them . those that govern the church are more particularly charged ▪ before god , the lord iesus and the holy angels , that they observe these things without preferring one before another , doing nothing by parti●lity , by domestick regards , the considerations of friendship , intercession , or importunity : and above all that they lay hand suddenly on no man ; to which are added words of great terror , neither be thou partaker of other mens sins : keep thy self pure . which ought to make great impression , on all those with whom the power of ordination is lodged : since they do plainly import , that such as do ordain any rashly without due enquiry , and a strict examination , entitle themselves to all the scandal they give ; and become partners of their guilt ▪ which if well considered , must needs make all such , as are not past feeling , use great care and caution in this sacred trust. bishops are the depositaries of the faith , which they are to keep pure ; and to hand down faithfully according to these words , and the things which thou hast heard of me among many witnesses , the same commit thou to faithful men who may be able to teach others also : upon this he prepares the bishop for difficulties to endure hardness as a good souldier of iesus christ. and according to that figure , since those that go to war , do not carry unnecessary burdens with them , which may encumber and retard their march , he adds , no man that warreth entangleth himself with the affairs of this life , that he may please him who hath chosen him for a souldier ; upon this it is that all those canons , which have been made in so many ages of the church , against church-mens medling with secular affairs , have been founded ; than which we find nothing more frequently provided against , both in the apostolical canons , in those of antioch , in those made by the general council of calcedon , and in divers of the councils of carthage : but this abuse had too d●ep a root in the nature of man , to be easily cured . st. paul does also in this place carry on the metaphor to express the earnestness and indefatigableness of clergy-mens zeal , that as officers in an army were satisfied with nothing under victory , which brought them the honours of a triumph , so we ought to fight , not only so as to earn our pay , but for mastery to spoil and overcome the powers of darkness ; yet even this must be done lawfully , not by deceiving the people with pious frauds , hoping that our good intentions will atone for our taking bad methods : war has its laws as well as peace , and those who manage this spiritual warfare , ought to keep themselves within the instructions and commands that are given them . then the apostle changing the figure from the souldier to the workman and steward , says , study to shew thy self approved unto god ( not to seek the vain applauses of men , but to prefer to all other things the witness of a good conscience , and that in simplicity and godly sincerity , he may walk and labour as in the sight of god ) a workman that needeth not to be ashamed ; rightly dividing the word of truth : this is according to the figure of a steward , giving every one his due portion ; and a little after comes a noble admonition , relating to the meekness of the clergy towards those that divide from them : the servant of the lord must not strive ; but be gentle to all men , apt to teach , patient , in meekness instructing those that oppose themselves , if peradventure god will give them repentance , to the acknowledging the truth . this is the passage that was chiefly urged by our reformers against the persecution that the roman clergy did every where set on against them : the extent of it ought to be well considered , that so it may not be said , that we are only against persecution when it lies on our selves ; for if it is a good defence to some , it is as good to others ; unless we own that we do not govern our selves by that rule of doing to others that which we would have other● do to us . in the next chapter , we find the right education of this bishop , and that which furnishes a clergy man , to perform all the duties incumbent on him : from a child thou hast known the holy scriptures , which are able to make thee wise unto salvation , through faith in christ iesus : that is the old testament well studied , by one that believed iesus to be the messias , and that was led into it by that faith , did discover to a man the great oeconomy of god in the progress of the light , which he made shine upon the world by degrees , unto the perfect day of the appearing of the sun of righteousness ) and to this he adds a noble character of the inspired writings : all scripture is given by inspiration of god , and is profitable for doctrine , for reproof , for correction , for instructing in righteousness , that the man of god may be perfect , throughly furnished unto all good works . the apostle goes on and gives timothy the most solemn charge that can be set out in words ; which if understood , as belonging to all bishops , as the whole church of god has ever done , must be read by them with trembling . i charge thee therefore before god , and the lord iesus christ , who shall judge the quick and dead at his appearing , and his kingdom , preach the word , be instant in season out of season , reprove , rebuke , exhort with all long suffering and doctrine ( that is with great gentleness in the manner , and clearness and strength in the matter of their instructions ) and a little after , watch thou in all things , endure affliction , do the work of an evangelist : make full proof of ( or fulfill ) thy ministry : and as a consideration to enforce this the more , he tells what a noble and agreeable prospect he had in the view of his approaching dissolution : the time of his departing drew nigh , he was ready to be offered up , as a sacrifice for that faith which he had so zealously and so successfully preached : and here we have his two great preparatives for martyrdom : the one was in looking on his past life and labours : i have fought a good fight , i have finished my course , i have kept the faith. the other was in looking forward to the reward that crown of righteousness which was laid up for him , which the lord the righteous iudge would gi●e him at that day : and not only to him , but also to all those that loved his appearing , and certainly more especially to those who not only lov●d it themselves , but who laboured so as to dispose others also to love it . to all these considerations , though nothing needed to have been added , to one upon whom they made so strange an impression , as they did upon timothy , yet one comes after all , which ought to teach us to work out our salvation with fear and trembling since st. paul tells timothy that demas , one of the companions of his labours , had forsaken him , and that which prevailed over him was the love of this present world. these are the rules and charges given by st. paul to timothy , and in him to all the bishops and pastors that were to come after him in the church . some of these are again repeated in his epistle to titus , where we have the characters set out ; by which he was to prepare and examine those elders or bishops , who were to rule the house of god : that those being well chosen , they might be able by sound doctrine both to exhort and convince the gainsayers , and that he might do his duty with the more advantage ; he charges him to shew himself in all things a pattern of go●d works : in doctrine , shewing uncorruptness , gravity , sincerity ; and using such sound speech as could not be condemned : that so those who were of the contrary party ( the iudaizers who were studying to corrupt the christian religion by making a medly of it and iudaisme ) might have no evil thing to say of him ; and after a glorious but short abstract of the design of their holy religion ; he concludes that part of the epistle in these words , these things speak and exhort , and rebuke with all authority : to which he adds a charge , that may seem more proper to be addressed to others , then to himself , let no man despise thee : the same is likewise in his epistle to timothy , with this addition , let no man despise thy youth : but these words do import that it is in a bishop's own power , to procure due esteem to himself ; at least to prevent contempt ; since a holy and exemplary deportment , and faithful and constant labours never fail to do that . in the conclusion of the epistle to the hebrews , we find both the characters of those who had laboured among them , and had ruled them but who were then dead ; and also of such as were yet alive . remember them who had the rule over you ; who have spoken to you the word of god , whose faith follow , considering the end of their conversation : they had both lived and died , as well as laboured in such a manner , that the remembring of what had appeared in them , was an effectual means of perswading the hebrews to be steady in the christian religion : for certainly , though while a man lives let him be ever so eminent , there is still room for ill-nature and jealousie to misrepresent things , and to suspect that something lies hid under the fairest appearances ; which may shew it self in due time ; all that goes off , when one has finished his course , so that all appears to be of a piece , and that he has died as he had lived . then the argument from his conversation appears in its full strength , without any diminution . but the charge given with relation to those who then had the rule over them is no less remarkable , obe● them that have the rule over you ; and submit your selves , for they watch for your souls ; as they that must give account : that they may do it with joy and not with grief : for that is unprofitable for you : here obedience and submission is enjoyned , upon the account of their rulers watching over them , and for them : and therefore those who do not watch like men that know that they must give account of that trust , have no reason to expect these from their people : of a piece with this is st. pauls charge to the thessalonians , we beseech you to know ( or to acknowledge , ) them which labour among you , and are over you in the lord , and admonish you , and to esteem them very highly in love , for their works sake : here both the submission and esteem , as well as the acknowledgment that is due to the clergy , is said to be for their works sake : and therefore such as do not the work and that do not labour and admonish their people , have no just claim to them . there is another expression in the d epistle to the thessalonians , that is much urged by those who have writ on this head , that if any will not work he should not eat , which if it is a rule binding all men , seems to lie much heavier on the clergy . i shall conclude all that i intend to bring out of the scripture upon this argument , with st. peter's charge to the elders of the churches , to which he writ ; which is indeed so full , that though in the course of the new testament , it had not lain last , it deserved by the rules of method , to be kept last ; for the closing and enforcing all that has gone before , and for giving it its full weight . st. peter descends epistle ▪ ch ▪ ver . to a level with them , calling himself no better than a fellow elder and a witness of the suffering of christ : and also a partaker of the glory which was to be revealed . feed the flock of god ( says he ) which is among you , ( these words will bear another rendring as much as lieth in you ) taking the oversight thereof not by constraint ( as forced to it by rules , canons , or laws ) but willingly not for filthy ●ucre ( for though god has ordained that such as preach the gospel should live of the gospel ; yet those who propose that to themselves as the chief motive in entring into holy orders , are hereby severely condemned ) but of a ready mind , neither as being lords over god's heritage ( or not using a despotick authority over their several lots or divisions ) but being examples to the flock , not tyrannizing it over their people : but acquiring their authority chiefly by their own exemplary conversation . the conclusion of the charge , is suitable to the solemnity of it in these words : and when the chief shepherd shall appear , ye shall likewise receive a crown of glory that fadeth not away . with this i make an end of citations from scripture : i think it is as plain as words can make any thing , that such as are dedicated to the service of god and of his church , ought to labour constantly and faithfully : and that in their own persons . for it is not possible to express a personal obligation , in terms that are both more strict and more solemn then these are which have been cited , and all the returns of obedience and submission , of esteem and support , being declared to be due to them on the account of their watching over and feeding the flock of god , those who pretend to these , without considering themselves as under the other obligations , are guilty of the worst sort of sacriledge , in devouring the things that are sacred , without doing those duties for which these are due , and what right soever the law of the land may give them to them , yet certainly according to the divine law those who do not wait at the altar , ought not to be partakers with the altar : those who do not minister about holy things , ought not to live of the things of the temple : nor ought those who do not preach the gospel , live of the gospel . if i had a mind to make a great shew of reading , or to triumph in my argument with the pomp of quotations , it were very easie to bring a cloud of witnesses , to confirm the application that i have made of these passages of scripture : indeed all those who have either writ commentaries on the scriptures , ancient and modern , or have left homilies on these subjects , have pressed this matter so much , that every one that has made any progress in ecclesiastical learning , must know that one might soon stuff a great many pages with abundance of quotations out of the authors , both of the best , and of the worst ages of the church : not only the fathers , but even the schoolmen , and which is more the canonist have carried this matter very high , and have even delivered it as a maxime , that all dispensations that are procured upon undue pretences , the chief of which they reckon the giving a man , an easie and large subsistence , are null and void of themselves : and conclude that how strong soever they may be in law , yet they are nothing in conscience : and that they do not free a man from his obligations to residence and labour : and they do generally conclude that he who upon a dispensa●ion , which has been obtained upon carnal accounts , such as birth , rank or great ▪ abilities , ( and qualifications are not yet so good , as these ) does not reside , is bound in conscience to restore the fruits of a bene●ice which he has thus enjoyed with a bad conscience without performing the duty belonging to it , in his own person . but though it were very easie to bring out a great deal to this purpose , i will go no further at present upon this head : the words of god , seem to be so express and positive ; that such as do not yield to so undisputable an authority , will be little moved by all that can be brought out of authors of a lower form , against whom it will be easie to muster up many exceptions , if they will not be determined by so many of the oracles of the living god. chap. iv. of the sense of the primitive church in this matter . i will not enter here into any historical account of the discipline of the church , during the first and best ages of christianity . it is the glory of this church , that in her disputes of both han●s , a● well with those of the church of rome , as with those that separate from her ▪ she has both the doctrine and the c●nstitution of the primitive church of her side . but this plea would be more entire and less disputable , if our consti●ution were not only in its main and most essential parts , formed upon that glorious model ; but were also in its rules and administrations , made more exactly conformable to those best and purest times . i can never forget an advice that was given me above thirty years ago , by one of the worthiest clergy-men now alive ; while i was studying the controversie relating to the government of the church , from the primitive times , he desires me to joyn with the more speculative discoveries ▪ that i should make , the sense that they had of the obligations of the clergy , both with relation to their lives , and to their labours : and said that the argument in favour of the church , how clearly soever made out , would never have its full effect upon the world , till abuses were so far corrected , that we could shew a primitive spirit in our administration , as well as a primitive pattern for our constitution . this made even then , deep impressions on me , and i thank god the sense of it has never left me in the whole course of my studies . i will not at present enter upon so long and so invidious a work as the descending into all the particulars , into which this matter might be branched out ; either from the writings of the fathers , the decrees of councils , the roman law and the capitulars , or even from the dreg of all , the canon law it self , which though a collection made in one of the worst ages , yet carries many rules in it , that would seem excessively severe , even to us , after all our reformation of doctrine and worship . this has been already done with so much exactness , that it will not be necessary to set about it after the harvest , which was gathered by the learned bishop of spalato in the last book of his great work : which the pride and inconstancy of the author , had brought under a disesteem , that it no way deserves : for whatever he might be , that work was certainly one of the best productions of that age. but this design has been prosecuted of late with much more exactness and learning , and with great honesty and fidelity , where the interest of his church did not force him to use a little art , by f. thomasin , who has compared the modern and the ancient discipline , and has shewed very copiously , by what steps the change was made ; and how abuses crept into the church . it is a work of great use , to such as desire to understand that matter truly . i will refer the curious to these , and many other lesser treaties , writ by the iansenists in france , in which abuses are very honestly complained off , and proper remedies are proposed ; which in many places being entertained by bishops ▪ that had a right sense of the primitive rules , have given the rise to a great reformation of the french clergy . instead then of any historical deduction of these matters , i shall content my self with giving the sense of two of the fathers of the greek church , and one of t●e latin upon this whole business , of the obligations of the clergy . the first is gregory of nazianze whose father ordained him a presbyter , notwithstanding all his hum●le intercessions to the contrary , according to the custom of the best men of that age ; who instead of pressing into orders , or aspiring to them , fled from them , excused themselves , and judging themselves unworthy of so holy a character and so high a trust , were not without difficulty prevailed on to submit to that , which in degenerate ages men run to as to a subsistance , or the mean of procuring it , and seem to have no other sense of that sacred institution , then mechanicks have of obtaining their freedom in that trade or company in which they have passed their apprenticeship . it were indeed happy for the church , if those who offer themselves to orders ▪ had but such a sense of them as tradesmen have of their freedom : who do not pretend to it till they have finished the time prescribed ; and are in some sort qualified to set up in it : whereas , alas ! men who neither know the scriptures , nor the body of divinity , who have made no progress in their studies , and can give no tollerable account of that holy doctrine , in which they desire to be teachers , do yet with equal degrees of confidence , and importunity , pretend to this character , and find the way to it too easie , and the access of it too free . but this holy father had a very different sense of this matter . he had indeed submitted to his fathers authority , he being his bishop as well as his father . but immediately after he was ordained , he gives this account of himself in his apologetical oration , that he judging he had not that sublimity of vertue , nor that familiar acquaintance with divine matters , which became pastors and teachers ; he therefore intending to purifie his own soul to higher degrees of vertue , to an exaltation above sensible objects , above his body and above the world , that so he might bring bis mind to a recollected and divine state , and fit his soul that as a polished mirrour it might carry on it the impressions of divine ideas unmixed with the allay of earthly objects , and might be still casting a brightness upon all his thoughts , did in order to the raising himself to that , retire to the wilderness . he had observed that many pressed to handle the holy mysteries , with unwashed hands , and defiled souls : and before they were meet to be initiated to the divine vocation , were crouding about the altar , not to set patterns to others , but designing only a subsistence to themselves : reckoning that the holy dignity , was not a trust for which an account was to be given , but a state of authority and exemption . they had neither piety nor parts to recommend them , but were the reproaches of the christian religion , and were the pests of the church : which infected it faster than any plague could do the air , since men did easily run to imitate bad examples , but were drawn off very hardly by the perfectest patterns to the practice of vertue . vpon which he formed a high idea of the eminent worth and vertues which became those who governed the church : and of the great progress that they ought to be duly making , not contented with low measures of it , as if they were to weigh it critically in nice ballances ; and not to rise up to the highest degrees possible in it . yet even this , was not all : for to govern mankind which was so various , and so uncertain a sort of creature , seemed to him the highest pitch of knowledge and wisdom , as far above that skill and labour that is necessary to the curing of bodily diseases as the soul is superiour to the body , and yet since so much study and observation was necessary to make a man a skillful physician , he concluded that much more was necessary for the spiritual medicine : the design of which was to give wings to the soul , to raise it above the world , and to consecrate it to god , here he runs out into a noble rapture , upon the excellence and sublimity of the christian religion , and upon the art of governing souls , of the different methods to be taken , according to the diversity of mens capacity and tempers : and of dividing the word of god aright , among them . the difficulties of which he prosecutes in a great variety of sublime expressions and figures : but concludes lamenting that there was so little order , then observed , that men had scarce passed their childhood when , before they understood the scriptures , not to say before they had washed off the spots and defilements of their souls , if they had learned but two or three pious words , which they had got by heart , or had read some of the psalms of david , and pu● on an outward garb that carried an appearance of piety in it , these men were presently pushed on by the vanity of their minds , to aspire to the government of the chur●h . to such persons he addresses himself very rhetorically and asks them , what they thought of the commonest imployments such as the playing on instruments or of dancing , in comparison with divine wisdom : for acquiring the one they know great pains and mu●h practice was necessary : could they then imagin that the other should be so easily attained : but he adds that one may as well sow upon rocks , and talk to the deaf , as hope to work upon persons , who have not yet got to that degree of wisdom , of being sensible of their own ignorance . this evil he had often with many tears lamented , but the pride of such men was so great , that nothing under the authority of a st. peter or a st. paul , could work upon them . upon this mention of st. paul , he breaks out into a rapture , upon his labours and sufferings , and the care of all the churches that lay on him ; his becoming all things to all men , his gentleness where that was necessary , and his authority upon other occasions , his zeal , his patience , his constancy , and his prudence in fullfilling all the parts of his ministry . then he cites several of the passages of the prophets , particularly those of ieremy and ezekiel , zachary and malachi , which relate to the corruptions of the priests and shepherds of israel . and shews how applicable they were to the clergy at that time , and that all the woes denounced against the scribes and pharisees belonged to them , with heavy aggravations . these thoughts possessed him day and night ; they did eat out his very strength and substance ; they did so afflict and deject him , and gave him so terrible a prospect of the iudgments of god , which they were drawing down upon the church , that he instead of daring to undertake any part of the government of it , was only thinking how he should cleanse his own soul and fly from the wrath , which was to come , and could not think that he was yet while so young , meet to handle the holy things . where he runs out into a new rapture in magnifying the dignity of holy functions , and upon that says , that tho' he had been dedicated to god from his mothers womb , and had renounced the world and all that was charming in it , even eloquence it self , and had delighted long in the study of the scriptures , and had subdued many of his appetites and passions , yet after all this , in which perhaps he had become a fool in glorying , he had so high a nation of the care and government of souls , that he thought it above his strength ; especially in such bad times in which all things were out of order : factions were formed , and charity was lost ; so that the very name of a priest was a reproach , as if god had poured out contempt upon them : and thereby impious men daily blasphemed his name . and indeed , all the shew of religion that remained was in their mutual heats and animosities , concerning some matters of religion ; they condemned and censured one another , they cherished and made use of the worst men , so they were true to their party ; they concealed their crimes , nay , they flattered and defended some that should not have been suffered to enter into the sanctuary : they gave the holy things to dogs , while they enquired very narrowly into the failings of those that differed from them , not that they might lament them , but that they might reproach them for them . the same faults which they excused in some , were declaimed against in others : so that the very name of a good or a bad man were not now considered , as the characters of their lives , but of their being of or against a side . and these abuses were so vniversal , that they were like people like priest : if those heats had arisen upon the great heads of religion , he should have commended the zeal of those who had contended for the truth , and should have studied to have followed it . but their disputes were about small matters , and things of no consequence ; and yet even these were fought for , under the glorious title of the faith , tho the root of all was men's private animosities : these things had exposed the christian religion to the hatred of the heathen , and had given even the christians themselves very hard thoughts of the clergy : this was grown to that height , that they were then acted and represented upon the stage ; and made the subject of the peoples scorn . so that by their means , the name of god was blasphemed : this was that which gave him much sadder apprehensions , than all that could be feared from that wild beast , that was then beginning to vex and persecute the church , ( by which probably iulian is meant , ) the comfortable prospect of dying for the name of christ , made that a persecution was not so dreadful a thing , in his account , as the sins , the divisions , and distractions of christians . this then was the reason that had made him fly to the wilderness , for the state of the church had made him despond , and lose all his courage : he had also gone thither , that he might quite break himself to all his appetites and passions , and to all the pleasures and concerns of this life , that did darken the shinings of the divine image upon his soul ; and the emanations of the heavenly light. when he considered the judgments of god upon bad priests and many other strict rules in the old dispensation , and the great obligations that lay upon those who were the priests , of the living god , and that ought before they presumed to offer up other sacrifices , to begin with the oblation of themselves to god ; he was upon all these reasons moved to prepare himself , by so long a retreat . i have given this long abstract of his apologetical oration , not only to set before my reader the sense that he had of the sacred functions , but likewise to shew what were the corruptions of that age , and with how much freedom this holy father laid them open . if there is any occasion for applying any part of this to the present age , or to any persons in it , i chose rather to offer it in the words of this great man , than in any of my own . i wish few were concerned in them ; and that such as are , would make a due application of them to themselves , and save others the trouble of doing it more severely . i go next to another father of the greek church , s. chrysostome , whose books of the priesthood , have been ever reckoned among the best pieces of antiquity . the occasion of writing them , was this : he had lived many years in great friendship with one basil ; at last , they having both dedicated themselves to sacred studies , the clergy of antioch had resolved to lay hold on them , and to use that holy violence , which was in those times often done to the best men , and to force them to enter into orders . which when basil told chrysostome , he concealed his own intentions , but pressed basil to submit to it , who from that , believing that his friend was of the same mind , did not go out of the way , and so he was laid hold on ; but chrysostome had hid himself . basil , seeing he could not be found , did all that was possible to excuse himself : but that not being accepted of , he was ordained : next time that he met his friend , he expostulated severely with him for having forsaken him upon that occasion : this gave the occasion to those books , which are pursued in the way of a dialogue . the first book contains only the preparatory discourses , according to the method of such writings . in the d. he runs out to shew from our saviour's words to st. peter , simon lovest thou me ? what tender and fervent love both to christ and to his church , a priest ought to feel in himself before he enters upon the feeding those sheep , which christ has purchased with his own blood. to lose the souls of the flock first , and then ones own soul , for his remissness , was no light matter . to have both the powers of darkness , and the works of the flesh to fight against , required no ordinary measure both of strength and courage . he pursues the allegories of a shepherd and a physician , to shew by the parallel of these laid together ; the labours and difficulties of the priesthood , especially , when this authority was to be maintained only by the strength of perswasion ; and yet sometimes severe methods must be taken ; like incisions to prevent gangrenes , or to cut off a part already corrupted . in the managing this , great art and prudence was necessary : a bishop ought to have a great and generous , a patient and undaunted mind : therefore , chrysostome says that he found , tho he truly loved his saviour , yet he was so afraid to offend him , that he durst not undertake a charge , that he did not yet judge himself qualified for . it was not enough that a man was tolerably well esteemed by others : he ought to examine himself ; for that of a bishop's being well reported of , is but one of many characters , declared necessary by s. paul. he complains much that those who raised men to orders , had more regard to rank and wealth , and to much time spent in a vain search into profane learning ( tho christ chose fisher-men and tent-makers ) than to true worth , and an earnest zeal for the real good of the church . in the d. book , he runs out with a great compass on the praises of the priestly function ; he looked upon it as a dignity raised far above all the honours of this vvorld , and approaching to the angelical glory . a priest ought to aspire to a purity above that of other mortals , answering that of angels . vvhen a priest performs the holy functions , is sanctifying the holy eucharist , and is offering a crucified christ to the people , his thoughts should carry him heavenwards , and as it were translate him into those upper regions . if the mosaical priest was to be holy that offered up sacrifices of a lower order , how much holier ought the priests of this religion to be , to whom christ has given the power both of retaining and forgiving of sins : but if s. paul , after all his visions and labours , after all his raptures and sufferings , yet was inwardly burnt up with the concerns of the church , and laboured with much fear and trembling , how much greater apprehensions ought other persons to have of such a trust. if it were enough to be called to this function , and to go thr●ugh with the duties incumbent on it in some tolerable manner , the danger were not great ; but when the duty as well as dignity , together with the danger belonging to it , are all laid together , a man is forced to have other thoughts of the matter . no man that knows he is not capable of conducting a ship , will undertake it , let him be pressed to it never so much : ambitious men that loved to set themselves forward , were of all others the most exposed to temptations : they were apt to be inflamed by the smallest provocations , to be glad at the faults of others , and troubled if they saw any do well ; they courted applause , and aspired to honour ; they fawned on great persons , and trod on those that were below them ; they made base submissions , undecent addresses , and often brought presents to those in authority ; they durst not in any sort reprove them for their faults , tho they reproached the poor out of measure for their failings . these were not the natural consequences of the dignity of the priesthood ; but unworthy and defiled persons , who without true merit , had been advanced to it , had brought it under reproach . there had been no due care used in the choice of bishops ; and by the means of bad choices , the church was almost ruined , through the gross ignorance and unworthiness of many in that post. certainly , a worthy priest has no ambitious aspirings : those who fly to this dignity from that base principle , will give a full vent to it , when they have attained it . if submissions , flatteries , and money it self , are necessary , all will be employed : therefore it was an indispensable preparation to it , that one should be duly sensible of the greatness of the trust , and of his own unfitness for it ; that so he might neither vehemently desire it , nor be uneasie if he should happen to be turned out of it . a man may desire the office of a bishop , when he considers it as a vvork of toyl and labour , but nothing is more pestiferous than to desire it , because of the power and authority that accompanies it : such persons can never have the courage that ought to shew it self in the discharge of their duty , in the reproving of sin , and venturing on the indignation of great men ; he confesses he had not yet been able to free his mind from that disease , and till he had subdued it , he judged himself bound to fly from all the steps to preferment ; for the nearer he should come to it , he reckoned the appetite to it , would rage the higher within him ; whereas , the way to break it quite , was to keep himself at the greatest distance from it : nor had he that vivacity , or lively activity of temper , which became this function ; nor that softness and gentleness of mind , that was necessary to prepare him to bear injuries , to endure contempt , or to treat people with the mildness that christ has enjoined his followers , which he thought more necessary to a bishop than all fastings , or bodily mortifications whatsoever : and he runs out into a long digression upon the great mischiefs that a fretful and spiteful temper did to him that was under the power of it , and to the church , when a bishop was soured with it . it will often break out , it will be much observed , and will give great scandal : for as a little smoke will darken and hide the clearest object : so if all the rest of a bishop's life were brighter than the beams of the sun , a little blemish , a passion , or indiscretion , will darken all , and make all the rest be forgotten : allowances are not made to them , as to other men ; the vvorld expects great things from them , as if they had not flesh and blood in them , not a humane but an angelical nature ; therefore , a bishop ought by a constant watchfulness , and a perpetual strictness , to be armed with armour of proof of all sides , that no wound may hurt him . stories will be easily believed to his disadvantage , and his clergy about him will be ready to find them out , and to spread them abroad . he laies this down for a certain maxim , that every man knows himself best : and therefore whatsoever others might think of him , he who knew well that he had not in himself those qualifications , that were necessary for this function , ought not to suffer himself to be determined by that . after this he lays open the great disorders , factions , partialities , and calumnies , with which the popular elections were at that time managed : and the general corruption that had over-run the whole church ; so that the strictness and authority , the gentleness and prudence , the courage and patience , that were necessary to a bishop were very hard to be found all together . he instances to make out the difficulty of discharging the duty of a bishop , in that single point , of managing the widows : who were so medling , so immoral , so factious and so clamorous , that this alone was enough to imploy a bishop's prudence , and to exercise his patience : from that and another article relating to it concerning the virgins , he goes to consider the trouble , the difficulties , and censures that bishops were subject to , by the hearing of causes , that were referred to them : many pretending they were wronged by their judgments , made shipwrack of the faith , in revenge : and they pressed so hard upon the bishops time , that it was not possible for him to content them , and discharge the other parts of his duty . then he reckons up the many visits that were expected from bishops : the several civilities they were obliged to , which it was hard to manage so , as not to be either too much or too little in them : matter of censure would be found in both extreams . then he reflects on the great temper that ought to be observed in the final sentence of excommunication ; between a gentleness to vice on the one hand , and the driving men to despair and apostasie on the other . and he concludes that book with reflections on the vast burthen that follows the care of souls . in his th . book he runs through a variety of arts and professions ; and shews how much skill and labour was necessary for every one of them : from whence he concludes strongly , that much more was necessary for that which was the most important of all others ; so that no consideration whatsoever , should make a man undertake it , if he did not find himself in some sort qualified for it : more particularly he ought to be ready to give an account of his faith , and to stop the mouths of all gainsaiers , iews , gentiles , and hereticks : in which the ignorance of many bishops , carrying things from one extream to another , had given great occasion to errours . a bishop must understand the stile and phrase of the scriptures well . from this he runs out into a very noble panegyrick upon st. paul , in whom a pattern was set to all bishops . his th book sets out the labour of preaching the tentations to vanity in it ; the censures that were apt to be made if there was either too much or too little art or eloquence in sermons : to this he adds the great exactness that a bishop should use in preserving his reputation ; yet without vanity : observing a due temper between despising the censures of themultitude , and the servile courting of applauses : in his sermons he ought above all things to study to edifie ; but not to flatter his hearers : or to use vain arts to raise esteem , or admiration from them . since a bishop whose mind was not purged from this disease , must go through many tossings and be much disquieted : and upon that he runs out so fully , upon the tentations to desire applause for eloquence , and a readiness in speaking , that it plainly appears that he felt that to be his own weak side . the th book is chiefly imployed to shew how much a harder thing it was to govern the church , than to live in a desart , under the severest mortifications . i will go no further in this abstract , i hope i have drawn out enough to give a curiosity to such as have not yet read those excellent books , to do it over and over again . for to any that has a true relish , they can never be too often read : every reading will afford a fresh pleasure , and new matter of instruction , and meditation . but i go in the last place to offer st. ierom's sense in this matter . i shall not bring together , what lies scattered through his works , upon this argument , nor shall i quote what he writ in his youth upon it , when the natural flame of his temper joyned with the heat of youth might make him carry his thoughts further , than what humane nature could bear : but i shall only give an abstract of that which he writ to nepotion on this head , in his old age , as he says himself : a good part of that epistle being a reflection upon the different sense that old age gives of these things , from that which he felt during the ardour of youth . he begins with the title clerk , which signifying a lot or portion . imports either that the clergy are god's portion , or that god is theirs , and that therefore they ought to possess god , and be possessed of him . he that has this portion , must be satisfied with it , and pretend to nothing , but having food and rayment , be therewith content : and ( as men carried their crosses naked , so ) to be ready to carry his . he must not seek the advantages of this world in christ's wa●fare ; some clerks grew richer under christ , who made himself poor , than ever they could have been , if they had continued in the service of the god of this world : so that the church groaned under the wealth of those , who were beggars before they forsook the world : let the strangers and the poor be fed at your tables , says he , and in these you entertain christ himself . when you see a trafficking clerk , who from being poor grows rich , and from being mean becoms great , fly from him as from a plague . the conversations of such men corrupted good minds : they sought after wealth , and loved company , the publick places of conversation , fairs and market places : whereas a true clerk loves silence , and retirement : then he gives him a strong caution against conversing with women : and in particular against all those mean compliances , which some clerks used towards rich women ; by which they got not only presents during their lives , but legacies by their wills. that abuse had grown to such an intolerable excess , that a law was made excluding priests from having any benefit by testaments : they were the only persons that were put under that incapacity : heathen priests were not included in the law , yet he does not complain of the law , but of those who had given just occasion for making it . the laws of christ had been contemned , so it was necessary to restrain them by humane laws . it was the glory of a bishop to provide for the poor , but it was the reproach of a priest to study the enriching of himself . he reckons up many instances of the base and abject flattery of some clerks , to gain upon rich and dying persons , and to get their estates . next he exhorts him to the constant and diligent study of the scriptures ; but to be sure to do nothing that should contradict his discourses or give occasion to his hearers to answer him thus , why do not you do as you say ? then he speaks of the union that ought to be between the bishop , and his clergy : the affection on the one side , and the obedience on the other . in preaching he must not study to draw applauses but groans from his hearers . their tears was the best sort of commendation of a sermon , in which great care was to be taken to avoid the methods of the stage , or of common declamations . great use was to be made of the scriptures . the mysteries of our faith and the sacraments of our religion ought to be well explained : grimaces and solemn looks are often made use of to give weight and authority to that which has none in it self . he charges him to use a plain simplicity in his habit , neither shewing too much nicety on the one hand , that savours of luxury , nor such a neglect on the other , as might savour of affectation . he recommends particularly the care of the poor to him . then he speaks of clergy-mens mutually preferring one another ; considering that there are different members in one body , and that every one has his own function , and peculiar talent : and that therefore no man ought to over-value his own , or undervalue his neighbours . a plain clerk ought not to value himself upon his simplicity and ignorance , nor ought a learned and eloquent man measure his holiness by his rhetorick ; for indeed of the two , a holy simplicity is much more valuable , than unsanctified eloquence . he speaks against the affectation of magnificence and riches , in the worship of god , as things more becoming the pomp of the jewish religion , than the humility of the spiritual doctrine of christ. he falls next upon the high and sumptuous way of living of some priests , which they pretended was necessary to procure them the respect that was due to them ; and to give them interest and credit : but the world , at least the better part of it , would always value a priest more for his holiness , than for his wealth . he charges him strictly to avoid all the excesses of wine , and in opposition to that to fast much , but without superstition , or a nicety in the choice of such things as he was to live on in the time of fasting . some shewed a trifling superstition in those matters , as well as vanity and affectation ; that was indeed scandalous . plain and simple fasting was despised as not singular nor pompous enough for their pride . for it seems by what follows , that the clergy was then corrupted with the same disorders , with which our saviour had reproached the pharasees , while they did not study inward purity , so much as outward appearances ; nor the pleasing of god , so much as the praise of men. but here he stops short , for it seems he went too near the describing some eminent man in that age ; from that he turns to the government of a priest's tongue : he ought neither to detract from any one himself , nor to encourage such as did : the very hearkning to slande● , was very unbecoming . they ought to visit their people , but not to report in one place , what they observed in another ; in that they ought to be both discreet and secret . hippocrates adjured those that came to study from him , to be secret , grave , and prudent in their whole behaviour ; but how much more did this become those , to whom the care of souls was trusted . he advises him to visit his people rather in their afflictions , than in their prosperity ; not to go too often to their feasts , which must needs lessen him that does it too much . he , in the last place , speaks very severely of those who applied the wealth of the church to their own private uses . it was theft to defraud a friend , but it was sacrilege to rob the church . it was a crime that exceeded the cruelty of high-way men , to receive that which belonged indeed to the poor , and to withdraw any part of it to ones private occasions . he concludes with this excuse , that he had named no person , he had not writ to reproach others ; but to give them warning . and therefore since he had treated of the vices of the clergy in general terms , if any was offended with him for it , he thereby plainly confessed that he himself was guilty . chap. v. an account of some canons in divers ages of the church relating to the duties and labours of the clergy . i will go no further , in gathering quotations to shew the sense that the fathers had in these matters : these are both so full and so express , that i can find none more plain and more forcible . i shall to these add some of the canons that have been made both in the best and in the worst ages of the church , obliging bishops and other clerks to residence and to be contented with one cure. in that at sardica that met in the year . consisting of above . bishops two canons were made , ( the th and the th ) against bishops who without any urgent necessity , or pressing business , should be absent from their church above three weeks , and thereby grieve the flock , that was committed to their care : and even this provision was made because bishops had estates lying out of their diocesses ; therefore they were allowed to go and look after them , for three weeks , in which time they were to perform the divine function in the churches to which those estates belonged . many provisions were also made against such as went to court , unless they were called by the emperors , or went by a deputation from the church upon a publick account . there is not any one thing more frequently provided against , than that any of the clergy should leave their church , and go to any other church , or live any where else without the bishops leave and consent : nor is there any thing clearer from all the canons of the first ages , than that they considered the clergy of every church as a body of men dedicated to its service , that lived upon the oblations of the faithful , and that was to labour in the several parts of the ecclesiastical ministry , as they should be ordered by the bishop . in the th general council at calcedon pluralities , do first appear : for they are mentioned and condemned in the th canon , which runs thus , no clerk shall at the same time belong to two churches ; to wit , to that in which he was was first ordained , and that to which as being the greater , he has gone , out of a desire of vain glory ; for such as do so , ought to be sent back to that church in which they were at first ordained , and to serve there only ; but if any has been translated from one church to another , he shall receive nothing out of his former church ; nor out of any chapel or alms-house belonging to it : and such as shall transgress this definition of this general council are condemned by it , to be degraded . i go next to a worse scene of the church to see what provisions were made in this matter about the th century , both in the east and in the west : the worse that those ages and councils were , it makes the argument the stronger , since even bad men in bad times , could not justifie or suffer such an abuse . in the year . the second council of nice was held that setled the worship of images . the canon of it runs thus . no clerk shall from henceforth be reckoned in two churches , ( for every church had a catalogue of its clergy , by which the dividends were made ) for this is the character of trafficking , and covetousness , and wholly estranged from the ecclesiastical custom . we have heard from our saviour's own words , that no man can serve two masters : for he will either hate the one or love the other , or cleave to the one and despise the other : let every one therefore according to the apostles words , continue in the vocation in which he is called , and serve in one church : for those things which filthy lucre has brought into church matters are contrary to god. there is a variety of imployments , for acquiring the necessary supplies of this life : let every one that pleases , make use of these , for furnishing himself : for the apostle saies these hands ministred to my necessities , and to those that were with me . this shall be the rule in this town , which is guarded by god , but in remote villages an indulgence may be granted by reason of the want of men . it is upon this that the canonists do found the first of the two reasons , for which only they allow that a dispensation for holding two benefices may be lawful , one is , the want of fit and sufficient men for the service of the church . the foundation of the other will be found in the canon , which i shall next set down . it is the canon of the sixth council at paris , under lewis the good , in the year . this council came after a great many , that had been held by charles the great , and his son for purging out abuses , and for restraining the primitive discipline . these councils sat at frankfort , ments , aken , rheims , chalons , tours , arles , and this of paris was the last that was held upon that design . in these , all the primitive canons relating to the lives and labours , and the government of the clergy , were renewed . among others is that of calcedon formerly mentioned : but it seems there was no occasion given to make a special one against pluralities , before this held at paris , which consisted of four provinces of france , rheims , sens , tours , and rouen . the canon runs thus : as it becomes every city to have its proper bishop ; so it is also becoming and necessary that every church dedicated to god , should have , its proper priest. yet covetousness which is idolatry ( of which we are much ashamed ) has so got hold of some priests and caught them captives in its fetters , that they , blinded with i● , know neither whither they go nor what they ought to be or do ; so that they being kindled with the fire of covetousness , and forgetful of the priestly dignity , neglecting the care of those churches , to which they were promoted , do by some presents given or promised , procure other churches not only from clerks , but from lay-men , in which they do against law undertake to perform the ministry of christ. it is not known whether their bishops are consulted in this matter , or not ; if they are , without doubt their bishops become partakers of their sin : but if they presume to do it without consulting them , yet it is to be imputed to the bishops negligence . there is scarce a priest to be found who warreth worthily , and diligently in that church in which he is dedicated , to the divine service : but how much less will he be able to do that worthily in two , three or more churches ? this practice brings a reproach on the christian religion , and a confusion on the priestly order . the covetousness of the clergy is censured by their people ; the worship of god is not performed in places consecrated to him ; and as was observed in the former chapters , the souls of the people are thereby much endangered· wherefore we do all unanimously appoint , that no bishop suffer this to be done in his parish ( or diocess , these words being used promiscuously ) any more , and we decree , that every church that has a congregation belonging to it , and has means by which it may subsist , shall have its proper priest : for if it has a congregation but has not means by which it may subsist , that matter is left to the bishop , to consider whether it can or ought to be supported or not . but it is specially recommended to their care to see that under this pretence , no priest may out of covetousness hold two or three churches , in which he cannot serve , nor perform the worship of god. the last provisions in this canon are the grounds upon which the canonists found the second just cause of dispensing with pluralities , which is when a church is so poor , that the profits which arise out of it cannot afford a competent maintenance to a clark : but then the question arises what is a competent maintenance : this , they do all bring very low , to that which can just maintain him : and they have so clogged it , that no pretence should be given by so general a word , to covetousness , voluptuousness , or ambition . and indeed while we have so many poor churches among us , instead of restraining such pluralities , it were rather to be wished that it were made easier than by law it is at present ; either to unite them together , or to make one man capable of serving two churches , when both benefices make but a tolerable subsistance , rather than to be forced to have a greater number of clerks , than can be decently maintained ; since it is certain , that it is more for the interest of religion and for the good of souls , to have one worthy man serving two churches , and dividing himself between them ; than to have clerks for many benefices , whose scandalous provisions , make too many scandalous incumbents , which is one of the greatest diseases and miseries of this church . but a due care in this matter has no relation to the accumulation of livings , at great distances , ( every one of which can well support an incumbent ) upon the same person merely for the making of a family , for the supporting of luxury or vanity , or for other base and covetous designs . but i go next to two of the worst councils that ever carried the name of general ones , the third and the fourth of the lateran that we may see what was the sense of the twefth and thirteenth century in this matter ; notwithstanding the corruption of those ages . the thirteenth canon of the third lateran council , runs thus . forasmuch , as some whose covetousness has no bounds , endeavour to procure to themselves divers ecclesiastical dignities , and several parish churches , against the provisions of the holy canons ; by which means , tho they are scarce able to perform the office of one , they do claim the provisions due to many : we do severely require , that this may not be done for the future : and therefore , when any church or ecclesiastical ministry is to be given , let such a one be sought out for it , as shall reside upon the place , and shall be able to discharge the care in his own person : if otherwise , he who receives any such benefice , contrary to the canons , shall lose it , and he who gave it shall likewise lose his right of patronage . this canon not being found effectual to cure so great an abuse . the twenty ninth canon of the fourth councel in the lateran , was penned in these words . it was with great care forbidden in the council of the lateran , that any one should have divers ecclesiastical dignities , and more parish churches than one , which is contrary to the holy canons . otherwise , he that took them should lose them , and he that gave them should lose the right of giving them : but by reason of some mens presumption and covetousness , that decree has had little or no effect hitherto ; we therefore desiring to make a more evident and express provision against these abuses , do appoint that whosoever shall receive any benefice , to which a care of souls is annexed , shall thereupon by law be deprived of any other such benefice , that he formerly had ; and if he endeavours still to hold it , he shall lose the other likewise ; and he to whom the right of the patronage of his first benefice did belong , is empowered to bestow it upon his accepting another ; and if he delays the bestowing it , above three months , not only shall his right devolve to another , according to the decree of the council in the lateran , but he shall be obliged to restore to the church , to which the benefice belongs , all that which he himself ●eceived during the vacancy . this we do likewise decree as to personages ; and do further appoint that no man shall presume to hold more dignities or parsonages than one in the same church , even though they have no cure of souls annexed to them . provided always that dispensations may be granted by the apostolical see , to persons of high birth , or eminently learned ( sublimes & literatas personas ) or dignified in universities , for so the word literati was understood , who upon occasion may be honoured , with greater benefices . it was by this last proviso , that this as well as all other canons , made against these abuses became quite ineffectual ; for this had no other effect , but the obliging people to go to rome for dispensations ; so that this canon instead of reforming the abuse , did really establish it , for the qualifications here mentioned were so far stretched , that any person that had obtained a degree in any university , came within the character of lettered or learned , and all those that were in any dependance upon great men , came likewise within the other qualification of high rank and birth . this was the practice among us , during the reign of henry the th . and he when he was beginning to threaten the see of rome , in the matter of his divorce , got that act to be passed , which has been the occasion of so much scandal and disorder in this church . it seems to one that considers it well , that the clauses which qualifie pluralities were grafted upon another bill against spiritual persons taking estates to farm , with which that act begins : and that in the carrying that on , such a temper shewed it self , that the other was added to it . it contained indeed a limitation of the papal authority , but so many provisions were made , that the nobility , clergy , and the more eminent of the gentry , knights in particular , were so taken care of , that it could meet with no gr●at oppo●ition in the parliament ; but from the state of that time , and from several clauses in the act it self , it appears , it was only intended to be a provisional act ; tho it is conceived in the style of a perpetual law. by it then , and by it only ( for i have not been able to find that any such act ever passed in any kingdom or state in christendom , many having been made plainly to the contrary in france , declaring the obligation to residence to be of divine right ) were the abuses , that had arisen out of the canon of one of the worst councils that ever was , authorised and settled among us ; as far as a law of the land can settle them . but after all , it is to be considered that a law does indeed change the legal and political nature of things , it gives a title to a free-hold and property : but no humane law can change the moral or divine laws , and cancel their authority . if a false religion is settled by law , it becomes indeed the legal religion ; but is not a whit the truer for that . and therefore , if the laws of the gospel oblige clerks to personal labour , as was formerly made out ; an act of parliament may indeed qualifie a man , in law , to enjoy the benefice , whether he labours in it or not , but it can never dis●olve his obligation to residence and personal labour . but to bring this chapter to an end , i shall only add three decrees that were made by the council of trent , in this matter , that so it may appear what provisions they made against abuses , which are still supported by laws among us : a part of the st : chap. of reformation that past in the sixth session , runs thus : this synod admonishes all that are set over any cathedral churches , by what title soever , that they taking heed to themselves , and to all the flock , over which the holy ghost has set them , to govern the church of god , which he has purchased with his own blood , do watch and labour and fullfil their ministry , as the apostle has commanded : and they must know that they cannot do this , if as hirelings they forsake the flock committed to them , and do not watch over those sheep , whose blood will be required at their hands , in the last day . since it is certain that no excuse will be received , if the wolfe devours the sheep , when the shepherd does not look after them . yet since to our great grief it is found , that some at this time neglect the salvation of their own souls , and preferring earthy things to heavenly , are still about courts , and forsaking the fold , and the care of the sheep trusted to them , do give themselves wholly to earthly and temporal cares ; therefore all the ancient canons , which by the iniquity of times , and the corruptions of men were fallen into desuetude , are renewed against non-residents . to which , several compulsory clauses are added , which are indeed slight ones , because the execution of them was intirely put in the pope's power , and the punishment did only lie , if a bishop was absent six months in a year . this decree did not satisfie those who moved for a reformation ; so a fuller one was made in the d. session , st . chap. in these words : whereas , by the law of god , all those to whom the care of souls is committed , are commanded to know their sheep , to offer sacrifice for them , to feed them by the preaching of the word of god , the administration of the sacraments , and by the example of a good life , to have a tender care of the poor , and all other miserable persons , and to lay themselves out upon all the other functions of the pastoral care ; which cannot be performed by those , who do not watch over , nor are present with their flock : therefore this synod does admonish and exhort them , that they remembring the divine precepts , and being made an example to their flock , may feed and govern them in righteousness and truth . upon this they declare that all bishops , even cardinals themselves , are obliged to personal residence , in their church and diocess , and there to discharge their duty : unless upon some special provisions . by which indeed a door is opened to as many corruptions as the court of rome thinks fit to dispense with . yet without this , none may be absent above two , or at most , three months , in the whole year ; and even that must be upon a just reason , and without any prejudice to the flock ; and they leave this upon the consciences of such as withdraw for so long a time , which they hope will be religious and tender in this matter , since all hearts are known to god , and it is no small sin to do his work negligently . they declare the breaking this decree to be a mortal sin , and that such as are guilty of it , cannot with a good conscience enjoy the mean profits , during such their absence ; but are bound to lay them out on the fabrick , or give them to the poor : and all these provisions and punishments , they do also make against the inferior clergy , that enjoyed any benefice , to which the cure of souls was annexed , and the execution of that , is put in the bishop's hands , who is required not to dispense with their residence , unless upon a very weighty occasion , above two months ; and in this they give the bishop so full an authority , that no appeal or prohibition was to lie against his sentence , upon non-residents , even in the court of rome . in these decrees , tho the papal party hindred a formal declaration of the obligation to residence , by divine right , that so room might still be left for the dispensing power ; yet they went very near it , they applied passages of scripture to it , and laid the charge of mortal sin upon it . in the last place , i shall set down the decree that was made in the th . session , chap. . against pluralities , in these words : whereas the ecclesiastical order is perverted , when one clerk has the offices of many committed to him , it was therefore well provided by the holy canons , that no man should be put in two churches . but many led by their depraved covetousness , deceiving themselves , but not god , are not ashamed to elude those good constitutions , by several artifices , and obtain more benefices than one at the same time : therefore the synod being desirous to restore a proper discipline for the government of churches , does , by this decree , by which all persons , of what rank soever , even cardinals themselves , shall be bound ; appoint , that for the future , one man shall be capable of receiving only one ecclesiastical benefice . but if that is not sufficient for the decent maintenance of him that has it , then it shall be lawful to give him another simple benefice , provided that both benefices do not require personal residence . this rule must be applied not only to cathedrals , but to all other benefices whether secular , regular , or such as are held by commendam , or of what sort or order soever they may be . and as for such as do at present possess either more parish-churches than one , or one cathedral , and another parish-church , they shall be forced notwithstanding of any dispensations or unions that may have been granted them , for term of life , to resign within the space of six months , all that they do now hold , except one cathedral , or one parochial church ; otherwise , all their benefices , whether parochial , or others , shall be by law esteemed void ; and as such they shall be disposed of to others . nor may those who ●ormerly enjoyed them , receive the mean profits , after the term of six months , with a good conscience . but the synod wishes that some due provis●on might be made , such as the pope shall think fit , for the necessities of those who are hereby obliged to resign . these were the decrees that were made by that pretended general council : and wheresoever that council is received , they are so seldom dispensed with , that the scandal of non-residence , or plurality , does no more cry in that church . in france , tho that council is not there received , yet such regard is had to primitive rules , that it is not heard of among them . such examples are to us reproaches indeed : and that of the worst sort , when the argument from the neglect of the pastoral care , which gave so great an advantage at first to the reformers , and turned the hearts of the world so much from their careless pastors to those who shewed more zeal and concern for them , is now against us , and lies the other way . if the nature of man is so made , that it is not possible , but that offences must come , yet , woe be to him , by whom they come . chap. vi. of the declared sense and rules of the church of england in this matter . whatsoever may be the practice of any among us , and whatsoever may be the force of some laws that were made in bad times , and perhaps upon bad ends , yet we are sure the sense of our church is very different ; she intended to raise the obligation of the pastoral care higher than it was before : and has laid out this matter more fully and more strictly , than any church ever did , in any age ; as far at least as my enquiries can carry me . the truest indication of the sense of a church is to be taken from her language , in her publick offices : this is that which she speaks the most frequently , and the most publickly : even the articles of doctrine are not so much read and so often heard , as her liturgies are : and as this way of reasoning has been of late made use of with great advantage , against the church of rome , to make her accountable , for all her publick offices in their plain and literal meaning ; so i will make use of it on this occasion : it is the stronger in our case , whose offices being in a tongue understood by the people , the argument from them does more evidently conclude here . in general then this is to be observed , that no church before ours , at the reformation , took a formal sponsion at the altar , from such as were ordained deacons and priests . that was indeed always demanded of bishops , but neither in the roman nor greek pontifical , do we find any such solemn vows and promises demanded or made by priests or deacons , nor does any print of this appear in the constitutions , the pretended areopagite ▪ or the antient canons of the church . bishops were asked many questions , as appears by the first canon of the fourth council of carthage . they were required to profess their faith , and to promise to obey the canons , which is still observed in the greek church . the questions are more express in the roman pontifical , and the first of these demands a promise that they will instruct their people in the christian doctrine , according to the holy scriptures : which was the foundation upon which our bishops justified the reformation ; since the first and chief of all their vowes binding them to this , it was to take place of all others ; and if any other parts of those sponsions , contradicted this , such as their obedience and adherence to the see of rome , they said that these were to be limited by this . all the account i can give of this general practice of the church in demanding promises only of bishops , and not of the other orders is this , that they considered the government of the priests and deacons , as a thing that was so entirely in the bishop , as it was indeed by the first constitution , that it was not thought necessary to bind them to their duty by any publick vowes or promises ( though it is very probable that the bishops might take private engagements of them , before they ordained them ) it being in the bishop's power to restrain and censure them in a very absolute and summary way . but the case was quite different in bishops , who were all equal by their rank and order : none having any authority over them , by any divine law or the rules of the gospel : the power of primates , and metropolitans having arisen out of ecclesiastical and civil laws , and not being equally great in all countries and provinces : and therefore it was more necessary to proceed with greater caution , and to demand a further security f●●m them . but the new face of the constitution of the church , by which priests were not under so absolute a subjection to their bishops , as they had been at first , which was occasioned partly , by the tyranny of some bishops , to which bounds were set by laws and canons , partly by their having a special propety and benefice of their own , and so not being maintained by a dividend out of the common-stock of the church as at first ; had so altered the state of things , that indeed no part of the episcopacy was left entrirely in the bishop's hands , but the power of ordination . this is still free and unrestrained : no writs , nor prohibitions from civil courts ; and no appeals have clogged or fettered this , as they have done all the other parts of their authority . therefore our reformers observing all office of ordination , and they made both the charge that is given , and the promises that are to be taken , to be very express and solemne , that so both the ordainers and the ordained might be rightly instructed in their duty and struck with the awe and dread , that they ought to be under in so holy and so important a performance : and though all mankind does easily enough agree in this , that promises ought to be religiously observed , which men make to one another , how apt soever they may be to break them ; yet to make the sense of these promises go deeper , they are ordered to be made at the altar , and in the nature of a stipulation or covenant , the church conferring orders , or indeed rather , christ by the mininestry of the officers that he has constituted , conferring them upon those promises that are first made . the forms of ordination in the greek church , which we have reason to believe are less changed , and more conform to the primitive pattenrs , than those used by the latins , do plainly import that the church only declared the divine vocation . the grace of god , that perfects the feeble , and heals the weak , promotes this man to be a deacon , a priest or a bishop : where nothing is expressed as conferred but only as declared , so our church by making our saviour's words , the form of ordination , must be construed to intend , by that that it is christ only that sends , and that the bishops are only his ministers to pronounce his mission ; otherwise it is not so easie to justifie the use of this form , receive the holy ghost : which as it was not used in the primitive church nor by the roman , till within these five hundred years , so in that church , it is not the form of ordination but a benediction given by the bishop singly , after the orders are given by the bishop and the other priests joyning with him . for this is done by him alone as the final consummation of the action . but our using this as the form of ordination shews , that we consider our selves only as the instruments that speak in christ's name and words : insinuating thereby that he only ordains . pursuant to this in the ordaining of priests , the questions are put in the name of god and of his church . which makes the answers to them to be of the nature of vows and oaths . so that if men do make conscience of any thing , and if it is possible to strike terrour into them , the forms of our ordinations are the most effectually contrived for that end that could have been framed . the first question that is put in the office of deacons , is , do you trust that you are inwardly moved by the holy ghost to take upon you this office , to serve god for the promoting of his glory , and the edifying of his people ? to which he is to answer i trust so . this is put only in this office , and not repeated afterwards : it being justly supposed that where one has had this motion , all the other orders may be in time conferred pursuant to it ; but this is the first step , by which a man dedicates himself to the service of god ; and therefore it ought not to be made by any , that has not this divine vocation . certainly , the answer that is made to this , ought to be well considered ; for if any says , i trust so , that yet knows nothing of any such motion , and can give no account of it , he lies to the holy ghost ; and makes his first approach to the altar , with a lie in his mouth ; and that not to men , but to god ; and how can one expect to be received by god , or be sent and sealed by him , that dares do a thing of so crying a nature , as to pretend that he trusts he has this motion , who knows that he has it not , who has made no reflections on it , and when asked , what he means by it , can say nothing concerning it , and yet he dares venture to come and say it to god and his church : if a man pretends a commission from a prince , or indeed from any person , and acts in his name upon it , the law will fall on him , and punish him , and shall the great god of heaven and earth , be thus vouched , and his motion he pretended to , by those whom he has neither called nor sent ? and shall not he reckon with those who dare to run without his mission , pretending that they trust they have it , when perhaps they understand not the importance of it , nay , and perhaps some laugh at it , as an enthusiastical question , who , yet will go through with the office ? they come to christ for the loaves : they hope to live by the altar , and the gospel , how little soever they serve at the one , or preach the other ; therefore they will say any thing , that is necessary for qualifying them to this whether true or false . it cannot be denied , but that this question carries a sound in it , that seems a little too high , and that may rather raise scruples , as importing somewhat that is not ordinary , and that seems to savour of enthusiasme ; and therefore it was put here , without doubt , to give great caution to such as come to the service of the church ; many may be able to answer it truly according to the sense of the church , who may yet have great doubting in themselves concerning it ; but every man that has it not , must needs know that he has it not . the true meaning of it must be resolved thus ; the motives that ought to determine a man , to dedicate himself to the ministring in the church , are a zeal for promoting the glory of god , for raising the honour of the christian religion , for the making it to be better understood , and more submitted to . he that loves it , and feels the excellency of it in himself , that has a due sense of god's goodness in it to mankind , and that is entirely possessed with that , will feel a zeal within himself , for communicating that to others ; that so the only true god , and iesus christ whom he has sent , may be more universally glorified , and served by his creatures : and when to this he has added a concern of the souls for men , a tenderness for them , a zeal to rescue them from endless misery , and a desire to put them in the way to everlasting happiness , and from these motives feels in himself a desire to dedicate his life and labours to those ends ; and in order to them studies to understand the scriptures , and more particularly , the new testament , that from thence he may form a true notion of this holy religion , and so be an able minister of it ; this man , and only this man , so moved and so qualified , can in truth , and with a good conscience answer , that he trusts he is inwardly moved by the holy ghost . and every one that ventures on the saying it , without this , is a sacrilegious profaner of the name of god , and of his holy spirit . he breaks in upon his church , not to feed it but to rob it : and it is certain that he who begins with a lie , may be sent by the father of lies , but he cannot be thought to enter in , by the door , who prevaricates in the first word that he says in order to his admittance . but if the office of deacons offers no other particular matter of reflection , the office of ordaining priests , has a great deal ; indeed the whole of it , is calculated to the best notions of the best times . in the charge that is given , the figures of watchmen , shepherds , and stewards , are pursued , and the places of scripture relating to these are applied to them : they are required to have always printed in their remembrance ; how great a treasure was committed to their charge : the church and congregation whom you must serve is his spouse and body . then the greatness of the fault of their negligence , and the horrible punishment that will follow upon it , is set before them , in case the church or any member of it take any hurt or hinderance by reason of it : they are charged never to cease their labour , care and diligence , till they have done all that lieth in them , according to their bounden duty , towards all such , as are , or shall be committed to their care , to bring them to a ripeness and perfectness of age in christ. they are again urged to consider with what care and study , they ought to apply themselves to this ; to pray earnestly for gods holy spirit , and to be studious in reading and learning of the scriptures ; and to forsake and set aside , as much as they may , all worldly cares and studies . it is hoped that they have clearly determined by gods grace , to give themselves wholly to this vocation : and as much as lieth in them to apply themselves wholly to this one thing ; and to draw all their cares and studies this way , and to this end ; and that by their daily reading and weighing the scriptures , they will study to wax riper and stronger in their ministry . these are some of the words of the preparatory charge given by the bishop , when he enters upon this office ; before he puts the questions that follow to those , who are to be ordained . what greater force or energy could be put in words , than is in these ? or where could any be found that are more weighty and more express ; to shew the intire dedication of the whole man , of his time and labours , and the separating himself from all other cares to follow this one thing with all possible application and zeal ? there is nothing in any office , ancient or modern , that i ever saw which is of this force , so serious and so solemn ; and it plainly implies not only the sense of the church upon this whole matter , but likewise their design who framed it , to oblige priests , notwithstanding any relaxation that the laws of the land had still favoured , by the firmest and sacredst bonds possible to attend upon their flocks ; and to do their duties to them ▪ for a bare residence , without labouring , is but a mock residence , since the obligation to it , is in order to a further end ; that they may watch over , and feed their flock , and not enjoy their benefices only as farms , or as livings , according to the gross , but common abuse of our language , by which the names of cures , parishes , or benefices , which are the ecclesiastical names , are now swallowed up into that of living , which carries a carnal idea in the very sound of the word , and i doubt a more carnal effect on the minds of both clergy and laity . what ever we may be , our church is free of this reproach : since this charge carries their duty as high , and as home , as any thing that can be laid in words . and it is further to be considered , that this is not of the nature of a private exhortation , in which a man of lively thoughts , and a warm fancy , may be apt to carry a point too high : it is the constant and uniform voice of the church . nor is it of the nature of a charge , which is only the sense of him that gives it , and to which the person to whom it is given , is only passive : he hears it , but cannot be bound by another man's thoughts or words , further than as the nature of things binds him . but orders are of the nature of a covenant between christ and the clerks ; in which so many privileges and powers are granted on the one part , and so many duties and offices are promised on the other ; and this charge being the preface to it , it is stipulatory . it declares the whole covenant of both sides ; and so those who receive orders upon it , are as much bound by every part of it , and it becomes as much their own act , as if they had pronounced or promised it all , in the most formal words that could be , and indeed the answers and promises that are afterwards made , are only the application of this , to the particular persons , for giving them a plainer and livelier sense of their obligation , which yet , in it self , was as intire and strong , whether they had made any promise by words of their own or not . but to put the matter out of doubt , let us look a little further into the office , to the promises that they make , with relation to their flock , even to such as are , or shall be committed to their charge . they promise , that by the help of the lord they will give their faithful diligence , always so to minister the doctrine and sacraments , and the discipline of christ , as the lord hath commanded , and as this realm hath received the same , according to the commandment of god ; so that they may teach the people committed to their care and charge with all diligence to keep and observe the same . this does plainly bind to personal labour , the mention that is made of what this realm has received , being limited by what follows according to the commandment of god , shews that by this is meant the reformation of the doctrine and worship that was then received , and established by law ; by which these general words , the doctrine and sacraments and discipline of christ , to which all parties pretend , are determined to our constitution ; so that tho there were some disorders among us , not yet provided against by the laws of the land ; this does not secure a reserve for them . this is so slight a remark , that i should be ashamed to have made it , if it had not been urged to my self , slight as it is , to justifie in point of conscience , the claiming all such privileges , or qualifications , as are still allowed by law. but i go on to the other promises : the clerk says he will , by the help of god , be ready with all faithful diligence , to banish and drive away all erroneous and strange doctrines , contrary to god's word , and to use both publick and private admonitions , and exhortations , as well to the sick , as to the whole , within his cure , as need shall require , and as occasion shall be given : this is as plainly personal , and constant , as words can make any thing . and in this is expressed the so much neglected , but so necessary duty , which incumbents owe their flock , in a private way , visiting , instructing , and admonishing them , which is one of the most useful , and important parts of their duty , how generally soever it may be disused or forgotten : these being the chief instances and acts of watching over and feeding the flock , that is committed to their care. in the next place they promise , that they will be diligent in prayers , and in reading of the holy scriptures , and in such studies as help to the knowledge of the same , laying aside , the study of the world and the flesh : this still carries on that great notion of the pastoral care , which runs through this whole office ; that it is to be a man's intire business , and is to possess both his thoughts and his time . they do further promise that they will maintain , and set forward , as much as lieth in them , quietness , peace , and love among all christian people , and especially among them , that are , or shall be committed to their charge . these are the vows and promises that priests make before they can be ordained : and to compleat the stipulation , the bishop concludes it , with a prayer to god who has given them the will to do all these things , to give them also strength , and power to perform the same : that he may accomplish his work , which he hath begun in them , until the time that he shall come ▪ at the latter day , to judge the quick and the dead . upon the whole matter either this is all a piece of gross and impudent pageantry , dressed up in grave and lofty expressions , to strike upon the weaker part of mankind , and to furnish the rest with matter to their profane and impious scorn ; or it must be confessed that priests come under the most formal and express engagements , to constant and diligent labour , that can be possibly contrived or set forth in words . it is upon this , that they are ordained : so their ordination being the consummation of this compact , it must be acknowledged that according to the nature of all mutual compacts ; a total failure on the one side , does also dissolve all the obligation that lay on the other : and therefore those who do not perform their part , that do not reside and labour , they do also in the sight of god , forfeit all the authority and privileges that do follow their orders , as much as a christian at large , that does not perform his baptismal vow , forfeits the rights and benefits of his baptism , in the sight of god ; tho both in the one , and in the other , it is necessary that for the preventing of disorder and confusion , a sentence declaratory of excommunication , in the one , as of degradation in the other , pass before the visible acts and rights , pursuant to those rites , can be denied . to all this i will add one thing more , which is , that since our book of ordination , is a part of our liturgy , and likewise a part of the law of the land , and since constant attendance , and diligent labour is made necessary by it , and since this law is subsequent to the act of the st . of henry the th . that qualifies so many for pluralities , and non-residence , and is in plain terms contrary to it , this as subsequent does repeal all that it contradicts : it is upon all this , a matter that to me seems plain , that by this law , the other is repealed , in so far , as it is inconsistent with it . this argument is by this consideration made the stronger , that the act of king henry does not enact that such things shall be , but only reserves privildeges for such as may be capable of an exemption from the common and general rules . now by the principles of law , all priviledges or exemptions of that sort , are odious things ; and the constructions of law lying hard and heavy against odious cases , it appears to me according to the general grounds of law , very probable ( i speak within bounds , when i say only probable ) that the act of uniformity which makes the offices of ordination a part of the law of england , is a repeal of that part of the act of king henry , which qualifies for pluralities . to conclude , whatsoever may be the strength of this plea in bar to that act , if our faith given to god and his church , in the most express and plainest words possible , does bind , if promises given at the altar do oblige , and if a stipulation , in the consideration of which orders are given , is sacred and of an indispensible obligation , then , i am sure , this is . to make the whole matter yet the stronger , this office is to be compleated with a communion : so that upon this occasion , that is not only a piece of religious devotion , accompanying it ; but it is the taking the sacrament upon the stipulation that has been made , between the priest and the church : so that those who have framed this office , have certainly intended by all the ways that they could think on , and by the weightiest words they could choose , to make the sense of the priestly function , and of the duties belonging to it , give deep and strong impressions to such as are ordained . i have compared with it , all the exhortations that are in all the offices i could find , ancient and modern , whether of the greek or the latin church , and this must be said of ours , without any sort of partiality to our own forms , that no sort of comparison can be made between ours and all the others : and that as much as ours is more simple than those as to its rites and ceremonies , which swell up other offices , so much is it more grave and weighty in the exhortations , collects and sponsions that are made in it . in the roman pontifical no promises are demanded of priests , but only that of obedience : bishops in a corrupted state of the church , taking care only of their own authority , while they neglected more important obligations . in the office of consecrating bishops ; as all the sponsions made by them , when they were ordained priests , are to be considered as still binding , since the inferiour office does still subsist in the superiour ; so there are new ones superadded , proportioned to the exaltation of dignity and authority that accompanies that office. in the roman pontifical , there are indeed questions put to a bishop , before he is consecrated : but of all these the first only is that which has any relation to his flock : which is in these words : wilt thou teach the people over whom thou art to be set , both by thy example and doctrine : those things that thou learnst out of the holy scripture ? all the rest are general , and relate only to his conversation ; but not at all to his labours in his diocess : whereas on the contrary , the engagements in our office do regard not only a bishop's own conversation , but chiefly his duty to his people : he declares that he is determined to instruct the people committed to his charge , out of the holy scriptures : that he will study them , so as to be able by them , to teach and exhort , with wholsome doctrine ; and withstand and convince the gain-sayers : that he will be ready with all faithful diligence , to banish and drive away all erroneous and strange doctrine , contrary to god's word : and both privately and openly to call upon and encourage others to the same : that he will maintain and set forward as much as lies in him ; quietness , love , and peace among all men ; and correct and punish such as be unquiet , disobedient , and criminous , within his diocess : according to such authority as he has . in particular , he promises to be faithful in ordaining , sending , or laying hands upon others : he promises also to shew himself to be gentle , and merciful for christ's sake , to poor and needy people , and to all strangers destitute of help . these are the covenants and promises under which bishops are put , which are again reinforced upon them , in the charge that is given immediately after their consecration , when the bible is put in their hands ; give heed to reading , exhortation , and doctrine : think upon the things contained in this book ; be diligent in them , that the increase coming thereby may be manifest unto all men. take heed unto thy self , and to doctrine , and be diligent in doing them , for by doing this thou shalt both save thy self and them that hear thee . be thou to the flock of christ , a shepherd , not a wolf ; feed them , devour them not : hold up the weak , heal the sick , bind up the broken , bring again the out-casts , seek the lost : be so merciful that you be not too remiss : so minister discipline that you forget not mercy : that when the chief shepherd shall appear , you may receive the never fading crown of glory , through iesus christ our lord. in these words , the great lines of our duty are drawn , in very expressive and comprehensive terms . we have the several branches of our function , both as to preaching and governing very solemnly laid upon us : and both in this office as well as in all the other offices that i have seen , it appears that the constant sence of all churches , in all ages , has been that preaching was the bishops great duty , and that he ought to lay himself out in it most particularly . i shall only add one advice to all this , before i leave this article of the sence of our church in this matter ; both to those , who intend to take orders , and to those who have already taken them . as for such as do intend to dedicate themselves to the service of the church , they ought to read over these offices frequently ; and to ask themselves solemnly , as in the presence of god , whether they can with a good conscience , make those answers which the book prescribes , or not ? and not to venture on offering themselves to oders , till they know that they dare and may safely do it . every person who looks that way , ought at least on every ordination sunday , after he has once formed the resolution of dedicating himself to this work , to go over the office seriously with himself , and to consider in what disposition or preparation of mind he is ; suitable to what he finds laid down in it . but i should add to this , that for a year before he comes to be ordained , he should every first sunday of the month read over the office very deliberately ; and frame resolutions , conform to the several parts of it , and if he can , receive the sacrament upon it , with a special set of private devotions relating to his intentions . as the time of his ordination draws near , he ought to return the oftner to those exercises . it will be no hard task for him to read these over every sunday , during the last quarter before his ordination ; and to do that yet more solemnly , every day of the week in which he is to be ordained : and to joyn a greater earnestness of fasting and prayer with it on the fast-days of his ember week . here is no hard imposition . the performance is as easie in it self , as it will be successful in its effects . if i did not consider , rather what the age can bear , than what were to be wished for , i would add a great many severe rules calculated to the notions of the primitive times . but if this advice were put in practice , it is to be hoped , that it would set back many who come to be ordained , without considering duly , either what it is that they ask , or what it is that is to be asked of them : which some do with so supine a negligence , that we plainly see that they have not so much as read the office , or at least that they have done it in so slight a manner , that they have formed no clear notions upon any part of it , and least of all , upon those parts to which they themselves are to make answers . and as such a method as i have proposed would probably strike some with a due awe of divine matters , so as to keep them at a distance , till they were in some sort prepared for them ; so it would oblige such as came to it , to bring along with them a serious temper of mind , and such a preparation of soul as might make that their orders should be a blessing to them , as well as they themselves should be a blessing to the church . it must be the greatest joy of a bishops life , who truly minds his duty in this weighty trust of sending out labourers into gods vineyard ; to ordain such persons of whom he has just grounds to hope , that they shall do their duty , faithfully , in reaping that harvest . he reckons these as his children indeed , who are to be his strength and support , his fellow labourers and helpers ▪ his crown and his glory . but on the other hand , how heavy a part of his office must it be to ordain those against whom , perhaps there lies no just objection , so that according to the constitution and rules of the church , he cannot deny them ; and yet he sees nothing in them that gives him courage or cheerfulness . they do not seem to have that love to god , that zeal for christ , that tenderness for souls , that meekness and humility , that mortification and deadness to the world , that becomes the character and profession which they undertake ; so that his heart fails him , and his hands tremble when he goes to ordain them . my next advice shall be to those , who are already in orders , that they will at least four times a year , on the ordination sundays , read over the offices of the degrees of the church in which they are : and will particularly consider the charge that was given , and the answers that were made by them ; and then ask themselves as before god , who will iudge them at the great-day , upon their religious performance of them , whether they have been true to them or not that so they may humble themselves for their errours , and omissions , and may renew their vows for the future , and so to be going on from quarter to quarter , through the whole course of their ministry observing still what ground they gain , and what progress they make , to such as have a right sense of their duty , this will be no hard perforformance . it will give a vast joy to those that can go through it with some measure of assurance , and find , that tho in the midest of many tentations and of much weakness , they are sincerely and seriously going on in their work to the best of their skill , and to the utmost of their power : so that their consciences say within them , and that without the partialities of self love and flattery , well done , good and faithful servant . the hearing of this said within , upon true grounds , being the certainest evidence possible that it shall be publickly said at the last and great-day . this exercise will also offer checks to a man that looks for them ; and intends both to understand his errours , and to cleanse himself from them . it will upon the whole matter , make clergy men go on with their profession , a●●●e business and labour of their lives . having known the very good effect that this method has had on some , i dare the more confidently recommend it to all others . before i conclude this chapter , i will shew what rules our reformers had prepared with relation to non-residence , and pluralities ; which tho they never passed into laws , and so have no binding force with them , yet in these we see what was the sense of those that prepared our offices , and that were the chief instruments in that blessed work of our reformation . the th . chapter of the title , concerning those that were to be admitted to ecclesiastical benefices , runs thus . whereas , when many benefices are conferred on one person , every one of these must be served with less order and exactness , and many learned men , who are not provided , are by that means shut out ; therefore , such as examine the persons who are proposed for benefices , are to ask every one of them , whether he has at that time another benefice or not , and if he confesses that he has , then they shall not consent to his obtaining that to which he is presented , or the first benefice shall be made void , as in case of death , so that the patron may present any other person to it . chap . is against dispensations , in these words . no man shall hereafter be capable of any privilege , by virtue of which he may hold more parishes than one . but such as have already obtained any such dispensations for pluralities , shall not be deprived of the effects of them , by virtue of this law. the th . chapter relates to residence , in these words . if any man by reason of age or sickness , is disabled from discharging his duty , or if he has any just cause of absence for some time , that shall be approved of by the bishop , he must take care to place a worthy person , to serve during his absence . but the bishops ought to take a special care , that upon no regard whatsoever , any person may , upon feigned or pretended reasons , be suffered to be longer absent from his parish , than a real necessity shall require . these are some of the rules which were then prepared , and happy had it been for our church , if that whole work of the reformation of the ecclesiastical law , had been then setled among us . then we might justly have said , that our reformation was compleat , and not have lamented as our church still does in the office of commination that the godly discipline which was in the primitive church is not yet restored , how much , and how long soever it has been wished for . it is more than probable that we should neither have had schisms , nor civil wars , if that great design had not been abortive . if but the th . and th . titles of that work , which treat of the publick offices , and officers in the church , had became a part of our law , and been duly executed , we should indeed have had matter of glorying in the world. in the canons of the year . tho there was not then strength enough in the church , to cure so inveterate a disease , as non-residence , yet she expressed her detestation of it , in these words . the absence of a pastor from the lord's flock ; and that supine negligence and abandoning of the ministry , which we observe in many , is a thing vile in it self , odious to the people , and pernicious to the church of god ; therefore , we exhort all the pastors of churches , in our lord iesus , that they will as soon as is possible , come to their churches , and diligently preach the gospel , and according to the value of their livings , that they will keep house , and hospitably relieve the poor . it is true , all this is much lessened by the last words of that article , that every year they must reside at least threescore daies upon their benefices . by the canons made at that time , pluralities were also limited to miles distance . but this was enlarged to miles , by the canons in the year . yet by these the pluralist was required to spend a good part of the year in both his benefices . and upon this , has the matter rested ever since ; but there is no express definition made how far that general word of a good part of the year is to be understood . i will not to this add a long invidious history of all the attempts that have been made for the reforming these abuses , nor the methods that have been made use of to defeat them . they have been but too successful , so that we still groan under our abuses ; and do not know when the time shall come in which we shall be freed from them . the defenders of those abuses , who get too much by them , to be willing to part with them , have made great use of this , that it was the puritan party , that during q. elizabeth , and k. iames the sts . reign , promoted these bills , to render the church odious : whereas , it seems more probable , that those who set them forward , what invidious characters soever their enemies might put them under , were really the friends of the church ; and that they intended to preserve it , by freeing it from so crying , and so visible an abuse : which gives an offence and scandal , that is not found out by much learning , or great observation ; but arises so evidently out of the nature of things , that a small measure of common sense , helps every one to see it , and to be deeply prejudic'd against it . but since our church has fallen under the evils and mischiefs of schism , none of those who divide from us , have made any more attempts this way ; but seem rather to be not ill pleased , that such scandals should be still among us , as hoping that this is so great a load upon our church , that it both weakens our strength , and lessens our authority . it is certainly the interest of an enemy to suffer the body to which he opposes himself to lie under as many prejudices , and to be liable to as much censure , as is possible ; whereas every good and wise friend studies to preserve that body to which he unites himself , by freeing it from every thing that may render it less acceptable , and less useful . here i will leave this argument , having i think said enough , to convince all , that have a true zeal to our church , and that think themselves bound in conscience to obey its rules , and that seem to have a particular jealousie of the civil powers , breaking in too far upon the ecclesiastical authority , that there can be nothing more plain and express , than that our church intends to bring all her priests under the strictest obligations possible , to constant and personal labour , and that in this she pursues the designs and canons , not only of the primitive , and best times , but even of the worst ages , since none were ever so corrupt as not to condemn those abuses by canon , even when they maintained them in practice . she does not only bind them to this , by the charge she appoints to be given , but also by the vows and promises that she demands of such as are ordained . when all this is laid together , and when there stands nothing on the other side , to balance it , but a law made in a very bad time , that took away some abuses , but left pretences to cover others ; can any man that weighs these things together , in the sight of god , and that believes he must answer to him for this at the great day , think , that the one , how strong soever it may be in his favour at an earthly tribunal , will be of any force in that last and dreadful iudgment . this i leave upon all mens consciences ; hoping that they will so judge themselves , that they shall not be judged of the lord. chap. vii . of the due preparation of such as may and ought to be put in orders . the greatest good that one can hope to do in this world is upon young persons , who have not yet taken their ply , and are not spoiled with prejudices , and wrong notions . those who have taken an ill one at first , will neither be at the pains to look over their notions , nor turn to new methods ; nor will they by any change of practice , seem to confess that they were once in the wrong ; so that if matters that are amiss , can be mended or set right , it must be by giving those that have not yet set out , and that are not yet engaged , truer views , and juster idea's of things . i will therefore here lay down the model , upon which a clerk is to be formed , and will begin with such things as ought to be previous and preparatory to his being initiated into orders . these are of two sorts , the one is of such preparations as are necessary to give his heart and soul a right temper , and a true sense of things : the other is of such studies as are necessary to enable him to go through with the several parts of his duty . both are necessary , but the first is the more indispensible of the two ; for a man of a good soul , may with a moderate proportion of knowledge do great service in the church , especially if he is suited with an imployment , that is not above his talent : whereas unsanctified knowledge puffs up ; is insolent and unquiet , it gives great scandal , and occasions much distraction in the church . in treating of these qualifications , i will watch over my thoughts , not to let them rise to a pitch that is above what the common frailties of humane nature , or the age we live in , can bear : and after all , if in any thing i may seem to exceed ●hese measures , it is to be considered , that it is natural in proposing the ideas of things , to carry them to what is wished for , which is but too often beyond what can be expected ; considering both the corruption of mankind and of these degenerated times . first of all then , he that intends to dedicate himself to the church , ought , from the time that he takes up any such resolution , to enter upon a greater decency of behaviour , that his mind may not be vitiated by ill habits ; which may both give such bad characters of him , as maystick long on him afterwards , and make such ill impressions on himself , as may not be easily worn out or defaced . he ought , above all things , to possess himself with a high sense of the christian religion , of its truth and excellence , of the value of souls , of the dignity of the pastoral care , of the honour of god , of the sacredness of holy functions , and of the great trust that is committed to those who are set apart from the world , and dedicated to god and to his church . he who looks this way , must break himself to the appetites of pleasure , or wealth , of ambition , or authority ; he must consider that the religion , in which he intends to officiate , calls all men to great purity and vertue ; to a probity and innocence of manners , to a meekness and gentleness , to a humility and self-denial , to a contempt of the world and a heavenly mindedness , to a patient resignation to the will of god , and a readiness to bear the cross , in the hopes of that everlasting reward , which is reserved for christians in another state : all which was eminently recommended , by the unblemish'd pattern that the author of this religion , has set to all that pretend to be his followers . these being the obligations which a preacher of the gospel is to lay daily upon all his hearers , he ought certainly to accustom himself often to consider seriously of them ; and to think how shameless and impudent a thing it will be in him , to perform offices suitable to all these , and that do suppose them , to be instructing the people , and exhorting them to the practice of them , unless he is in some sort all this himself , which he teaches others to be . indeed to be tied to such an employment , while one has not an inward conformity to it , and complacence in it , is both the most unbecoming , the most unpleasant , and the most uncomfortable state of life imaginable . such a person will be exposed to all mens censures and reproaches , who when they see things amiss in his conduct , do not only reproach him , but the whole church and body , to which he belongs ; and which is more , the religion which he seems to recommend by his discourses , though his life and actions , which will always pass for the most real declaration of his inward sentiments , are a visible and continual opposition to it . on all these things , he whose thoughts carry him towards the church , ought to reflect frequently : nothing is so odious as a man that disagrees with his character , a soldier that is a coward , a courtier that is brutal ; an ambassadour that is abject , are not such unseemly things , as a bad or vicious , a drunken or dissolute clergy-man . but though his scandals should not rise up to so high a pitch , even a proud and passionate , a worldly minded and covetous priest , gives the lye to his discourses so palpably , that he cannot expect they should have much weight . nor is such a man's state of life less unpleasant to himself , than it is unbecoming . he is obliged to be often performing offices , and pronouncing discourses , in which if he is not a good man , he not only has no pleasure , but must have a formed aversion to them . they must be the heaviest burden of his life ; he must often feel secret challenges within ; and though he as often silences these , yet such unwelcome reflections are uncomfortable things . he is forced to manage himself wi●h a perpetual constraint , and to observe a decorum in his deportment , lest he fall under a more publick censure : now to be bound to act a part , and live with restraint ones whole life , must be a very melancholy thing . he cannot go so quite out of sight of religion , and convictions , as other bad men do , who live in a perpetual hurry , and a total forgetfulness of divine matters : they have no checks , because they are as seldom in the way to find them , as is possible . but a clerk cannot keep himself out of their way ; he must remember them , and speak of them , at least upon some occasions , whether he will or no : he has no other way to secure himself against them , but by trying what he can do , to make himself absolutely disbelieve them . negative atheism , that is , a total neglect of all religion , is but too easily arrived at ; yet this will not serve his turn , he must build his atheism upon some bottom , that he may find quiet in it . if he is an ignorant man , he is not furnished with those flights of wit , and shews of learning , that must support it : but if he is really learned , he will soon be beaten out of them ; for a learned atheism is so hard a thing to be conceived , that unless a man's powers are first strangely vitiated , it is not easie to see how any one can bring himself to it . there is nothing that can settle the quiet of an ill priest's mind and life , but a stupid formality , and a callus that he contracts , by his insensible way of handling divine matters ; by which he becomes hardn●d against them . but if this settles him by stupifying his powers , it does put also him so far out of the reach of conviction , in all the ordinary methods of grace , that it is scarce possible he can ever be awakned ; and by consequence that he can be saved ; and if he perishes , he must fall into the lowest degree of misery , even to the portion of hypocrites : for his whole life has been a course of hypocrisie in the strictest sence of the word , which is the acting of a part , and the counterfeiting another person . his sins have in them all possible aggravations ; they are against knowledge and against vows , and contrary to his character ; they carry in them a deliberate contempt of all the truths and obligations of religion ; and if he perishes , he does not perish alone , but carries a shoal down with him , either of those who have perished in ignorance , through his neglect ; or of those who have been hardned in their sins , through his ill example : and since all this must be put to his account , it may be justly inferred from hence , that no man can have a heavier share in the miseries of another state , than profane and wi●ked clerks . on all these things he ought to imploy his thoughts frequently , who intends to dedicate himself to god , that so he may firmly resolve not to go on with it , till he feels such seeds and beginnings of good things in himself , that he has reason to hope , that through the grace and assistance of god , he will be an example to others . he ought more particularly to examine himself , whether he has that soft and gentle , that meek and humble , and that charitable and compassionate temper , which the gospel does so much press upon all christians ; that shined so eminently through the whole life of the blessed author of it ; and which he has so singularly recommended to all his followers ; and that has in it so many charms and attractives , which do not only commend those who have these amiable vertues , but which is much more to be re●garded , they give them vast advantag●● in recommending the doctrine of 〈◊〉 saviour to their people . they are th● true ground of that christian wisdo● and discretion , and of that grave and calm deportment , by which the clergy ought to carry on and maintain their authority . a haughty and huffing humour , an impatient and insolent temper , a loftiness of deportment , ●nd a peevishness of spirit , rendring the lives of the clergy , for the most part , bitter to themselves , and their labours , how valuable soever otherwise they may be , unacceptable and useless to their people . a clergyman must be prepared to bear injuries , to endure much unjust censure and calumny , to see himself often neglected , and others preferred to him , in the esteem of the people . he that takes all this ill , that resents it , and complains of it , does thereby give himself much disquiet ▪ and to be sure , he will , through his peevishness , rather encrease than lessen that contempt , under which he is so uneasie ; which is both better born , and sooner overcome , by a meek and a lowly temper . a man of this disposition affects no singularities , unless the faultiness of those about him , makes his doing his duty to be a singularity : he does not study to lessen the value that is due to others , on design to encrease his own : his low thoughts of himself , make that he is neither aspiring , nor envying such as ▪ are advanced : he is prepared to stay till god in his providence thinks fit to raise him : he studies only to deserve preferment , and leaves to others the wringing posts of advantage out of the hands of those that give them . such a preparation of mind in a clergy-man , disposes him to be happy in whatsoever station he may be put , and renders the church happy in him ; for men so moulded , even though their talents should be but mean , are shining lights , that may perhaps be at first despised , as men of a low size , that have not greatness of soul enough to aspire , but when they have been seen and known so long , that all appears to be sincere , and that the principle from whence this flows , is rightly considered , then every thing that they say or do , must have its due weight : the plainest and simplest things that they say have a beauty in them , and will be hearkned to as oracles . but a man that intends to prepare himself right for the ministry of the church , must indeed above all things , endeavour to break himself to the love of the world , ●ither of the wealth , the pomp , or the pleasures of it . he must learn to be content with plain and simple diet ; and often even abridge that , by true fasting : i do not call fasting , a trifling distinction of meats , but a lessening of the quantity , as well as the quality , and a contracting the time spent at meals , that so he may have a greater freedom both in his time , and in his thoughts ; that he may be more alone , and pray and meditate more , and that what he saves out of his meals , he may give to the poor . this is , in short , the true measure and right use of fasting . in cold climates , an abstinence till night , may create disorders , and raise such a disturbance both in the appetite , and in the digestion ; that this managed upon the practices of other countries , especially in young persons , may really distract instead of furthering those who do it indiscreetly . in short fasting unless joyned with prayer and alms-giving , is of no value in the sight of god. it is a vast advantage to a man to be broken to the niceties of his palate , to be content with plain food , and even to dislike delicacies and studied dishes . this will make him easie in narrower circumstances ; since a plain bill of fare is soon discharged . a lover of his appetites , and a slave to his taste , makes but a mean figure among men , and a very scurvy one among clergy-men . this deadness to the world must raise one above the affectations of pomp and state , of attendance and high living . which to a philosophical mind will be heavy , when the circumstances he is in , seem to impose and force it on him . and therefore he who has a right sense , finds it is almost all he can do , to bear those things which the tyranny of custom or false opinions put upon him : so far is he from longing for them . a man that is truly dead to the world , would chuse much rather to live in a lowly and narrow figure ; than to be obliged to enter into the methods of the greatness of this world ; into which , if the constitutions and forms of a church and kingdom put him , yet he feels himself in an unnatural and uncouth posture : it is contrary to his own genius and relish of things ; and therefore he does not court nor desire such a situation , but even while he is in it , he shews such a neglect of the state of it , and so much indifference and humility in it , that it appears how little power those things have over his mind , and how little they are able to subdue and corrupt it . this mortified man must likewise become dead to all the designs and projects of making a family , or of raising the fortunes of those that are nearly related to him : he must be bountiful and charitable ; and tho' it is not only lawful to him , but a necessary duty incumbent on him , to make due provision for his family , if he has any , yet this must be so moderated that no vain nor sordid designs , no indirect nor unbecoming arts , may mix in it ; no excessive wealth nor great projects must appear ; he must be contented with such a proportion , as may set his children in the way of a vertuous and liberal education ; such as may secure them from scandal and necessity , and put them in a capacity to serve god and their generation in some honest employment . but he who brings along with him , a voluptuous , an ambitious , or a covetous mind , that is carnal and earthly minded , comes as a hireling to feed himself and not the flock , he comes to steal and to destroy . upon all , this great reflection is to be made concerning the motives that determine one to offer himself to this employment . in the first beginnings of christianity , no man could reasonably think of taking orders , unless he had in him the spirit of martyrdom . he was to look for nothing in this service , but labour and persecution : he was indeed to live of the altar , and that was all the portion that he was to expect in this world. in those days an extraordinary measure of zeal and devotion was necessary , to engage men to so hard and difficult a province , that how great soever its reward might be in another world , had nothing to look for in this , but a narrow provision , and the first and largest share of the cross : they were the best known , the most exposed , and the soonest fallen upon in the persecution . but their services and their sufferings did so much recommend that function in the succeeding ages , that the faithful thought they could never do enough to express their value for it . the church came to be richly endowed ; and tho' superstition had raised this out of measure , yet the extreme went as far to the other hand at the reformation , when the church was almost stript of all its patrimony , and a great many churches were left so poor , that there was not in most places , a sufficient ; nay , not so much as a necessary maintenance , reserved for those that were to minister in holy things . but it is to be acknowledged that there are such remnants preserved , that many benefices of the church still may , and perhaps do but too much , work upon mens corrupt principles , their ambition , and their covetousness : and it is shrewdly to be apprehended , that of those who present themselves at the altar , a great part comes , as those who followed christ , for the loaves : because of the good prospect they have of making their fortunes by the church . if this point should be carried too far , it might perhaps seem to be a pitch above humane nature ; and certainly very far above the degeneracy of the age we live in : i shall therefore lay this matter , with as large an allowance , as i think it can bear . it is certain , that since god has made us to be a compound of soul and body , it s not only lawful but suitable to the order of nature , for us in the choice we make of the state of life that we intend to pursue , to consider our bodies , in the next place after our souls : yet we ought certainly to begin with our souls , with the powers and faculties that are in them , and consider well of what temper they are ; and what our measure and capacity is ; that so we may chuse such a course of life , for which we seem to be fitted , and in which we may probably do the most good both to our selves and others : from hence we ought to take our aims and measures chiefly : but in the next place , we not only may , but ought to consider our bodies , how they shall be maintained , in a way suitable to that state of life , into which we are engaged . therefore tho' no man can with a good conscience , begin upon a worldly account , and resolve to dedicate himself to the church , merely out of carnal regard ; such as an advowson in his family , a friend that will promote him , or any other such like prospect , till he has first consulted his temper and disposition , his talents and his capacities ; yet , tho' it is not lawful to make the regards of this world his first consideration , and it cannot be denied to be a perfecter state , if a man should offer himself to the church , having whereon to support himself , without any assistance or reward out of its patrimony ; and to be nearer to s. paul's practice , whose hands ministred to his necessities , and who reckoned that in this he had whereof to glory , that he was not burthensome to the churches : yet it is , without doubt , lawful for a man to design that he may subsist in and out of the service of the church : but then these designs must be limited to a subsistence , to such a moderate proportion , as may maintain one in that state of life . and must not be let fly by a restless ambition , and an insatiable covetousness , as a ravenous bird of prey , does at all game . there must not be a perpetual enquiry into the value of benefices ; and a constant importuning of such as give them : if laws have been made in some states restraining all ambitus and aspirings to civil imployments , certainly it were much more reasonable to put a stop to the scandalous importunities , that are every where complained of ; and no where more visible and more offensive than at court. this gives a prejudice to men that are otherwise enclined enough to search for one , that can never be removed , but by putting an effectual bar in the way of that scrambling for benefices and preferments ; which will ever make the lay part of mankind conclude , that let us pretend what we will , covetousness and ambition are our true motives , and our chief vocation . it is true , the strange practices of many patrons , and the constitution of most courts , give a colour to excuse so great an indecency . men are generally successful in those practices , and as long as humane nature is so strong , as all men feel it to be , it will be hard to divert them from a method which is so common , that to act otherwise would look like an affectation of singularity ; and many apprehend , that they must languish in misery and necessity if they are wanting to themselves , in so general a practice . and , indeed , if patrons , but chiefly if princes would effectually cure this disease which gives them so much trouble , as well as offence , they must resolve to distribute those benefices that are in their gift , with so visible a regard to true goodness and real merit , and with so firm and so constant an opposition to application and importunity , that it may appear that the only way to advancement , is to live well , to study hard , to stay at home , and labour diligently ; and that applications by the persons themselves , or any set on by them , shall always put those back who make them : this would more effectually cure so great an evil , than all that can be said against it . one successful suiter who carries his point , will promote this disorder , more than twenty repulses of others ; for unless the rule is severely carried on , every one will run into it ; and hope to prosper as well as he , who they see has got his end in it . if those who have the disposition of benefices , to which the cure of souls is annexed , did consider this as a trust , lodged with them , for which they must answer to god , and that they shall be in a great measure accountable for the souls , that may be lost through the bad choice that they make , knowing it to be bad ; if , i say , they had this more in their thoughts , than so many scores of pounds , as the living amounts to ; and thought themselves really bound , as without doubt they are , to seek out good and worthy men , well qualified and duely prepared , according to the nature of that benefice which they are to give ; then we might hope to see men make it their chief study , to qualifie themselves aright ; to order their lives , and frame their minds , as they ought to do , and to carry on their studies with all application and diligence ; but as long as the short methods , of application , friendship , or interest , are more effectual than the long and hard way , of labour and study ; human nature will always carry men to go the surest , the easiest , and the quickest way to work . after all i wish it were well considered , by all clerks , what it is to run without being either called or sent ; and so to thrust ones self into the vineyard , without staying , till god by his providence puts a piece of his work in his hands ; this will give a man a vast ease in his thoughts , and a great satisfaction in all his labours , if he knows that no practices of his own , but merely the directions of providence , have put him in a post. he may well trust the effects of a thing to god , when the causes of it do plainly flow from him . and though this will appear to a great many a hard saying , so that few will be able to bear it , yet i must add this to the encouragement and comfort of such as can resolve to deliver themselves up to the conduct and directions of providence , that i never yet knew any one of those few ( too few i confess they have been ) who were possessed with this maxim , and that have followed it exactly , that have not found the fruit of it even in this world. a watchful care hath hovered over them : instruments have been raised up , and accidents have happened to them so prosperously , as if there had been a secret design of heaven by blessing them so signally , to encourage others to follow their measures , to depend on god , to deliver themselves up to his care , and to wait till he opens a way for their being imployed , and settled in such a portion of his husbandry , as he shall think fit to assign to them . these are preparations of mind , with which a clerk is to be formed and seasoned : and in order to this , he must read the scriptures much , he must get a great deal of those passages in them , that relate to these things , by heart , and repeat them often to himself ; in particular many of the most tender and melting psalms , and many of the most comprehensive passages in the epistles ; that by the frequent reflecting on these , he may fill his memory with noble notions , and right idea's of things : the book of proverbs , but chiefly ecclesiastes , if he can get to understand it , will beget in him a right view of the world , a just value of things , and a contempt of many objects that shine with a false lustre , but have no true worth in them . some of the books taught at schools , if read afterwards , when one is more capable to observe the sense of them , may be of great use to promote this temper . tully's offices will give the mind a noble sett ; all his philosophical discourses , but chiefly his consolation ; which though some criticks will not allow to be his , because they fansie the stile has not all the force and beauty in it that was peculiar to him , yet is certainly the best piece of them all ; these , i say , give a good ●avour to those who read them much . the satyrical poets , horace , iuvenal and persius may contribute wonderfully to give a man a detestation of vice , and a contempt of the common methods of mankind ; which they have set out in such true colours , that they must give a very generous sense to those who delight in reading them often . persius his second satyr , may well pass for one of the best lectures in divinity . hieracles upon pythagoras's plutarch's lives ; and above all the books of heathenism , epictetus and marcus aurelius , contain such instructions , that one cannot read them too often , nor repass them too frequently in his thoughts . but when i speak of reading these books , i do not mean only to run through them , as one does through a book of history , or of notions ; they must be read and weighed with great care , till one is become a master of all the thoughts that are in them : they are to be often turned in ones mind , till he is thereby wrought up to some degrees of that temper , which they propose : and as for christian books , in order to the framing of ones mind aright , i shall only recommend the whole duty of man , dr. sherlock of death and iudgment , and dr. scot's books , in particular that great distinction that runs through them , of the means and of the ends of religion . to all which i shall add one small book more , which is to me ever new and fresh , gives always good thoughts and a noble temper , thomas a kempis of the imitation of christ. by the frequent reading of these books , by the relish that one has in them , by the delight they give , and the effects they produce , a man will plainly perceive , whether his soul is made for divine matters or not , what suitableness there is between him and them ; and whether he is yet touched with such a sense of religion , as to be capable of dedicating himself to it . i am far from thinking that no man is fit to be a priest , that has not the temper which i have been describing , quite up to that heig●h in which i have set it forth ; but this i will positively say , that he who has not the seeds of it planted in him , who has not these principles , and resolutions formed to pursue them , and to improve and perfect himself in them , is in no wise worthy of that holy character . if these things are begun in him , if they are yet but as a grain of mustard-seed , yet if there is a life in them , and a vital sense of the tendencies and effects they must have ; such a person , so moulded , with those notions and impressions , and such only are qualified , so as to be able to say with truth and assurance , that they trust they are inwardly moved by the holy ghost to undertake that office. so far have i dispatch'd the first and chief part of the preparation necessary before orders . the other branch of it , relates to their learning , and to the knowledge that is necessary . i confess i look upon this as so much inferiour to the other , and have been convinced by so much experience , that a great measure of piety , with a very small proportion of learning , will carry one a great way , that i may perhaps be thought to come as far short in this , as i might seem to exceed in the other . i will not here enter into a discourse of theological learning , of the measure that is necessary to make a compleat divine , and of the methods to attain it . i intend only to lay down here , that which i look on as the lowest degree , and as that which seems indispensably necessary , to one that is to be a priest. he must then understand the new testament we●l . this is the text of our religion , that which we preach and explain to others ; therefore a man ought to read this so often over , that he may have an idea of the whole book in his head , and of all the parts of it . he cannot have this so sure , unless he understands the greek so well , as to be able to find out the meaning of every period in it , at least of the words and phrases of it ; any book of annotations or paraphrase upon it , is a great help to a beginner ▪ grotius , hammond , and lightfoot are the best . but the having a great deal of the practical and easie parts of it , such as relate to mens liv●s and their duties , such as strike and awaken , direct , comfort , or terrifie , are much more necessary than the more abstruse parts . in short , the being able to state right the grounds of our hope , and the terms of salvation , and the having a clear and ready view of the new covenant in christ iesus , is of such absolute necessity , that it is a profaning of orders , and a defiling of the sanctuary , to bring any into it , that do not rightly understand this matter in its whole extent . bishop pearson on the creed is a book of great learning , and profound exactness . dr. barrow has opened it with more simplicity ; and dr. towerson more practically ; one or other of these must be well read and considered : but when i say read , i mean read and read over again , so oft that one is master of one of these books ; he must write notes out of them , and make abridgements of them ; and turn them so oft in his thoughts , that he must thoroughly understand , and well remember them . he must read also the psalms over so carefully , that he may at least have a general notion of those divine hymns ; to which bishop patrick's paraphrase will help to carry him . a system of divinity must be read with exactness . they are almost all alike : when i was young wendelin and maresius were the two shortest and fullest . here is a vast errour in the first forming of our clergy , that a contempt has been cast on that sort of books ; and indeed to rise no higher , than to a perpetual reading over different systems is but a mean pitch of learning ; and the swallowing down whole systems by the lump , has help'd to possess peoples minds too early with prejudices , and to shut them up in too implicite a following of others . but the throwing off all these books , makes that many who have read a great deal , yet have no intire body of divinity in their head ; they have no scheme or method , and so are ignorant of some very plain things , which could never have happened to them , if they had carefully read and digested a system into their memories . but because this is indeed a very low form ; therefore to lead a man farther , to have a freer view of divinity , to examine things equally and clearly , and to use his own reason , by balancing the various views , that two great divisions of protestants have , not only in the points which they controvert , but in a great many others , in which though they agree in the same conclusions , yet they arrive at them by very different premises ; i would advise him that studies divinity , to read two larger bodies , writ by some eminent men of both sides ; and because the latest are commonly the best ; turretin for the whole calvinist hypothesis , and limburgh for the arminian , will make a man fully the master of all the notions of both sides . or if one would see how far middle ways may be taken ; the theses of sanmur , or blanc's theses , will compleat him in that . these books well read , digested into abstracts , and frequently reviewed or talked over by two companions in study , will give a man an entire view of the whole body of divinity . but by reason of that pest of atheism , that spreads so much among us , the foundations of religion must be well laid : bishop wilkins book of natural religion , will lead one in the first steps through the principles that he has laid together in a plain and natural method . grotius his book of the truth of the christian religion , with his notes upon it , ought to be read and almost got by heart . the whole controversie both of atheism and deism , the arguments both for the old and new testament , are fully opened , with a great variety both of learning and reasoning , in bishop stillingfleet's origines sacrae . there remains only to direct a student how to form right notions of practical matters ; and particularly of preaching . dr. hammond's practical catechism , is a book of great use ; but not to be begun with , as too many do : it does require a good deal of previous study , before the force of his reasonings is apprehended ; but when one is ready for it , it is a rare book , and states the grounds of morality , and of our duty , upon true principles . to form one to understand the right method of preaching , the extent of it , and the proper ways of application , bishop sanderson , mr. faringdon , and dr. barrow , are the best and the fullest models . there is a vast variety of other sermons , which may be read with an equal measure of advantage and pleasure . and if from the time that one resolves to direct his studies towards the church , he would every lords day read two sermons of any good preacher , and turn them a little over in his thoughts , this would insensibly in two or three years time , carry him very far , and give him a large view of the different ways of preaching , and furnish him with materials for handling a great many texts of scripture when he comes to it . and thus i have carried my student through those studies , that seem to me so necessary for qualifying him to be an able minister of the new testament , that i cannot see how any article of this can be well abated . it may seem strange , that in this whole direction , i have said nothing concerning the study of the fathers or church history . but i said at first , that a great distinction was to be made between what was necessary to prepare a man to be a priest , and what was necessary to make him a compleat and learned divine . the knowledge of these things is necessary to the latter , though they do not seem so necessary for the former : there are many things to be left to the prosecution of a divine's study , that therefore are not mentioned here , not with any design to disparage that sort of learning ; for i am now only upon that measure of knowledge , under which i heartily wish that no man were put in priests orders ; and therefore i have pass'd over many other things , such as the more accurate understanding of the controversies between us and the church of rome , and the unhappy disputes between us and the dissenters of all sorts ; though both the one and the other , have of late been opened with that perspicuity , that fulness of argument , and that clearness as well as softness of stile , that a collection of these may give a man the fullest instructions , that is to be found in any books i know . others , and perhaps the far greater number , will think that i have clogged this matter too much . but i desire these may consider how much we do justly reckon , that our profession is preferrable either to law or medicine . now , if this is true , it is not unreasonable , that since those who pretend to these , must be at so much pains , before they enter upon a practice which relates only to men's fortunes , or their persons , we whose labours relate to their souls and their eternal state , should be at least at some considerable pains , before we enter upon them . let any young divine go to the chambers of a student in the inns of court , and see how many books he must read , and how great a volume of a common-place-book he must make , he will there see through how hard a task one must go , in a course of many years , and how ready he must be in all the parts of it , before he is called to the barr , or can manage business . how exact must a physician be in anatomy , in simples , in pharmacy , in the theory of diseases , and in the observations and counsels of doctors , before he can either with honour , or a safe conscience , undertake practice ? he must be ready with all this , and in that infinite number of hard words , that belong to every part of it , to give his directions and write his bills by the patient's bed-side ; who cannot stay 'till he goes to his study and turns over his books . if then so long a course of study , and so much exactness and readiness in it , is necessary to these professions ; nay , if every mechanical art , even the meanest , requires a course of many years , before one can be a master in it , shall the noblest and the most important of all others , that which comes from heaven , and leads thither again ; shall that which god has honoured so highly , and to which laws and governments have added such privileges and encouragements , that is employ'd in the sublimest exercises , which require a proportioned worth in those who handle them , to maintain their value and dignity in the esteem of the world ; shall all this , i say , be esteemed so low a thing in our eyes , that a much less degree of time and study , is necessary to arrive at it , than at the most sordid of all trades whatsoever ? and yet after all , a man of a tolerable capacity , with a good degree of application , may go through all this well , and exactly , in two years time . i am very sure , by many an experiment i have made , that this may be done in a much less compass : but because all men do not go alike quick , have not the same force , nor the same application , therefore i reckon two years for it ; which i do thus divide : one year before deacons orders , and another between them and priests orders . and can this be thought a hard imposition ? or do not those , who think thus , give great occasion to the contempt of the clergy , if they give the world cause to observe , that how much soever we may magnifie our profession , yet by our practice , we shew that we do judge it the meanest of all others , which is to be arrived at upon less previous study and preparation to it , than any other whatsoever ? since i have been hitherto so minute , i will yet divide this matter a little lower into those parts of it , without which , deacons orders ought not to be given , and those to be reserved to the second year of study . to have read the new testament well , so as to carry a great deal of it in one's memory , to have a clear notion of the several books of it , to understand well the nature and the conditions of the covenant of grace , and to have read one system well , so as to be master of it , to understand the whole catechetical matter , to have read wilkins and grotius ; this , i say , is that part of this task , which i propose before one is made deacon . the rest , though much the larger , will go the easier , if those foundations are once well laid in them . and upon the article of studying the scriptures , i will add one advice more . there are two methods in reading them , the one ought to be merely critical , to find out the meaning and coherence of the several parts of them , in which one runs easily through the greater part , and is only obliged to stop at some harder passages , which may be marked down and learned men are to be consulted upon them : those that are really hard to be explained , are both few , and they relate to matters that are not so essential to christianity ; and therefore after one has in general seen what is said upon these , he may put off the fuller consideration of that to more leisure , and better opportunities . but the other way of reading the scriptures , is to be done merely with a view to practice , to raise devotion , to encrease piety , and to give good thoughts and severe rules . in this a man is to imploy himself much . this is a book always at hand , and the getting a great deal of it by heart , is the best part of a clergy-man's study ; it is the foundation , and lays in the materials for all the rest . this alone may furnish a man with a noble stock of lively thoughts , and sublime expressions ; and therefore it must be always reckoned as that , without which all other things amount to nothing ; and the chief and main subject of the study , the meditation and the discourses of a clergy-man . chap. viii . of the functions and labours of clergy-men . i have in the former chapter laid down the model and method , by which a clerk is to be formed and prepared ; i come now to consider his course of life , his publick functions , and his secret labours . in this as well as in the former , i will study to consider what mankind can bear , rather than what may be offered in a fair idea , that is far above what we can hope ever to bring the world to . as for a priests life and conversation , so much was said in the former chapter ; in which as a preparation to orders , it was proposed what he ought to be , that i may now be the shorter on this article . the clergy have one great advantage , beyond all the rest of the world , in this respect , besides all others , that whereas the particular callings of other men , prove to them great distractions , and lay many temptations in their way , to divert them from minding their high and holy calling of being christians , it is quite otherwise with the clergy , the more they follow their private callings , they do the more certainly advance their general one : the better priests they are , they become also the better christians : every part of their calling , when well performed , raises good thoughts , brings good idea's into their mind , and tends both to encrease their knowledge , and quicken their sense of divine matters . a priest therefore is more accountable to god , and the world for his deportment , and will be more severely accounted with than any other person whatsoever . he is more watched over and observed than all others : very good men will be , even to a censure , jealous of him ; very bad men will wait for his halting , and insult upon it ; and all sorts of persons , will be willing to defend themselves against the authority of his doctrine and admonitions ; by this he says but does not ; and though our saviour charged his disciples and followers , to hear those who sat in moses his chair , and to observe and do whatsoever they bid them observe , but not to do after their works , for they said and did not ; the world will reverse this quite , and consider rather how a clerk lives , than what he says . they see the one , and from it conclude what he himself thinks of the other ; and so will believe themselves not a little justified , if they can say that they did no worse , than as they saw their minister do before them . therefore a priest must not only abstain from gross scandals , but keep at the furthest distance from them : he must not only not be drunk , but he must not sit a tipling ; nor go to taverns or ale-houses , except some urgent occasion requires it , and stay no longer in them , than as that occasion demands it . he must not only abstain from acts of lewdness , but from all indecent behaviour , and unbecoming raillery . gaming and plays , and every thing of that sort , which is an approach to the vanities and disorders of the world , must be avoided by him . and unless the straitness of his condition , or his necessities force it , he ought to shun all other cares , such as , not only the farming of grounds , but even the teaching of schools , since these must of necessity take him off both from his labour and study . such diversions as his health , or the temper of his mind , may render proper for him , ought to be manly , decent and grave ; and such as may neither possess his mind or time too much , nor give a bad character of him to his people : he must also avoid too much familiarity with bad people ; and the squandring away his time in too much vain and idle discourse . his chearfulness ought to be frank , but neither excessive nor licentious : his friends and his garden ought to be his chief diversions , as his study and his parish , ought to be his chief imployments . he must still carry on his study , making himself an absolute master of the few books he has , till his circumstances grow larger , that he can purchase more . he can have no pretence , if he were ever so narrow in the world , to say , that he cannot get , not only the collects , but the psalms , and the new testament by heart , or at least a great part of them . if there are any books belonging to his church , such as iewels works , and the book of martyrs , which lie tearing in many places , these he may read over and over again , till he is able to furnish himself better , i mean with a greater variety ; but let him furnish himself ever so well , the reading and understanding the scriptures , chiefly the psalms and the new testament , ought to be still his chief study , till he becomes so conversant in them , that he can both say many parts of them , and explain them without book . it is the only visible reason of the iews adhering so firmly to their religion , that during the ten or twelve years of their education , their youth are so much practised to the scriptures , to weigh every word in them , and get them all by heart , that it is an admiration , to see how ready both men and women among them are at it ; their rabbi's have it to that perfection , that they have the concordance of their whole bible in their memories , which give them vast advantages , when they are to argue with any that are not so ready as they are in the scriptures : our task is much shorter and easier , and it is a reproach , especially to us protestants , who found our religion merely on the scriptures , that we know the new testament so little , which cannot be excused . with the study of the scriptures , or rather as a part of it comes in the study of the fathers , as far as one can go ; in these their apologies , and epistles , are chiefly to be read ; for these give us the best view of those times : basil's and chrysostom's sermons , are by much the best . to these studies , history comes in as a noble and pleasant addition ; that gives a man great views of the providence of god , of the nature of man , and of the conduct of the world. this is above no man's capacity ; and though some histories are better than others ; yet any histories , such as one can get , are to be read , rather than none at all . if one can compass it , he ought to begin with the history of the church , and there at the head iosephus , and go on with eusebius , socrates , and the other historians , that are commonly bound together ; and then go to other later collectors of ancient history ; the history of our own church and country is to come next ; then the ancient greek and roman history , and after that , as much history , geography , and books of travels as can be had , will give an easie and a useful entertainment , and will furnish one with great variety of good thoughts , and of pleasant , as well as edifying discourse . as for all other studies , every one must follow his inclinations , his capacities , and that which he can procure to himself . the books that we learn at schools are generally laid aside , with this prejudice , that they were the labours as well as the sorrows of our childhood and education ; but they are among the best of books . the greek and roman authors have a spirit in them , a force both of thought and expression , that l●ter ages have not been able to imitate : buchanan only excepted , in whom , more particularly in his psalms , there is a beauty and life , an exactness as well as a liberty , that cannot be imitated , and scarce enough commended . the study and practice of physick , especially that which is safe and simple , puts the clergy in a capacity of doing great acts of charity , and of rendring both their persons and labours very acceptable to their people ; it will procure their being soon sent for by them in sickness , and it will give them great advantages in speaking to them , of their spiritual concerns , when they are so careful of their persons , but in this nothing that is sordid must mix . these ought to be the chief studies of the clergy . but to give all these their full effect , a priest that is much in his study , ought to imploy a great part of his time in secret and fervent prayer , for the direction and blessing of god in his labours , for the constant assistance of his holy spirit , and for a lively sense of divine matters , that so he may feel the impressions of them grow deep and strong upon his thoughts . this , and this only , will make him go on with his work , without wearying , and be always rejoycing in it : this will make his expressions of these things to be happy and noble , when he can bring them out of the good treasure of his heart ; that is , ever full , and always warm with them . from his study , i go next to his publick functions : he must bring his mind to an inward and feeling sense of those things that are prayed for in our offices : that will make him pronounce them with an equal measure of gravity and affection , and with a due slowness and emphasis . i do not love the theatrical way of the church of rome , in which it is a great study , and a long practice , to learn in every one of their offices , how they ought to compose their looks , gesture and voice ; yet a light wandring of the eyes , and a hasty running through the prayers , are things highly unbecoming ; they do very much lessen the majesty of our worship , and give our enemies advantage to call it dead and formal , when they see plainly , that he who officiates is dead and formal in it . a deep sense of the things prayed for , a true recollection and attention of spirit , and a holy earnestness of soul , will give a composure to the looks , and a weight to the pronunciation , that will be tempered between affectation on the one hand , and levity on the other . as for preaching , i referr that to a chapter apart . a minister ought to instruct his people frequently , of the nature of baptism , that they may not go about it merely as a ceremony , as it is too visible the greater part do ; but that they may consider it as the dedicating their children to god , the offering them to christ , and the holding them thereafter as his , directing their chief care about them , to the breeding them up in the nurture and admonition of the lord. there must be care taken to give them all a right notion of the use of god-fathers and god-mothers , which is a good institution , to procure a double security for the education of children ; it being to be supposed , that the common ties of nature and religion , bind the parents so strongly , that if they are not mindful of these , a special vow would not put a new force in them , and therefore a collateral security is also demanded , both to supply their defects , if they are faulty , and to take care of the religious education of the infant , in case the parents should happen to die before that is done ; and therefore no god-father or god-mother are to be invited to that office , but such with whom one would trust the care of the education of his child , nor ought any to do this office for another , but he that is willing to charge himself , with the education of the child for whom he answers . but when ambition or vanity , favour or presents , are the considerations upon which those sureties in baptism are chosen ; great advantage is hereby given to those who reject infant baptism , and the ends of the church in this institution are quite defeated ; which are both the making the security that is given for the children so much the stronger , and the establishing an endearment and a tenderness between families ; this being , in its own nature , no small tye , how little soever it may be apprehended or understood . great care must be taken in the instruction of the youth : the bare saying the catechism by rote is a small matter ; it is necessary to make them understand the weight of every word in it : and for this end , every priest , that minds his duty , will find that no part of it is so useful to his people , as once every year to go through the whole church catechism , word by word , and make his people understand the importance of every tittle in it . this will be no hard labour to himself ; for after he has once gathered together the places of scripture that relate to every article , and formed some clear illustrations , and easie similies to make it understood ; his catechetical discourses , during all the rest of his life , will be only the going over that same matter again and again ; by this means his people will come to have all this by heart ; they will know what to say upon it at home to their children ; and they will understand all his sermons the better , when they have once had a clear notion of all those terms that must run through them ; for those not being understood , renders them all unintelligible . a disc●urse of this sort would be generally of much greater edification than an afternoons sermon ; it should not be too long ; too much must not be said at a time , nor more than one point opened ; a quarter of an hour is time sufficient ; for it will grow tedious and be too little remembred , if it is half an hour long . this would draw an assembly to evening prayers , which we see are but too much neglected , when there is no sort of discourse or sermon accompanying them . and the practising this , during the six months of the year , in which the days are long , would be a very effectual means , both to instruct the people , and to bring them to a more religious observation of the lord's day ; which is one of the powerfullest instruments for the carrying on , and advancing of religion in the world. with catechising , a minister is to joyn the preparing those whom he instructs to be confirmed ; which is not to be done merely upon their being able to say over so many words by rote . it is their renewing their baptismal vow in their own persons , which the church designs by that office , and the bearing in their own minds , a sense of their being bound immediately by that , which their sureties then undertook for them : now to do this in such a manner , as that it may make impression , and have a due effect upon them , they must stay , till they themselves understand what they do , and till they have some sense and affection to it ; and therefore till one is of an age and disposition fit to receive the holy sacrament of the lord's supper , and desires to be confirmed , as a solemn preparation and qualification to it ; he is not yet ready for it ; for in the common management of that holy rite , it is but too visible , that of those multitudes that crowd to it , the far greater part , come merely as if they were to receive the bishop's blessing , without any sense of the vow made by them , and of their renewing their baptismal engagements in it . as for the greatest and solemnest of all the institutions of christ , the commemorating his death , and the partaking of it in the lord's supper ; this must be well explained to the people , to preserve them from the extreams of superstition and irreverence ; to raise in them a great sense of the goodness of god , that appeared in the death of christ ; of his love to us , of the sacrifice he once offered , and of the intercession which he still continues to make for us : a share in all which is there federally offered to us , upon our coming under engagements , to answer our part of the covenant , and to live according to the rules it sets us : on these things he ought to enlarge himself , not only in his sermons , but in his catechetical exercises , and in private discourses ; that so he may give his people right notions of that solemn part of worship , that he may bring them to delight in it ; and may neither fright them from it , by raising their apprehensions of it to a strictness that may terrifie too much , nor encourage them in the too common practice of the dead and formal receiving , at the great festivals , as a piece of decency recommended by custom . about the time of the sacrament , every minister that knows any one of his parish guilty of eminent sins , ought to go and admonish him to change his course of life , or not to profane the table of the lord ; and if private admonitions have no effect ; then if his sins are publick and scandalous , he ought to deny him the sacrament ; and upon that he ought to take the method which is still left in the church , to make sinners ashamed , to separate them from holy things , till they have edified the church as much by their repentance , and the outward profession of it , as they had formerly scandalized it by their disorders . this we must confess , that though we have great reason , to lament our want of the godly discipline that was in the primitive church , yet we have still authority for a great deal more than we put in practice . scandalous persons ought , and might be more frequently presented than they are , and both private and publick admonitions might be more used than they are . there is a flatness in all these things among us . some are willing to do nothing , because they cannot do all that they ought to do ; whereas the right way for procuring an enlargement of our authority , is to use that we have well ; not as an engine to gratifie our own or other peoples passions , not to vex people , nor to look after fees , more than the correction of manners , or the edification of the people . if we began much with private applications , and brought none into our courts , till it was visible that all other ways had been unsuccessful , and that no regard was had either to persons or parties , to men's opinions or interests , we might again bring our courts into the esteem which they ought to have , but which they have almost entirely lost : we can never hope to bring the world to bear the yoke of christ , and the order that he has appointed to be kept up in his church , of noting those that walk disorderly , of separating our selves from them , of having no fellowship , no , not so much as to eat with them , as long as we give them cause to apprehend , that we intend by this to bring them under our yoke , to subdue them to us , and to rule them with a rod of iron : for the truth is , mankind is so strongly compounded , that it is very hard to restrain ecclesiastical tyranny on the one hand , without running to a lawless licentiousness on the other ; so strongly does the world love extreams , and avoid a temper . now i have gone through the publick functions o● a priest , and in speaking of the last of these , i have broke in upon the third head of his duty , his private labours in his parish . he understands little the nature and the obligations of the priestly office , who thinks he has discharged it , by performing the publick appointments , in which if he is defective , the laws of the church , how feeble soever they may be as to other things , will have their course ; but as the private duties of the pastoral care , are things upon which the cognisance of the law cannot fall , so they are the most important and necessary of all others ; and the more praise worthy , the freer they are , and the less forc'd by the compulsion of law. as to the publick functions , every man has his rule ; and in these all are almost alike ; every man , especially if his lungs are good , can read prayers , even in the largest congregation ; and if he has a right taste , and can but choose good sermons , out of the many that are in print , he may likewise serve them well that way too . but the difference between one man and another , shews it self more sensibly in his private labours , in his prudent deportment , in his modest and discreet way of procuring respect to himself , in his treating his parish , either in reconciling such differences as may happen to be among them , or in admonishing men of rank , who set an ill example to others , which ought always to be done in that way , which will probably have the best effect upon them ; therefore it must be done secretly , and with expressions of tenderness and respect for their persons ; fit times are to be chosen for this ; it may be often the best way to do it by a letter : for there may be ways fallen upon , of reproving the worst men , in so soft a manner , that if they are not reclaimed , yet they shall not be irritated or made worse by it , which is but too often the effect of an indiscreet reproof . by this a minister may save the sinners soul ; he is at least sure to save his own , by having discharged his duty towards his people . one of the chief parts of the pastoral care , is the visiting the sick ; not to be done barely when one is sent for : he is to go as soon as he hears that any of his flock are ill ; he is not to satisfie himself with going over the office , or giving them the sacrament when desired : he ought to inform himself of their course of life , and of the temper of their mind , that so he may apply himself to them accordingly . if they are insensible , he ought to awaken them with the terrours of god ; the judgment and the wrath to come . he must endeavour to make them sensible of their sins ; particularly of that which runs through most men's lives , their forgetting and neglecting god and his service , and their setting their hearts so inordinately upon the world : he must set them on to examine their dealings , and make them seriously to consider , that they can expect no mercy from god , unless they restore whatsoever they may have got unjustly from any other , by any manner of way , even though their title were confirmed by law : he is to lay any other sins to their charge , that he has reason to suspect them guilty of ; and must press them to all such acts of repentance as they are then capable of . if they have been men of a bad course of life , he must give them no encouragement to hope much from this death-bed repentance ; yet he is to set them to implore the mercies of god in christ iesus , and to do all they can to obtain his favour . but unless the sickness has been of a long continuance , and that the person 's repentance , his patience , his piety has been very extraordinary , during the course of it , he must be sure to give him no positive ground of hope ; but leave him to the mercies of god. for there cannot be any greater treachery to souls , that is more fatal and more pernicious , than the giving quick and easie hopes , upon so short , so forced , and so imperfect a repentance . it not only makes those persons perish securely themselves , but it leads all about them to destruction ; when they see one , of whose bad life and late repentance they have been the witnesses , put so soon in hopes , nay by some unfaithful guides , made sure of salvation ; this must make them go on very secure in their sins ; when they see how small a measure of repentance sets all right at last : all the order and justice of a nation , would be presently dissolved , should the howlings of criminals , and their promises of amendment , work on iuries , iudges , or princes : so the hopes that are given to death-bed penitents , must be a most effectual means to root out the sense of religion of the minds of all that see it ; and therefore though no dying man is to be driven to despair , and left to die obstinate in his sins ; yet if we love the souls of our people , if we set a due value on the blood of christ , and if we are touched with any sense of the honour or interests of religion , we must not say any thing that may encourage others , who are but too apt of themselves to put all off to the last hour . we can give them no hopes from the nature of the gospel covenant ; yet after all , the best thing a dying man can do , is to repent ; if he recovers , that may be the seed and beginning of a new life and a new nature in him : nor do we know the measure of the riches of god's grace and mercy ; how far he may think fit to exert it beyond the conditions and promises of the new covenant , at least to the lessening of such a persons misery in another state. we are sure he is not within the new covenant ; and since he has not repented , according to the tenor of it , we dare not , unless we betray our commission , give any hopes beyond it . but one of the chief cares of a minister about the sick , ought to be to exact of them solemn vows and promises , of a renovation of life , in case god shall raise them up again ; and these ought to be demanded , not only in general words , but if they have been guilty of any scandalous disorders , or any other ill practices , there ought to be special promises made with relation to those . and upon the recovery of such persons , their ministers ought to put them in mind of their engagements , and use all the due freedom of admonitions and reproof , upon their breaking loose from them . in such a case they ought to leave a terrible denunciation of the judgments of god upon them , and so at least they acquit themselves . there is another sort of sick persons , who abound more in towns than in the country ; those are the troubled in mind ; of these there are two sorts , some have committed enormous sins , which kindle a storm in their consciences ; and that ought to be cherished , till they have compleated a repentance proportioned to the nature and degree of their sin. if wrong has been done to another , reparation and restitution must be made to the utmost of the party's power . if blood has been shed , a long course of fasting and prayer ; a total abstinence from wine ; if drunkenness gave the rise to it , a making up the loss to the family , on which it has fallen , must be enjoyned . but alas , the greater part of those that think they are troubled in mind , are melancholy hypochondriacal people , who , what through some false opinions in religion , what through a foulness of blood , occasioned by their unactive course of life , in which their minds work too much , because their bodies are too little imployed , fall under dark and cloudy apprehensions ; of which they can give no clear nor good account . this , in the greatest part , is to be removed by strong and chalybeate medicines ; yet such persons are to be much pitied , and a little humoured in their distemper . they must be diverted from thinking too much , being too much alone , or dwelling too long on thoughts that are too hard for them to master . the opinion that has had the chief influence in raising these distempers , has been that of praying by the spirit ; when a flame of thought , a melting in the brain , and the abounding in tender expressions , have been thought the effects of the spirit , moving all those symptoms of a warm temper . now in all people , especially in persons of a melancholy disposition , that are much alone , there will be a great diversity , with relation to this at different times : sometimes these heats will rise and flow copiously , and at other times there will be a damp upon the brain , and a dead dryness in the spirits . this to men that are prepossessed with the opinion , now set forth , will appear as if god did sometimes shine out , and at other times hide his face ; and since this last will be the most frequent in men of that temper ; as they will be apt to be lifted up , when they think they have a fulness of the spirit in them , so they will be as much cast down when that is withdrawn ; they will conclude from it , that god is angry with them , and so reckon that they must be in a very dangerous condition : upon this , a vast variety of troublesom scruples will arise , out of every thing that they either do or have done . if then a minister has occasion to treat any in this condition , he must make them apprehend that the heat or coldness of their brain , is the effect of temper ; and flows from the different state of the animal spirits , which have their diseases , their hot and their cold fits , as well as the blood has ; and therefore no measure can be taken from these , either to judge for or against themselves . they are to consider what are their principles and resolutions , and what 's the settled course of their life ; upon these they are to form sure judgments , and not upon any thing that is so fluctuating and inconstant as fits or humours . another part of a priest's duty is , with relation to them that are without , i mean , that are not of our body , which are of the side of the church of rome , or among the dissenters . other churches and bodies are noted for their zeal , in making proselytes , for their restless endeavours , as well as their unlawful methods in it , they reckoning , perhaps , that all will be sanctified by the encreasing their party , which is the true name of making converts , except they become at the same time good men , as well as votaries to a side or cause . we are certainly very remiss in this , of both hands , little pains is taken to gain either upon papist or nonconformist ; the law has been so much trusted to ; that that method only was thought sure ; it was much valued , and others at the same time as much neglected ; and whereas at first , without force or violence , in fourty years time , popery from being the prevailing religion , was reduced to a handful , we have now in above twice that number of years , made very little progress . the favour shew'd them from our court , made us seem , as it were , unwilling to disturb them in their religion ; so that we grow at last to be kind to them , to look on them as harmless and inoffensive neighbours , and even to cherish and comfort them ; we were very near the being convinc'd of our mistake , by a terrible and dear bought experience . now they are again under hatches ; certainly it becomes us , both in charity to them , and in regard to our own safety , to study to gain them by the force of reason and persuasion ; by shewing all kindness to them , and thereby disposing them to hearken to the reasons that we may lay before them . we ought not to give over this as desperate upon a few unsuccessful attempts , but must follow them in the meekness of christ , that so we may at last prove happy instruments , in delivering them from the blindness and captivity they are kept under , and the idolatry and superstition they live in : we ought to visit them often in a spirit of love and charity , and to offer them conferences ; and upon such endeavours , we have reason to expect a blessing , at least this , of having done our duty , and so delivering our own souls . nor are we to think , that the toleration , under which the law has settled the dissenters , does either absolve them from the obligations that they lay under before , by the laws of god and the gospel , to maintain the vnity of the church , and not to rent it by unjust or causeless schisms , or us from using our endeavours to bring them to it , by the methods of perswasion and kindness : nay , perhaps , their being now in circumstances , that they can no more be forced in these things , may put some of them in a greater towardness to hear reason ; a free nation naturally hating constraint : and certainly the less we seem to grudge or envy them their liberty , we will be thereby the nearer gaining on the generouser and better part of them , and the rest would soon lose heart , and look out of countenance ; if these should hearken to us . it was the opinion many had of their strictness , and of the looseness that was amongst us , that gained them their credit , and made such numbers fall off from us . they have in a great measure lost the good character that once they had ; if to that we should likewise lose our bad one ; if we were stricter in our lives , more serious and constant in our labours ; and studied more effectually to reform those of our communion , than to rail at theirs ; if we took occasion to let them see that we love them , that we wish them no harm , but good , then we might hope , by the blessing of god , to lay the obligations to love and peace , to unity and concord before them , with such advantages , that some of them might open their eyes , and see at last upon how flight grounds , they have now so long kept up such a wrangling , and made such a rent in the church , that both the power of religion in general , and the strength of the protestant religion , have suffered extreamly by them . thus far i have carried a clerk through his parish , and all the several branches of his duty to his people . but that all this may be well gone about , and indeed as the foundation upon which all the other parts of the pastoral care may be well managed , he ought frequently to visit his whole parish from house to house ; that so he may know them , and be known of them . this i know will seem a vast labour , especially in towns , where parishes are large ; but that is no excuse for those in the country , where they are generally small ; and if they are larger , the going this round will be the longer a doing ; yet an hour a day , twice or thrice a week , is no hard duty ; and this in the compass of a year will go a great way , even in a large parish . in these visits , much time is not to be spent ; a short word for stirring them up to mind their souls , to make conscience of their ways , and to pray earnestly to god , may begin it , and almost end it . after one has asked in what union and peace the neighbourhood lives , and enquired into their necessities , if they seem very poor , that so those to whom that care belongs , may be put in mind to see how they may be relieved . in this course of visiting , a minister will soon find out , if there are any truly good persons in his parish , after whom he must look with a more particular regard . since these are the excellent ones , in whom all his delight ought to be . for let their rank be ever so mean , if they are sincerely religious , and not hypocritical pretenders to it , who are vainly puffed up with some degrees of knowledge , and other outward appearances , he ought to consider them as the most valuable in the sight of god ; and indeed , as the chief part of his care ; for a living dog is better than a dead lion. i know this way of parochial visitation , is so worn out , that , perhaps , neither priest nor people , will be very desirous to see it taken up . it will put the one to labour and trouble , and bring the other under a closer inspection , which bad men will no ways desire , nor perhaps endure . but if this were put on the clergy by their bishops , and if they explained in a sermon before they began it , the reasons and ends of doing it ; that would remove the prejudices which might arise against it . i confess this is an encrease of labour , but that will seem no hard matter to such as have a right sense of their ordination-vows , of the value of souls , and of the dignity of their function . if men had the spirit of their calling in them , and a due measure of flame and heat in carrying it on ; labour in it would be rather a pleasure than a trouble . in all other professions , those who follow them , labour in them all the year long , and are hard at their business every day of the week . all men that are well suted in a profession , that is agreeable to their genius and inclination , are really the easier and the better pleased , the more they are employed in it . indeed there is no trade nor course of life , except ours , that does not take up the whole man : and shall ours only , that is the noblest of all others , and that has a certain subsistence fixed upon it , and does not live by contingencies , and upon hopes , as all others do , make the labouring in our business , an objection against any part of our duty ? certainly nothing can so much dispose the nation , to think o● the relieving the necessities of the many small livings , as the seeing the clergy setting about their business to purpose ; this would , by the blessing of god , be a most effectual means , of stopping the progress of atheism , and of the contempt that the clergy lies under ; it would go a great way towards the healing our schism , and would be the chief step that could possibly be made , towards the procuring to us such laws as are yet wanting to the compleating our reformation , and the mending the condition of so many of our poor brethren , who are languishing in want , and under great straits . there remains only somewhat to be added concerning the behaviour of the clergie towards one another . those of a higher form in learning , dignity and wealth , ought not to despise poor vicars and curates ; but on the contrary , the poorer they are , they ought to pity and encourage them the more , since they are all of the same order , only the one are more happily placed than the others : they ought therefore to cherish those that are in worse circumstances , and encourage them to come often to them ; they ought to lend them books , and to give them other assistances in order to their progress in learning , 't is a bad thing to see a bishop behave himself superciliously towards any of his clergy , but it is intolerable in those of the same degree . the clergy ought to contrive ways to meet often together , to enter into a brotherly correspondence , and into the concerns one of another , both in order to their progress in knowledg , and for consulting together in all their affairs . this would be a means to cement them into one body : hereby they might understand what were amiss in the conduct of any in their division , and try to correct it either by private advices and endeavours , or by laying it before the bishop , by whose private labours , if his clergy would be assisting to him , and give him free and full informations of things , many disorders might be cured , without rising to a publick scandal , or forcing him to extream censures . it is a false pity in any of the clergy , who see their brethren running into ill courses , to look on and say nothing : it is a cruelty to the church , and may prove a cruelty to the person of whom they are so unseasonably tender : for things may be more easily corrected at first , before they have grown to be publick , or are hardned by habit and custom . upon all these accounts it is of great advantage , and may be matter of great edification to the clergie , to enter into a strict union together , to meet often , and to be helpful to one another : but if this should be made practicable , they must be extreamly strict in those meetings , to observe so exact a sobriety , that there might be no colour given to censure them , as if these were merry meetings , in which they allowed themselves great liberties : it were good , if they could be brought to meet to fast and pray ; but if that is a strain too high for the present age , at least they must keep so far within bounds , that there may be no room for calumny . for a disorder upon any such occasion , would give a wound of an extraordinary nature to the reputation of the whole clergy , when every one would bear a share of the blame , which perhaps belonged but to a few . four or five such meetings in a summer , would neither be a great charge , nor give much trouble : but the advantages that might arise out of them , would be very sensible . i have but one other advice to add , but it is of a thing of great consequence , though generally managed in so loose and so indifferent a manner , that i have some reason in charity to believe , that the clergy make very little reflection on what they do in it : and that is , in the testimonials that they sign in favour of those that come to be ordained . many have confessed to my self , that they had signed these upon general reports , and importunity ; tho the testimonial bears personal knowledg . these are instead of the suffrages of the clergy , which in the primitive church were given before any were ordained . a bishop must depend upon them ; for he has no other way to be certainly informed : and therefore as it is a lie , pass'd with the solemnity of hand and seal , to affirm any thing that is beyond one's own knowledg , so it is a lie made to god and the church ; since the design of it is to procure orders . so that if a bishop trusting to that , and being satisfied of the knowledg of one that brings it , ordains an unfit and unworthy man , they that signed it , are deeply and chiefly involved in the guilt of his laying hands suddenly upon him : therefore every priest ought to charge his conscience in a deep particular manner , that so he may never testify for any one , unless he knows his life to be so regular , and believes his temper to be so good , that he does really judg him a person fit to be put in holy orders . these are all the rules that do occur to me at present . in performing these several branches of the duty of a pastor , the trouble will not be great , if he is truly a good man , and delights in the service of god , and in doing acts of charity : the pleasure will be unspeakable ; first , that of the conscience in this testimony that it gives , and the quiet and joy which arises from the sense of one's having done his duty : and then it can scarce be supposed 〈◊〉 by all this , some will be wrought on ; some sinners will be reclaimed ; bad men will grow good , and good men will grow better . and if a generous man feels to a great degree , the pleasure of having delivered one from misery , and of making him easy and happy ; how soveraign a joy must it be to a man that believes there is another life , to see that he has been an instrument to rescue some from endless misery , and to further others in the way to everlasting happiness ? and the more instances he sees of this , the more do his joys grow upon him . this makes life happy , and death joyful to such a priest , for he is not terrified with those words , give an account of thy stewardship , for thou mayest be no longer steward : he knows his reward shall be full , pressed down , and running over . he is but too happy in those spiritual children , whom he has begot in christ , he looks after those as the chief part of his care , and as the principal of his flock , and is so far from aspiring , that it is not without some uneasiness that he leaves them , if he is commanded to arise to some higher post in the church . the troubles of this life , the censures of bad men , and even the prospect of a persecution , are no dreadful things to him that has this seal of his ministry ; and this comfort within him , that he has not laboured in vain , nor run and fought as one that beats the air ; he sees the travel of his soul , and is satisfied when he finds that god's work prospers in his hand . this comforts him in his sad reflections on his own past sins , that he has been an instrument of advancing god's honour , of saving souls , and of propagating his gospel : since to have saved one soul , is worth a man's coming into the world , and richly worth the labours of his whole life . here is a subject that might be easily prosecuted by many warm and lively figures : but i now go on to the last article relating to this matter . chap. ix . concerning preaching . the world naturally runs to extreams in every thing . if one sect or body of men magnify preaching too much , another carries that to another extream of decrying it as much . it is certainly a noble and a profitable exercise , if rightly gone about , of great use both to priest and people ; by obliging the one to much study and labour , and by setting before the other full and copious discoveries of divine matters , opening them clearly , and pressing them weightily upon them . it has also now gained so much esteem in the world , that a clergy-man cannot maintain his credit , nor bring his people to a constant attendance on the worship of god , unless he is happy in these performances . i will not run out into the history of preaching , to shew how late it was before it was brought into the church , and by what steps it grew up to the pitch it is now at : how long it was before the roman church used it , and in how many different shapes it has appeared . some of the first patterns we have , are the best : for as tully began the roman eloquence , and likewise ended it , no man being able to hold up to the pitch to which he raised it ; so st. basil and st. chrysostom brought preaching from the dry pursuing of allegories that had vitiated origen , and from the excessive affectation of figures and rhetorick that appears in nazianzen , to a due simplicity ; a native force and beauty , having joined to the plainness of a clear but noble stile , the strength of reason , and the softness of persuasion . some were disgusted at this plainness ; and they brought in a great deal of art into the composition of sermons : mystical applications of scripture grew to be better liked than clear texts ; an accumulation of figures , a cadence in the periods , a playing upon the sounds of words , a loftiness of epithets , and often an obscurity of expression , were according to the different tastes of the several ages run into . preaching has past through many different forms among us , since the reformation . but without flattering the present age , or any persons now alive , too much , it must be confessed , that it is brought of late to a much greater perfection , than it was ever before at among us . it is certainly brought nearer the pattern that s. chrysostom has set , or perhaps carried beyond it . our language is much refined , and we have returned to the plain notions of simple and genuine rhetorick . we have so vast a number of excellent performances in print , that if a man has but a right understanding of religion , and a true relish of good sense , he may easily furnish himself this way . the impertinent way of dividing texts is laid aside , the needless setting out of the originals , and the vulgar version , is worn ou● . the trifling shews of learning in many quotations of passages , that very few could understand , do no more flat the auditory . pert wit and luscious eloquence have lost their relish . so that sermons are reduced to the plain opening the meaning of the text , in a few short illustrations of its coherence with what goes before and after , and of the parts of which it is composed ; to that is joined the clear stating of such propositions as arise out of it , in their nature , truth and reasonableness : by which , the hearers may form clear notions of the several parts of religion ; such as are best suted to their capacities and apprehensions : to all which applications are aded , tending to the reproving , directing , encouraging , or comforting the hearers , according to the several occasions that are offered . this is indeed all that can be truly be intended in preaching , to make some portions of scripture to be rightly understood ; to make those truths contain'd in them , to be more fully apprehended ; and then to lay the matter home to the consciences of the hearers , so directing all to some good and practical end . in the choice of the text ▪ care is to be taken not to chuse texts that seem to have humour in them ; or that must be long wrought upon , before they are understood . the plainer a text is in it self , the sooner it is cleared , and the fuller it is of matter of instruction ; and therefore such ought to be chosen to common auditories . many will remember the text , that remember nothing else ; therefore such a choice should be made , as may at least put a weighty and speaking sentence of the scriptures upon the memories of the people . a sermon should be made for a text , and not a text found out for a sermon ; for to give our discourses weight , it should appear that we are led to them by our texts : such sermons will probably have much more efficacy than a general discourse , before which a text seems only to be read as a decent introduction , but to which no regard is had in the progress of it . great care should be also had both in opening the text , and of that which arises from it to illustrate them , by concurrent passages of scripture : a little of this ought to be in every sermon , and but a little : for the people are not to be over-charged with too much of it at a time ; and this ought to be done with judgment , and not made a bare concordance exercise , of citing scriptures , that have the same words , though not to the same purpose and in the same sense . a text being opened , then the point upon which the sermon is to run is to be opened ; and it will be the better heard and understood , if there is but one point in a sermon ; so that one head , and only one is well stated , and fully set out . in this , great regard is to be had to the nature of the auditory , that so the point explained may be in some measure proportioned to them . too close a thread of reason , too great an abstraction of thought , too sublime and ▪ too metaphisical a strain , are sutable to very few auditories , if to any at all . things must be put in a clear light , and brought out in as short periods , and in as plain words as may be : the reasons of them must be made as sensible to the people as is possible ; as in vertues and vices ; their tendencies and effects ; their being sutable or unsutable to our powers , to both souls and bodies , to the interests of this life as well as the next ; and the good or evil that they do to humane societies , families and neighbourhoods , ought to be fully and frequently opened . in setting these forth , such a measure is to be kept , that the hearers may perceive , that things are not strained in the way of a declamation , into forced characters , but that they are set out , as truly they are , without making them seem better by imaginary perfections , or worse by an undue aggravation . for the carrying those matters beyond the plain observation of mankind , makes that the whole is looked on as a piece of rhetorick ; the preacher seeming to intend rather to shew his skill , is raising his subject too high , or running it down too low , than to lay before them the native consequences of things ; and that which upon reflection they may be all able to perceive is really true . vertue is so good in it self , that it needs no false paint to make it look better : and vice is so bad , that it can never look so ugly , as when shewed in its own natural colours . so that an undue sublime in such descriptions , does hurt , and can do no good . when the explanatory part of the sermon is over , the application comes next : and here great judgment must be used , to make it fall the heaviest , and lie the longest , upon such particulars as may be within the compass of the auditory : directions concerning a high devotion , to a stupid ignorant company ; or of generosity and bounty , to very poor people ; against pride and ambition , to such as are dull and low minded , are ill suted ; and so must have little effect upon them . therefore care must be taken that the application be useful and proper ; that it make the hearers apprehend som of their sins and defects , and see how to perform their duty ; that it awaken them to it , and direct them in it : and therefore the most common sins , such as mens neglecting their duty to god , in the several branches of it ; their setting their hearts inordinately upon the world ; their lying in discourse , but chiefly in bargaining ; their evil speaking , and their hatred and malice , ought to be very often brought in . some one or other of thes● , ought to be in every application that is made , by which they may see , that the whole design of religion lies against them . such particular sins , swearing , drunkenness , or leudness as abound in any place , must likewise be frequently brought in here . the application must be clear and short , very weighty , and free of every thing that looks like the affectations of wit and eloquence ; here the preacher must be all heart and soul , designing the good of his people . the whole sermon is directed to this : therefore as it is fit that the chief point which a sermon drives at , should come often over and over , that so the hearers may never lose sight of it , but keep it still in view ; so in the application , the text must be shewed to speak it ; all the parts of the explanation must come in , to enforce it : the application must be opened in the several views that it may have , but those must be chiefly insisted on that are most sutable both to the capacities and the circumstances of the people . and in conclusion , all ought to be summed up in a weighty period or two ; and some other signal passage of the scriptures relating to it may be sought for , that so the matter may be left upon the auditory in the solemnest manner possible . thus i have led a preacher through the composition of his sermon ; i will next lay before him some particulars relating to it . the shorter sermons are , they are generally both better heard , and better remembred . the custom of an hour's length , forces many preachers to trifle away much of the time , and to spin out their matter , so as to hold out . so great a length does also flat the hearers , and tempt them to sleep ; especially when , as is usual , the first part of the sermon is languid and heavy : in half an hour a man may lay open his matter in its full extent , and cut off those superfluities which come in only to lengthen the discourse : and he may hope to keep up the attention of his people all the while . as to the stile , sermons ought to be very plain ; the figures must be easy , not mean , but noble , and brought in upon design to make the matter better understood . the words in a sermon must be simple , and in common use ; not savouring of the schools , nor above the understanding of the people . all long periods , such as carry two or three different thoughts in them , must be avoided ; for few hearers can follow or apprehend these : niceties of stile are lost before a common auditory . but if an easy simplicity of stile should run through the whole composition , it should take place most of all in the explanatory part ; for the thing being there offered to be understood , it should be stript of all garnishing : definitions should not be offered in the terms , or method , that logick directs . in short , a preacher is to fancy himself , as in the room of the most unlearned man in his whole parish ; and therefore he must put such parts of his discourse as he would have all understand , in so plain a form of words , that it may not be beyond the meanest of them : this he will certainly study to do , if his desire is to edify them , rather than to make them admire himself as a learned and high-spoken man. but in the applicatory part , if he has a true taste of eloquence , and is a master at it , he is to employ it all in giving sometimes such tender touches , as may soften ; and deeper gashes , such as may awaken his hearers . a vain eloquence here , is very ill plac'd ; for if that can be born any where , it is in illustrating the matter : but all must be grave , where one would perswade : the most natural but the most sensible expressions come in best here . such an eloquence as makes the hearers look grave , and as it were out of countenance , is the properest . that which makes them look lively , and as it were smile upon one another , may be pretty , but it only tickles the imagination , and pleases the ear ; whereas that which goes to the heart , and wounds it , makes the hearer rather look down , and turns his thoughts inward , upon himself : for it is certain that a sermon , the conclusion whereof makes the auditory look pleased , and sets them all a talking one with another , was either not right spoken , or not right heard ; it has been fine , and has probably delighted the congregation , rather than edified it . but that sermon that makes every one go away silent and grave , and hastning to be alone , to meditate or pray over the matter of it in secret , has had its true effect . he that has a taste and genius for eloquence , must improve it by reading quintilian , and tully's books of oratory ; and by observing the spirit and method of tully's orations : or if he can enter into demosthenes , there he will see a much better pattern , there being a simplicity , a shortness , and a swiftness , and rapidity in him , that could not be heard without putting his auditors into a great commotion . all our modern books upon those subjects , are so far short of those great originals , that they can bear no comparison : yet rapin's little book of eloquence is by much the best , only he is too short . tully has so fully opened all the topicks of invention , that a man who has read him , will , if he has any invention of his own , and if he knows throughly his matter , rather have too much than too little in his view , upon every subject that he treats . this is a noble study , and of great use to such as have judgment to manage it ; for artificial eloquence , without a flame within , is like artificial poetry ; all its productions are forced and unnatural , and in a great measure ridiculous . art helps and guides nature ; but if one was not born with this flame , art will only spoil him , make him luscious and redundant . to such persons , and indeed to all that are not masters of the body of divinity , and of the scriptures , i should much rather recommend the using other mens sermons , than the making any of their own . but in the choice of these , great judgment must be used ; one must not take an author that is too much above himself , for by that , compared with his ordinary conversation , it will but too evidently appear , that he cannot be the author of his own sermons ; and that will make both him and them lose too much of their weight . he ought also to put those printed sermons out of that strength and closeness of stile , which looks very well in print ; but is too stiff , especially for a common auditory . he may reverse the method a little , and shorten the explanations , that so he may retain all that is practical ; and that a man may form himself to preaching , he ought to take some of the best models , and try what he can do upon a text handled by them , without reading them , and then compare his work with theirs ; this will more sensibly , and without putting him to the blush , model him to imitate , or if he can , to excel the best patterns : and by this method , if he will restrain himself for some time , and follow it close , he may come to be able to go without such crutches , and to work without patterns : till then , i should advise all to make use of other mens sermons , rather than to make any of their own . the nation has got into so good a taste of sermons , from the vast number of those excellent ones that are in print , that a mean composition will be very ill heard ; and therefore it is an unseasonable piece of vanity , for any to offer their own crudities , till they have well digested and ripened them . i wish the majesty of the pulpit were more looked to ; and that no sermons were offered from thence , but such as should make the hearers both the better , and the wiser , the more knowing , and the more serious . in the delivering of sermons , a great composure of gesture and behaviour is necessary , to give them weight and authority : extreams are bad here , as in every thing else ; some affect a light and flippant behaviour ; and others think that wry faces and a tone in the voice , will set off the matter . grave and composed looks , and a natural , but distinct pronunciation , will always have the best effects . the great rule which the masters of rhetorick press much , can never be enough remembred ; that to make a man speak well , and pronounce with a right emphasis , he ought throughly to understand all that he says , be fully persuaded of it , and bring himself to have those affections , which he desires to infuse into others . he that is inwardly persuaded of the truth of what he says , and that has a concern about it in his mind , will pronounce with a natural vehemence , that is far more lively , than all the strains that art can lead him to . an orator , if we hearken to them , must be an honest man , and speak always on the side of truth , and study to feel all that he says ; and then he will speak it so as to make others feel it likewise . and therefore such as read their sermons , ought to practise reading much in private , and read aloud , that so their own ear and sense may guide them , to know where to raise or quicken , soften or sweeten their voice , and when to give an articulation of authority , or of conviction ; where to pause , and where to languish . we plainly see by the stage , what a force there is in pronunciation : the best compositions are murdered , if ill spoken ; and the worst are acceptable , when well said . in tragedies rightly pronounced and acted , though we know that all is fable and fiction ; the tender parts do so melt the company , that tears cannot be stop'd , even by those who laugh at themselves for it . this shews the power of apt words , and a just pronunciation . but because this depends in a great measure , upon the present temper of him that speaks , and the lively disposition in which he is , therefore he ought by much previous seriousness , and by earnest prayer to god , to endeavour to raise his mind to as warm a sense of the things he is to speak of , as possibly he can , that so his sermons may make deep impressions on his hearers . this leads me to consider the difference that is between the reading and the speaking of sermons . reading is peculiar to this nation , and is endured in no other . it has indeed made that our sermons are more exact , and so it has produced to us many volumes of the best that are extant ; but after all , though some few read so happily , pronounce so truly , and enter so entirely into those affections which they recommend , that in them we see both the correctness of reading , and the seriousness of speaking sermons , yet every one is not so happy : some by hanging their heads perpetually over their notes , by blundring as they read , and by a cursory running over them , do so lessen the matter of their sermons , that as they are generally read with very little life or affection , so they are heard with as little regard or esteem . those who read , ought certainly to be at a little more pains , than for most part they are , to read true , to pronounce with an emphasis , and to raise their heads , and to direct their eyes to their hearers : and if they practis'd more alone the just way of reading , they might deliver their sermons with much more advantage . man is a low sort of creature ; he does not , nay nor the greater part cannot consider things in themselves , without those little seasonings that must recommend them to their affections . that a discourse be heard with any life , it must be spoken with some ; and the looks and motions of the eye do carry in them such additions to what is said , that where these do not at all concur , it has not all the force upon them , that otherwise it might have : besides , that the people , who are too apt to censure the clergy , are easily carried into an obvious reflection on reading , that it is an effect of laziness . in pronouncing sermons , there are two ways ; the one is when a whole discourse is got by heart , and delivered word for word , as it was writ down : this is so vast a labour , that it is scarce possible that a man can be able to hold up long to it : yet there is an advantage even in this to beginners ; it fills their memories with good thoughts , and regular meditations : and when they have got some of the most important of their sermons by heart in so exact a manner , they are thereby furnished with topicks for discourse . and therefore there are at least two different subjects , on which i wish all preachers would be at the pains , to form sermons well in their memories : the one is the grounds of the covenant of grace , of both sides , god's offers to us in christ , and the conditions that he has required of us , in order to our reconciliation with him . this is so important a point , in the whole course of our ministry , that no man ought to be to seek in the opening or explaining it : and therefore that he may be ripe in it , he ought to have it all rightly laid in his memory , not only as to the notions of it , but to have such a lively description and illustration of it all , as to be able to speak of it sensibly , fully , and easily upon all occasions . another subject in which every minister ought also to be well furnished , is concerning death and iudgment ; that so when he visits the sick , and , as is common , that the neighbours come in , he may be able to make a grave exhortation , in weighty and fit words , upon those heads . less than this , i think no priest ought to have in his memory . but indeed , the more sermons a young beginner gets by heart , he has still thereby the more discourse ready upon those heads ; for though the whole contexture of the sermon will stick no longer than as he has occasion for it , yet a great deal will stay with him : the idea of the whole , with the most important parts of it , will remain much longer . but now i come to propose another method of preaching , by which a priest may be prepared , after a right view of his matter , a true understanding his text , and a digesting of his thoughts upon it into their natural and proper order , to deliver these both more easily to himself , and with a better effect both upon himself and his hearers . to come at this , he must be for some years at a great deal of pains to prepare himself to it : yet when that is over , the labour of all the rest of his life , as to those performances , will become very easy and very pleasant to him . the preparations to this must be these ; first he must read the scriptures very exactly , he must have great portions of them by heart ; and he must also in reading them , make a short concordance of them in his memory ; that is , he must lay together such passages as belong to the same matter ; to consider how far they agree or help to illustrate one another , and how the same thing is differently expressed in them ; and what various ideas or ways of recommending a thing rise out of this concordance . upon this a man must exercise himself much , draw notes of it , and digest it well in his thoughts . then he must be ready with the whole body of divinity in his head ; he must know what parts come in as objections to be answered , where difficulties lie , how one part coheres with another , and gives it light. he must have this very current in his memory , that he may have things lie before him in one full view ; and upon this , he is also to work , by making tables , or using such other helps as may lay matters clearly before him . he is more particularly to lay before him , a system of morality , of all vertues and vices , and of all the duties that arise out of the several relations of mankind ; that he m●y have this matter very full in his eye , and know what are the scriptures that belong to all the parts of it : he is also to make a collection of all such thoughts , as he finds either in the books of the ancien● philosophers , ( where seneca will be of great use to him ) or of christian authors : he is to separate such thoughts as are forced , and that do become rather a strained declamation made only to please , than a solid discourse designed to persuade . all these he must gather , or at least such a number of them , as may help him to form a distinct notion of that matter , so as to be able both to open it clearly , and to press it with affection and vehemence . these are the materials that must be laid together , the practice in using them comes next ; he that then would prepare himself to be a preacher in this method , must accustom himself to talk freely to himself , to let his thoughts flow from him , especially when he feels an edg and heat upon his mind ; for then happy expressions will come in his mouth , things will ventilate and open themselves to him , as he talks them thus in a soliloquy to himself . he must also be writing many essays upon all sorts of subjects ; for by writing he will bring himself to a correctness both in thinking and in speaking : and thus by a hard practice for two or three years , a man may render himself such a master in this matter , that he can never be surprised , nor will new thoughts ever dry up upon him . he must talk over to himself the whole body of divinity , and accustom himself to explain , and prove , to clear objections , and to apply every part of it to some practical use . he must go through human life , in all the ranks and degrees of it , and talk over all the duties of these ; consider the advantages or disadvantages in every one of them , their relation to one another , the morality of actions , the common vertues and vices of mankind ; more particularly the duties of christians , their obligations to meekness and humility , to forgive injuries , to relieve the poor , to bear the cross , to be patient and contented in every state of life , to pray much and fervently , to rejoice ever in god , and to be always praising him , and most particularly to be applying seriously to god through jesus christ , for mercy and pardon , and for his grace and spirit ; to be worshipping him devoutly in publick , and to be delighting frequently to commemorate the death of christ , and to partake of the benefits of it . all these , i say , he must talk over and over again to himself ; he must study to give his thoughts all the heat and flight about them that he can : and if in these his meditations , happy thoughts , and noble and tender expressions , do at any time offer themselves , he must not lose them , but write them down ; and in his pronouncing over such discourses to himself , he must observe what words sound harsh , and agree ill together ; for there is a musick in speaking , as well as in singing ; which a man , tho not otherwise critical in sounds , will soon discover . by a very few years practice of two or three of such soliloquies a day , chiefly in the morning when the head is clearest , and the spirits are liveliest , a man will contract a great easiness both in thinking and speaking . but the rule i have reserved last , is the most necessary of all , and without it all the rest will never do the business ; it is this , that a man must have in himself a deep sense of the truth and power of religion ; he must have a life and flame in his thoughts , with relation to those subjects : he must have felt in himself those things which he intends to explain and recommend to others . he must observe narrowly the motions of his own mind , the good and bad effects that the several sorts of objects he has before him , and affections he feels within him , have upon him ; that so he may have a lively heat in himself , when he speaks of them ; and that he may speak in so sensible a manner , that it may be almost felt that he speaks from his heart . there is an authority in the simplest things that can be said , when they carry visible characters of genuineness in them . now if a man can carry on this method , and by much meditation and prayer draw down divine influences , which are always to be expected , when a man puts himself in the way of them , and prepares himself for them ; he will often feel , that while he is musing , a fire is kindled within him , and then he will speak with authority , and without constraint ; his thoughts will be true , and his expressions free and easy : sometimes this fire will carry him , as it were , out of himself ; and yet without any thing that is frantick or enthusiastical . discourses brought forth with a lively spirit and heat , where a composed gesture , and the proper motions of the eye and countenance , and the due modulations of the voice concur , will have all the effect that can be expected from any thing that is below immediate inspiration : and as this will be of use to the hearers , so it will be of vast use to the preacher himself , to oblige him to keep his heart always in good tune and temper ; not to suffer irregular or forbidden appetites , passions , or projects to possess his mind : these will both divert him from going on in the course of meditation , in which a man must continue many years , till all his thoughts are put in order , polish'd and fixed ; they will make him likewise speak much against the grain , with an aversion that will be very sensible to himself , if not to his hearers : if he has guilt upon him , if his conscience is reproaching him , and if any ill practices are putting a damp upon that good sense of things , that makes his thoughts sparkle , upon other occasions , and gives him an air and authority , a tone of assurance , and a freedom of expression . such a method as i have been opening , has had great success with all those that i have known to have tried it . and tho every one has not that swiftness of imagination , nor that clearness of expression , that others may have , so that in this men may differ as much as they do in their written compositions ; yet every man by this method may rise far above that which he could ever have attained to any other way : it will make even exact compositions easier to him , and him much readier and freer at them . but great care must be used by him , before he suffers himself to speak with the liberty here aimed at in publick ; he must try himself at smaller excursions from his fixed thoughts , especially in the applicatory part , where flame and life are more necessary , and where a mistaken word , or an unfinished period are less observed , and sooner forgiven , than in the explanatory part , where men ought to speak more severely . and as one succeeds in some short excursions , he may give himself a farther scope ; and so by a long practice , he will at last arrive at so great an easiness , both in thinking and speaking , that a very little meditation will serve to lay open a text to him , with all the matter that belongs to it , together with the o●der in which it ought to be both explained and applied . and when a man has attained to a tolerable degree in this , he is then the master of his business ; he is master also of much time , and of many noble thoughts , and schemes that will arise out of them . this i shall prosecute no further ; for if this opening of it , does not excite the reader to follow it a little , no enlargements i can offer upon it , will work upon him . but to return to preaching , and so conclude this chapter . he that intends truly to preach the gospel , and not himself ; he that is more concerned to do good to others , than to raise his own fame , or to procure a following to himself , and that makes this the measure of all his meditations and sermons , that he may put things in the best light , and recommend them with the most advantage to his people ; that reads the scriptures much , and meditates often upon them ; that prays earnestly to god for direction in his labours , and for a blessing upon them ; that directs his chief endeavours to the most important , and most indispensible , as well as the most undeniable duties of religion ; and chiefly to the inward reformation of his hearers hearts , which will certainly draw all other lesser matters after it ; and that does not spend his time , nor his zeal , upon lesser or disputable points ; this man so made , and so moulded , cannot miscarry in his work : he will certainly succeed to some degree , the word spoken by him , shall not return again . he shall have his crown , and his reward from his labours : and to say all that can be said , in one word , with st. paul , he shall both save himself , and them that hear him . the conclvsion . i have now gone over all that seemed to me most important upon this head , of the pastoral care , with as much shortness and clearness as i could : so now i am to conclude . the discourse may justly seem imperfect , since i say nothing concerning the duties incumbent on bishops . but i will upon this occasion say very little on that head. the post i am in , gives me a right to teach priests and deacons their duty ; therefore i thought , that without any great presumption , i might venture on it : but i have been too few years in the higher order , to take upon me to teach them , from whom i shall ever be ready to learn. this is certain , that since , as was formerly said , the inferiour orders subsist in the superior , bishops must still be under all the obligations of priests : they are then , take the matter at lowest , bound to live , to labour , and to preach as well as they . but why are they raised to a higher rank of dignity and order , an encrease of authority , and an extent of cure ? and why have christian princes and states , given them great revenues , and an accession of secular honours ? all this must certainly import their obligation to labour more eminently , and to lay themselves out more entirely in the work of the gospel : in which , if the greatest encouragements and assistances , the highest dignities and priviledges , belong to them , then according to our saviour's example and decision , who came not to be ministred unto , but to minister ; and who declared , that he who is first shall be last , and he who is the greatest must be the servant of all ; then i say , the higher that any are raised in this ministry , they ought to lay themselves out the more entirely in it , and labour the more abundantly . and as our obligations to christ and his church , tie us to a greater zeal and diligence , and to a more constant application of our care and thoughts ; so the secular supports of our honours and revenues were given us to enable us to go through with that extent of care and iurisdiction that lies upon us . we are not only watchmen to watch over the flock , but likewise over the watchmen themselves . we keep the door of the sanctuary , and will have much to answer for , if through our remissness or feeble easiness , if by trusting the examination of those we ordain to others , and yielding to intercession and importunity , we bring any into the service of the church , who are not duly qualified for it . in this , we must harden our selves , and become inexorable , if we will not partake in other mens sins , and in the mischiefs that these may bring upon the church . it is a false pity , and a cruel compassion , if we suffer any considerations to prevail upon us in this matter , but those which the gospel directs . the longer that we know them before we ordain them , the more that we sift them , and the greater variety of trials , through which we make them pass , we do thereby both secure the quiet of our own consciences the more , as well as the dignity of holy things , and the true interest of religion and the church : for these two interests must never be separated ; they are but one and the same in themselves ; and what god has joined together , we must never set asunder . we must be setting constantly before our clergie , their obligations to the several parts of their duty ; we must lay these upon them , when we institute or collate them to churches , in the solemnest manner , and with the weightiest words we can find . we must then lay the importance of the care of souls before them , and adjure them , as they will answer to god in the great day , in which we must appear to witness against them , that they will seriously consider and observe their ordination-vows , and that they will apply themselves wholly to that one thing . we must keep an eye upon them continually ; and be applying reproofs , exhortations , and encouragements , as occasion offers : we must enter into all their concerns , and espouse every interest of that part of the church that is assigned to their care : we must see them as oft as we can , and encourage them to come frequently to us ; and must live in all things with them , as a father with his children . and that every thing we say to stir them up to their duty , may have its due weight , we must take care so to order our selves , that they may evidently see , that we are careful to do our own . we must enter into all the parts of the worship of god with them ; not thinking our selves too good for any piece of service that may be done ; visiting the sick , admitting poor and indigent persons , or such as are troubled in mind , to come to us ; preaching of● , catechising and confirming frequently ; and living in all things like men that study to fulfil their ministry , and to do the work of evangelists . there has been an opinion of late , much favoured by some great men in our church ; that the bishop is the sole pastor of his whole diocess ; that the care of all the souls is singly in him , and that all the incumbents , in churches , are only his curates in the different parts of his parish , which was the ancient designation of his diocess . i know there are a great many passages brought from antiquity to favour this : i will not enter into the question , no not so far as to give my own opinion of it . this is certain , that such as are persuaded of it , ought thereby to consider themselves as under very great and strict obligations , to constant labour and diligence ; otherwise , it will be thought , that they only favour this opinion , because it encreases their authority , without considering that necessary consequence that follows upon it . but i will go no further on this subject , at this time , having said so much only , that i may not seem to fall under that heavy censure of our saviour's , with relation to the scribes and pharisees , that they did bind heavy burdens , and grievous to be born , upon others ; and laid them upon mens shoulders , when they themselves would not move them with one of their fingers . i must leave the whole matter with my readers . i have now laid together with great simplicity what has been the chief subject of my thoughts for above thirty years . i was formed to them by a bishop that had the greatest elevation of soul , the largest compass of knowledg , the most mortified and most heavenly disposition , that i ever yet saw in mortal ; that had the greatest parts as well as vertues , with the perfectest humility that i ever saw in man ; and had a sublime strain in preaching , with so grave a gesture , and such a majesty both of thought , of language , and of pronunciation , that i never once saw a wandring eye where he preached ; and have seen whole assemblies often melt in tears before him ; and of whom , i can say with great truth , that in a free and frequent conversation with him , for above two and twenty years , i never knew him say an idle word , that had not a direct tendency to edification : and i never once saw him in any other temper , but that which i wished to be in , in the last minutes of my life . for that pattern which i saw in him , and for that conversation which i had with him , i know how much i have to answer to god : and though my reflecting on that which i knew in him , gives me just cause of being deeply humbled in my self , and before god ; yet i feel no more sensible pleasure in any thing , than in going over in my thoughts all that i saw and observed in him . i have also another reason , that has determined me at this time , to prepare this discourse , and to offer it to the publick ; from the present posture of our affairs . we arenow brought very near the greatest crisis that ever church or nation had . and as on the one hand , if god should so far punish us for our sins , for our contempt of his gospel , and neglect of our duties , as to deliver us over to the rage of our enemies ; we have nothing to look for , but a persecution more dreadful than any is in history : so if god hears our prayers , and gives us a happy issue out of all those dangers , with which the malice of our enemies threaten us ; we have in view the greatest prospect of a blessed and lasting settlement , that even our wishes can propose to us . now nothing can so certainly avert the one , or prepare us to glorify god in it , if he in his justice and wisdom should call us to a fiery trial of our faith , and patience ; as the serious minding of our functions , of our duties and obligations , the confessing of our sins , and the correcting of our errors . we shall be very unfit to suffer for our religion , much less to die for it , and very little able to endure the hardships of persecution , if our consciences are reproaching us all the while , that we have procured these things to our selves ; and that by the ill use of our prosperity , and other advantages , we have kindled a fire to consume us . but as we have good reason from the present state of affairs , as well as from the many eminent deliverances , and happy providences , which have of late , in so signal a manner , watched over and protected us , to hope that god according to the riches of his mercy , and for the glory of his great name , will hear the prayers that many good souls offer up , rather than the cry of those abominations that are still among us : so nothing can so certainly hasten on the fixing of our tranquillity , and the compleating our happiness , as our lying often between the porch and the altar , and interceding with god for our people ; and our giving our selves wholly to the ministry of the word of god , and to prayer . these being then the surest means , both to procure and to establish to us , all those great and glorious things that we pray and hope for ; this seemed to me a very proper time to publish a discourse of this nature . but that which made it an act of obedience , as well as zeal , was the authority of my most reverend metropolitan ; who , i have reason to believe , employs his time and thoughts , chiefly to consider what may yet be wanting to give our church a greater beauty and perfection ; and what are the most proper means both of purifying and uniting us . to which i thought nothing could so well prepare the way , as the offering to the publick a plain and full discourse of the pastoral care , and of every thing relating to it . his grace approved of this , and desired me to set about it : upon these motives i writ it , with all the simplicity and freedom that i thought the subject required , and sent it to him ; by whose particular approbation i publish it , as i writ it at his direction . there is indeed one of my motives that i have not yet mentioned , and on which i cannot enlarge so fully as i well might . but while we have such an invaluable and unexampled blessing , in the persons of those princes whom god hath set over us ; if all the considerations which arise out of the deliverances that god has given us by their means , of the protection we enjoy under them , and of the great hopes we have of them : if , i say , all this does not oblige us , to set about the reforming of every thing that may be amiss or defective among us , to study much , and to labour hard ; to lead strict and exemplary lives , and so to stop the mouths , and overcome the prejudices , of all that divide from us ; this will make us look like a nation cast off and forsaken of god , which is nigh unto cursing , and whose end is burning . we have reason to conclude , that our present blessings are the last essays of god's goodness to us , and that if we bring forth no fruit under these , the next sentence shall be , cut it down , why cumbreth it the ground ? these things lie heavy on my thoughts continually , and have all concurred to draw this treatise from me ; which i have writ with all the sincerity of heart , and purity of intention , that i should have had , if i had known that i had been to die at the conclusion of it , and to answer for it to god. to him i humbly offer it up , together with my most earnest prayers , that the design here so imperfectly offered at , may become truly effectual , and have its full progress and accomplishment ; which whensoever i shall see , i shall then with joy , say , nunc dimittis , &c. finis . books sold by richard chiswell . books written by gilbert burnet , d. d. now lord bishop of sarum . the history of the reformation of the church of england , in volumes . folio . — abridgment of the said history . octavo . — vindication of the ordinations of the church of england . quarto . — history of the rights of princes in disposing of ecclesiastical benefices and church-lands . octavo . — life of william bedel , d. d. bishop of kilmore in ireland ; together with the copies of certain letters which passed between spain and england in matter of religion , concerning the general motives to the roman obedience : between mr. iames wadsworth a late pensioner of the holy inquisition in sevil , and the said william bedel then minister of the gospel in suffolk . octavo . — some passages of the life and death of iohn late earl of rochester . octavo . — examination of the letter writ by the late assembly-general of the clergy of france to the protestants , inviting them to return to their communion ; together with the methods proposed by them for their conviction . octavo . — a collection of seventeen tracts and discourses written in the years to , inclusive . quarto . — a second volume , or a collection of eighteen papers relating to the affairs of church and state during the reign of k. iames the second . with twelve others published a little before and since the late revolution , to christmas , . — fast-sermon at bow-church ; march , . on luke . , . — fast-sermon before the queen ; iuly , . on psal. . . — thanksgiving-sermon before the king and queen ; octob. , . on psal. . , . — fast-sermon before the king and queen ; april , . on psal. . . — thanksgiving-sermon before the king and queen ; nov. . : on prov. . . — sermon at the funeral of robert boyle , esq ian. . . on eccles. . . dr. alix's remarks upon the ecclesiastical history of the ancient churches of piedmont and the albigenses . in two parts . quarto . the jesuits memorial for the intended reformation of england under their first popish prince . written by father parsons , and prepared to be proposed in the first parliament after the restoration of popery , for the better establishment and preservation of that religion . published from the very manuscript copy that was presented to the late king iames the second , and found in his closet . with an introduction , and some animadversions by edward gee , chaplain to their majesties . octavo . dr. c●mberland ( now lord bishop of peterborough ) his essay towards the recovery of the jewish measures and weights , comprehending their monies ; by help of antient standards compared with ours of england , useful also to state many of those of the greeks and romans and the eastern nations . octavo . dr. stratford ( now lord bishop of chester ) his disswasive from revenge . octavo . — the lay-christian's obligation to read the holy scriptures . quarto . — a discourse concerning the popes supremacy . quarto . dr. cave's dissertation concerning the government of the antient church by bishops , metropolitans and patriarchs . octavo . two letters betwixt mr. rich. smith and dr. h●n . hammond , concerning the sense of that a●ticle in the creed [ he descended into hell. ] octavo . dr. puller's moderation of the church of england . octavo . jacobi usserii historia dogmatica controvers . inter orthodoxos & pontificios de scripturis & sacris vernaculis . quarto , . tho. pope-blunt censura celebriorum authorum , sive tractatus in quo varia virorum doctorum de clariss . cujusque saeculi scriptoribus judicia traduntur . fol. . gul. camdeni & illustrium virorum ad gul. camdenum epistolae . quarto , . anglia sacra , sive collectio historiarum antiquitus scriptarum de archiepisc. & episcopis angliae , a prima fidei christianae susceptione ad annum . opera hen. whartoni , in vol. folio , . mr. rushworth's historical collections , the third part , in two volumes , never before printed ; from the beginning of the long parliament , to the end of the year : wherein is a particular account of the rise and progress of the civil war to that period . folio . . stephani chauvin lexicon rationale , sive thesaurus philosophicus , . folio . sam. basnagii exercitationes historico-criticae de rebus sacris & ecclesiasticis . quarto , . tho. crenii collectio consiliorum de studiis optime instituendis . quarto , . — ejusdem fascicul●s dissertationum hist. critico-philologicarum . octavo , . basilii fabri thesaurus eruditionis scholasticae , cum innumeris additionibus per aug. buchnerum & christoph. cellarium . lips. folio , . ludov. seckendorf historia lutheranismi . folio , . laurentii begeri observationes & conjecturae in numismata quaedam antiqua . quarto , . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e phil. . malach. . , , . jer. . . notes for div a -e tim . ● . isa. . . joh. . . cor . , ● . cor. . , . rev. . . ch . cor. . . . heb. , . . ezek. . cor. . . cor . st. matth. . st. matt. . , . cor. . . . philip. . st. matth. . . john . . levit. . levit. ▪ . le●it 〈…〉 l●●it . . ● 〈…〉 sam. d & d ch. isa. . . ●er . . ezek. . . jer. . . jer. . . jer. . . jer. . . v. . v. . jer. . . ezek. . . ezek. . . ezek. . . ●●ek . . v. . v. . v. . dan. . . hos. . , , . joel . . ch . . v. . zech. . . mal. . . s. matth. . st. lu●e . st. io. . acts . v. . v. . v. . 〈…〉 cor. . . cor. . . ●ct● . ● . cor. . . eph. ▪ . . ● col. . tim. . , , , , . tim. . . . tim. ● . , ● , . v. . v. . v. , , . tim. . . v. . . tim. . . . v. ● . v. . v. . v. . v. . tit. . tit. . . v. . tim. . . heb. . v. . cor. ● , . math. . , . gildas salvianus, the reformed pastor shewing the nature of the pastoral work, especially in private instruction and catechizing : with an open confession of our too open sins : prepared for a day of humiliation kept at worcester, decemb. , by the ministers of that county, who subscribed the agreement for catechizing and personal instruction at their entrance upon that work / by their unworthy fellow-servant, richard baxter ... baxter, richard, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing b estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) gildas salvianus, the reformed pastor shewing the nature of the pastoral work, especially in private instruction and catechizing : with an open confession of our too open sins : prepared for a day of humiliation kept at worcester, decemb. , by the ministers of that county, who subscribed the agreement for catechizing and personal instruction at their entrance upon that work / by their unworthy fellow-servant, richard baxter ... baxter, richard, - . [ ], , [ ] p. printed by robert white, for nevil simmons ... and are to be sold by william roybould ..., london : . errata: p. 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[ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] london , printed by robert white , for nevil simmons , book-seller at kederminster , and are to be sold by william roybould , at the unicorn in pauls . church yard . . to my reverend and dearly beloved brethren , the faithful ministers of christ , in brittain and ireland , grace and peace in iesus christ be increased . reverend brethren , the subject of this treatise so nearly concerneth your selves and the churches committed to your care , that it perswadeth and emboldeneth me to this address , notwithstanding the imperfections in the manner of handling it , and he consciousness of my great unworthiness to be your monitor . before i come to my principal errand , i shall give you hat account which i suppose i owe you , of the reasons of his following work , and of the freedom of speech which to some may be displeasing . when the lord had awakened his ministers in this county , and some neighbouring parts to a sense of their duty in the work of catechizing , and private instruction of all in their parishes that would not obstinately refuse their help , and when they had subscribed an agreement containing their resolutions for the future performance of it , they judged it unmeet to enter upon the work , without a solemn humbling of their souls before the lord , for their so long neglect of so great and necessary a duty : and therefore they agreed to meet together at worcester , decemb. . . and there to joyn in such humiliation , and in earnest prayer to god for the pardon of our neglects , and for his special assistance in the work that we had undertaken , and for the success of it with the people , whom we are engaged to instruct : at which time among others , i was desired by them to preach : in answer to their desires i prepared the following discourse ; which though it proved longer then could be delivered in one or two sermons , yet i intended to have entred upon it at that time , and to have delivered that which was most pertinent to the occasion , and to have reserved the rest to another season . but before the meeting , by the increase of my ordinary pain and weakness , i was disabled from going thither : to recompence which unwilling omission , i easily yielded to the requests of divers of the brethren , forthwith to publish the things which i had prepared , that they might see that which they could not hear . if now it be objected , that i should not have spoken so plainly or sharply against the sins of the ministry , or that i should not have published it to the view of the world , or at least that i should have done it in another tongue , and not in the ears of the vulgar , especially at such a time when quakers and papists are endeavouring to bring the ministry into contempt , and the people are too prone to harken to their suggestions : i confess i thought the objection very considerable ; but that it prevailed not to alter my resolutions , is to be ascribed to the following reasons . . it was a purposed solemn humiliation that we were agreed on , and that this was prepared and intended for . and how should we be humbled without a plain confession of our sin ? . it was principally our own sins that the confession did concern ; and who can be offended with us for confessing our own , and taking the blame and shame to our selves , which our consciences told us we ought to do . . i have excepted in our confessions those that are not guilty : and therefore hope that i have injured none . . having necessarily prepared it in the english tongue , i had no spare time to translate it . . where the sin is open in the sight of the world , it is in vain to attempt to hide it . . and such attempts will but aggravate it , and increase our shame . . a free confession is a condition of a full remission ; and when the sin is publike , the confession must be publike . if the ministers of england had sinned only in latine , i would have made shift to have admonished them in latine , or else have said nothing to them . but if they will sin in english , they must hear of it in english . unpardoned sin will never let us rest or prosper , though we be at never so much care and cost to cover it : our sin will surely find us out , though we find not it . the work of confession is purposely to make known our sin , and freely to take the shame to our selves : and if he that confesseth and forsaketh be the man that shall have mercy , no wonder then if he that covereth it , prosper not , prov. . . if we be so tender of our selves , and so loath to confess , god will be the less tender of us , and he will indite our confessions for us . he will either force our consciences to confession , or his iudgements shall proclaim our iniquities to the world . know we not how many malicious adversaries are day and night at work against us ? some openly revile us , and some in secret are laying the designs , and contriving that which others execute and are in expectation of a fuller stroak at us , which may subvert us at once . what is it but our sins that is the strength of all these enemies ? is not this evil from the ordering of the lord ? till we are reconciled unto him we are never safe : he will never want a rod to scourge us by . the tongues of quakers , and papists , and many other sorts , are all at work to proclaim our sins , because we will not confess them our selves : because we will not speak the truth , they will speak much more then the truth . yet if we had man only to plead our cause with , perhaps we might do much to make it good : but while god accuseth us , how shall we be justified ? and who shall hide our sins , when he will have them brought to light ? and god is our accuser , till we accuse our selves : but if we would iudge our selves , he would not iudge us . . the fire is already kindled which revealeth our sin : iudgement is begun at the house of god. hath the ministry suffered nothing in england , scotland , and ireland ? and have there been no attempts for their overthrow ? hath it not been put to the vote in an assembly that some called a parliament of england , whether the whole frame of the stablished ministry , and its legal maintenance should be taken down ? and were we not put to plead our title to that maintenance , as if we had been falling into the hands of turks , that had thirsted for our subversion , as resolved enemies to the christian cause ? and who knows not how many of these men are yet alive ? and how high the same spirit yet is , and busily contriving the accomplishment of the same design ? shall we think that they have ceased their enterprise , because they are working more subtilly in the dark ? what are the swarms of railers at the ministry , sent abroad the land for , but to delude , exasperate and dis-affect the peeple , and turn the hearts of the children from their fathers , that they may be ready to promote the main design ? and is it not then our wisest course to see that god be our friend , and to do that which tendeth most to engage him in our defence ? i think it is no time now to stand upon our credit , so far as to neglect our duty , and befriend our sins , and so provoke the lord against us . it rather beseems us to fall down at the feet of our offended lord , and to justifie him in his iudgements , and freely and penitently to confess our transgressions , and to resolve upon a speedy and through reformation , before wrath break out upon us , which will leave us no remedy . it s time to make up all breaches between us and heaven , when we stand in such necessity of the divine protection ? for how can an impenitent unreformed people expect to be sheltered by holiness it self ? it is a stubborn child , that under the rod will refuse to confess his faults ; when it is not the least use of the rod to extort confession . we feel much : we fear more ; and all 's for sin : and yet are we so hardly drawn to a confession ? . the world already knows that we are sinners : as none can suppose us perfect , so our particular sins are too apparent to the world : and is it not meet then that they should see that we are penitent sinners ? it is sure a greater credit to us to be penitent sinners , then impenitent sinners : and one of the two we shall be while we are on earth . certainly as repentance is necessary to the recovery of our peace with god , so is it also to the reparation of our credit with wise and godly men : it is befriending and excusing our sin that is our shame indeed , and leadeth towards everlasting shame ; which the shame of penitent confession would prevent . . our penitent confession and speedy reformation are the means that must silence the reproaching adversaries . he is impudently inhumane that will reproach men with their sins , that bewail them and penitently charge them upon themselves . such men have a promise of pardon from god ; and shall men take us by the throat when god forgiveth us ? who dare condemn us , when god shall justifie us ? who shall lay that to our charge , which god hath declared that he will not charge us with ? when sin is truly repented of by gospel indulgence , it ceaseth to be ours . what readyer way then can we imagine to free us from the shame of it , then to shame our selves for it in penitent confessions , and to break off from it by speedy reformation ? . the leaders of the flock must be exemplary to the rest ; and therefore in this duty as well as in any other . it is not our part only to teach them repentance , but to go before them in the exercise of it our selves : as far as we excell them in knowledge and other gifts , so far should we also excell them in this and other graces . . too many that have set their hand to this sacred work do so obstinately proceed in self-seeking , negligence , pride , division , and other sins , that it is become our necessary duty to admonish them . if we could see that such would reform without reproof , we could gladly forbear the publishing of their faults . but when reproofs themselves do prove so uneffectual , that they are more offended at the reproof then at the sin , and had rather that we should cease reproving , then themselves should cease sinning , i think it is time to sharpen the remedy . for what else should we do ? to give up our brethren as uncureable were cruelty , as long as there are further means to be used . we must not hate them , but plainly rebuke them , and not suffer sin upon them , lev. . . and to bear with the vices of the ministers , is to promote the ruine of the church . for what speedyer way is there for the depraving and undoing of the people , then the pravity of their guides ? and how can we more effectually further a reformation , ( which we are so much obliged to do ) then by endeavouring the reforming of the leaders of the church ? surely brethren , if it be our duty to endeavour to cast out those ministers that are negligent , scandalous and unfit for the work , and if we think this so necessary to the reformation of the church ( as no doubt it is ) it must needs be our duty to endeavour to heal the sins of others ; and to use a much gentler remedy to them that are guilty of a less degree of sin : if other mens sin deserveth an ejection , sure ours deserve and require plain reproof . for my part i have done as i would be done by : and it is for god and the safety of the church , and in tender love to the brethren whom i do adventure to reprehend ; not ( as others ) to make them contemptible and odious , but to heal the evils that would make them so : that so no enemy may find this matter of reproach among us . but especially because our faithful endeavours are of so great necessity to the welfare of the church and the saving of mens souls , that it will not consist with a love to either ( in a predominant sort ) to be negligent our selves , or silently to connive at , and comply with the negligent . if thousands of you were in a leaking ship , and those that should pump out the water and stop the leaks , should be sporting or asleep , yea or but favour themselves in their labours , to the hazarding of you all , would you not awake them to their work , and call out on them to labour as for your lives ? and if you used some sharpness and importunity with the sloathful , would you think that man were well in his wits that would take it ill of you , and accuse you of pride , self-conceitedness , or unmannerlyness , to presume to talk so sawcily to your fellow workmen ? or should tell you that you wrong them by diminishing their reputation ? would you not say , the work must be done , or we are all dead men : is the ship ready to sink , and do you talk of reputation ? or had you rather hazard your self and us , then hear of your sloathfulness ? this is our case , brethren ! the work of god must needs be done ! souls must not perish while you mind your worldly business , or observe the tide and times , and take your ease , or quarrel with your brethren ! nor must we be silent while men are hastened by you to perdition , and the church to greater danger and confusion , for fear of seeming too uncivil and unmannerly with you , or displeasing your impatient souls ! would you be but as impatient with your sins as with reproofs , you should hear no more from us , but we should be all agreed ! but neither god nor good men will let you alone in such sins . yet if you had betaken your selves to another calling , and would sin to your selves only , and would perish alone , we should not have so much necessity of molesting you , as now we have : but if you will enter into the office , which is for the necessary preservation of us all , so that by letting you alone in your sin , we must give up the church to apparent loss and hazard ; blame us not if we talk to you more freely then you would have us do . if your own body be sick , and you will despise the remedy , or if your own house be on fire , and you will be singing or quarrelling in the streets , i can possibly bear it , and let you alone ( which yet in charity i should not easily do . ) but if you will undertake to be the physician of an hospital , or to all the town that is infected with the plague , or will undertake to quench all the fires that shall be kindled in the town , there is no bearing with your remisness , how much soever it may displease you : take it how you will , you must be told of it : and if that will not serve , you must be yet closelyer told of it : and if that will not serve , if you be rejected as well as reprehended , you must thank your selves . i speak all this to none but the guilty : and thus i have given you those reasons which forced me even in plain english to publish so much of the sins of the ministry as in the following treatise i have done . and i suppose the more penitent and humble any are , and the more desirous of the truest reformation of the church , the more easily and fully will they approve such free confessions and reprehensions . the second sort of objections against this free confession of sin , i expect to hear from the several parties whose sins are here confessed . most of them can be willing that others be blamed , so they might be justified themselves . i can truly say , that what i have here spoken hath been as impartially as i could , and not as a party , nor as siding with any , but as owning the common christian cause , and as somewhat sensible of the apparent wrongs that have been offered to common truth and godliness , and the hinderances of mens salvation , and of the happiness of the church . but i find it impossible to avoid the offending of guilty men . for there is no way of avoiding it , but by our silence , or their patience : and silent we cannot be , because of gods commands : and patient they cannot be , because of their guilt and partiality , and the interest that their sin hath got in their affections : i still except those humble men , that are willing to know the worst of themselves , and love the light , that their deeds may be made manifest , and long to know their sins that they may for sake them , and their duty that they may perform it . some its like will be offended with me , that i blame them so much for the neglect of that discipline , which they have disputed for so long . but what remedy ? if discipline were not of god , or if it were unnecessary to the church , or if it were enough to dispute for duty , while we deliberately refuse to perform it , then would i have given these brethren no offence . some its like will be offended that i mention with disallowance the separatists or anabaptists , as i understand some are offended much that i so mentioned them in an epistle before the quakers catechism , as if they opened the door to the apostacy of these times ; and they say that by this it appeareth that while i pretend so much zeal for the unity of the church , i intend and endeavour the contrary . to which i answer : . is it indeed a sign that a man loveth not the unity of the saints , because he loveth not their dis-union and division ? who can escape the censure of such men , but he that can unite the saints by dividing them ? . i never intended in urging the peace and unity of the saints , to approve of any thing which i judged to be a sin , nor to tye my own tongue or other mens from seasonable contradicting it . is there no way to peace but by participating of mens sin ? the thing i desire is this : . that we might all consider how far we may hold communion together , even in the same congregations , notwithstanding our different opinions ; and to agree not to withdraw where it may possibly be avoided . . but where it cannot , that yet we may consult how far we may hold communion in distinct congregations : and to avoid that , no further then is of meer necessity . and . and principally , to consult and agree upon certain rules , for the management of our differences in such a manner , as may be least to the disadvantage of the common christian truths which are acknowledged by us all . thus far would i seek peace with arminians , antinomians , anabaptists , or any that hold the foundation . yea and in the two last , i would not refuse to consult on accomodation with moderate papists themselves , if their principles were not against such consultations and accommodations : and i should judge it a course which god will better approve of , then to proceed by carnal contrivances to undermine their adversaries , or by cruel murders to root them out , which are their ordinary courses . i remember that godly , orthodox , peaceable man , bishop usher , ( lately deceased ) tels us in his sermon at wansted , for the unity of the church , that he made a motion to the papist , priests in ireland ; that , because it was ignorance of the common principles that was like to be the undoing of the common people , more then the holding of the points which we differ in , therefore both parties should agree to teach them some catechism containing those common principles of religion which are acknowledged by us all : but jealousies and carnal counsels would not permit them to harken to this motion . . and as concerning that epistle before my papers to the quakers , i further answer ; that by separatists there i plainly mean church-dividers : even all that make unnecessary divisions in or from the churches of christ ; whom the apostle so earnestly beseecheth us to mark and avoid , rom. . . and which he calleth them carnal for , and so earnestly contendeth against , cor. . and . and . and in many other places in his epistles . and if this be a tolerable sin , then the unity of the church is not a necessary thing ; and then the apostles would never have condemned this sin as they have done . do we all so sensibly smart by the effects of these sins , and is the church of christ among us brought into such a torn and endangered condition by them , so that we are in no small danger of falling all into the hands of the common adversaries ? is so hopeful and chargeable a reformation so far frustrated by these men ; and yet must we not open our mouths to tell them of it ? may we not tell them of it , when we are bleeding by their hands ? is it tolerable in them to cut and wound , and let out our blood , and is it unpeaceableness in us to tell them that we suffer by them , and to beseech them to repent and to have compassion on the church of christ ? must we be patient to be ruined by them , and have they not the patience to hear of it ? what remedy ? let them be silent that dare ; for i profess i dare not . i must tell them that this height of pride hath been in their ancestors a concomitant of schism . a poor drunkard or swearer will more patiently hear of his sin , then many that we hope are godly will of theirs , when once they are tainted with this sin . but godliness was never made to be the credit of mens sins : nor is sin to be let alone , or well thought of , when it can but get into a godly man. shall we hate them most , whom we are bound to love best ? and shall we shew it by forbearing our plain rebuke , and suffering their sin upon them ? it must not be : how ever they take it in their sick distemper , it must not be . no man that erreth doth think that he erreth : these men are confident themselves that they are in the right . but the sober prudent servants of christ , that have escaped their disease , do see their errour ; and england feeleth it , and that at the very heart : what , must we die by their hand , and our very heart blood be let out , and the gospel delivered up to the adversaries , before they will believe that they have done us wrong , or before they will endure to hear us tell them of it ? if the ages to come do not say more against the waies of these mistaken men , then i have done in that epistle : and if either mercy or iudgement do not bring them one day to think or speak more sharply of themselves ; then i must confess my self quite out in my prognosticks . another sort that will be offended with me , are some of the divines of the prelatical way : whom i had no mind to offend , nor to dishonour : but if necessary duty will do it ; what remedy ? if they cannot bear with just admonition , i must bear with their impatience . but i must tell them , that i spoke not by hear-say , but from sight and feeling . it s more tolerable in an english-man to speak such things , that hath seen the sad work that was made in england , the silencing of most godly , able men , the persecution even of the peaceable , the discountenance of godliness , and the insulting scorn of the prophanest in the land , then for a forrainer that hath known of this but by hearsay . when we remember what a sort of ministers the land abounded with , while the ablest and most diligent men were cast out , ( of which matters we cannot be ignorant , if there were no records remaining of their attested accusations ) we must needs take leave to tell the world that the souls of men and the welfare of the church were not so contemptible in our eyes , as that we should have no sense of these things , or should manifest no dislike of them , nor once invite the guilty to repent . and if you think my language harsh , i will transcribe some words of a far wiser man , and leave it to your consideration how far they concern the present case , or justifie my free and plain expressions . gildas de excid . britan. edit . polid. virgil. sub fine . [ quid plura ? i ertur vobis in medium matthaei in confusionem vestram , exemplum , sanctorum quoque apostolorum electione , vel judicio christi , non propria voluntate sortiti , ad quod caeci effecti non videtis , quia longè à meritis ejus distatis , dum in morem & affectum judae traditoris sponte corruitis . apparet ergo eum qui vos sacerdotes sciens ex corde , dicit non esse eximium christianum . sanè quod sentio , proferam . posset quidem lenior fieri increpatio , sed quid prodest vulnus manu tantum palpare , unguentove ungere , quod tumore jam vel faetore sibi horrescens cauterio , & publico ignis medicamine eget ? si tamen ullo modo sanari possit , aegro nequaquam medelam quaerente & ob hoc medico longius recedente . o inimici dei , & non sacerdotes ô licitatores malorum , & non pontifices ; traditores , & non sanctorum apostolorum successores ; impugnatores , & non christi ministri . auscultastis quidem secundae lectionis apostoli pauli verborum sonum , sed nullo modo monita virtutemque servastis , & simulachrorum more , quae non vident , neque audiunt , eodem die alteriastitistis , licet ille tune & quotidiè vobis intonaret . fratres , fidelis sermo est , & omni acceptione dignus . ille dixit , fidelem , & dignum , vos ut infidelem & indignum sprevistis . si quis episcopatum cupit , bonum opus cupit . vos episcopatum magnoperè avaritiae gratia , non spiritalis profectus obtentu , cupitis , & bonum opus illi condignum nequaquam habetis . oportet ergo hujusmodi irreprehensibilem esse : in hoc namque sermone lachrymis magis , quam verbis opus est , ac si dixisset apostolus eum esse omnibus irreprehensibiliorem debere . unius uxoris virum . quid ita apud nos , quoque contemnitur , quasi non audiretur vel idem dicere . et virum uxoris sobrium , prudentem ? quis etiam ex vobis hoc aliquando in esse sibi saltem optavit . hospitalem ? id forte casu evenerit , popularis aurae potius , quam praecepti gratiâ factum . non prodest , domino salvatore ita dicente . amen dico vobis , receperunt mercedem suam . ornatum , non vinolentum , non percussorem , sed modestum , non litigiosum , non cupidum ? o feralis immutatio , ô horrenda praeceptorum coelestium conculcatio ; nonne infatigabiliter ad-haee expugnanda , vel potius obruenda actuum verborumque arma corripitis , pro quibus conservandis , atque firmandis , si necesse fuisset , & poena ultro subeunda , & vita ponenda erat ? sed videamus & sequentia . domum suam ( inquit ) benè regentem , filios habentem , subditos in omni castitate . ergo imperfecta est patrum castitas , si non item & filiorum accumuletur ? sed quid erit , ubi nec pater , nec filius , mali genitoris exemplo privatus , conspicitur castus ? si quis autem domui suae praeesse nescit , quomodo ecclesiae dei diligentiam adhibebit ? haec sunt verba quae indubitatis affectibus approbantur . diaconos sim liter pudicos , non bilingues , non vino multo deditos , non turpelucrum sectantes , habentes ministerium fidei , in conscientia pura . hi autem probentur primum , & sic ministrent nullum crimen habentes . his nimirum horrescens diu immorari , unum veridice possum dicere . quin haec omnia in contrarios actus mutantur , ita ut clerici quod non absque dolore cordis fateor , impudici , bilingues , ebrii , turpis lucri cupidi , habentes fidem , & ut verius dicam , infidelitatem , in conscientia impura , non probati in bono , sed in malo praesciti ministrantes , & innumera crimina habentes , sacro ministerio adsciscantur . audistis etiam illo die , quo multo dignius , multoque rectius erat , ut ad carcerem vel catastam poenalem quam ad sacerdotium traheremini domino scitante , quem se esse putarunt discipuli , petrum respondisse . tu es christus filius dei , eique dominum pro tali confessione , dixisse . beatus es simon barjona , quia caro & sanguis non revelavit tibi , sed pater meus , qui in coelis est . ergo petrus à deo patre doctus rectè christum consitetur . vos autem moniti à patre vestro diabolo iniquè , salvatorem malis actibus denegatis . vero sacerdoti dicitur : tu es petrus , & super hanc petram , aedificabo ecclesiam meam . vos quidem assimilamini viro stulto , qui aedificavit domum suam , super arenam . notandum vero est , quod insipientibus in aedificanda domo , arenarum pendulae mobilitati dominus non cooperatur , secundum illud . fecerunt sibi reges ; & non per me . itidemque quod sequitur eadem sonat dicendo . et portae inferi non praevalebunt , ejusque peccata intelliguntur . de vestra quidem exitiabili factura pronunciantur . venerunt flumina , flaverunt venti , & impegerunt in domum illam , & cecidit , & fuit ruina ejus magna . petro ejusque successoribus dicit dominus , & tibi dabo claves regni coelorum . vobis vero ; non novi vos , discedite à me , operarii iniquitatis , ut separati sinistrae partis hoedi eatis in ignem aeternum . itemque omni sancto sacerdoti promittitur . et quaecunque solveris super terram , erunt soluta & in coelis ; & quaecunque ligaveris super terram , erunt ligata & in coelis . sed quomodo vos aliquid solvetis , ut sit solutum , & in coelis , à coelo ob scelera adempti , & immanium peccatorum funibus compediti ? ut solomon quoque ait , funiculis peccatorum suorum unusquisque constringitur . qua ratione aliquid in terra ligabitis , quod supra mundum etiam ligetur , propter vosmetpsos , qui ita ligati iniquitatibus , in hoc mundo tenemini , ut in coelis nequaquam ascendatis , sed in infausta tartari ergastula non conversi in hac vita ad dominum , decedatis . nec sibi quisquam sacerdotum de corporis mundi solum conscientia supplaudat , cum eorum quibus praeest , si propter ejus imperitiam , seu desidiam , seu adulationem , perierint , in die judicii de ejusdem manibus veluti interfectoris animae exquirantur quia nec dulcior mors , quam quae infertur ab unoquoque homineque malo , alioquin non dixisset apostolus velut paternum legatum suis successoribus derelinquens . mundus ego sum ab omnium sanguine , non enim subterfugi , quo minus annuntiarem vobis omne ministerium dei. multum namque usu ac frequentia peccatorum inebriati , & incessanter irruentibus vobis scelerum cumulatorum , acsi undis quassati , unam veluti post naufragium , in qua ad vivorum terram evadatis , poenitentiae tabulam toto animae nisu exquirite , ut avertatur furor domini à vobis , misericorditer dicentis , nolo mortem peccatoris , sed ut convertatur & vivat . ipse omnipotens deus totius consolationis & misericordiae paucissimos bonos pastores conservet ab omni malo , & municipes faciat civitatis hierusalem coelestis , hoc est sanctorum omnium congregationis , pater & pilius & spiritus sanctus , cui sit honor & gloria in secula seculorum . amen . if the english translation of this book ( for translated it is long ago ) do fall into the hands of the vulgar , they will see what language the brittish clergy received from one that was neither a censorious railer , nor schismatically self-opinionated . perhaps some will say , that the matter is not much amended , when in former times we were almost all of a mind , and now we have so many religions , that we know not well whether we have any at all . answ . . every different opinion is not another religion . . this is the common popish argument against reformation , as if it were better that men believed nothing fide divina , then enquire after truth , for fear of misbelief : and as if they would have all ungodly , that they might be all of a mind . i am sure that the most of the people in england where ever i came , did make religion , and the reading of scripture , or speaking of the way to heaven , the matter of their bitter scorn and reproach . and would you have us all of that mind again , for fear of differences ! a charitable wish ! . if others run into the other extream , will that be any excuse to you ? christs church hath alwaies suffered between profane unbelievers , and heretical dividers , as he suffered himself on the cross between two thieves . and will the sin of one excuse the other ? . and yet i must say , ( lest i be impiously blind and ungrateful ) that through the great mercy of god , the matter is so far amended , that many hundred drunken , swearing , ignorant , negligent , scandalous ministers are cast out ; and we have many humble , godly , painful teachers in a county for a few that we had before . this is so visibly true , that when the godly are feasted , who formerly were almost famished , and beaten for going abroad to beg their bread , you can hardly by all your arguments or rhetorick perswade them that the times are no better with them then they were ; though men of another nation may possibly believe you in such reports . i bless god for the change that i see in this countrey ; and among the people , even in my own charge ; which is such as will not permit me to believe , that the case is as bad with them as formerly it hath been . i say with minutius foelix , p. . ( mihi ) quid ingrati sumus ? quid nobis invidemus ? si veritas divinitatis nostri temporis aetate maturuit . fruamur nostro bono ; et recti sententiam temperemus : cohibeatur superstitio : impietas expietur : religio servetur . it is the sinful unhappiness of some mens minds , that they can hardly think well of the best words or waies of those whom they disaffect : and they usually disaffect those that cross them in their corrupt proceedings , and plainly tell them of their faults : and they are ready to judge of the reprovers spirit by their own , and to think that all such sharp reproofs proceed from some disaffection to their persons , or partial opposition to the opinions which they hold : and therefore they will seldom regard the reproofs of any , but those of their own party ; who will seldom deal plainly with them , because they are of their party . but plain dealers are alwaies approved in the end : and the time is at hand when you shall confess , that those were your truest friends . he that will deal plainly against your sins , in uprightness and honesty , will deal as plainly for you against the sins of any that would injure you : for he speaks not against sin , because it is yours , but because it is sin . it is an observable passage that is reported by many , and printed by one , how the late king charls , ( who by the bishops instigation had kept mr. prin so long in prison , and twice cropt his ears , for writing against their masks and plaies , and the high and hard proceedings of the prelates ) when he read his notable voluminous speech for an acceptance of the kings concessions , and an agreement with him thereupon , did , not long before his death deliver the book to a friend that stood by him , saying , take this book : i give it thee as a legacy : and believe it , this gentleman is the cato of the age. the time will come when plain dealing will have a better construction , then it hath while prejudice doth turn the heart against it . i shall stand no longer on the apologetical part : i think the foregoing objections being answered , there is no great need of more of this . the title of the book it self is apologetical ( which if i tell you not , i may well expect that some of my old ingenuous interpreter ; should put another sense upon it ) i pretend not to the sapience of gildas , nor to the sanctity of salvian ( as to the degree : ) but by their names i offer you an excuse for plain dealing . if it was used in a much greater measure , by men so wise and holy as these , why should it in a lower measure be dis-allowed in another ? at least from hence i have this encouragement , that the plain dealing of gildas and salvian being so much approved by us now they are dead , how much soever they might be despised or hated while they were living , by them whom they did reprove , at the worst i may expect some such success in times to come . but my principal business is yet behind . i must now take the boldness , brethren , to become your monitor concerning some of the necessary duties , of which i have spoken in the ensuing discourse : if any of you should charge me with arrogancy or immodesty , for this attempt , as if hereby i accused you of negligence , or judged my self sufficient to admonish you ; i crave your candid interpretation of my boldness , assuring you that i obey not the counsel of my flesh herein , but displease my self as much as some of you ; and had rather have the ease and peace of silence , if it would stand with duty and the churches good . but it is the meer necessity of the souls of men , and my desire of their salvation , and the prosperity of the church , which forceth me to this arrogancy and immodesty , if so it must be called . for who that hath a tongue can be silent , when it is for the honour of god , the welfare of his church , and the everlasting happiness of so many persons ? . and the first and main matter which i have to propound to you , is , whether it be not the unquestionable duty of the generality of ministers in these three nations , to set themselves presently to the work of catechizing , and personal instructing all that are to be taught by them , who will be perswaded to submit thereunto ? i need not here stand to prove it , having sufficiently done it in the following discourse . can you think that holy wisdom will gain-say it ? will zeal for god , will delight in his service , or love to the souls of men gain-say it ? . that people must be taught the principles of religion , and matters of greatest necessity to salvation , is past doubt among us . . and that they must be taught it in the most edifying advantagious way , i hope we are agreed ? . and that personal conference , and examination , and instruction , hath many excellent advantages for their good , is beyond dispute , and afterward manifested . . as also that personal instruction is commended to us by scripture , and the practices of the servants of christ , and approved by the godly of all ages , so far as i can find without contradiction . . it is past doubt that we should perform this great duty to all the people , or as many as we can : for our love and care of their souls must extend to all . if there be a . or . ignorant people in your parish , it is a poor discharge of your duty now and then occasionally to speak to some few of them , and let the rest alone in their ignorance , if you are able to afford them help . . and it is as certain that so great a work as this is , should take up a considerable part of our time . . and as certain is it , that all duties should be done in order , as far as may be , and therefore should have their appointed times . and if we are agreed to practise according to these commonly acknowledged truths , we need not differ upon any doubtful circumstances . obj. we teach them in publike ; and how then are we bound to teach them man by man besides ? answ . you pray for them in publike : must you not also pray for them in private ? paul taught every man , and exhorted every man , and that both publikely and from house to house , night and day with tears . the necessity and benefits afterward mentioned prove it to be your duty . but what need we add more , when experience speaks so loud ? i am daily forced to admire , how lamentably ignorant many of our people are , that have seemed diligent hearers of me this ten or twelve years , while i spoke as plainly as i was able to speak ! some know not that each person in the trinity is god ; nor that christ is god and man ; nor that he took his humane nature into heaven ; nor many the like necessary principles of our faith . yea some that come constantly to private meetings are found grosly ignorant : whereas in one hours familiar instruction of them in private , they seem to understand more , and better entertain it , then they did in all their lives before . obj. but what obligation lyeth on us to tye our selves to certain daies for the performance of this work ? answ . this is like the libertines plea against family prayer . they ask , where are we bound to pray morning and evening ? doth not the nature and end of the duty plainly tell you that an appointed time conduceth to the orderly successful performance of it ? how can people tell when to come if the time be not made known ? you will have a fixed day for a lecture , because people cannot else tell when to come without a particular notice for each day : and it is as necessary here , because this must be a constant duty , as well as that . obj. but we have many other businesses that sometimes may interrupt the course . answ . weightyer business may put by our preaching , even on the lords day ; but we must not therefore neglect our constant observance ordinarily of that day : and so it is here . if you have so much greater business , that you cannot ordinarily have time to do the ministerial work , you should not undertake the office : for ministers are men separated to the gospel of christ , and must give themselves wholly to these things . obj. all the parish are not the church , nor do i take the pastoral charge of them , and therefore i am not satisfied that i am bound to take this pains with them . answ . i will pass by the question , whether all the parish be to be taken for your church : because in some places it is so , and in others not . but let the negative be supposed : yet . the common maintenance which most receive , is for teaching the whole parish , though you be not obliged to take them all for a church . . what need we look for a stronger obligation , then the common bond that lyeth on all christians , to further the work of mens salvation , and the good of the church , and the honour of god , to the utmost of their power : together with the common bond that is on all ministers , to further these ends by ministerial teaching to the utmost of their power ? is it a work so good , and apparently conducing to so great benefits to the souls of men , and yet can you perceive no obligation to the doing of it ? obj. but why may not occasional conference and instructions serve the turn ? answ . i partly know what occasional conferences are compared to this duty , having tryed both . will it satisfie you to deal with one person of . or . or an hundred , and to pass by all the rest ? occasional conferences fall out seldom , and but with few ; and ( which is worst of all ) are seldom managed so throughly , as these must be . when i speak to a man that cometh to me purposely on that business , he will better give me leave to examine him , and deal closely with him , then when it falls in on the by : and most occasional conferences fall out before others , where plain dealing will not be taken so well . but so much is said afterward to these and several other objections , that i shall add no more . i do now in the behalf of christ , and for the sake of his church , and the immortal souls of men , beseech all the faithful ministers of christ , that they will presently and effectually fall upon this work . combine for an unanimous performance of it , that it may more easily procure the submission of your people . but if there should be found any so blind or vile as to oppose it , or dissent , god forbid that other ministers should because of that forbear their duties . i am far from presuming to prescribe you rules or forms , or so much as to motion to you to tread in our steps , in any circumstances where a difference is tolerable , or to use the same catechism or exhortation as we do : only fall presently and closely to the work . if there should be any of so proud or malicious a mind , as to withdraw from so great a duty , because they would not seem to be our followers , or drawn to it by us , when as they would have approved it , if it had risen from themselves ; i advise such , as they love their everlasting peace , to make out to christ for a cure of such cankered minds ; and let them know that this duty hath its rise neither from them nor us , but from the lord ; and is generally approved by his church : and for my part , let them , and spare not , tread me in the dirt , and let me be as vile in their eyes as they please , so they will but harken to god and reason , and fall upon the work , that our hopes of a more common salvation of men , and of a true reformation of the church may be revived . i must confess i find by some experience that this is the work that must reform indeed ; that must expell our common prevailing ignorance ; that must bow the stubborn hearts of men ; that must answer their vain objections ; and take off their prejudice ; that must reconcile their hearts to faithful ministers ; and help on the success of our publike preaching ; and must make true godliness a commoner thing , through the grace of god , which worketh by means . i find that we never took the rightest course to demolish the kingdom of darkness till now . i do admire at my self , how i was kept off from so clear and excellent a duty so long . but i doubt not but other mens case is as mine was . i was long convinced of it , but my apprehensions of the difficulties were too great , and my apprehensions of the duty too small , and so i was hindred long from the performance . i thought that the people would but have scorned it , and none but a few that had least need would have submitted to it : and the thing seemed strange : and i stayed till the people were better prepared ; and i thought my strength would never go through with it , having so great burdens on me before : and thus i was long detained in delayes , which i beseech the lord of mercy to forgive . whereas upon tryal , i find the difficulties almost nothing ( save only through my extraordinary bodily weakness ) to that which i imagined ; and i find the benefits and comforts of the work to be such , as that i profess i would not wish that i had forborn it , for all the riches in the world ( as for my self . ) we spend munday and tuesday from morning to almost night in the work ; ( besides a chappelrie catechized by another assistant ) taking about . or . families in a week ( that we may go through the parish ( which hath above . families ) in a year : ) and i cannot say yet that one family hath refused to come to me , nor but few persons excused and shifted it off . and i find more outward signs of success with most that come , then of all my publike preaching to them . if you say , it is not so in most places : i answer , . i wish that be not much long of our selves . . if some refuse your help , that will not excuse you for not affording it to them that would accept it . if you ask me , what course i take for order and expedition ; i have after told you : in a word ; at the delivery of the catechisms , i take a catalogue of all the persons of understanding in the parish : and the clark goeth a week before to every family to tell them when to come , and at what hour ( one family at . a clock , the next at . and the next at ten , &c. ) and i am forced by the number to deal with a whole family at once ; but admit not any of another to be present ( ordinarily . ) brethren , do i now invite you to this work , without god , without the consent of all antiquity , without the consent of the reformed divines or without the conviction of your own consciences ? see what our late assembly speak occasionally , in the directory , about the visitation of the sick , it is the duty of the minister not only to teach the people committed to his charge in publike , but privately and particularly to admonish , exhort , reprove and comfort them upon all seasonable occasions , so far as his time , strength , and personal safety will permit . he is to admonish them in time of health to prepare for death : and for that purpose , they are often to confer with their minister about the estate of their souls , &c. read this over again and consider it . harken to god if you would have peace with god : harken to conscience if you would have peace of conscience . i am resolved to deal plainly with you , if i displease you : it is an unlikely thing that there should be a heart that is sincerely devoted to god in the breast of that man , that after advertisements and exhortations , will not resolve on so clear and great a duty as this is . as it is with our people in hearing the word , so it is with us in teaching : an upright heart is an effectual perswader of them to attend on god in the use of his ordinances ; and an upright heart will as effectually perswade a minister to his duty : as a good stomach needs no arguments to draw it to a feast , nor will easily by any arguments be taken off : and as a child will love and obey his parents , though he could not answer a sophister that would perswade him to hate them : so i cannot conceive that he that hath one spark of saving grace , and so hath that love to god , and delight to do his will , which is in all the sanctified , should possibly be drawn to contradict or refuse such a work as this : except under the power of such a temptation as peter was when he denyed christ , or when he disswaded him from suffering , and heard an half excommunication , get thee behind me satan : thou art an offence unto me : for thou favourest not the things that be of god , but those that be of men , mat. . , . you have put your hand to the plough of god : you are doubly sanctified or devoted to him , as christians , and as pastors ; and dare you after this draw back and refuse his work ? you see the work of reformation at a stand ; and you are engaged by many obligations to promote it : and dare you now neglect that means by which it must be done ? will you shew your faces in a christian congregation , as ministers of the gospel , and there pray for a reformation , and pray for the conversion and salvation of your hearers , and the prosperity of the church : and when you have done , refuse to use the means by which it must be done ? i know carnal wit will never want words and shews of reason to gain-say that truth and duty which it abhors : it is easier now to cavil against duty then perform it : but stay the end , before you pass your final judgement . can you possibly make your selves believe that you shall have a comfortable review of these neglects , or make a comfortable account of them unto god ? i dare prognosticate from the knowledge of the nature of grace , that all the godly ministers in england will make conscience of this duty , and address themselves to it ( except those that by some extraordinary accident are disabled , or those that are under such temptations as aforesaid : ) i do not hopelesly perswade you to it , but take it for granted that it will be done : and if any lazy , or jealous , or malicious hypocrites , do cavil against it , or hold off , the rest will not do so : but they will take the opportunity , and not resist the warnings of the lord. and god will uncase the hypocrites ere long , and make them know to their sorrow , what it was to play fast and loose with god. wo to them , when they must be accountable for the blood of souls ! the reasons which satisfied them here against duty , will then be manifested to be the effects of their folly , and to have proceeded radically from their corrupted wills , and carnal interest . and ( unless they be desperately blinded and scared to the death ) their consciences will not own those reasons at a dying hour which now they seem to own . then they shall feel to their sorrow , that there is not that comfort to be had for a departing soul in the reviews of such neglected duty , as there is to them that have wholly devoted themselves to the service of the lord. i am sure my arguments for this duty will appear strongest at the last , whatever they do now . and again i say , i hope the time is even at hand when it shall be as great a shame to a minister to neglect the private instructing and oversight of the flock , as it hath been to be a seldom preacher ; for which men are now justly sequestred and ejected : and if god have not so great a quarrel with us as tendeth to a removal of the gospel , or at least to the blasting of its prosperity and success in the desired reformation , i am confident that this will shortly be . and if these lazy worldly hypocrites were but quickened to their duty by a sequestring committee , you should see them stir more zealously then all arguments fetcht from god and scripture , from the reward or punishment , or from the necessity and benefits of the work can perswade them to do . for even now these wretched men , while they pretend themselves the servants of christ , and are asking , what authority we have for his work ? and if we could but shew them a command from the lord protector or council , it would answer all their scruples , and put the business beyond dispute , as if they had a design to confirm the accusation of the papists , that their ministry only is divine , and ours dependeth on the will of men . well! for those godly zealous ministers of christ , that labour in sincerity , and denying their worldly interest and ease , do wholly devote themselves to god , i am confident there needs not much perswasion . there is somewhat within that will presently carry them to the work : and for the rest , let them censure this warning as subtilly as they can , they shall not hinder it from rising up against them in judgement , unless it be by true repentance and reformation . and let me speak one word of this to you that are my dear fellow-labourers in this county , who have engaged your selves to be faithful in this work . it is your henour to lead in sacred resolutions and agreements : but if you should any of you be unfaithful in the performance , it will be your double dishonour . review your subscribed agreement , and see that you perform it with diligence and constancy . you have begun a happy work : such as will do more to the welfare of the church then many that the world doth make a greater stir about . god forbid now , that imprudence or negligence should frustrate all . for the generality of you , i do not much fear it , having so much experience of your fidelity in the other parts of your office . and if there should be any found among you , that will shuffle over the work , and deal unfaithfully in this and other parts of your office , i take it for no just cause of reproach to us that we accept of your subscription , when you offer to joyn with us . for catechizing is a work not proper only to a minister ; and we cannot forbid any to engage themselves to their unquestionable duty : but in our association for discipline we must be somewhat more scrupulous , with whom we joyn . i earnestly beseech you all in the name of god , and for the sake of your peoples souls , that you will not slightly slubber over this work ; but do it vigorously and with all your might , and make it your great and serious business : much judgement is required for the managing of it . study therefore how to do it beforehand , as you study for your sermons . i remember how earnest i was with some of the last parliament , to have had them settle catechists in our assemblies ; but truly i am not sorry that it took not effect ( unless for a few of the larger congregations . ) for i perceive that all the life of the work under god , doth lie in the prudent effectual management ; in searching mens hearts , and setting home the saving truths : and the ablest minister is weak enough for this , and few of inferiour place or parts would be found competent : for i fear nothing more , then that many ministers that preach well , will be found too unmeet for this work ; especially to manage it with old , ignorant , dead-hearted sinners : and indeed if the ministers be not reverenced by the people , they will rather slight them and contest with them , then humbly learn and submit : how much more would they do so by inferiour men ? seeing then the work is cast upon us , and it is we that must do it or else it must be undone , let us be up and doing with all our might , and the lord will be with us . i can tell you one thing for your encouragement ; it is a work that the enemies of the church and ministry do exceedingly vex at , and hate and fear more then any thing that yet we have undertaken . i perceive the signs of the papists indignation against it . and me thinks it hath the most not able character of a work extraordinarily and unquestionably good : for they storm at it , and yet have nothing to say against it . they cannot blame it , and yet they hate and fear it , and would fain undermine it , if they knew how . you know how many false rumours have been spread abroad this country to deter the people from it : as that the lord protector and council were against it : that the subscribers were to be ejected : that the agreement was to be publikely burnt , &c. and when we have searcht after the authors , we can drive it no higher then the quakers , the papists emissaries ; from whom we may easily know their minds . and yet when a papist speaks openly as a papist , some of them have said , that it is a good work , but that it wants authority , and is done by those that are not called to it : forsooth , because we have not the authority of their pope or prelates : and some that should be more sober have used the same language : as if they would rather have thousands and millions of souls neglected , then have them so much as catechized and instructed , without commission from a prelate . yea and some that differ from us about infant baptism , i understand , repine at it ; and say that we will hereby insinuate our selves into the people , and hinder them from the receiving of the truth . a sad case that any that seem to have the fear of god , should have so true a character of a partial , dividing , and siding mind , as to grudge at the propagation of christianity it self , and the common truths which we are all agreed in , for fear least it should hinder the propagation of their opinions . the common cause of christianity , must give place to the cause of these lower controverted points : and they grudge us our very labour and suffering for the common work , though there be nothing in it which medleth with them , or which they are able with any shew of reason to gainsay . i beseech you brethren let all this , and the many motives that i have after given you , perswade you to the greater diligence herein ! when you are speaking to your people ; do it with the greatest prudence and seriousness , and be as earnest with them as for life or death ; and follow it as close as you do your publike exhortations in the pulpit . i profess again , it is to me the most comfortable work , except publike preaching ( for there i speak to more , though yet with less advantage to each one ) that ever i yet did set my hand to : and i doubt not but you will find it so to you , if you faithfully perform it . . my second request to the reverend ministers in these nations is , that at last they would without any more delay , unanimously set themselves to the practice of those parts of christian discipline , which are unquestionably necessary , and part of their work . it is a sad case that good men under so much liberty , should settle themselves so long in the constant neglect of so great a duty . the common cry is , [ our people be not ready for it : they will not bear it . ] but is not the meaning , that you will not bear the trouble and hatred which it will occasion ? if indeed you proclaim our churches uncapable of the order and government of christ , what do you but give up the cause to them that withdraw from them ? and encourage men to look out for better societties where that discipline may be had ? for though preaching and sacraments may be omitted in some cases , till a fitter season , and accordingly so may discipline be ; yet it is a hard case to settle in a constant neglect , for so many years together as we have done , unless there were a flat impossibility of the work : and if it were so , because of our uncapable materials , it would plainly call us to alter our constitution , that the matter may be capable . i have spoke plainly afterward to you of this , which i hope you will bear , and conscionably consider of . i now only beseech you that would make a comfortable account to the chief shepherd , and would not be found unfaithful in the house of god , that you do not wilfully or negligently delay it , as if it were a needless thing ; nor shrink not from duty because of trouble to the flesh that doth attend it : for as that 's too sad a sign of hypoorisie ; so the costlyest duties are usually the most comfortable ; and be sure that christ will bear the cost . i could here produce a heap of testimonies , of fathers and reformed divines , that charge this duty with great importunity . i shall only now give you the words of two of the most godly , laborious , judicious divines that most ever the church of christ had since the daies of the apostles . calvin . institut . li. . cap. . sect . , . sed quia nonnulli in odium disciplinae ab ipso quoque nomine abhorrent , hi sic habeant : si nulla societas , imo nulla domus quae vel modicam familiam habeat , contineri in recto statu sine disciplina potest : eam esse multo magis necessariam in ecclesia , cujus slatum quam ordinatissimum esse decet . proinde quemadmodum salvifica christi doctrina anima est ecclesiae , ita illic disciplina pro nervis est , qua fit ut membra corporis suo quaeque loco inter se cohaereant . quamobrem quicunque vel sublatam disciplinam cupiunt , vel ejus impediunt restitutionem , sive hoc faciant data operâ , sive per incogitantiam , ecclesiae certe extremam dissipationem quaerunt . quid enim futurum est , si unicuique liceat quod libuerit ? atqui id fieret nisi ad doctrinae praedicationem accederent privatae monitiones , correctiones , & alia ejusmodi adminicula quae doctrinam sustinent & otiosam esse non sinunt . disciplina igitur veluti fraenum est , quo retineantur & domentur qui adversus christi doctrinam ferociunt : vel tanquam stimulus quo excitentur parum voluntarii : interdum etiam velut paterna ferula qua clementer & pro spiritus christi mansuetudine castigentur , qui gravius lapsi sunt . quum ergo jam imminere cernamus initia quae dam horrendae in ecclesia vastitatis , ex eo quod nulla est cura , nec ratio continendi populi , ipsa necessitas clamat remedio opus esse . porro hoc unicum remedium est quod & christus praecipit , & semper usitatum inter pios fuit . . primum disciplinae fundamentum est , ut privatae monitiones locum habeant : hoc est , siquis officium sponte non faciat aut insolenter se gerat aut minus honestè vivat , aut aliquid admiserit reprehensione dignum , ut patiatur se moneri , atque ut quisque fratrem suum dum res postulabit monere studeat . praesertim vero in hoc advigilent pastores ac presbyteri quorum partes sunt non modo concionari ad populum sed per singulas domos monere & exhortari , sicubi universali doctrina non satis profecerint , quemadmodum docet paulus , quum refert se docuisse privatim & per domos ; & se mundum à sanguine omnium attestatur , quia non cessaverit cum lachrymis nocte & die monere unumquemque . see the rest . and sect . . he adds of the necessity : sine hoc disciplinae vinculo qui diu stare posse ecclesias confidunt , opinione fallantur : nisi fortè carere impune possimus eo adminiculo , quod dominus fore nobis necessarium providit . et sec . . atque hic quoque habenda est coenae dominicae ratio ne promisma exhibitione profanetur . verissimum est enim eum cui commissa est dispensatio si sciens ac volens indignum admiserit quem repellere jure poterat , proinde reum esse sacrilegii acsi corpus domini canibus prostitueret . hier. zanchius de ecclesia vol. . f. , . ( disciplina ) est actio qua ecclesia , secundum facultatem sibi à christo traditam fideles suos non solum publicè , sed etiam privatim , tam in vero dei cultu quam in bonis moribus idque tum doctrina , tum correctionibus , tum ecclesiasticis poenis & censuris , tum etiam si opus sit excommunicationibus instituit & institutos retinet . fol. . primo habet privatam doctrinam . habet enim ecclesia potestatem , si publica doctrina in publico templo non sufficiat , privatas fidelium domos ingrediendi , atque ibi eos privatim docendi , ac in vera doctrina ac religione christiana instituendi : & fideles pati debent ut pastor suas aedes ingrediatur , & eos privatim instituat . hujus exemplum est , in act. . &c. idem fecerunt reliqui apostoli . . habet privatas admonitiones , correctiones , objurgationes , &c. this is for private teaching : now for the sacrament , hear what he saith , ibid. fol. . obj. manebimus in ecclesia , audiemus verbum , &c. sed qui possumus in coenâ communionem vobiscum habere , cum ad eam admittantur multi impuri , ebrii , avari , &c. resp . . quantum ad hos peccatores , eos intelligi posse bifariam : vel qui ante fuerunt ebrii , &c. sed postea resipuerunt . hos dicimus secundum verbum domini non esse excludendos à mensa domini , quandoquidem verâ poenitentiâ & fide praediti sunt : vel eos qui etiamnum ebrietati student , aliisque vitiis , & talis sine poenitentiâ & fide accedunt : hos dicimus simpliciter non esse admittendos . quod autem admittuntur plerumque hoc contingere potest bifariam : vel ex ignorantia ministrorum , eo quod non agnoverint tales esse , quales sunt : et hanc certè ignor antiam non probamus , quoniam debet minister agnoscere , qualesnam sint illi quibus coenam domini administrat : quod si ignorat , non potest non accusari supinae & reprehendendae negligentiae , &c. aut cum sint omnibus noti qualesnam sint , non student tamen eos arcere prae timore , vel aliquo alio humano respectu . hoc damnamus in ministro vitium timiditatis . debet enim minister christi esse cordatissimus & heroicus . sed hic non est spectandum quid unus aut alter vilis minister agat ( mark the title ) sed quae sit ecclesiae institutio , quaeque communis in omnibus ecclesiis consuetudo : in omnibus autem ecclesiis nostris antequam coena ministretur , omnibus hujusmodi interdicitur , &c. et certò magnum est prob●um , quod inter filios dei locum habeant & porci & canes : multò verò magis , si illis prostituuntur sacro-sancta coenae dominicae symbola , &c. quare ecclesiae christi non debent hu jusmodi scelerators in sinu suo ferre , nec ad sacram coenam dignos simul & indignos promiscuè admittere : id quod plerumque fit in ecclesiis nostris : ( how many then were the viles ministri ! ) but the principal is behind of the necessity of discipline : and i desire both magistrates & ministers , into whose hands these lines shall fall , to read and consider it . ibid. fol. , . videant igitur principes & magistratus qui hanc disciplinam in ecclesiam restitutam nolunt , quid agant . haec instituta est à christo , ut perpetuo in ecclesia tanquam singularis thesaurus conservetur : ergo qui eam exulare volunt , sciant se velle , christum , exulare . haec pars est evangelii jesu christi . ergo qui hanc restitutam nolunt , sciant se nolle evangelium christi , ficut debet , restitutum . quomodo igitur gloriamur restitutum esse evangelium in ecclesiis nostris , si hanc eamque non postremam partem evangelii restitutam-nolumus ? hâc vitia corriguntur : virtutes promoventur : ergo qui hanc disciplinam restitutam nolunt , quomodo audent dicere se vitia odisse , virtutum vero amantes esse , pietatis promotores , impietatis osores . hâc conservatur & regitur ecclesia , singulaeque ecclesiae membra suo quaeque loco cohaerent : ergo quomodo qui hanc expulsam volunt dicunt se velle christi ecclesiam , bene rectam si quando sine hac bene regi non potest . si nulla domus nullum opidum , nulla urbs , nulla respublica , nullum regnum , imo ne exiguus quidem ludus literarius , sinè disciplina regi potest , quomodo poterit ecclesia ? i would magistrates would read the rest , which is purposely to them . et fol. . at timetur seditio & tumultus . resp . ergo neque evangelium est praedicandum , &c. quid : annon vident principes & magstratus nostri quantum malum in ecclesia oriatur , & intus & foris ex neglectu contemptuve hujus disciplinae ? foris nulla res est quae magis papistas & alios , arceat , vel saltem retrudet amplectendo evangelio , atque haec disciplinae ecclesiasticae destitutio , quae est in ecclesiis nostris . intus , nihil quod magis alat vitia , haeresis , &c. annon vident ecclesias suas principes plenas sectis haereticorum , & impurorum hominum ? ad has confluit omne genus hominum fanaticorum , impurorum , &c. tanquam ad asylum . quare ? quia ibi nulla disciplina . sciant ergo principes & quicunque illi sint qui disciplinam ecclesiasticam in ecclesiis restitutam nolunt , sed ei adversantur eamque proscribunt , se christo adversari : qui ministros impediunt ne cam exerceant , se christum & deum impedire , ne sua fungantur potestate . quid enim agunt ministri cum excommunicant ? pronunciant sententiam domini . ait enim christus : quicquid liga veritis in terris , &c. quid igitur agunt qui impediunt ecclesiam ne sententiam domini pronunciet ? peccant contra christum , & rei sunt laesae divinae majestatis . annon reus esset laesae majestatis caesareae , siquis ejus judicem ne sententiam caesaris pronunciet impediat ? videant igitur quid agant . hactenus christus rexit ecclesiam suam hac disciplinâ ; & ipsi principes , imo & ministri aliquot , nolunt eam sic regi ? viderint ipsi . pronuncio , proclamo , protestor , eos peccare , qui cum possint & debeant eam restituere , non restituunt . i hope both magistrates and ministers that are guilty , will give me leave to say the like with zanchy , if not to call them traitors against the majesty of god , that hinder discipline , and adversaries to christ , yet at least to pronounce , proclaim , protest , that they sin against god , who set it not up when they may and ought . but what if the magistrate will not help us ? nay , what if he were against it ? so he was for about . years , when discipline was exercised in the primitive church . to this zanchy adds , ib. ministri ecclesiae quantum per consensum & pacem ecclesiae licet hanc disciplinam exercere debetis . hanc enim potestatem vobis dedit dominus , neque quispiam auferre eam potest : nec contenti esse debetis ut doceatis quid agendum , quid fugiendum sit , utut quisque pro sua libidine vivat nihil curantes , sed urgenda disciplina . vid. august . de fide & operib . c. . obj. at impedimur per magistratum . resp . tunc illi significate quam male agat , &c. read the rest of the solid advice that calvin and zanchy in the forecited places , do give both to ministers and people where discipline is wanting . the great objection that seemeth to hinder some from this work , is because we are not agreed yet , who it is that must do it ? whether only a prelate ? or whether a presbyterie ? or a single pastor ? or the people ? answ . let so much be exercised as is out of doubt . . it s granted that a single pastor may expound and apply the word of god : he may rebuke a notorious sinner by name . he may make known to the church that god hath commanded them , with such a one no not to eat ? and require them to obey this command , &c. i shall say no more of this now , then to cite the words of two learned , godly , moderate divines , impartial in this cause . the one is mr. lyford a maintainer of episcopacy , in his legacy of admission to the lords supper : who pag. . saith , [ q. in which of the ministers is this power placed ? ] answ . every minister hath the power of all christs ordinances to dispense the same in that congregation or flock , over which the holy-ghost hath made him overseer ; yet with this difference : he may preach the word , baptize , and administer the holy supper alone of himself without the assistance or consent of the people : but not excommunicate alone ( he means not without the people , though of that more must be said : ) because excommunication doth presuppose an offence to the congregation , a conviction and proof of that offence , and witnesses of the parties obstinacy : and therefore hereunto is required the action of more then one , &c. excommunication comprizeth several acts : admonition , private , publike : the last act is , the casting out of a wicked obstinate person from the society of the faithful . . by the authority of christ . . dispensed and executed by the ministers of the gospel . . with the assistance and consent of the congregation , &c. . if you ask by whose office and ministry this sentence is denounced ? i answer , by the ministers of the gospel : we bind and loose doctrinally , in our preaching peace to the godly and curses to the wicked : but in excommunication we denounce the wrath of god against this or that particular person ( thou art the man ! thou hast no part with us : ) and that not only declaratively , but judicially : it is like the sentence of a judge on the bench , &c. . if you ask , whether this be done by the minister alone ? i answ . no ; it must be done by the assistance and consent of the congregation , cor. . . excommunication must not be done in a corner , by the chancellor and his register , &c. but whosoever doth by his offences lose his right to the holy things of god , he must lose it in the face of the congregation , and that after proofs and allegations , as is abovesaid : the people hear and see the offence , complain of it , and are grieved at his society with them , and judge him worthy to be cast out . this concurrence and consent being supposed , every minister is episcopus gregis , a bishop in his own parish ( n. b. ) act. . . to all the flock over which the holy-ghost hath made you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , overseers . and heb. . . remember them which have the rule over you , who have spoken to you the word of god. where note , that they who preach the word of god , must rule and govern the church ; and every preacher is a ruler , unto whom the people must submit . v. . besides every minister is vested with this authority at his ordination , whose sins thou dost forgive , they are forgiven : whose sins thou dost retain , &c. . every minister is vested with this authority by the laws of this land : the words of the rubrick for the administration of the lords supper which do enable us thereto are these [ if any of those which intend to be partakers of the holy communion , be an open notorious evil liver , so that the congregation by him is offended , or have done wrong to his neighbours by word or deed , the curate having knowledge thereof , shall call him , and advertise him in any wise not to presume to the lords table , until he have openly declared himself to have truly repented and amended his former naughty life , that the congregation may thereby be satisfied , which afore were offended ; and that he have recompenced the parties whom he hath done wrong to , or at least declare himself to be in full purpose so to do as soon as he conveniently may : besides this our authority in this particular is , confirmed by an ordinance of the lords and commons in parliament , & c. ! so far mr. lyfords words . the other is mr. tho. ball of northampton in his late book for the ministry , where part . cap. . he bringeth many arguments to prove it the ministers duty to exercise discipline as well as to preach : and the seventh argument is this , [ what was given by the bishops unto such ministers as they ordained and laid their hands upon , should not be grudged or denyed to them by any body : for they were never accounted lavish or over liberal unto them , especially in point of jurisdiction : that was alwaies a very tender point , and had a guard and centry alwaies on it : for conceiving themselves the sole possessors of it , they were not willing to admit of partners : whatever they indulged in other points , as pharaoh to ioseph [ only in the throne i will be greater then thou ] yet bishops granted to all that they ordained presbyters , the use and exercise of discipline as well as doctrine , as appears in the book of ordering bishops , priests and deacons , whereof the interrogatories propounded to the party to be ordained is , [ will you then give your faithful diligence alwaies so to minister the doctrine and sacraments , and the discipline of christ as the lord hath commanded , and as this realm hath received the same according to the commandments of god , so that you may teach the people committed to your care and charge with all diligence to keep and observe the same : ] which a reverend and learned brother , not observing would confine all jurisdiction to diocesan bishops , &c. argu. . what is granted and allowed to ministers by the laws and customs of this nation cannot reasonably be denyed : for the laws of england have never favoured usurpation in the clergy , &c. but the laws and customs of this nation allows to the ministers of england the use and exercise of discipline as well as doctrine : for such of them as have parsonages or rectories , are in all process and proceedings called rectors , &c. . and as to the point of the peoples interest , the moderate seem to differ but in words . some say the people are to govern by vote : i confess if this were understood as it is spoken , according to the proper sense of the words , and practised accordingly , it were contrary to the express commands of scripture , which command the elders to rule well , and the people to obey them as their rulers , in the lord : and it seems to me to be destructive to the being of a political church , whose constitutive parts are the ruling and the ruled parts : as every school consisteth of master and scholars , and every common-wealth of the pars imperans , & pars subdita : and therefore those that rigidly stick to this , do cast out themselves from all particular political churches communion of christs institution . ( which because i have formerly said , or somewhat to that purpose , a late nameless writer makes me cruel to his party , while i seem for them , and so self-contradicting : as if it were cruelty to tell a brother of his sin , and not to leave it on him : or as if i understood not my self , because he understands me not ! ) but i perceive the moderate mean not any such things as these words in their proper sense import . they only would have the church ruled as a free people ( as from unjust impositions ) and in a due subordination to christ . and we are all agreed that the pastors have the judicium directionis , the teaching , directing power , by office : and that the people have judicium discretionis ; and must try his directions , and not obey them when they lead to sin ; and therefore we cannot expect that the people should execute any of our directions except their iudgement lead them to execute them . ( though if their iudgement be wrong , god requireth them to rectifie it ) and as for the judicial decisive power ( about which there is so great contending ) in the strictest sense it is the prerogative of christ , and belongeth to neither of them : for only christ is proper law-giver , and iudge of the church , whose law and iudgement is absolute , of it self determinative , and not subjected to our tryal of its equity or obligation . so that we must as much conclude that there is no final iudge of controversies in a particular church , as we do against the papists , that there is none in the church in general . and therefore the churches iudicial decisive power is but improperly such , reducible to the former , which seeing we are agreed in , we are as far in sense agreed in this . a pastor is iudge as a physician in an hospital , or as plato or zeno was in his school , or any tutour in a colledge of voluntary students . for any more , it belongeth to christ , and to the magistrate . why then do we stand quarreling about the names ? one saith , the people have a power of liberty , and the ministers only the power of authority . and what 's this more then we yield them ; viz. that the guiding authority being only in the guides , and the people commanded to obey them in a due subordination to christ , there is a liberty belonging to all the saints ; from any other kind of ministerial rule , that is , from a sic volo , sic jubeo , a rule without divine authority : and therefore the people must first try and judge , whether the direction be according to god , and so obey : and this in church censures as well as other cases . so that , . as the people ought not to dissent , or disobey their guides , unless they lead them to sin ( and therefore must see a danger of sin before they suspend obedience . ) so . the guides cannot bring the people to execute their censures or directions , but by procuring their consent . and therefore though he must do his duty , and may pass his directive censure though they dissent , and ministerially require them in the name of the lord , e. g. to avoid a notorious obstinate offender , and so to obey the command of god ; that is , though we may charge them in the name of the lord to consent , and obey , and do their duty , yet if their iudgements remain unconvinced in a case which is to them obscure , we have no more to do , but satisfie our selves that we have done our duty . so that when we have quarrelled never so long , what is it but the peoples consent that the moderate men on one side do require ? and consent the other side requireth also : call it what else you will , whether a government , or an authority , or a liberty ; consent is the thing which both require ! and are we not then in the matter agreed ? peruse for this mr. lyfords words before cited . see also what the leading men for presbyterian government do not only acknowledge but maintain as effectually as others : as dav. blondellus de jure plebis in regim . eccles . calvin institut . l. . c. . sect . . ne quis tale judicium spernat , aut parvi aestimet se fidelium suffragiis damnatum , testatus est dominus , &c. ita zanchius ubi sup . and many more . indeed this consent of the people is not sine qua non to the pastors performance of his own part ; viz. charging the church in christs name to avoid the communion of such a notorious obstinate offender , and suspending his own acts towards him : and so charging them to receive the innocent or penitent . ] ( for if the people consent not to avoid such , and so would exclude all discipline , yet the pastor must charge it on them , and do his part . ) but it is sine qua non to their actual rejecting and avoiding that offender . in a word , we must teach them their duty and require it and they and we must obey and do it : and neither they nor we may oblige any to sin . obj. but we are not agreed about the matter of the church that must be governed . answ . peruse the qualifications required in church-members in the writings of the moderate on both sides , and see what difference you can find ! are not both agreed , that professors of true faith and holiness , cohabiting and consenting , are a true church ? and when they contradict that profession by wicked actions , ( doctrine or life ) they are to be dealt with by discipline . though i confess in our practise we very much differ ; most that i know running into one of the extreams , of loosness or rigor . . my third and last request is , that all the faithful ministers of christ would without any more delay unite and associate for the furtherance of each other in the work of the lord , and the maintaining of unity and concord in his churches . and that they would not neglect their brotherly meetings to those ends , nor yet spend them unprofitably , but improve them to their edification , and the effectual carrying on the work . read that excellent letter of edmond grindal arch-bishop of canterbury to q. elizabeth , for ministerial meetings and exercises ( such bishops would have prevented our contentions and wars : ) you may see it in fullers new history of the church of england . and let none draw back that accord in the substantials of faith and godliness : yea if some should think themselves necessitated ( i will not say to schism , least i offend them ; but ) to separate in publike worship from the rest , me thinks , if they be indeed christians , they should be willing to hold so much communion with them as they can , and to consult how to manage their differences to the least disadvantage to the common truths and christian cause which they all profess to own and prefer . and here i may not silently pass by an uncharitable slander which some brethren of the prelatical iudgement have divulged of me far and near : viz. that while i perswade men to accommodation , it was long of me that the late proclamation or ordinance was procured for silencing all sequestred ministers ; viz. by the late worcestershire petition , which they say was the occasion of it ( and they falsly report that i altered it after the subscription . ) to which i say . . it was the petition of many iustices , and the grand iury , and thousands of the county , as well as me . . there is not a word in it , nor ever was , against any godly man , but only that the notoriously insufficient and scandalous should not be permitted to meddle with the mysteries of christ ( specially the sacraments ; ) which we desired should have impartially extended to all parties alike . and so much of this as was granted , we cannot but be thankful for , whoever grudge at it ; and wish it had been fully granted . . i desire nothing more , then that all able , godly , faithful ministers of what side soever in our late state differences , may not only have liberty , but encouragement : for the church hath not any such to spare , were they ten times more . in a word ; i would have those of what party soever to have liberty to preach the gospel , whose errours or miscarriages are not so great , as that probably they will do as much hurt as good . brethren , i crave your pardon for the infirmities of this address : and earnestly longing for the success of your labours , i shall daily beg of god , that he would perswade you to those duties which i have here requested you to perform , and would preserve and prosper you therein , against all the serpentine subtilty and rage that is now engaged to oppose and hinder you . april . . your unworthy fellow-servant , rich. baxter . to the lay-reader . the reason why i have called this volumn , the first part of the book , is because i intend , if god enable me , and give me time , a second part , containing the duty of the people in relation to their pastors , and therein to shew ; . the right and necessity of a ministry . . the way to know which is the true church and ministry , and how we justifie our own calling to this office , and how false prophets and teachers must be discerned . . how far the people must assist the pastors in the work of the cospel , and the pastors put them on , and make use of them to that end . and . how far the people must submit to their pastors , and what other duty they must perform in that relation . but because my time and strength is so uncertain , that i know not whether i may live to publish my yet-imperfect preparations on this subject , i dare not let this first part come into your hands , without a word of caution and advice , lest you should misunderstand or misapply it . . the caution that i must give you , is in two parts . . entertain not any unworthy thoughts of your pastors , because we here confess our own sins , and aggravate them in order to our humiliation and reformation . you know it is men and not angels that are put by god in the office of church-guides ! and you know that we are imperfect men : let papists and quakers pretend to a sinless perfection ; we dare not do it ; but confess that we are sinners . and we should heartily rejoyce to find the signs of imperfect sincerity , in them that so confidently pretend to sinless perfection ; yea if in some of them we could find but common honesty , and a freedom from some of the crying abominations of the ungodly , such as cruel bloodiness , lying , slandering , railing , &c. if it would make a man perfect to say he is perfect , and if it would deliver a man from sin , to say , i have no sin , i confess this vvere an easie vvay to perfection . there is one richard farnworth called a quaker , that hath lately published a pamphlet against our agreement for catechizing ; and the substance of it is this : because vve confess that by neglecting that vvork of the lord , vve have sinned , and do beg pardon of our miscarriages , and say that by nature vve are children of vvrath , and prone to do evil , &c. therefore he vvill prove us deceivers and no ministers of christ , as from our ovvn confession . as if they that are dead by nature , may not be made alive by grace ! and as if are is not as proper a term as were , when we speak of the state of all mankind in their natural condition , wherein the most do still abide ! and as if the confessing our sin would prove us to be ungodly ! o shameless men ! god saith , he that confesseth and forsaketh his sin shall have mercy . and the quaker maketh it a matter of his reproach . iohn saith , if we confess , he is faithful and just to forgive : and the quaker maketh it a sign that we are not forgiven . god will not forgive us , if we refuse to confess : and the quaker makes us unpardoned , because we do it . what would this wretch have said to david , ezra , nehemiah , daniel , &c. if he had lived in their daies , who made such full confessions of their sins ! god hit them not in the teeth with them ; but the quakers will ! christ did forgive even peters denyal of him ! but it seems the quaker would have condemned him for the penitent lamenting of it : is paul damned for confessing himself the chief of sinners ( of whom i am chief , ( tim. . . ) and that formerly he was a persecutor , blasphemer , &c. or because he saith , eph. . . vnto me , who am less then the least of saints . or for crying out , o wretched man that i am , who shall deliver me from the body of this death ! what i would that i do not , and what i hate that do i. i find a law , that when i would do good , evil is present with me , &c. rom. . . . . or is isaiah a wicked man , and no prophet of god , for saying , wo is me , i am undone , because i am a man of unclean lips , &c. isa . . . or jacob , for saying , gen. . . i am not worthy of the least of all thy mercies , &c. or job for abhorring himself in dust and ashes , iob . . it irketh me to spend words upon such impudent revilers ! but in this much you have a sufficient reply to his book . but for our parts we believe that he that saith he hath no sin , deceiveth himself , and the truth is not in him , i iohn . . and that in many things we offend all , i am . . . and we profess to know but in part , and to have our treasure in earthen vessels , and to be insufficient for these things . and therefore see that you love and imitate the holiness of your pastors , but take not occasion of dis-esteeming or reproaching them for their infirmities . . i take it to be my duty as a watchman for your souls , to give you notice of a train that is laid for your perdition . the papists who have found that they could not well play their game here with open face , have masked themselves , and taken the vizards of several sects ; and by the advantage of the licence of the times , are busily at work abroad this land , to bring you back to rome . what names or garb soever they bear , you may strongly conjecture which be they by these marks following . . their main design is to unsettle you , and to make you believe that you have been all this while misled , and to bring you to a loss in a matter of religion , that when they have made you dislike or suspect that which you had ( or seemed to have ) you may be the more respective of theirs . . to which end their next means is to bring you to suspect first , and then to contemn and reject your teachers . for saith rushworth , one of their writers , not one of ten among the people indeed do ground their faith on the scripture , but on the credit of their teachers , &c. therefore they think , if they can but bring you to suspect your teachers , and so to reject them , they may deal with the sheep without the shepherds , and dispute with the scholars without their teachers , and quickly make you say what their list . to this end their design is partly to cry them down as false teachers ( but how are they baffled when it comes to the proof ? ) and partly to perswade you that they have no calling to the work ; and urge them to prove their calling ( which how easily can we do ? ) and partly to work upon your covetous humour , by crying down tythes , and all established maintenance for the ministry . and withal they are busie yet in contriving how to procure the governors of the nation , to withdraw their publique countenance and maintenance , and sacrilegiously to deprive the church of the remnant that is devoted to it for god , and to leave the ministry on equal terms with themselves or all other sects ( which in spain , italy , france , &c. they will be loth to do . ) and time will shew you , whether god will suffer them to prevail with the governors of this sinful land to betray the gospel into their hands , or not ? but we have reason to hope for better things . . their next design , is to diminish the authority , and sufficiency of scripture : and because they dare not yet speak out , to tell us what they set up in its stead , some of them will tell you of new prophets , and revelations , and some of them will tell you , that in that they are yet at a loss themselves : that is , they are of no religion ; and then they are no christians . i shall now proceed no further in the discovery : but only warn you , as you love your souls , keep close to scripture and a faithful ministry ! and despise not your shepherds if you would escape the wolves . if any question our calling , send them to our writings where we have fully proved them ; or send them to us , who are ready to justifie them against any papist or heretick upon earth . and let me tell you , that for all the sins of the ministry which we have here confessed , the known world hath not a more able , faithful , godly ministry then brittain hath at this day . if at the synod of dort the clerus anglicanus was called stupor mundi , before all those ignorant and scandalous ones were cast out ; what may we now call it ? brethren , let me deal freely with you ! the ungrateful contempt of a faithful ministry , is the shame of the faces of thousands in this land ! and if through-repentance prevent it not , they shall better know in hell , whether such ministers were their friends or foes , and what they would have done for them , if their counsel had been heard . when the messengers of god were mocked , and his words despised , and his prophets abused , the wrath of the lord arose on the israelites themselves : and there was no remedy , chro. . . shall ministers study , and preach , and pray for you , and shall they be despised ? when they have the god of heaven and their own consciences to witness , that they desire not yours but you , and are willing to spend and be spent for your sakes , and that all the wealth in the world would not be regarded by them in comparison of your salvation , and that all their labours and sufferings is for your sakes ; if yet they shall be requited with your contempt , or scorn , or dicourageing unteachableness , see who will prove the losers in the end : when god himself shall justifie and condemn them , with a well done good and faithful servant ; let those that reproached , despised , and condemned them , defend their faces from shame , and their consciences from the accusations of their horrid ingratitude , as well as they can ! read the scripture and see , whether they that obeyed gods messengers , or they that despised and disobeyed them sped best ? and if any of the seducers will tell you , that we are not the ministers of christ , leave them not , till they tell you , which is his true church and ministry , and where they are ? and by that time they have well answered you , you may know more of their minds . . my last advice to you is this . see that you obey your faithful teachers , and improve their help for your salvation while you have it ; and take heed that you refuse not to learn when they would teach you . and in particular , see that you refuse not to submit to them in this duty of private instruction , which is mentioned in this treatise . go to them when they desire you , and be thankful for their help . yea and at other times when you need their advice , go to them of your own accord , and ask it . their office is to be your guides in the way to life : if you seek not their direction , it seems you either despise salvation it self , or else you are so proud as to think your selves sufficient to be your own directors . shall god in mercy send you leaders to teach you and conduct you in the way to glory , and will you stoutly send them back , or refuse their assistance , and say , we have no need of their direction ? is it for their own case or gain that they trouble you , or is it for your own everlasting gain ? remember that christ hath said to his messengers , he that despiseth you , despiseth me ! if your obstinate refusal of their instruction , do put them to bear witness against you in judgement , and to say , lord , i would have taught these ignorant sinners , and admonished these worldly impenitent wretches ; but they would not so much as come to me , nor speak with me ! look you to it , and answer it as you can : for my part i would not be then in your case for all the world . but i shall say no more to you on this point , but only desire you to read and consider the exhortation , which is published in our agreement it self , which speaks to you more fully : and if you read this book , remember that the duty which you find to belong to the ministers , doth shew also what belongs to your selves . for it cannot be our duty to teach , catechize , advise , &c. if it be not yours to hear , and learn , and seek advice . if you have any temptation to question our office , read the london ministers ius divinum minister . evang. and mr. tho. balls book for the ministry : if you doubt of the duty of learning the principles , and being catechized , read the london ministers late exhortation to catechizing , and mr. zach. croftons book for catechizing ( now newly published . ) april . . rich. baxter . dr. h. hammond of the power of the keyes , cap. . sect . . pag. . nay thirdly , there will be little matter of doubt or controversie , but that private , frequent , spiritual conference betwixt fellow-christians , but especially ( and in matters of high concernment and difficulty ) between the presbyter and those of his charge , even in the time of health ; and peculiarly , that part of it , which is spent in the discussion of every mans special sins and infirmities and inclinations may prove very useful and advantagious ( in order to spiritual directions , reproof and comfort ) to the making the man of god perfect . and to tell truth , if the pride and self conceit of some , the wretchlesness of others , the bashfulness of a third sort , the nauseating , and instant satiety of any good in a fourth , the follies of men , and artifices of satan had not put this practice quite out of fashion among us , there is no doubt but more good might be done by ministers this way , then is now done by any other means separated from the use of this particularly , then by that of publike preaching ( which yet need not be neglected the more when this is used ) which hath now the fate to be cryed up , and almost solely depended on , it being the likelyer way , as quintilian saith , ( comparing publike and private teaching of youth ) to fill narrow mouth'd bottles ( and such are the most of us ) by taking them single in the hand , and pouring in water into each , then by setting them altogether , and throwing never so many bottles of water on them . mr. william gurnal in his excellent book called , the christian in compleat armour , pag. , . the ignorant soul feels no such smart : if the minister stay till he sends for him to instruct him , he may sooner hear the bell go for him than any messenger come for him : you must seek them out , and not expect that they will come to you . these are a sort of people that are afraid more of their remedy , than their disease , and study more to hide their ignorance , then how to have it cured ; which should make us pitty them the more , because they can pitty themselves so little . i confess it is no small unhappiness to some of us , who have to do with a multitude , that we have neither time nor strength to make our addresses to every particular person in our congregations , and attend on them as their needs require ; and yet cannot well satisfie our consciences otherwise . but let us look to it , that though we cannot do to the height of what we would , we be not found wanting in what we may . let not the difficulty of our province make us like some , who when they see they have more work upon their hands , than they can well dispatch , grow sick of it , and sit down out of a lazy despondency , and do just nothing . — o if once our hearts were but filled with zeal for god and compassion to our peoples souls , we would up and be doing , though we could but lay a brick a day ; and god would be with us . may be , you who find a people rude and sottishly ignorant , like stones in the quarry and trees unfell'd , shall not bring the work to such perfection in your daies as you desire ! yet as david did for solomon , thou mayst by thy pains in teaching and instructing them , prepare materials for another , who shall rear the temple . — read the rest . the contents . chap. i. sect. . the brief explication of the text. sect. . what sort of elders they were , that paul spoke to . sect. . the doctrine and method . sect. . the terms opened . sect. , , , and . wherein we must take heed to ourselves . sect. . to . the moving reasons to take heed to ourselves . chap. ii. sect. . what it is to take heed to all the flock ? it s implyed that every flock have their own pastor ; and that regularly the flock be no greater then the pastors may over-see , taking heed to all . sect. . the ends of this oversight . sect. . of the subject of this work . sect. . of the object of it . . the unconverted . . the converted . . the young and weaker . . those that labour under some special distempers . . decliners . . that are fallen under some great temptation . . the disconsolate . . the strong . sect. . of the action it self . . publike preaching . . sacraments . . publike prayer , and praise , and benediction . . oversight of the members distinctly . . knowing them . . instructing the ignorant . . advising them that seek advice . . looking to particular families . how. . resisting seduction . . encourageing the obedient . . visiting the sick . . comforting . . private admonishing offenders . . more publike discipline . . publike admonition . how. . publike exhortation to open discovery of repentance . . publike praying for the offender . . to assist the penitent , confirming , absolving , &c. . rejecting the obstinately impenitent from our communion . . reception of the penitent . the manner and necessity of these acts . making laws for the church is not our work . chap. iii. of the manner and concomitants of our work . it must be done . . purely for god , and not for self . . laboriously and diligently . . prudently & orderly . . insisting most on the greatest and most necessary things . . with plainness and evidence . . in a sense of our insufficiency and dependance on christ . . in humility and condescention . . a mixture of severity and mildness . . with affectionate seriousness . . reverently and spiritually . . in tender love to our people . . patiently . and we must be studious of union and communion among our selves , and of the unity and peace of the church . chap. iv. sect. . the first use for our humiliation : confessing the sins of the ministry ; especially of this nation ; heretofore . sect. . a confession of our present sins . specially ; . pride . sect. . . an undervaluing the unity and peace of the catholike church . sect. . . want of serious , industrious , unreserved laying out our selves in the work of god. discovered . by negligent studies . sect. . . by dull drowsic preaching . sect. . . by not helping them that want abroad . sect. . . by neglect of acknowledged duties . e. g. church discipline . the pretences confuted , that would justifie it . sect. . . by the power of worldly carnal interests . manifested , . by temporizing . . worldly business . . barrenness in works of charity . sect. . applyed for humiliation . chap. v. sect. . vse of exhortation . motives in the text . . from our office and relation to all the flock , with some subservient considerations . sect. . . from the efficient cause : the holy-ghost . sect. . . from the dignity of the object . sect. . . from the price paid for the church . sect. . a more particular exhortation . . to see that the saving work of grace be wrought on our own hearts . a word to tutours and schoolmasters . sect. . . keep grace in vigour and activity , and preach to your own hearts first ; for your work sake . sect. . . stir up your selves to the work , and do it with all your might . sect. . . keep up earnest desires and expectations of success . sect. . . be zealous of good works . spare no cost . sect. . . maintain union and communion . the way thereto . sect. . . practise so much of discipline , as is certainly your duty . sect. . . faithfully discharge this duty of personal catechizing and instruction of all the flock . chap. vi. sect. . reasons for this duty . . from the benefits . the great hopes we have of a blessed success of this work if faithfully managed ; shewed in . particulars . sect. . . from the difficulty of this work . sect. . . from the necessity of it : which is manifold . sect. . use : what great cause of humiliation we have for neglecting this so long . sect. . an exhortation to the faithful performance of this work . twenty aggravations of our sin , and witnesses which will condemn the wilful refusers of so great duties , as this private instruction , and discipline are . sect. . the objections of lazy unfaithful ministers , against personal instruction and catechizing , answered . chap. vii . sect. . directions to the less experienced , for the right managing of this work . . for bringing our people to submit to it . sect. . . to do it so as is likest to succeed . . for the conversion of the ungodly , and awaking of the secure . in twelve directions . chap. viii . directions how to deal with self-conceited opinionists , and to prevent or cure errour and schism in our people . and how to deal with those of whose condition we are between hope and fear . readers , you will right me , and ease your selves , if you will mend these mis-printings with your pen , before you read the book . pag. . li. . for conscience read conference p. . l. . r. mo●iendo ; p. . l. . blot out that ; p. . l. . blot out us ; p. . l. . r. art ; p. . l. . after token r. it ; p. . l. . r. speaking for ; p. . l. penult . r. desertion ; p. . l. . r. histrionical ; p. . l. . r. useful ; p. . l. . r. better ; p. . l. . r. contrive ; p. . l. antipen . r. sit ; p. . l. antipen . r. that ; p. . l. . r. ho●tonus ; p. . l. . and p. . l. . r. sit still ; p. . l. . for shineth r. thriveth ; p. . l. . after and r. then ; p. . l. . blot out for : p. . l. . after call r. them : p. . l. . r. the : p. . l. . r. going to church : p. . l. , . r. continued : and l. . r. see , p. . l. . r. compose : and l. . r. will never ; and l. . r. serve ; and l. . r. confessions ; p. . l. . r. promissionibus ; p. . l. . for is it not r. it is not ; p. . l. . for recover recover ; p. . l. . for for r. to ; p. . l. . for the r. that ; p. . l. . r. prosecution ; p. . l. . for more r. meer ; p. . l. . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; p. . l. r. use it ; and l. . r. and that sect ; p. . l. . r. is in p. . l. . for by such r. than by taking such ; p. . l. ult . for one r. me ; p. . l. . for profession r. proper place ; p. . l. . r. so far as ; p. . l. . for sensual lazarus r. sensual lazyness ; and l. . r. acknowledged ; p. . l. . r. from him ; p. . l. . for i say r. they say ; p. . l. . r. against all ; p. . l. . for prosess r. possess ; and l. . r. if any have ; p. . l. . r. to live long ; p. . l. . for elocution r. election , and l. . for of r. that ; p. . l. . for of that ; r. of christ ; p. . l. . for them r. him ; p. . l. . r. to the heart ; p. . l. . r. beset ; p. . l. . for we r. so . p. . l. . for till then r. tell them . p. . l. penult . for they r. that . and l. ult . for these r. the church . p. . l. . for loathed r. toothed . p. . for obtusions r. obtrusions . gildas salvianus ; the reformed pastor . acts . . take heed therefore to your selves , and to all the flock , over the which the holy ghost hath made you overseers , to feed the church of god , which he hath purchased with his own blood . chap. i. sect . i. reverend and dearly beloved brethren , though some think that pauls exhortation to these elders , doth prove him their ruler , we hope , who are this day to speak to you from the lord , that we may freely do the like , without any jealousies of such a conclusion . though we teach our people as officers set over them in the lord , yet may we teach one another , as brethren in office as well as in faith. if the people of our charge must teach and admonish , and exhort each other daily , col. . ● . heb. . . no doubt teachers may do it to one another without any supereminency of power or degree . we have the same sins to kill , and the same graces to be quickned and corroborated , as our people have : we have greater works then they to do , and greater difficulties to overcome , and no less necessity is laid upon us ; and therefore we have need to be warned and wakened , if not to be instructed , as well as they : so that i confess i think such meetings should be more frequent , if we had nothing else to do together but this : and as plainly and closely should we deal with one another , as the most serious among us do with their flocks ; lest if only they have the sharp admonitions and reproofs , they only should be sound and lively in the faith. that this was pauls judgement , i need no other proof , then this rowsing heart-melting exhortation to the ephesian elders : a short sermon ; but not soon learnt . had the bishops and teachers of the church but throughly learned this short exhortation , though with the neglect of many a volumn which hath taken up their time , and helpt them to greater applause in the world , how happy had it been for the church and them ! our present straits of time will allow me to touch upon no part of it but my text ; which , supposing paul the speaker , and the ephesine elders his hearers , containeth , . a two-sold duty . . a four-fold motive to enforce it . the first duty is to take heed to themselves . the second is , to take heed to all the flock . and the main work for the flock which is thus heedfully to be done , is expressed , even to feed them , or play the shepherds for them . the motives closely laid together are these . . from their engagement and relation : they are the over-seers of the flock ; it is their office . . from the efficient cause ; even the authority and excellency of him that called them to it : which was the holy ghost . . from the dignity of the object , which is the matter of their charge ; it is the church of god : the most excellent and honourable society in the world . . from the tender regard that christ hath to this church , and the price it cost him : he purchased it with his own blood . this motive is partly subordinate to the former . the terms of the text have no such difficulty as to allow me the spending of much of our little time for their explication . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , here : is , maxima cura & diligentia animum adhibere ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as iansenius and others note , a little flock . it signifieth not here the whole church of christ , which elsewhere is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in reference to christ the great shepherd ; but it signifieth that particular church which these elders had a special charge of . whether that was one or many , we shall enquire anon . what is meane by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . bishops or over-seers here , is thus far agreed on , that they were officers appointed to teach and guide those churches in the way to salvation ; and that it is the same persons that are called elders of the church of ephesus before , and bishops here . of whom more anon . the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , seemeth here to import both the qualification , ordination , and particular designation of these elders or bishops to their charge : for we must not limit and exclude without necessity . the holy ghost did by all these three waies make them over-seers of their flocks . . by qualifying them with such gifts as made them fit for it . . by directing the minds of those that ordained them to the ministery . . by disposing both their own minds , and the ordainers , and the peoples for the affixing them to that particular church rather then another . dicit eos constitutos à spiritu sancto , saith grotius , quia constituti erant ab apostolis plenis spiritu sancto , quanquam approbante plebe : but no doubt , in those times the holy ghost did give special directions as by internal oracle , for the disposal of particular teachers , as we read in the case of saul and barnabas , and for the provision for particular congregations . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is by some translated barely to feed , as ours here ; by others only to rule ; but indeed as gerhard , iansenius , and others note , it is not to be restrained to either , but containeth in it all the pastoral work . in one word it is pastorem agere , to do the work of a pastor to the flock . whether it be the ephesine congregation before called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is here called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or whether it be the universal church which they may be said to feed and rule , by doing their part towards it in their station ( as a justice of peace may be said to rule the land ) is not a matter of much moment to be stood upon : but the former seems most likely to be the sense ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is both acquisivit & asseruit & in suam vindicavit . it s said to be done by the blood of god , by a communication of the names of the distinct natures : and it affords us an argument against the arrians , seeing christ is here expresly called god. sect . ii. but it is necessary before we proceed to instruction and application , that we be resolved more clearly who those elders or bishops be that paul doth here exhort . i am desirous to do all that lawfully i may to avoid controversie , especially in this place , and on such occasions ; but here it is unavoidable , because all our following application will much depend upon the explication : and if you shall once suppose that none of this exhortation was spoken to men in your office and capacity ; no wonder if you pass it over and let it alone and take all that i shall hence gather for your practise , as impertinent . this text was wont to be thought most apt to awaken the ministers of the gospel to their duty : but of late the negligent are gratified with the news , ( for news it is ) that only bishops in a s●pereminent sense , whom we usually call prelates are spoken to in this text ; and not only so , but that no other text of scripture doth speak to any other church presbyters ( certainly ) but them ; yea , that no other were in being in scripture times . here are two questions before us to be resolved . . whether the elders here mentioned were the elders of one church of ephesus , or of all that part of asia , that is , of every church one . this is but in order to the second , which is , whether these elders were only prelates , or such bishops as among us have carried that name . the reasons that may be brought to prove these to be the prelates of the several cities of asia , and that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is those many cities , are these following . . the affirmation of irenaeus . to which we say ; . there might be many elders of ephesus present , though some from the neerest cities were there also : which is all that irenaeus affirms . . we oppose to the saying of irenaeus the ordinary exposition of the antients : the most singular is of least authority , caeteris paribus . . it may be said that paul calls them to remember how he had been among them three years , not ceasing to warn every one , &c. but he was not three years at ephesus only , but in asia , &c. answ . he may be said to be where his chief place of abode is . he that resideth ordinarily at ephesus , though he thence make frequent excursions to the neighbour parts , may well be said to abide so long at ephesus . and the ephesian elders might well be acquainted with his industry round about them , though here is no certainty that he mentioneth any more then what he did with them . for what he did in ephesus , he did in asia , as that which is done in london is done in england . obj. . but it is meant of all asia ; for he saith , among whom i have gone , &c. answ . . as though paul might not go preaching the gospel in ephesus ? . if he went further , the ephesine elders might accompany him . ob. ephesus was the metropolis , and therefore all asia might be thence denominated . answ . . it must be proved that it was so denominated . all france is not called paris , nor all england london . . it is not whole countries , but a church that paul speaks of ; and it is yet unproved that the church of one city had then any such dependance on the church of another city , as lesser cities had upon the metropolis . our reasons that make us think that either all or many of these elders or bishops were over the particular church of ephesus , are these . . it is expresly said in the text , that they were elders of the church , referring to ephesus next before mentioned . he sent to ephesus , and called the elders of the church . and it cannot be proved in all the new testament that the bishops of other churches and cities , are called bishops of a greater city , because it is the metropolis . . here is mention but of one church and one flock in the singular number , and not of many : when yet it is acknowledged that he speaketh not of the universal church ( for then that language were not strange ) but of a particular church . and it is the use of the apostles to speak still in the plural number when they mention the particular churches of many cities , and not to call them all one church or flock . . and it may seem else that the elder of each one of these cities hath a charge of all the rest . for they are required to take heed of all the flock : which though it may possibly be by taking every one his part , yet if one should fail , the rest seem to have his charge upon them , which is more then they can do . . paul was now in so great hast in his journey to jerusalem , that luke measureth it out by the daies . and it is not like that paul could in such hast call the elders from the several cities of asia . if he had passed through the brittish seas in such haste , and lodged at plimouth , and had thence called to him the elders of paris , he must have staid many dayes or weeks , before he could have gathered also the bishops of rhemes , arles , orleance , and the rest of france . . the numbers of prophets and gifted men in those times , and the state of other particular churches , doth give us sufficient reason to conjecture that ephesus was not so scant of help , as to have but one presbyter . grotius thought that timothy with his com-presbyters made this appearance ; but others have given very probable reasons that timothy was none of them . . the judgement of expositors antient and modern running so commonly the other way , commandeth some respect from us . but . i confess the matter seemeth but conjectural on both sides , and neither part to have a certainty : but if probability may carry it , there seems to be many of the elders of ephesus , though possibly some of the neighbouring cities might be with them . . but let this go how it will , it maketh not much to the main matter in hand . what if ephesus and each other city or church had then but one presbyter ? will it follow that he was a prelate ? no ; but the contrary : it will prove that there was then none such at all , if there were no subject presbyters . for there is no king without subjects ; nor master without servants . . the stream of antient and modern expositors do take this text to speak of presbyters in the common sense . and we must be cautelous before we be singular in the expounding of so many texts as speak the same way . . if men be put now in the end of the world to find out a new foundation for prelacy , supposing that it hath been amiss defended till now , and all these texts ( except by one or two ) amiss expounded , it will occasion the shaking of the frame it self . . but the best is , we begin to be pretty well agreed , at least about the whole government that . de facto was in being in scripture-times . for . it is now at last confessed , that the word presbyter is not certainly taken any where in the new testament , for one that is subject to a bishop , having not power of ordination or jurisdiction ; and that no such presbyters were in being in scripture-times . and by what authority they are since erected let them prove that are concerned in it . . we are agreed now that they were the same persons who in scripture are called bishops & presbyters . . and that these persons had the power of ordination & jurisdiction . and that these persons were not the bishops of many particular churches , but one only : they ruled not many assemblies ordinarily meeting for church communion : for there could no such meetings be kept up without a bishop or presbyter to administer the ordinances of christ in each . and if there were in a diocess but one bishop , and no other presbyters in scripture times , then it must needs be that a diocess contained but one ordinary church assembly , and that de facto no biship in scripture-times had under him any presbyters nor more such assemblies then one . that is , they ruled the particular churches just as our parish pastors do . so that we are satisfied that we go that way that the apostles established and was used de facto in scripture-times : and if any will prove the lawfulness of latter mutations , or will prove that the apostles gave power to these particular pastors to degenerate into another sort of officers hereafter , according to the cogency of their evidence , we shall believe it . in the mean time , desiring to be guided by the word of god , and to go upon sure ground , and take only so much as is certain , we hold where we are , and are glad that we are so far agreed . yet not presuming to censure all superiour episcopacy , nor refusing to obey any man that commandeth us to do our duty , but resolving to do our own work in faithfulness and peace . for my own part , i have ever thought it easier to be governed then to govern ; and i am ready ( as the brittish told austin ) to be obedient to any man in and for the lord : nor can i think that any government can be burdensom , which christ appointeth ; but all beneficial to us ; as making our burden lighter and not heavyer , and helping and not hindering us in the way to heaven . were christs work but throughly done , i should be the backwardest in contending , who should have the doing of it . let us agree but on this one thing which is plain here in my text , that the churches or flocks should be no greater then the pastors can personally over-see , so that they may take heed to all the flock ; and then let but able faithful men be the over-seers , that will make the word of god the rule , and lay out themselves for the saving of mens souls , and i am resolved never to contend with such about the business of superiority ; but cheerfully to obey them in all things lawful , if they require my obedience . if the difference were not more about the matters commanded , and the work it self to be done , then , who should command it : me thinks humble men should be easily agreed . would they but lay by all needless humane impositions and obtrusions , and be contented with the sufficient word of god , and not make new work to necessitate , new canons and authorities to impose it , but be content with the gospel simplicity , and let us take that for a sufficient way to heaven , that peter and paul went thither in , i think i should not disobey such a bishop , though i were not satisfied of his differing order or degree . yea , if he were addicted to some encroaching usurpation of more power then is meet , would he but forbear the ecce duo gladii , and come to us only with the sword of the spirit , which will admit of fair debates , and works only upon the conscience , i know no reason much to fear such power , though it were undue . but enough of this . sect . iii. the observations which the text affordeth us are so many , that i may not now stay so much as to name them : but shall only lay down that one which containeth the main scope of the text , and take in the rest as subordinate motives in the handling of that , in the method which the apostle doth here deliver them to us . doct. the pastors or over-seers of the churches of christ , must take great heed both to themselves , and to all their flocks in all the parts of their pastoral work . the method which we shall follow in handling this point , shall be this . . i shall briefly open to you the terms of the subject : what is meant by pastors and churches . . i shall shew you what it is to take heed to our selves , and wherein it must be done . . i shall give some brief reasons of that part of the point . . i shall shew you , what it is to take heed to all the flock in our pastoral work , and wherein it must be done . . i shall make some application of all . sect . iv. . vvhat the words , pastor , bishop and church do signifie , i will not wast time to tell you , they being so well known . as for the things signified . . by a pastor or bishop here is meant , an officer appointed by christ for the ordinary teaching and guiding a particular church and all its members , in order to their salvation and the pleasing of god. christ appointeth the office it self by his laws . the person he calleth to it by his qualifying gifts , providential disposals , secret impulses , and ordinarily by the ordination of his present officers , and the acceptance of the church . teaching and guidance contain the main parts at least of the work to which they are designed . the particulars we shall further stand upon anon . a particular church is the object of their work ; by which they are distinguished from apostolical unfixed itinerant ministers . they are the stated ordinary teachers of such a church , by which they are differenced , both from private men , who do occasionally teach ; and from the foresaid itinerant ministers , that do but in transitu , or seldom teach a particular church . the subject is the matters of salvation and obedience to god , and the end is salvation it self , and the pleasing of god therein ; by which work and ends the office is distinguished from all other offices , as magistrates , school-masters , &c. though they also have the same remote or ultimate ends . by the flock and church is meant that particular society of christians of which these bishops or elders have the charge , associated for personal communion in gods publike worship , and for other mutual assistance in the way to salvation . exact definitions we may not now stand on ; we have more fully made some attempts that way heretofore . sect . v. ii. let us next consider , what it is to take heed to our selves , and wherein it must be done . and here i may well for brevity sake adjoyn the application to the explication , it being about the matter of our practise , that i may be put to go over as little as may be of the same things again . take therefore i beseech you all this explication , as so much advice and exhortation to the duty , and let your hearts attend it as well as your understandings . . take heed to your selves , lest you should be void of that saving grace of god which you offer to others , and be strangers to the effectual workings of that gospel which you preach ; and lest while you proclaim the necessity of a saviour to the world , your own hearts should neglect him , and you should miss of an interest in him and his saving benefits ? take heed to your selves , lest you perish , while you call upon others to take heed of perishing ! and lest you famish your selves while you prepare their food . though there be a promise of shining as the stars to those that turn many to righteousness , dan. . . that is but on supposition that they be first turned to it themselves : such promises are meant , caeteris paribus , & suppositis supponendis . their own sincerity in the faith is the condition of their glory simply considered , though their great ministerial labours may be a condition of the promise of their greater glory ; many a man hath warned others that they come not to that place of torment , which yet they hasted to themselves : many a preacher is now in hell , that hath an hundred times called upon his hearers to use the utmost care and diligence to escape it . can any reasonable man imagine that god should save men for offering salvation to others , while they refused it themselves : and for telling others those truths which they themselves neglected and abused ? many a taylor goes in raggs , that maketh costly cloathes for others : and many a cook scarce licks his fingers , when he hath dress't for others the most costly dishes . believe it brethren , god never saved any man for being a preacher , nor because he was an able preacher : but because he was a justified , sanctified man , and consequently faithful in his masters work . take heed therefore to your selves first , that you be that which you perswade your hearers to be , and believe that which you perswade them daily to believe : and have heartily entertained that christ and spirit which you offer unto others . he that bid you love your neighbours as your selves , did imply that you should love your selves & not hate and destroy your selves and them . sect . vi. . take heed to your selves , lest you live in those actual sins which you preach against in others , and lest you be guilty of that which daily you condemn . will you make it your work to magnifie god , and when you have done , dishonour him as much as others ? will you proclaim christs governing power , and yet contemn it , and rebel your selves ? will you preach his laws , and willfully break them ? if sin be evil , why do you live in it ? if it be not , why do you disswade men from it ? if it be dangerous , how dare you venture on it ? if it be not , why do you tell men so ? if god 's threatnings be true , why do you not fear them ? if they be false , why do you trouble men needlesly with them , and put them into such frights without a cause ? do you know the iudgement of god , that they that commit such things are worthy of death , and yet will you do them ? rom. . . thou that teachest another , teachest thou not thy self ? thou that saiest a man should not commit adultery , or be drunk , or covetous , art thou such thy self ? thou that makest thy boast of the law , through breaking the law dishonourest thou god ? rom. . , , . what , shall the same tongue speak evil , that speaketh against evil ? shall it censure , and slander , and secretly backbite , that cryes down these and the like in others ? take heed to your selves , lest you should cry down sin , and not overcome it , lest while you seek to bring it down in others , you bow to it , and become its slaves your selves . for of whom a man is overcome , of the same is he brought in bondage , pet. . . to whom you yield your selves servants to obey , his servants ye are to whom ye obey , whether of sin unto death , or of obedience unto righteousness . rom. . . it is easier to chide at sin , then to overcome it . sect . vii . . take heed also to your selves , that you be not unfit for the great employments that you have undertaken . he must not be himself a babe in knowledge , that will teach men all those mysterious things that are to be known in order to salvation . o what qualifications are necessary for that man that hath such a charge upon him as we have ! how many difficulties in divinity to be opened ? yea , about the very fundamentals that must needs be known ! how many obscure texts of scripture to be expounded ? how many duties to be done , wherein our selves and others may miscarry , if in the matter , and end , and manner , and circumstances , they be not well informed ? how many sins to be avoided , which without understanding and foresight cannot be done ? what a number of slye and subtile temptations must we open to our peoples eyes , that they may escape them ? how many weighty and yet intricate cases of conscience have we almost daily to resolve ? can so much work , and such work as this be done by raw unqualified men ? o what strong holds have we to batter , and how many of them ? what subtile , and diligent , and obstinate resistance must we expect at every heart we deal with ? prejudice hath blockt up our way : we can scarce procure a patient hearing . they think ill of what we say while we are speaking it . we cannot make a breach in their groundless hopes and carnal peace , but they have twenty shifts and seeming reasons to make it up again ; and twenty enemies , that are seeming friends , are ready to help them . we dispute not with them upon equal terms : but we have children to reason with that cannot understand us : we have distracted men ( in spirituals ) to reason with , that will bawl us down with raging non-sense : we have wilful unreasonable people to deal with , that when they are silenced , they are never the more convinc't : and when they can give you no reason , they will give you their resolution : like the man that salvian had to deal with ( lib. . de gubernat . p. . ) that being resolved to devoure a poor mans means , and being intreated by salvian to forbear , told him , he could not grant his request , for he had made a vow to take it , so that the preacher audita religiosissimi sceleris ratione was fain to depart . we dispute the case against mens wills and sensual passions as much as against their understandings ; and these have neither reason nor ears : their best arguments are , i will not believe you , nor all the preachers in the world in such things . i will not change my mind , or life : i will not leave my sins ; i will never be so precise , come on it what will. we have not one , but multitudes of raging passions , and contradicting enemies to dispute against at once , whenever we go about the conversion of a sinner ; as if a man were to dispute in a fair or tumult , or in the midst of a crowd of violent scolds : what equal dealing , and what success were here to be expected ? why such is our work , and yet a work that must be done . o dear brethren what men should we be in skil , resolution & unwearied diligence , that have all this to do ? did paul cry out , who is sufficient for these things ? cor. . . and shall we be proud or careless , and lazy , as if we were sufficient : as peter saith to every christian in consideration of our great approaching change , pet. . . what manner of persons ought we to be in all holy conversation and godliness ? so may i say to every minister , seeing all these things do lie upon our hands , what manner of persons ought we to be in all holy endeavours and resolutions for our work ! this is not a burden for the shoulders of a child . what skill doth every part of our work require ? and of how much moment is every part ? to preach a sermon i think is not the hardest part ; and yet what skill is necessary to make plain the truth , to convince the hearers ; to let in unresistible light into their consciences , and to keep it there , and drive all home ! to scrue the truth into their minds , and work christ into their affections ; to meet with every objection that gainsaies ; and clearly to resolve it ; to drive sinners to a stand , and make them see that there is no hope , but they must unavoidably be converted or condemned : and to do all this so for language and manner as beseems our work , and yet as is most suitable to the capacities of the hearers , this and a great deal more that should be done in every sermon , should sure be done with a great deal of holy skill . so great a god whose message we deliver , should be honoured by our delivery of it ! it is a lamentable case , that in a message from the god of heaven , of everlasting consequence to the souls of men we should behave our selves so weakly , so unhandsomly , so imprudently , or so sleightly , that the whole business should miscarry in our hands , and god be dishonoured , and his work disgraced , and sinners rather hardened then converted , and all this much through our weakness or neglect ! how many a time have carnal hearers gone jearing home at the palpable and dishonourable failings of the preacher ! how many sleep under us , because our hearts and tongues are slepy : and we bring not with us so much skill and zeal as to awake them ! moreover what skill is necessary to defend the truth against gain-sayers , and to deal with disputing cavillers according to their several modes and case ! and if we fail through weakness , how will they insult ? but that is the smallest matter : but who knows how many weak ones may be perverted by the success , to their own undoing and the trouble of the church ? what skill is there necessary to deal in private with one poor ignorant soul for their conversion ( of which more in the end ? ) o brethren , do you not shrink and tremble under the sense of all this work ! will a common measure of holy skill and ability of prudence and other qualifications , serve for such a task as this ! i know necessity may cause the church to tolerate the weak : but woe to us if we tolerate and indulge our own weakness . doth not reason and conscience tell you , that if you dare venture on so high a work as this , you should spare no pains to be fitted to perform it ? it is not now and then an idle snatch or taste of studies that will serve to make a sound divine . i know that laziness hath lately learned to pretend the lowness of all our studies , and how wholly and only the spirit must qualifie and assist us to the work : and so , as salvian saith in another case ( lib. . p. . ) authorem quodammodo sui sceleris deum faciu●t : as if god commanded us the use of means , and then would warrant us to neglect them ! as if it were h●s way to cause us to thrive in a course of idlene●s ; and to bring us to knowledge by dreams when we are asleep , or to take us up into heaven , and shew us his counsels , while we think of no such matter , but are routing in the earth . o that men should dare so sinfully by their laziness to quench the spirit , and then pretend the spirit for the doing of it . quis unquam ( saith he before mentioned ) creder●t usque in loanc contumeliam dei , progressuraam esse humanae cupiditatis ( ignaviae ) oudaciam ! ut id ipsum in quo christo injuriam facium , dicant se ob christi homen esse facturos ! o inestimabile facinus & prodigiosum ! god hath required of us , that we be not sloathful in business , but fervent in spirit , serving the lord , rom. . . such we must provoke our hearers to be , and such we must be our selves . o therefore brethren lose no time : study , and pray , and confer , and practise : for by these four waies your abilities must be increased . take heed to your selves lest you are weak through your own negligence ; and least you marr the work of god by your weakness . as the man is , so is his strength , iudg. . . sect . viii . . moreover take heed to your selves , lest your example contradict your doctrine , and lest you lay such stumbling blocks before the blind , as may be the occasion of their ruine . lest you unsay that with your lives , which you say with your tongues ; and be the greatest hinderers of the success of your own labours . it much hindereth our work when other men are all the week long contradicting to poor people in private , that which we have been speaking to them from the word of god in publike because we cannot be at hand to manifest their folly : but it will much more hinder , if we contradict our selves , and if your actions give your tongue the lye , and if you build up an hour or two with your mouths , and all the week after pull down with your hands ! this is the way to make men think that the word of god is but an idle tale : and to make preaching seem no better then prating . he that means as he speaks , will sure do as he speaks . one proud surly lordly word , one needless contention , one covetous action may cut the throat of many a sermon , and blast the fruit of all that you have been doing . tell me brethren , in the fear of god : do you regard the success of your labours , or do you not ? do you long to see it upon the souls of your hearers ? if you do not , what do you preach for ! what do you study for ! and what do you call your selves the ministers of christ for ? but if you do , then sure you cannot find in your heart to mar your work for a thing of nought ! what , do you regard the success of your labours , and yet will not part with a little to the poor , not put up an injury or a soul word , nor stoop to the meanest , nor forbear your passionate or ●ordly carriage , no not for the winning of souls , and attaining the end of all your labours ! you much regard the success indeed , that will fell it at so cheap a rate , or will not do so small a matter to attain it ! it is a palpable errour in those ministers that make such a disproportion between their preaching and their living , that they will study hard to preach exactly , and study little or not at all to live exactly : all the week long is little enough to study how to speak two hours : and yet one hour seems too much to study how to live all the week . they are loth to misplace a word in their sermons or to be guilty of any notable infirmity ( and i blame them not , for the matter is holy and of weight ; ) but they make nothing of misplacing affections , words and actions in the course of their lives . o how curiously have i heard some men preach ! and how carelesly have i seen them live ! they have been so accurate as to the wordy part in their own preparations , that seldom preaching seemed a vertue to them , that their language might be the more polite , and all the rhetorical jingling writers they could meet with , were prest to serve them for the adorning of their stile , ( and gawds were oft their chiefest ornaments . ) they were so nice in hearing others , that no man pleased them that spoke as he thought , or that drowned not affections , or dulled not , or distempered not the heart by the predominant strains of a phantastick wit. and yet when it came to matter of practice , and they were once out of church , how incurious were the men , and how little did they regard what they said or did , so it were not so palpably gross as to dishonour them ! they that preached precisely , would not live precisely ! what difference between their pulpit speeches and their familiar discourse ? they that are most impatient of barbarisms , solecisms , and paralogisms in a sermon , can easily tolerate them in their conversations . certainly brethren , we have very great cause to take heed what we do , as well as what we say : if we will be the servants of christ indeed , we must not be tongue-servants only , but must serve him with our deeds , and be doers of the work , that in our deed we may be blessed , iam. . . as our people must be doers of the word , and not hearers only ; so we must be doers and not speakers only , least we be deceivers of our selves , iam. . . a practical doctrine must be practically preached . we must study as hard how to live well , as how to preach well . we must think and think again how to compose our lives as may most tend to mens salvation , as well as our sermons . when you are studying what to say to them , i know these are your thoughts ( or else they are naught and to no purpose ) how should i get within them ? and what should i say that is likely most effectually to convince them , and convert them , and tend to their salvation ? and should you not as diligently bethink your selves , how shall i live , and what shall i say and do , and how shall i dispose of all that i have , as may most probably tend to the saving of mens souls ? brethren , if saving souls be your end , you will certainly intend it as well out of the pulpit as in it ! if it be your end , you will live for it , and contribute all your endeavours to attain it : and if you do so , you will as well ask concerning the money in your purse , as the words of your mouth , which way should i lay it out for the greatest good , especially to mens souls ? o that this were your daily study , how to use your wealth , your friends , and all you have for god , as well as your tongues ? and then we should see that fruit of your labours that is never else like to be seen . if you intend the end of the ministery in the pulpit only , then it seems you take your selves for ministers no longer then you are there . and then i think you are unworthy to be esteemed such at all . sect . ix . iii. having shewed you in four particulars , how it is that we must take heed to our selves , and what is comprized in this command ; i am next to give you the reasons of it , which i intreate you to take as so many motives to awaken you to your duty , and thus apply them as we go . reas . . you have a heaven to win or lose your selves , and souls that must be happy or miserable for ever : and therefore it concerneth you to begin at home , and to take heed to your selves as well as unto others . preaching well may succeed to the salvation of others , without the holiness of your own hearts or lives ; it is possible at least , though less usual : but it is impossible it should serve to save your selves : [ many shall say at that day , lord , have we not prophesied in thy name ? mat. . . who shall be answered with an i never knew you , depart from me ye that work iniquity . v. . o sirs , how many men have preached christ , and perished for want of a saving interest in him ! how many that are now in hell , have told their people of the torments of hell , and warned them to avoid it ! how many have preached of the wrath of god against sinners , that are now feeling it ! o what sadder case can there be in the world , then for a man that made it his very trade and calling to proclaim salvation , and to help others to attain it , yet after all to be himself shut out ! alas that ever we should have so many books in our libraries that tell us the way to heaven , that we should spend so many years in reading those books , and studying the doctrine of eternal life , and after all this to miss of it ! that ever we should study and preach so many sermons of salvation , and yet fall short of it ! so many sermons of damnation , and yet fall into it ! and all because we preached so many sermons of christ while we neglected him : of the spirit while we resisted it ; of faith , while we did not heartily believe ; of repentance and conversion , while we continued in the state of flesh and sin ; and of a heavenly life , while we remained carnal and earthly our selves . if we will be divines only in tongue and title , and have not the divine image upon our souls , nor give up our selves to the divine honour and will , no wonder if we be separated from the divine presence , and denyed the fruition of god for ever . believe it sirs , god is no respecter of persons : he saveth not men for their coats or callings ; a holy calling will not save ●n unholy man. if you stand at the door of the kingdom of grace , to light others in , and will not go in your selves ; when you are burnt to the snuff ●ou will go out with a stink , and shall knock in vain ●t the gates of glory , that would not enter at the ●oor of grace . you shall then find that your lamps should have had the oyl of grace as well as of ministerial gifts ; of holiness as well as of doctrine , if you would have had a part in the glory which you preached . do i need to tell you that preachers of the gospel must be judged by the gospel ; and stand at the same bar , and be sentenced on the same ●erms , and dealt with as severely as any other men ? can you think to be saved then by your clergy ? ●nd to come off by a legit ut clericus , when there ● wanting the credidit & vixit ut christianus ? alas , it will not be : you know it will not . take ●eed therefore to your selves for your own sakes , seeing you have souls to save or lose as well as others . sect . x. . take heed to your selves ; for you have a depraved nature , and sinful inclinations as well as others . if innocent adam had need of heed , ●nd lost himself and us for want of it , how much more need have such as we ? sin dwelleth in us , when we have preached never so much against it . and one degree prepareth the heart to another , and one sin inclineth the mind to more ; if one theif be in the house , he will let in the rest ; because they have the same disposition and design . a spark is the beginning of a flame : and a small disease may bring a greater . a man that knows himself to be purblind , should take heed to his feet . alas , even in our hearts as well as in our hearers , there is an aversness to god , a strangeness to him , unreasonable and almost unruly passions . in us there is at the best the remnants of pride , unbelief self seeking , hypocrisie , and all the most hareful deadly sins . and doth it not then concern us to take heed ? is so much of the fire of hell yet unextinguished , that at first was kindled in us ? are there so many traytors in our very hearts , and is it not time for us to take heed ? you will scarce let your little children go themselves while they are weak , without calling upon them to take heed of falling . and alas how weak are those of us that seem strongest ? how apt to stumble at a very straw ? how small a matter will cast us down , by ticing us to folly , or kindling our passions and inordinate desires , by perverting our judgements , or abating our resolutions , and cooling our zeal , and dulling our diligence ? ministers are not only sons of adam , but sinners against the grace of christ as well as others , and so have encreased their radical sin . those treacherous hearts will one time or other deceive you , if you take not heed . those sins that seem now to lie dead will revive : your pride , and worldliness , and many a noysom vice will spring up , that you thought had been weeded out by the roots . it is most necessary therefore , that men of such infirmities should take heed to themselves , and be careful in the dieting and usage of their souls . sect . xi . . and the rather also take heed to your selves ; because such great works as ours do put men on greater use and tryal of their graces , and have greater temptations , then many other mens . weaker gifts and graces may carry a man out in a more even and laudable course of life , that is not put to so great tryals . smaller strength may serve for lighter works and burdens . but if you will venture on the great undertakings of the ministery , if you will lead on the troops of christ against the face of satan and his followers ; if you will engage your selves against principalities and powers , and spiritual wickednesses in high places ; if you undertake to rescue captivated sinners , and to fetch men out of the devils paws : do not think that a heedless , careless minister is fit for so great a work as this . you must look to come off with greater shame , and deeper wounds of conscience , then if you had lived a common life , if you will think to go through such things as these with a careless soul . it is not only the work that calls for heed , but the workman also , that he may be fit for business of such weight ; we have seen by experience , that many men that lived as private christians , in good reputation for parts and piety , when they have taken upon them either military employment , or magistracy , where the work was above their parts , and temptations did over-match their strength , they have proved scandalous disgraced men . and we have seen some private christians of good note , that having thought too highly of their parts , and thrust themselves into the ministerial office , they have been empty men , and almost burdens to the church , and worse then some that we have endeavoured to cast out . they might have done god more service in the station of the higher rank of private men , then they do among the lowest of the ministery . if you will venture into the midst of the enemies , and bear the burden and heat of the day , take heed to your selves . sect . xii . . and the rather also , take heed to your selves ; because the tempter will make his first or sharpest onset upon you . if you will be the leaders against him , he will spare you no further then god restraineth him . he beareth you the greatest malice , that are engaged to do him the greatest mischief . as he hateth christ more then any of us , because he is the general of the field , and the captain of our salvation , and doth more then all the world besides against the kingdom of darkness ; so doth he hate the leaders under him , more then the common souldiers on the like account ( in their proportion ) he knows what a rout he may make among the rest , if the leaders fall before their eyes . he hath long tryed that way of fighting , neither against great or small comparatively , but these : and of smiting the shepherds , that he may scatter the flock : and so great hath been his success this way , that he will follow it on as far as he is able . take heed therefore brethren , for the enemy hath a special eye upon you . you shall have his most subtile insinuations , and incessant sollicitations , and violent assaults . as wise and learned as you are , take heed to your selves lest he over-wit you . the devil is a greater scholar then you , and a nimbler disputant : he can transform himself into an angel of light to deceive : he will get within you , and trip up your heels before you are aware : he will play the juglar with you undiscerned , and cheat you of your faith or innocency , and you shall not know that you have lost it ; nay he will make you believe it is multiplyed or increased , when it is lost . you shall see neither hook nor line , much less the subtile angler himself , whole he is offering you his bait . and his baits shall be so fitted to your temper and disposition , that he will be sure to find advantages within you , and make your own principles and inclinations to betray you , and when ever he ruineth you , he will make you the instruments of your own ruine . o what a conquest will he think he hath got , if he can make a minister lazy and unfaithful ; if he can tempt a minister into covetousness or scandal ! he will glory against the church and say , these are your holy preachers : you see what their preciseness is , and whither it will bring them . he will glory against jesus christ himself , and say , these are thy champions ! i can make thy chiefest servants to abuse thee ; i can make the stewards of thy house unfaithful . if he did so insult against god upon a false surmise and tell him he could make iob to curse him to his face ( iob . . ) what would he do if he should indeed prevail against us ? and at last he will insult as much over you , that ever he could draw you to be false to your great trust , and to blemish your holy profession , and to do him so much service that was your enemy . o do not so far gratifie satan , do not make him so much sport : suffer him not to use you as the philistines did sampson , first to deprive you of your strength , and then to put out your eyes , and so to make you the matter of his triumph and derision . sect . xiii . . take heed to your selves also , because there are many eyes upon you , and therefore there will be many observers of your fals . you cannot miscarry but the world will ring of it . the ecclipses of the sun by day time are seldom without witnesses . if you take your selves for the lights of the churches , you may well expect that mens eyes should be upon you . if other men may sin without observation , so cannot you . and you should thankfully consider , how great a mercy this is , that you have so many eyes to watch over you , and so many ready to tell you of your faults , and so have greater helps then others , at least for the restraining of your sin . though they may do it with a malicious mind , yet you have the advantage by it : god forbid that we should prove so impudent , as to do evil in the publike view of all , and to sin wilfully while the world is gazing on us ! he that is drunk , is drunk in the night ; and he that sleepeth , doth sleep in the night , these . . . what fornicator so impudent as to sin in the open streets while all look on ? why consider that you are still in the open light ; even the light of your own doctrine will disclose your evil doings . while you are as lights set upon a hill , look not to lie hid , mat. . . take heed therefore to your selves , and do your works as those that remember that the world looks on them , and that with the quick-sighted eye of malice , ready to make the worst of all , and to find the smallest fault where it is , and aggravate it where they find it , and divulge it and make it advantagious to their designs ; and to make faults where they cannot find them . how cautelously then should we walk before so many ill-minded observers ! sect . xiv . . take heed also to your selves ; for your sins have more hainous aggravations then other mens : its noted among king. alphonsus sayings , that a great man cannot commit a small sin ; we may much more say , that a learned man , or a teacher of others cannot commit a small sin : or at least , that the sin is great , as committed by him , which is smaller in another . i. you are liker then others to sin against knowledge , because you have more then they . at least you sin against more light or means of knowledge . what , do you not know that covetousness and pride are sins ? do you not know what it is to be unfaithful to your trust , and by negligence or self-seeking to betray mens souls ? you know your masters will , and if you do it not , shall be beaten with many stripes . there must needs therefore be the more wilfulness , by how much there is the more knowledge . if you sin , it is because you will sin . . your sins have more hypocrisie in them then other mens , by how much the more you have spoke against them . o what a hainous thing is it in us , to study how to disgrace sin to the utmost , and make it as odious to our people as we can , and when we have done , to live in it , and secretly cherish that which we openly disgrace ? what vile hypocrisie is it , to make it our daily work to cry it down , and yet to keep it ? to call it publikely all to naught , and privately to make it our bed-fellow and companion ? to bind heavy burdens for others , and not to touch them our selves with a finger ? what can you say to this in judgement ? did you think as ill of sin as you spoke ? or did you not ? if you did not , why would you dissemblingly speak it ? if you did , why would you keep it and commit it ? o bear not that badge of a miserable pharisee , they say but do not , mat. . . many a minister of the gospel will be confounded , and not be able to look up , by reason of this heavy charge of hypocrisie . . moreover , your sins have more perfidiousness in them then other mens . you have more engaged your selves against them . besides all your common engagements as christians , you have many more as ministers . how oft have you proclaimed the evil and danger of it , and called sinners from it ? how oft have you declared the terrors of the lord ? all these did imply that you renounced it your selves . every sermon that you preacht against it , every private exhortation , every confession of it in the congregation , did lay an engagement upon you to forsake it . every child that you have baptized , and entred into the covenant with christ : and every administration of the supper of the lord , wherein you called men to renew their covenant , did import your own renouncing of the flesh and the world , and your engagement unto christ . how oft and how openly have you born witness of the odiousness , and damnable nature of sin ? and yet will you entertain it against all these professions and testimonies of your own ? o what treachery is it to make such a stir in the pulpit against it , and after all to entertain it in the heart , and give it the room that is due to god , and even prefer it before the glory of the saints ? many more such aggravations of your sins might be mentioned : but as we haste over these , so we must pass them by through our present haste . sect . xv. . take heed to your selves ; for the honour of your lord and master , and of his holy truth and waies , doth lie more on you then on other men . as you may do him more service , so also more dis-service then others . the neerer men stand to god the greater dishonour hath he by their miscarriages : and the more will they be imputed by foolish men , to god himself . the heavy judgement was threatned and executed on eli and on his house , because they kicked at his sacrifice and offering : sam. . . for therefore was the sin of the young men great before the lord , for men abhorred the offering of the lord ; vers . . it was that great aggravation , of causing the enemies of the lord to blaspheme ; which provoked god to deal sharplyer with david then else he would have done , sam. . , , , . if you are indeed christians , the glory of god is dearer to you then your lives . take heed therefore what you do against it , as you would take heed what you do against your lives . would it not wound you to the heart to hear the name and truth of god reproached for your sakes ! to see men point to you , and say , there goes a covetous priest , a secret tipler , a scandalous man ; these are they that preach for strictness , when themselves can live as loose as others ; they condemn us by their sermons , and condemn themselves by their lives : for all their talk they are as bad as we . o brethren , could your hearts endure to hear men cast the dung of your iniquities in the face of the holy god , and in the face of the gospel , and of all that desire to fear the lord ? would it not break your hearts to think on it , that all the poor godly christians about you should suffer reproach for your mis-doings ? why , if one of you that is a leader of the flock should but once be ensnared in a scandalous crime , there is scarce a man or woman that seeketh diligently after their salvation , within the hearing of it but besides the grief of their hearts for your sin they are likely to have it cast in their teeth by the ungodly about them , though they never so much detest it and lament it . the ungodly husband will tell the wife , and the ungodly parents will tell their children , and neighbours and fellow servants will be telling one another of it , and saying , these are your godly preachers ? you may see what comes of all your stir ; are you any better then others ? you are even all alike . such words as these must all the godly in the countrey perhaps hear for your sakes . it must be that offence come ; but wo to that man by whom it cometh , mat. . . o take heed brethren in the name of god of every word that you speak , every step you tread , for you bear the ark of the lord , you are intrusted with his honour ; and dare you let it fall , and cast it in the dirt ? if you that know his will , and approve the things that are more excellent , being instructed out of the law , and being confident that you your selves are guides of the blind , and lights to them that are in darkness , instructers of the foolish , teachers of babes , &c. if you i say , should live contrary to your doctrine , and by breaking the law dishonour god , the name of god would be blasphemed among the ignorant and ungodly through you , rom. . , , , , . and you are not unacquainted with that standing decree of heaven , sam. . . them that honour me , i will honour : and they that despise me , shall be lightly esteemed . never did man dishonour god , but it proved the greatest dishonour to himself . god will find out waies enough to wipe off all that can be cast upon him : but you will not so easily remove the shame and sorrow from your selves . sect . xvi . . take heed to your selves ; for the souls of your hearers , and the success of all your labours do very much depend upon it . god useth to fit men for great works , before he will make them his instruments in accomplishing them . he useth to exercise men in those works that they are most suited to . if the work of the lord be not soundly done upon your own hearts , how can you expect that he should bless your labours for the effecting it in others ? he may do it if he please , but you have much cause to doubt whether he will. i shall here shew you some particular reasons under this last , which may satisfie you , that he that would be a means of saving others , must take heed to himself , and that god doth more seldom prosper the labours of unsanctified men . reas . . can it be expected that god should bless that mans labours ( i still mean comparatively , as to other ministers ) who worketh not for god , but for himself ? why this is the case of every unsanctified man. none but the upright do make god their chief end , and do all or any thing heartily for his honour : they make the ministery but a trade to live by : they choose it rather then another calling , because their parents did destinate them to it , and because it is a pleasant thing to know , and it is a life wherein they have more opportunity to furnish their intellects with all kind of science ; and because it is not so toylsom to the body , to those that have a will to favour their flesh ; and because it is accompanied with some reverence and respect from men , and because they think it a fine thing to be leaders and teachers , and have others depend on them , and receive the law at their mouth , and because it asfordeth them a competent maintenance . for such ends as these are they ministers , and for these do they preach ; and were it not for these , and such as these , they would soon give over . and can it be expected that god should much bless the labours of such men as these ? it is not him they preach for , but themselves , and their own reputation or gain : it is not him but themselves that they seek and serve , and therefore no wonder if he leave them to themselves for the success , and if their labours have no greater a blessing then themselves can give them , and the word reach no further then their own strength is able to make it reach . . can you think that he is likely to be as successsul as others , that dealeth not heartily and faithfully in his work , & never soundly believeth what he saith , & never is truly serious when he seemeth to be most ligent ? and can you think that any unsanctified man can be hearty and serious in the ministerial work ? it cannot be . a kind of seriousness indeed he may have , such as proceedeth from a common faith or opinion that the word is true , and is actuated by a natural servour , or by selfish ends : but the seriousness and fidelity of a sound believer that ultimately intendeth god and mens salvation , this he hath not . o sirs , all your preaching and perswading of others will be but dreaming and trifling hypocrisie , till the work be throughly done upon your selves . how can you set your selves day and night to a work that your carnal hearts are averse from ? how can you call out with serious servour upon poor sinners to repent and come in to god , that never repented or came in your selves ? how can you heartily follow poor sinners with importunate sollicitations , to take heed of sin , and to set themselves to a holy life , that never felt your selves the evil of sin , or the worth of holiness ? i tell you , these things are never well known till they are felt , nor well felt till they are possessed : and he that seeleth them not himself , is not so like to speak feelingly to others , nor to help others to the feeling of them . how can you follow sinners with compassion in your hearts , and tears in your eyes , and beseech them in the name of the lord to stop their course and return and live , that never had so much compas●ion on your own souls as to do this much for your selves ? what , can you love other men better then your selves ? and have pitty on them that have none upon your selves ? sirs , do you think they will be hearty and diligent to save men from hell , that be not heartily perswaded that there is a hell ? or to bring men to heaven , that do not soundly believe that there is such a thing ? as calvin saith on my text ; neque enim aliorum salutem sedulo unquam curabit qui suam negligit . he that hath not so strong a belief of the word of god , and the life to come , as will take off his own heart from the vanities of this world , and set him upon a resolved diligence for salvation , i cannot expect that he should be faithful in seeking the salvation of other men . sure he that dare damn himself , dare let others alone in the way to damnation ; and he that will sell his master with iudas for silver , will not stick to make merchandize of the flock ; and he that will let go his hopes of heaven rather then he will leave his worldly and fleshly delights , i think will hardly leave these for the saving of others . in reason we may conceive , that he will have no pitty on others , that is wilfully cruel to himself ; and that he is not to be trusted with other mens souls , that is unfaithful to his own , and will sell it to the devil for the short pleasures of sin . i confess that man shall never have my consent to have the care and charge of others , and to over-see them in order to their salvation , that takes not heed to himself , but is careless of his own ( except it were in case of absolute necessity , that no better could be had . ) . do you think that it is a likely thing , that he will fight against satan with all his might , that is a servant to satan himself ? and will he do any great harm to the kingdom of the devil , that is himself a member and subject of that kingdom ? and will he be true to christ that is in covenant with his enemy , and christ hath not his heart ? why this is the case of every unsanctified man , of what cloth soever his coat be made . they are the servants of satan , and the subjects of his kingdom ; it is he that ruleth in their hearts : and are they like to be true to christ that are ruled by the devil ? what prince will chose the friends and voluntary servants of his enemy to lead his armies in war against him ? this is it that hath made so many preachers of the gospel to be enemies to the work of the gospel which they preach : no wonder if such be secretly girding at the holy obedience of the faithful ; and while they take on them to preach for a holy life , if they cast reproaches on them that use it ! o how many such traytors have been in the church of christ in all ages , that have done more against him under his colours , then they could have done in the open field ! that have spoken well of christ and scripture , and godliness in the general , and yet slily and closely do what they can to bring it into disgrace , and make men believe that those that set themselves to seek god with all their hearts , are but a company of hypocrites , or self-conceited fantastical fellows : and what they cannot for shame speak that way in the pulpit , they will do it in secret amongst their companions . how many such wolves have been set over the sheep , because they had sheeps cloathing ; pretending to be christians and as good as others . if there were a traytor among the twelve in christs family , no marvel if there be many now . it cannot be expected that a slave of satan , whose god is his belly , and who mindeth earthly things , should be any better then an enemy to the cross of christ . what though they live civilly , and preach plausibly , and have the out-side of an easie cheap religiousness ? they may be as fast in the devils snares by worldliness , pride , a secret distaste of a diligent godliness , or by an unsound heart that is not rooted in the faith , nor unreservedly devoted to god in christ , as any others are by drunkenness , uncleanness and such disgraceful sins . publicans and harlots do sooner come to heaven then pharisees , because they are sooner convinced of their sin & misery . and though many of these men may seem excellent preachers , and cry down sin as loud as others , yet is it all but an affected fervency , and too commonly but a meer uneffectual bawling . for he that cherisheth it in his own heart , doth never fall upon it in good sadness in others . i know that a wicked man may be more willing of anothers reformation then his own , and may thence have a kind of real earnestness in disswading them from it ; because he can preach against sin at easier rates then he can forsake it , and another mans reformation may stand with his own enjoyments of his lusts . and therefore many a wicked minister or parent may be earnest with their people or family to amend , because they lose not their own sinful profits or pleasures by anothers reformation , nor doth it call them to that self denyal as their own doth . but yet for all this , there is none of that zeal , resolution and diligence , as is in all that are true to christ . they set not against sin as the enemy of christ , and as that which endangereth their peoples souls . a trayterous commander , that shooteth nothing against the enemy but powder , may cause his guns to make as great a sound or report , as some that are laden with bullets : but he doth no hurt to the enemy by it . so one of these men may speak as loud , and mouth it with an affected fervency : but he seldom doth any great execution against sin and satan . no man can fight well , but where he hateth , or is very angry : much less against them whom he loveth , and loveth above all . every unrenewed man is so far from hating sin to purpose , that it is his dearest treasure ; though not as sin , yet the matter of it is , as it affordeth delight to his sensual desires . so that you may see , that an unsanctified man is very unfit to be a leader in christs army , who loveth the enemy ; and to draw others to renounce the world and the flesh , who cleaveth to them himself as his chiefest good. and it is not a very likely thing that the people will regard much the doctrine of such men , when they see that they do not live as they preach . they will think that he doth not mean as he speaks , if he do not as he speaks . they will hardly believe a man that seemeth not to believe himself . if a man bid you run for your lives , because a bear , or an enemy is at your backs , and yet do not mend his pace himself in the same way , you will be tempted to think that he is but in jest , and there is really no such danger as he pretends . when preachers tell people of a necessity of holiness , and that without it no man shall see the lord , and yet remain unholy themselves , the people will think that they do but talk to pass away the hour , and because they must say somewhat for their money , and that all these be but words of course . long enough may you lift up your voices against sin , before men will believe , that there is any such harm or danger in it as you talk of , as long as they see the same man that reproacheth it , to put it in his bosom , and make it his delight . you rather tempt them to think that there is some special good in it , and that you dispraise it as gluttons do a dish which they love , that they may have it all to themselves . as long as men have eyes as well as ears , they will think they see your meaning as well as hear it ; and they are apter to believe their sight then their hearing , as being the more perfect sense . all that a preacher doth is a kind of preaching ; and when you live a covetous or a careless life , you preach these sins to your people by your practice . when you drink , or game , or prate away your time in vain discourse , they take it as if you told them , neighbours , this is that life that you should all live : you may venture on this course without any danger . if you are ungodly , and teach not your families the fear of god , nor contradict not the sins of the company you come into , nor turn the stream of their vain talking , nor deal with them plainly about the matters of their salvation , they will take it as if you preacht to them that such things are needless , and they may boldly do so as well as you . yea , and you do worse then all this , for you teach them to think ill of others that are better . how many a faithful minister & private man is hated and reproached for the sake of such as you ? what say the people to them ? you are so precise , and tell us so much of sin , and danger , and duty , and make such a stir about these matters ; when such or such a minister that is as great a scholar as you , and as good a preacher as you , will be merry and jest with us , and let us alone , and never trouble themselves or us with such discourse . these busie fellows can never be quiet , but make more ado then needs ; and love to fright men with talk of damnation , when ( ober , learned , peaceable divines can be quiet , and live with us like other men . this is the very thoughts and talk of people , which your negligence doth occasion . they will give you leave to preach against their sins as much as you will , and talk as much for godliness in the pulpit , so you will but let them alone afterwards , and be friendly and merry with them when you have done , and talk as they do , and live as they , and be indifferent with them in your conscience and your conversation . for they take the pulpit to be but as a stage ; a place where preachers must shew themselves and play their parts ; where you have liberty to say what you list for an hour : and what you say they much regard not , if you shew them not by saying it personally to their faces , that you were in good earnest , and indeed did mean them . is that man likely therefore to do much good , or fit to be a minister of christ , that will speak for him an hour , and by his life will preach against him all the week besides ; yea and give his publike words the lye ? and if any of the people be wiser then to follow the examples of such men yet the loathsomness of their lives will make their doctrine the less effectual . though you know the meat to be good and wholsom yet it may make a weak stomach rise against it , if the cook or the servant that carryeth it have pocky , or leprous , or dingy-hands . take heed therefore to your selves , if ever you mean to do good to others . . lastly , consider , whether the success of your labours depend not on the grace and blessing of the lord ; and where hath he made any promise of his assistance and blessing to ungodly men ? if he do promise his church blessing even by such , yet doth he not promise them any blessing . to his faithful servants he hath promised that he will be with them , that he will put his spirit upon them , and his word into their mouthes , and that satan shall fall before them as lightening from heaven . but where is there any such promise to the ungodly , that are not the children of the promise ? nay , do not you rather by your abuse of god , provoke him to forsake and blast your endeavours ? at least , as to your selves , though he may bless them to his chosen . for i do not all this while deny but that god may often do good to his church by wicked men , but not so ordinarily nor eminently as by his own . and what i have said of the wicked themselves , doth hold in part of the godly while they are scandalous and back-sliding , proportionably according to the measure of their sin . so much for the reasons . chap. ii. sect . i. iv. having shewed you , what it is to take heed to our selves , and why it must be done ? i am next to shew you , what it is to take heed to all the flock , and wherein it doth consist and must be exercised . it was first necessary to take into consideration , what we must be , and what we must do for our own souls , before we come to that which must be done for others : ne quis aliorum vulnera medendo ad salutem , ipse per negligentiam suae salutis intumescat ; ne proximos juvando , se deser●t ; ne alios erigens , cadat , saith gregor . m. de cur . past . l. . yea left all his labours come to nought , because his heart and life is nought that doth perform them . nonnulli enim sunt qui solerti curâ spiritualia praecepta prescrutantur , sed quae intelligendo penetrant , vivendo conculcant : repente decent quae non opere , sed meditatione didicerunt : & quod verbis praedicant , moribus impugnant ; unde fit ut cum pastor per abrupta graditur , ad praecipitium grex sequatur . idem ib. li. . cap. . when we have led them to the living waters , if we muddy it by our filthy lives , we may lose our labour , & yet they be never the better . aquam pedibus perturbare , est sancta meditationis studia male vivendo corrumpere , inquit idem . ibid. before we speak of the work it self , we must begin with somewhat that is implyed and presupposed . and . it is here implyed , that every flock should have their own pastor ( one or more ) and every pastor his own flock . as every troop or company in a regiment of souldiers must have their own captain and other officers , and every souldier know his own commanders and colours : so is it the will of god , that every church have their own pastors , and that all christs disciples do know their teachers that are over them in the lord , thes . . , . the universal church of christ must consist of particular churches guided by their own over-seers ; and every christian must be a member of one of these churches ; except those that upon embassages , travels , or other like cases of necessity , are deprived of this advantage , acts . . they ordained them elders in every church ; so tit. . . and in many places this is clear . though a minister be an officer in the universal church , yet is he in a special manner the overseer of that particular church which is committed to his charge : as he that is a physitian in the common-wealth may yet be the medicus vel archiater cujusdam civitatis , and be obliged to take care of that city , and not so of any other : so that though he may and ought occasionally to do any good he can else where that may consist with his fidelity to his special charge , ( when an unlicenced person may not ) yet is he first obliged to that city , and must allow no help to others that must occasion a neglect of them , except in great extraordinary cases , where the publike good requireth it . so is it betwixt a pastor and his special flock . when we are ordained ministers without a special charge , we are licenced and commanded to do our best for all , as we shall have a call for the particular exercise : but when we have undertaken a particular charge , we have restrained the exercise of our gifts and guidance so specially to that , that we may allow others no more then they can spare , of our time and help , except where the publike good requireth it , which must be first regarded . from this relation of pastor and flock , arise all the duties which mutually we owe. as we must be true to our trust , so must our people be faithful to us , and obey the just directions that we give them from the word of god. . when we are commanded to take heed to all the flock ; it is plainly implyed , that the flocks must be no greater regularly and ordinarily then we are capable of over-seeing or taking heed of . that particular churches should be no greater , or ministers no fewer , then may consist with a taking heed to all . for god will not lay upon us natural impossibilities : he will not bind men on so strict account as we are bound , to leap up to the moon , to touch the stars , to number the sands of the sea. if it be the pastoral work to over-see and take heed to all the flock , then sure there must be such a proportion of pastors assigned to each flock , or such a number of souls in the care of each pastor , as he is able to take such heed to as is here required . will god require of one bishop to take the charge of a whole county , or of so many parishes or thousands of souls , as he is not able to know or to over-see ? yea and to take the sole government of them , while the particular teachers of them are free from that undertaking ? will god require the blood of so many parishes at one mans hands , if he do not that which ten or twenty , or an hundred , or three hundred men can no more do then i can move a mountain ? then wo to poor prelates ? this were to impose on them a natural or unavoidable necessity of being damned . is it not therefore a most doleful case that learned sober men should plead for this as a desirable priviledge ? or draw such a burden wilfully on themselves ? and that they tremble not rather at the thoughts of so great an undertaking ? o happy had it been for the church , and happy for the bishops themselves , if this measure that is intimated by the apstole here had been still observed : and the diocess had been no greater then the elders or bishops could over-see and rule , so that they might have taken heed to all the flock ? or that pastors had been multiplyed as churches multiplyed , and the number of over-seers proportioned so far to the number of souls , that they might not have let the work be undone , while they assumed the empty titles , and undertook impossibilities ! and that they had rather prayed the lord of the harvest to send forth more labourers , even so many as had been proportioned to the work ; and not to have undertaken all themselves . i should scarce commend the prudence or humility of that labourer ( let his parts in all other respects be never so great ) that would not only undertake to gather in all the harvest in this county himself , and that upon pain of death yea of damnation , but would also earnestly contend for this prerogative . obj. but there are others to teach , though one only have had the rule . answ blessed be god it was so : and no thanks to some of them . but is not government of great concernment to the good of souls , as well as preaching ? if not , then what matter is it for church-governors ? if it be , then they that nullifie it by undertaking impossibilities , do go about to ru●ne the churche , and themselves . if only preaching be necessary , let us have none but meer preachers : what needs there then such a stir about government ? but if discipline ( in its place ) be necessary too , what is it but enmity to mens salvation to exclude it ? and it is unavoidably excluded , when it is made to be his work that is naturally uncapable of performing it . he that w●ll command an army alone , may as well say , it shall be destroyed for want of command : and the school-master that will over-see or govern all the schools in the county alone , may as well say plainly , they shall be all ungoverned : and the physitian that will undertake the guidance of all the sick people in a whole nation , or county , when he is not able to visit or direct the hundreth man of them , may as well say , let them perish . ob. but though they cannot rule them by themselves , they may do it by others . answ . the nature of the pastoral work is such , as must be done by the pastor himself . he may not delegate a man that is no pastor to baptize or administer the lords supper , or to be the teacher of the church : no more may he commit the government of it to another . otherwise by so doing he makes that man the bishop , if he make him the immediate ruler and guid of the church : and if a bishop may make each presbyter a bishop , so he do but derive the power from him , then let it no more be held unlawful for them to govern , or to be bishops . and if a prelate may do it , it is like christ or his apostles might and have done it ; for as we are to preach in christs name , and no in any mans ; so it s likely that we must rule in his name . but of this somewhat more anon . yet still it must be acknowledged that in case of necessity , where there are not more to be had , one man may under take the charge of more souls then he is able well to over-see particularly . but then he must only undertake to do what he can for them , and not to do all that a pastor ordinarily ought to do . and this is the case of some of us that 〈◊〉 greater parishes then we are able to take 〈…〉 ●eed to , as their state requireth ; i must prote●● or my own part , i am so far from their boldness in 〈…〉 venture on the sole government of a county , that i would not for all england have undertaken to have been one of the two that should do all the padoral work that god enjoyneth to that one parish where i live , had i not this to satisfie my conscience , that through the churches necessities more cannot be had ; and therefore i must rather do what i can , than leave all undone because i cannot do all . but cases of unavoidable necessity , are not to be the standing condition of the church ; or at least it is not desirable that it should so be . o happy church of christ , were the labourers but able and faithful , and proportioned in number to the number of souls ; so that the pastors were so many , or the particular flocks or churches so small , that we might be able to take heed to all the flocks . sect . ii. having told you these two things that are here implyed . i come next to the duty it self that is exprest . and this taking heed to all the flock in general is , a very great care of the whole and every part , with great watchfulness and diligence in the use of all those holy actions and ordinances which god hath required us to use for their salvation . more particularly , this work is to be considered : . in respect to the subject matter of it . . in respect to the object . . in respect to the work it self , or the actions which we must do . and . in respect to the end which we must intend . or it is not amiss if i begin first with this last , as being first in our intention , though last as to the attainment . . the ultimate end of our pastoral over-sight , is that which is the ultimate end of our whole lives ; even the pleasing and glorifying of god , to which is connext the glory of the humane nature also of christ , and the glorification of his church , and of our selves in particular : and the neerer ends of our office , are , the sanctification , and holy obedience of the people of our charge , their unity , order , beauty , strength , preservation and increase ; and the right worshipping of god , especially in the solemn assemblies . by which it is manifest , that before a man is capable of being a true pastor of a church according to the mind of christ , he must have so high an estimation of these things , that they may be indeed his ends . . that man therefore that is not himself taken-up with the predominant love of god , and is not himself devoted to him , and doth not devote to him all that he hath and can do ; that man that is not addicted to the pleasing of god , and maketh him not the center of all his actions , and liveth not to him as his god and happiness : that is , that man that is not a sincere christian himself , is utterly unfit to be a pastor of a church . and if we be not in a case of desperate necessity , the church should not admit such , so far as they can discover them . though to inferiour common works ( as to teach the languages , and some philosophy , to translate scriptures , &c. ) they may be admitted . a man that is not heartily devoted to god , & addicted to his service & honour , will never set heartily about the pastoral work : nor indeed can he possibly ( while he remaineth such ) do one part of that work , no nor of any other , nor speak one word in christian sincerity . for no man can be sincere in the means , that is not so in his intentions of the end . a man must heartily love god above all , before he can heartily serve him before all . . no man is fit to be a minister of christ that is not of a publike spirit as to the church , and delighteth not in its beauty , and longeth not for its felicity : as the good of the common-wealth must be the end of the magistrate ( his neerer end ) so must the felicity of the church be the end of the pastors of it . so that we must rejoyce in its welfare , and be willing to spend and be spent for its sake . . no man is fit to be a pastor of a church that doth not set his heart on the life to come , and regard the matters of everlasting life , above all the matters of this present life : and that is not sensible in some measure how much the inestimable riches of glory are to be preferred to the trifles of this world . for he will never set his heart on the work of mens salvation , that doth not heartily believe and value that salvation . . he that delighteth not in holiness , hateth not iniquity , loveth not the unity and purity of the church , and abhorreth not discord and divisions , and taketh not pleasure in the communion of saints , and the publike worship of god with his people , is not fit to be a pastor of a church . for none of all these can have the true ends of a pastor , and therefore cannot do the works . for of what necessity the end is to the means , and in relations , is easily known . sect . iii. ii. the subject matter of the ministerial work , is in general , spiritual things , or matters that concern the pleasing of god , and the salvation of our people . it is not about temporal and transitory things . it is a vile usurpation of the pope and his prelates to assume the management of the temporal sword , and immerse themselves in the businesses of the world ; to exercise the violent coertion of the magistrate , when they should use only the spiritual weapons of christ . our business is not to dispose of common-wealths , nor to touch mens purses or persons by our penalties : but it consisteth only in these two things . . in revealing to men that happiness , or chief good , which must be their ultimate end . . in acquainting them with the right means for the attainment of this end , and helping them to use them , and hindring them from the contrary . . it is the first and great work of the ministers of christ to acquaint men with that god that made them , and is their happiness : to open to them the treasures of his goodness , and tell them of the glory that is in his presence , which all his chosen people shall enjoy : that so by shewing men the certainty and the excellency of the promised felicity , and the perfect blessedness in the life to come , compared with the vanities of this present life , we may turn the stream of their cogitations and affections ; and bring them to a due contempt of this world , and set them on seeking the durable treasure . and this is the work that we should lie at with them night and day : could we once get them right in regard of the end , and set their hearts unfeignedly on god , and heaven , the chiefest part of the work were done : for all the rest would undoubtedly follow . and here we must diligently disgrace their seeming sensual felicity , and convince them of the baseness of those pleasures which they prefer before the delights of god. . having shewed them the right end , our next work is to acquaint them with the right means of attaining it . where the wrong way must be disgraced , the evil of all sin must be manifested , and the danger that it hath brought us into , and the hurt it hath already done us , must be discovered . then have we the great mysterie of redemption to disclose ; the person , natures , incarnation , perfection , life , miracles , sufferings , death , burial , resurrection , ascension , glorification , dominion , intercession of the blessed son of god. as also the tenor of his promises , the conditions imposed on us , the duties which he hath commanded us , and the everlasting torments which he hath threatned to the final impenitent neglecters of his grace . o what a treasury of his blessings and graces , and the priviledges of his saints have we to unfold ! what a blessed life of holiness and communion therein have we to recommend to the sons of men : and yet how many temptations , difficulties and dangers to disclose , and assist them against ! how many precious spiritual duties have we to set them upon , and excite them to , and direct them in ! how many objections of flesh and blood , and cavils of vain men , have we to confute ! how much of their own corruptions and sinful inclinations to discover and root out ! we have the depth of gods bottomless love and mercy , the depth of the mysteries of his designs and works , of creation , redemption , providence , justification , adoption , sanctification , glorification ; the depth of satans temptations , and the depth of their own hearts , to disclose . in a word , we must teach them , as much as we can of the whole word and works of god. o what two volumns are there for a minister to preach upon ! how great , how excellent , how wonderful and mysterious ! all christians are disciples or schollars of christ , the church is his school ; we are his ushers , the bible is his grammer : this is it that we must be daily teaching them . the papists would teach them without book , lest they should learn heresies from the word of truth ; least they learn falshood from the book of god , they must learn only the books or words of their priests . but our business is not to teach them without book , but to help them to undrstand this book of god. so much for the subject matter of our work . sect . iv. iii. the object of our pastoral care is , all the flock : that is , the church and every member of it . it is considered by us , . in the whole body or society . . in the parts or individual members . . our first care must be about the whole . and therefore the first duties to be done are publike duties , which are done to the whole . as our people are bound to prefer publike duties before private , so are we much more . but this is so commonly confessed , that i shall say no more of it . . but that which is less understood or considered , is , that all the flock even each individual member of our charge must be taken heed of and watched over by us in our ministery . to which end , it is presupposed necessary , that ( unless where absolute necessity forbiddeth it , through the scarcity of pastors , and greatness of the flock ) we should know every person that belongeth to our charge . for how can we take heed to them , if we do not know them ? or how can we take that heed that belongeth to the special charge that we have undertaken , if we know not who be of our charge , and who not ( though we know the persons ? ) our obligation is not to all neighbour churches , or to all straglers , as great as it is to those whom we are set over . how can we tell whom to exclude , till we know who are included ? or how can we refel the accusations of the offended , that tell us of the ungodly or defiled members of our churches , when we know not who be members , and who not ? doubtless the bounds of our parishes will not tell us , as long as papists and some worse do there inhabit . nor will bare hearing us certainly discover it , as long as those are used to hear that are members of other churches , or of none at all . nor is meer participation of the lords supper a sure note , while strangers may be admitted , and many a member accidentally be kept off . though much probability may be gathered by these , or some of these , yet a fuller knowledge of our charge is necessary where it may be had , and that must be the fittest expression of consent , because it is consent that is necessary to the relation . all the flock being thus known , must afterward be heeded . one would think all reasonable men should be satisfied of this , and it should need no further proof . doth not a careful shepherd look after every individual sheep ? and a good schoolmaster look to every individual scholler , both for instruction and correction ? and a good physitian look after every particular patient ? and good commanders look after every individual souldier ? why then should not the teachers , the pastors , the physitians , the guides of the churches of christ , take heed to every individual member of their charge ? christ himself the great and good shepherd , and master of the church , that hath the whole to look after , doth yet take care of every individual . in the . of luke he telleth us that he is as the shepherd that leaveth the ninety and nine sheep in the wilderness to seek after one that was lost : or as the woman that lighteth a candle , and sweepeth the house , and searcheth diligently to find the one groat that was lost ; and having found it , doth rejoyce , and call her friends and neighbours to rejoyce . and christ telleth us , that even in heaven there is ioy over one sinner that repenteth . the prophets are oft sent to single men . ezekiel is made a watch man over individuals : and must say to the wicked , thou shalt surely dye , ezek. . , . and and paul taught them publikely and from house to house , which was meant of his teaching particular families ; for even the publike teaching was then in houses ; and publikely and from house to house , signifie not the same thing . the same paul warned every man , and taught every man , in all wisdom , that he might present every man perfect in christ iesus , col. . . christ expounded his publike parables , to the twelve a part , mark . . every man must seek the law at the mouth of the priest , m●l . . we must give an account of our watching for the souls of all that are bound to obey us , heb. . . many more passages in scripture assure us that it is our duty to take heed to every individual person in our flock . and many passages in the antient councils do plainly tell us , it was the practice of those times , till churches began to be crowded , and to swell so big that they could not be guided as churches should be ( when they should rather have been multiplyed , as the converts did increase . ) but i will pass over all these , and mention only one passage in ignatius or whoever it was i matter not much seeing it is but to prove what was then the custom of the church ) ad polycarp . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i. e. let assemblies be often gathered ; seek after ( or enquire of ) all by name : despise not servant-men or maids . you see it was then taken for a duty to look after every member of the flock by name , though it were the meanest servant-man or maid . the reasons of the necessity of this i shall pass over now , because some of them will fall in when we come to the duty of catechizing and personal instruction in the end . obj. but the congregation that i am set over is so great that it is not possible for me to know them all , much less to take heed of all individuals . answ . . is it necessity or not that hath cast you upon such a charge ? if it be not , you excuse one sin with another : how durst you undertake that which you knew your self unable to perform , when you were not forced to it ? it seems then you had some other ends in your undertaking , and never intended to make it good , and be faithful to your trust . but if you think that you were necessitated to it , i must ask you , . might not you possibly have procured assistance for so great a charge ? have you done all that you could with your friends and neighbours to get maintenance for another to help you ? . have you not so much maintenance yourself as might serve your self and another ? what though it will not serve to maintain you in fulness ? is it not more reason that you should pinch your flesh and family , then undertake a work that you cannot do , and neglect the souls of so many men ? i know it will seem hard to some that i say ; but to me it seems an unquestionable thing : that if you have but an hundred pounds a year , it is your duty to live upon part of it , and allow the rest to a competent assistant , rather then the flock that you are over should be neglected . if you say , that this is hard measure ; your wife and children cannot so live . i answer , . do not many families in your parish live on less ? . have not many able ministers in the prelates daies been glad of less , with liberty to preach the gospel ? there are some yet living ( as i have heard ) that have offered the bishops to enter into bond to preach for nothing , so they might but have had liberty to preach . . if still you say , that you cannot live so neerly as poor people do , i further ask ; can your parishoners better endure damnation , then you can endure want and poverty ? what , do you call your selves ministers of the gospel , and yet are the souls of men so base in your eyes that you had rather they did eternally perish , then your selves and family should live in a low and poor condition ? nay , should you not rather beg your bread , then put such a thing as mens salvation upon a hazard , or disadvantage ? yea or hazard the damnation but of one soul ? o sirs , it is a miserable thing when men study and talk of heaven and hell , and the fewness of the saved , and the difficulty of salvation , and be not all this while in good sadness ! if you were , you could never sure stick at such matters as these , and let your people go to damnation , that you might live at higher rates in the world ? remember this , the next time you are preaching to them , that they cannot be saved without knowledge : and hearken whether conscience do not conclude , it s likely they might be brought to knowledge , if they had but diligent instruction and exhortation privately man by man ; and then were there another minister to assist me , this might be done : and then if i would live neerly and deny my flesh , i might have an assistant : and then it must conclude , dare i let my people live in that ignorance which i my self have told them is damning ; rather then put my self and family to a little want ? and i must further say , that indeed this poverty is not so sad & dangerous a business as it is pretended to be . so you have but food and rayment , must you not therewith be content ? and what would you have more then that which may enable you for the work of god ? and it is not purple and fine linnen , and faring deliciously every day , that you must expect as that which must content you . a mans life consisteth not in the abundance of the things that he possesseth . so your cloathing be warm , and your food be wholsom , you may as well be supported by it to do god service , as if you had the fullest satisfaction to your flesh : a patcht coat may be warm , and bread and drink is wholsom food . he that wanteth not these , hath but a cold excuse to make for hazarding mens souls , that he may live on a fuller dyet in the world . obj. if this doctrine be received , then it will discourage men from medling with great places ; and so all cities , market-towns , and other great parishes will be left desolate . answ . it will discourage none but the carnal and self-seeking , and not those that thirst after the winning of souls , & are wholly devoted to the service of god , and have taken up the cross and follow christ in self-denyal . and for others , they are so far from being good ministers , that they are not his disciples or true christians . christ would not forbear to tell the world of the absolute necessity of self-deniall and resigning up all , and bearing the cross , and mortifying the flesh , for fear of discouraging men from his service ; but contrarily telleth them that he will have no other servants but such , and those that will not come on these terms , may go their waies , and take their course , and see who will lose by it , and whether he do more want their service , or they want his protction and favour . obj. but i am not bound to go to a charge which i cannot perform , and to take a greater place , when i am fit but for a less . answ . . if you would undertake it but for want of maintenance , then it is not unfitness , but poverty that is your discouragement : and that is no sufficient discouragement . . we are all bound to dispose of our selves to the greatest advantage of the church , and to take that course in which we may do god the greatest service ; and we know that he hath more work for us in greater congregations then in lesser , and that the neglect of them would be the greatest injury and danger to his church and interest : and therefore we must not refuse , but chuse the greatest work , though it be accompanied with the greatest difficulties and suffering . it must be done , and why not by you as well as others ? obj. but no man must undertake more then he can do . answ . i will add the rest of my enquiries , which will answer this objection . . would the maintenance of the place serve two others , that have less necessity , or smaller families then you ? if it will , try to get two such as may accept it in your stead . . if this cannot be done , nor addition be procured , and there be really so little that you cannot have assistance , then these two things must be done . . you must take the charge with limitation , with a profession of your insufficiency for the whole work , and your undertaking only so much as you can do ; and this you do for the necessity of the place that cannot otherwise be better supplyed . . you must not leave off the work of personal over-sight , nor refuse to deal particularly with any , because you cannot do it with all : but take this course with as many as you are able : and withall put on godly neighbours , and specially parents and masters of families to do the more . and thus doing what we can , will be accepted . and in the mean time let us importune the rulers of the common-wealth , for such a proportion of maintenance to great congregations , that they may have so many ministers to watch over them , as may personally as well as publiklely instruct and exhort them . it may please god at last to put this into the hearts of governors , and to give them a love to the prosperity of his church , and a conscience of their duty for the promoting of mens salvation . some more of these objections we shall answer anon , under the uses . so much for the distribution of the work of the ministery , drawn from the object materially considered . we are next to consider of it in reference to the several qualities of the object . and because we shall here speak somewhat of the acts with the object , there will be the less afterward to be said of them by themselves . . the first part of our ministerial work lyeth in bringing unsound professors of the faith to sincerity , that they who before were christians in name and shew , may be so indeed . though it belong not to us as their pastors , to co●●●rt professed infidels to the faith , because they cannot be members of the church while they are professed infidels ; yet doth it belong to us as their pastors , to convert these seeming christians to sincerity , because such seeming christians may be visible members of our churches . and though we be not absolutely certain that this or that man in particular is unsound , and unsanctified , yet as long as we have a certainty that many such are usually in the church , and have too great probability that it is so with several individuals whom we can name , we have therefore ground enough to deal with them for their conversion . and if we be certain by their notorious impiety that they are no christians , and so to be ejected from the communion of christians ; yea if they were professed infidels , yet may we deal with them for their conversion , though not as their pastors , yet as ministers of the gospel . so that upon these terms we may well conclude that , the work of conversion is the great thing that we must first drive at , and labour with all our might to effect . alas , the misery of the unconverted is so great that it calleth lowdest to us for our compassion . if truly converted sinner do fall , it will be but into sin which will sure be pardoned , and he is not in that hazard of damnation by it as others be . not ( as some unjustly accuse us to say ) that god hateth not their sins as well as others , or that he will bring them to heaven , let them live never so wickedly : but the spirit that is within them will not let them live wickedly , nor to sin as the ungodly do ; but they hate sin habitually , when through temptation they commit it actually ; and as they have a general repentance for all , so have they a particular repentance for all that is known ; and they usually know all that 's gross and much more , and they have no iniquity that hath dominion over them . but with the unconverted it is far otherwise . they are in the gall of bitterness and bond of iniquity , and have yet no part nor fellowship in the pardon of their sins , or the hopes of glory ; we have therefore a work of greater necessity to do for them , even to open their eyes , and turn them from darkness to light , and from the power of satan unto god ; that they may receive forgiveness of sins , and inheritance among the sanctified by faith in christ , acts . . to soften and open their hearts to the entertainment of the truth , if god peradventure will give them repentance to the acknowledging of it , that they may escape out of the snare of the devil , who are taken captive by him at his will , tim. . that so they may be converted , and their sins may be forgiven them , mark . ●● . he that seeth one man sick of a mortal disease , & another only pained with the tooth-ach , will be moved more to compassionate the former , then the latter , and will sure make more haste to help him , though he were a stranger , and the other were a son. it is so sad a case to see men in a state of damnation , wherein if they should dye they are remedilesly lost ▪ that me thinks we should not be able to let them alone , either in publike or private , whatever other work we have to do . i confess , i am forced frequently to neglect that which should tend to the further encrease of knowledge in the godly , and may be called stronger meat , because of the lamentable necessity of the unconverted . who is able to talk of controversies or nice unnecessary points , yea or truths of a lower degree of necessity , how excellent soever , while he seeth a company of ignorant , carnal , miserable sinners before his face , that must be chang'd or damn'd ? me thinks i even see them entring upon their final woe ! me thinks i even hear them crying out for help , and speedyest help . their misery speaks the lowder , because they have not hearts to seek or ask for help themselves . many a time have i known , that i had some hearers of higher fancies , that lookt for rarities , and were addicted to despise the ministery , if he told them not somewhat more then ordinary ; and yet i could not find in my heart to turn from the observation of the necessities of the impenitent , for the humouring of these , nor to leave speaking to the apparently miserable for their salvation , to speak to such novelists , for the clawing of their ears ; no nor so much as otherwise should be done , to the weak for their confirmation , and increase in grace . me thinks as pauls spirit was stir'd within him , when he saw the athenians so addicted to idolatry , acts . . so it should cast us into one of his paroxisms , to see so many men in great probabilitie of being everlastingly undone ; and if by faith we did indeed look upon them as within a step of hell , it should more effectually untye our tongues , then they tell us that croesus danger did his sons . he that will let a sinner go to hell for want of speaking to him , doth set less by souls then the redeemer of souls did , and less by his neighbour then rational charity will allow him to do by his greatest enemy . o therefore brethren , whomsoever you neglect , neglect not the most miserable ! whatever you pass over , forget not poor souls that are under the condemnation and curse of the law , and may look every hour for the infernal execution , if a speedy change do not prevent it . o call after the impenitent , and ply this great work of converting souls whatever else you leave undone . . the next part of the ministerial work , is for the building up of those that are already truly converted . and according to the various states of these , the work is various . in general , as the persons are either such as are young and weak , or such as are in danger of growing worse , or such as are already declining , so our work is all reducible to these three , confirmation and progress , preservation and restauration . . we have many of our flock that are young and weak ; though of long standing , yet of small proficiency or strength , heb. . , . and indeed it is the most common condition of the godly : most of them ●●ick in weak and low degrees of grace : and it is no easie matter to get them higher . to bring them to higher and stricter opinions , is very easie ; that is , to bring them from the truth into error , on the right hand as well as on the left : but to encrease their knowledge and gifts is not easie ; but to encrease their graces is the hardest of all . it is a very troublesom thing to be weak : it keepeth under dangers , it abateth consolation , and delight in god , and taketh off the sweetness of his waies , and maketh us go to work with too much backwardness , and come off with little peace or profit : it maketh us less serviceable to god and man , to bring less honour to our master and profession , and do less good to all about us . we find small benefit by the means we use : we too easily play with the serpents baits , and are insnared by his wiles . a seducer will easily make us shake , and evil may be made appear to us as good , truth as falshood , sin as a duty ; and so on the contrary ; we are less able to resist and stand in an encounter ; we sooner fall ; we hardlier rise ; and are apter to prove a scandal and reproach to our profession ; we less know our selves , and are more apt to be mistaken in our own estate not observing corruptions when they have got advantage : we are dshonourable to the gospel by our very weakness , and little useful to any about us ; and in a word , though we live to less profit to our selves or others , yet are we unwilling and too unready to dye . and seeing the case of weakliness is comparatively so sad , how diligent should we be to cherish and encrease their grace ? the strength of christians is the honour of the church . when men are inflamed with the love of god , and live by a lively working saith , and set light by the profits and honours of the world , and love one another with a pure heart fervently , and can bear and heartily forgive a wrong , and suffer joyfully for the cause of christ , and study to do good , and walk in offensively and harmlesly in the world , as ready to be servants of all men for their good , becoming all things to all men to win them , and yet abstaining from the appearances of evil , and seasoning all their actions with a sweet mixture of prudence , humility , zeal and heavenly spirituality ; o what an honour are such to their professions ? what ornaments to the church ? and how excellently serviceable to god and man ! men would sooner believe that the gospel is indeed a word of truth and power , if they could see more such effects of it upon the hearts and lives of men . the world is better able to read the nature of religion in a mans life then in the bible . they that obey not the word , may be won by the conversations of such as these , pet. . . it is therefore a necessary part of our work , to labour more in the polishing and perfecting of the saints , that they may be strong in the lord , and fitted for their masters use . . another sort of converts that need our special help , are those that labour under some particular distemper , that keeps under their graces , and maketh them temptations and troubles to others , and a burden to themselves . for alas too many such there are . some that are specially addicted to pride , and some to worldliness , and some to this or that sensual desire , and many to frowardness , and disturbing passions . it is our duty to set in for the assistance of all these , and partly by disswasions and clear discoveries of the odiousness of the sin , and partly by suitable directions about the way of remedy , to help them to a fuller conquest of their corruptions . we are leaders of christs army against the powers of darkness , and must resist all the works of darkness wherever we find them , though it be in the children of light . we must be no more tender of the sins of the godly then the ungodly , nor any more befriend them or favour them . by how much more we love the persons above others , by so much the more must we express it in the opposition of their sins . and yet we must look to meet with some tender persons here , especially when iniquity hath got any head , and made a party ; and many have fallen in love with it ; they will be as pettish and impatient of a reproof as some worser men , and interest piety it self into their faults , and say that a minister that preacheth against them , doth preach against the godly ; a most haynous crime ! to make god and godliness accessory to their sins ; when all the world besides hath not the thousandth part of that enmity and opposition against them . but the ministers of christ must do their duties , for all mens peevishness ; and must not so far hate their brother , as to forbear the plain rebuking of him , or suffer sin to lie upon his soul , levit. . . though it must be done with much prudence , yet done it must be . . another sort that our work is about , is declining christians , that are either fallen into some scandalous sin , or else abate their zeal and diligence , and shew us that they have lost their former love ! as the case of back-sliders is very sad , so our diligence must be great for their recovery . it s sad to them to lose so much of their life , and peace , and serviceableness to god : and to become so serviceable to satan & his cause . it is sad to us to see that al our labour is come to this , and that when we have taken so much pains with men , and bad so much hopes of them , all should be so far frustrate . it is saddest of all to think that god should be so abused by those that he hath so loved , and done so much for , and that the enemy should get such advantage upon his graces , and that christ should be so wounded in the house of a friend , and the name of god evil spoken of among the wicked through such ; and all that fear god should be reproached for their sakes . besides that partial back-sliding hath a natural tendency to total apostacie , and would effect it , if special grace prevent it not . the sadder the case of such christians is , the more lieth upon us for their effectual recovery , to restore those that are but overtaken with a fault by the spirit of meekness , gal. . . and yet to see that the sore be throughly searcht and healed , and the joynt be well set again , what pain soever it cost ; and especially to look to the honour of the gospel , and to see that they rise by such free and full confessions and significations of true repentance , that some reparation be thereby made to the church , and their holy profession , for the wound of dishonour that they had given it by their sin . much skill is required to the restoring of such a soul . . another part of the ministerial work is about those that are fallen under some great temptation . much of our assistance is needful to our people in such a case . and therefore every minister should be a man that hath much insight into the tempters wiles . we should know the great variety of them , and the cunning craft of all satans instruments that lie in wait to deceive , and the methods and devices of the grand deceiver ! some of our people lie under temptations to error and heresie , especially the young unsettled , and most self-conceited : and those that are most conversant or familiar with seducers . young , raw ungrounded christians , are commonly of their mind that have most interest in their esteem , and most opportunity of familiar talk to draw them into their way . and as they are tinder , so deceivers want not the sparks of zeal , to set them on a flame . a zeal for error and opinions of our own , is natural , and easily kindled and kept alive : but it is far otherwise with the spiritual zeal for god. o what a deal of holy prudence and industry is necessary in a pastor to preserve the flock from being tainted with heresies , and falling into noxious conceits and practices , and especially to keep them in unity and concord , and hinder the rising or increase of divisions . if there be not a notable conjunction of all accomplishments , and a skilful improvement of parts and interests , it will hardly be done , especially in such times as ours , when the sign is in the head , and the disease is epidemical . if we do not publikely maintain the credit of our ministery , and second it by unblamable exemplary lives , and privately meet with seducers , and shame them ; if we be not able to manifest their folly , and follow not close our staggering people before they fall , how quickly may we give great advantage to the enemy , and let in such an inundation of sin and calamity , that will not easily be again cast out ! others lie under a temptation to worldliness ! and others to gluttony or drunkenness ; and others to iust ; some to one sin , and some to another . a faithful pastor therefore should have his eye upon them all , and labour to be acquainted with their natural temperament , and also with their occasions and affairs in the world , and the company that they live or converse with , that so he may know where their temptations lie : and then speedily , prudently and diligently to help them . . another part of our work is to comfort the disconsolate , and to settle the peace of our peoples souls , and that on sure and lasting grounds . to which end , the quality of the complainants , and the course of their lives had need to be known ; for all people must not have the like consolations that have the like complaints . but of this i have spoken already elsewhere , and there is so much said by many , especially mr. bolton in his instructions for right comforting , that i shall say no more . . the rest of our ministerial work is upon those that are yet strong : for they also have need of our assistance : partly to prevent their temptations and declinings , and preserve the grace they have ; partly to help them for a further progress and encrease ; and partly to direct them in the improving of their strength for the service of christ , and the assistance of their brethren . as also to encourage them , especially the aged , the tempted , and afflicted to hold on , and to persevere that they may attain the crown . all these are the objects of the ministerial work , and in respect to all these we must take heed to all the flock . abundance more distributions of our work , with directions how to perform it to rich and poor , young and old , &c. you may find in gregor . m. de cura pastorali , worth the reading . you may have the book by it self of mr. ier. stephens edition . sect . v. iv. having done with our work in respect of its objects ; i am next to speak of the acts themselves . but of this i shall be very brief . . because they are intimated before . . and because they are so fully handled by many . . and because i find i have already run into more tediousness then i intended . . one part of our work , and that the most excellent , because it tendeth to work on many , is the publike preaching of the word . a work that requireth greater skill , and especially greater life and zeal , then any of us bring to it . it is no small matter to stand up in the face of a congregation , and deliver a message of salvation or damnation , as from the living god , in the name of our redeemer . it is no easie matter to speak so plain , that the ignorant may understand us , and so seriously , that the deadest hearts may feel us ; and so convincingly , that the contradicting cavilers may be silenced . i know it is a great dispute whether preaching be proper to the ministers or not ? the decision seems not very difficult . preaching to a congregation as their ordinary teacher , is proper to a minister in office ; and preaching to the unbelieving world ( jews , mahometans or pagans ) as one that hath given up himself to that work , and is separated and set apart to it , is proper to a minister in office : but preaching to a church or to infidels , occasionally , as an act of charity , extraordinarily , or upon special call to that act , may be common to others . the governor of a church , when he cannot preach himself , may in a case of necessity appoint a private man pro tempore , to do it that is able ( as mr. thorndike hath shewed . ) but no private man may obtrude without his consent , who by office is the guide and pastor of that church . and a master of a family may preach to his own family , and a school-master to his schollars , and any man to those whom he is obliged to teach ; so be it he go not beyond his ability , and do it in a due subordination to church-teaching , and not in a way of opposition and division . a man that is not of the trade , may do some one act of a trades-man in a corporation for his own use , or his family , or friend ; but he may not addict or separate himself to it , or set it up , and make it his profession , nor live upon it , unless he had been apprentice and were free . for though one man of ten thousand may do it of himself as well as he that hath served an apprentiship , yet it is not to be presumed that it is ordinarily so : and the standing rule must not bend to rarities and extraordinaries , lest it undo all : for that which is extraordinary and rare in such cases , the law doth look upon as a non ens . but the best way to silence such usurping teachers , is for those to whom it belongeth , to do it themselves so diligently , that the people may not have need to go a begging ; and to do it so judiciously , and affectingly , that a plain difference may appear between them and usurpers , and that other mens works may be shamed by theirs ; and also by the adding of holy lives , and unwearied diligence to high abilities , to keep up the reputation of their sacred office , that neither seducers , nor tempted ones may fetch matter of temptation from our blemishes , or neglects . but i shall say no more of this duty . . another part of our pastoral work is to administer the holy mysteries , or seals of gods covenant , baptism and the lords supper . this also is claimed by private usurpers : but i 'le not stand to discuss their claim . a great fault it is among our selves , that some are so careless in the manner , and others do reform that with a total neglect , and others do lay such a stress on circumstances , and make them a matter of so much contention , even in that ordinance where union and communion is so profest . . another part of our work is to guide our people , and be as their mouth in the publike prayers of the church , and the publike praises of god : as also to bless them in the name of the lord. this sacerdotal part of the work is not the least , nor to be so much thrust into a corner as by too many of us it is . a great part of gods service in the church-assemblies , was wont in all ages of the church till of late , to consist in publike praises and eucharistical acts in holy communion : and the lords day was still kept as a day of thanksgiving , in the hymns and common rejoycings of the faithful , in special commemoration of the work of redemption , and the happy condition of the gospel church . i am as apprehensive of the necessity of preaching as some others : but yet me thinks , the solemn praises of god should take up much more of the lords day then in most places they do . and me thinks , they that are for the magnifying of gospel prviledges , and for a life of love and heavenly joyes , should be of my mind in this ; and their worship should be evangelical as well as their doctrine pretendeth to be . another part of the ministerial work , is , to have a special care and over-sight of each member of the flock . the parts whereof are these that follow . . we must labour to be acquainted with the state of all our people as fully as we can ; both to know the persons , and their inclinations , and conversations , to know what are the sins that they are most in danger of , and what duties they neglect for the matter or manner , and what temptations they are most liable to . for if we know not the temperament or disease , we are like to prove but unsuccessful physitians . . we must use all the means we can to instruct the ignorant in the matters of their salvation ; by our own most plain familiar words ; by giving or lending , or otherwise helping them to books that are fit for them : by perswading them to learn catechisms ; and those that cannot read , to get help of their neighbours ; and to perswade their neighbours , to afford them help , who have best opportunities thereto . . we must be ready to give advice to those that come to us with cases of conscience , especially the great case which the jews put to peter , and the jaylor to paul and silas , acts . what must we do to be saved ? a minister is not only for publike preaching , but to be a known counsellor for their souls , as the lawyer is for their estates , and the physitian for their bodies : so that each man that is in doubts and straits , should bring his case to him and desire resolution . not that a minister should be troubled with every small matter , which judicious neighbours can give them advice in as well as he , no more then a lawyer or physitian should be troubled for every trifle or familiar case , where others can tell them as much as they : but as when their estate or life is in danger they will go to these , so when their souls are in danger they should go to ministers : as nicodemus came to christ and as was usual with the people to go to the priest , whose lips must preserve knowledge , and at whose mouth they must ask the law , because he is the messenger of the lord of hosts . and because the people are grown unacquainted with the office of the ministery , and their own necessity and duty herein , it belongeth to us to acquaint them herewith , and to press them publikely to come to us for advice in such cases of great concernment to their souls . we must not only be willing of the trouble , but draw it upon our selves by inviting them hereto . what abundance of good might we do , could we but bring our people to this ? and doubtless much might be done in it , if we did our duties . how few have i ever heard that heartily prest their people to their duty in this ? a sad case ; that peoples souls should be so injured and hazarded , by the total neglect of so great a duty , and ministers scarce ever tell them of it , and awaken them to it ! were they but duly sensible of the need and weight of this , you should have them more frequently knocking at your doors , and open their cases to you , and making their sad complaints , and begging your advice . i beseech you put them more on this for the future , and perform it carefully when they seek your help . to this end it s very necessary that we be acquainted with practical cases , and specially that we be acquainted with the nature of true grace , and able to assist them in trying their states , and resolve the main question that concerns their everlasting life or death . one word of seasonable prudent advice given by a minister to persons in necessity , hath done that good that many sermons would not have done . . we must also have a special eye upon families , to see that they be well ordered , and the duties of each relation performed . the life of religion , and the welfare and glory of church and state , dependeth much on family government and duty . if we suffer the neglect of this , we undo all . what are we like to do our selves to the reforming of a congregation , if all the work be cast on us alone , and masters of families will let fall that necessary duty of their own , by which they are bound to help us ! if any good be begun by the ministery in any soul in a family , a careless , prayerless , worldly family is like to stiffle it , or very much hinder it . whereas if you could but get the rulers of families to do their part , and take up the work where you left it , and help it on , what abundance of good might be done by it ? ( as i have elsewhere shewed more at large ) i beseech you therefore do all that you can to promote this business , as ever you desire the true reformation and welfare of your parishes . to which end let these things following be performed . . get certain information how each family is ordered , and how god is worshippped in them : that you may know how to proceed in your carefulness for their further good . . go now and then among them , when they are like to be most at leisure , and ask the master of the family , whether he pray with them , or read the scripture , or what he doth ? and labour to convince the neglecters of their sin . and if you can have opportunity , pray with them , before you go , and give them an example , what you would have them do , and how . and get a promise of them that they will be more conscionable therein for the future . . if you find any unable to pray in tolerable expressions , through ignorance and disuse , perswade them to study their own wants , and get their hearts affected with them , and so go oft to those neighbours who use to pray , that they may learn : and in the mean time perswade them to use a form of prayer rather then none . only tell them that it is their sin and shame that they have lived so negligently , as to be now so unacquainted with their own necessities , as not to know how to speak to god in prayer ; when every beggar can find words to ask an alms ; and therefore tell them that this form i● but for necessity , as a crutch to a cripple , while they cannot do as well without it ; but they must not resolve to take up there , but to learn to do better as soon as they can , seeing prayer should come from the feeling of the heart , and be varied both according to our necessities and observations . yet is it necessary to most unaccustomed ill-bred people , that have not been brought up where prayer hath been used , that they begin at first with the use of a form , because they will else be able to do nothing at all , and in sense of their disability will wholly neglect the duty , though they desire to perform it . for many disused persons can mutter out some honest requests in secret , that be not able before others to speak tolerable sense . and i will not be one of them that had rather the duty were wholly neglected , or else prophaned and made contemptible , then encourage them to the use of a sorm , either recited by memory , or read . . see that they have some profitable moving book ( besides the bible ) in each family : if they have not , perswade them to buy some of small price , and great use ; such as mr. whateleys new birth , and dod on the commandments ; or some smaller moving sermons ; if they be not able to buy them , give them some if you can : if you cannot , get some gentlemen or other rich persons that are willing to good works , to do it . and engage them to read on it at nights when they have leisure , and especially on the lords day . . by all means perswade them to procure all their children to learn to read english . direct them how to spend the lords day : how to dispatch their worldly businesses so as to prevent encombrances and distractions ; and when they have been at the assemblie , how to spend the time in their families : the life of religion lieth much on this , because poor people have no other free considerable time : and therefore if they lose this they lose all , and will remain ignorant and brutish . specially perswade them to these two things . . if they cannot repeate the sermon , or otherwise spend the time profitably at home , that they take their family with them , and go to some godly neighbour that spends i● better , that by joyning with them , they may have the better help . . that the master of the family will every lords day at night cause all his family to repeat the catechism to him , and give him some account of what they have learn't in publike that day . . if there be any in the family that are known to be unruly , give the ruler a special charge concerning them , and make them understand what a sin it is to connive at them and tolerate them . neglect not therefore this necessary part of your work : get masters of families to their duties , and they will spare you a great deal of labour with the rest , or further much the success of your labours . if a captain can get his lieutenant , cornet , and other inferiour officers to do their duties , he may rule the souldiers with less trouble , then if all should lie upon his own hands alone . you are like to see no general reformation , till you procure family reformation . some little obscure religion there may be in here and there one ; but while it sticks in single persons , and is not promoted by these societies , it doth not prosper , nor promise much for future increase . . another part of the work of our private over-sight consisteth in a vigilant opposing of seducers , and seeking to prevent the infection of our flock , and speedy reclaiming those that begin to itch after strange teachers , and turn into crooked paths . when we hear of any one that lies under the influence of their temptations , or that is already deceived by them , we must speedily with all our skill and diligence make out for their relief . the means i shall shew in the directions in the end . . another part of this oversight lieth in the due encouragement of those that are humble , upright , obedient christians , and profit by our teaching , and are an honour to their profession : we must in the eyes of all the flock , put some difference between them and the rest by our praises , and more special samiliarity , and other testimonies of our approbation and rejoycing over them ; that so we may both encourage them , and incite others to imitate them . gods graces are amiable and honourable in all ; even in the poorest of the flock , as well as in the pastors : and the smallest degrees must be cherrished and encouraged , but the highest more openly honoured and propounded to imitation . they that have slighted or vilified the most gracious , because they were of the laity , while they claimed to themselves the honour of their clergy , though adorned with little or none of that grace , as they shewed themselves to be proud and carnal , so did they take the next way to debase themselves by self-exaltation , & to bring the office it self into contempt . for if there be no honour due to the real sanctity of a christian , much less to the relative sanctity of a pastor : and he that vilifieth the person , cannot well plead for the honouring of robes and empty titles : nor can he expect that his people should give him the honour of a pastor , if he will not give them the love and honour that is due to christians and members of christ . as the orator said to domitius , cur ego te habeam ut principem , cum tu me non habeas ut senatorem . it was an unchristian course therefore , which our late prelates and their agents took , who discountenanced none so much as the most godly , whom they should have rejoyced in , and encouraged ; and made them not only the common scorn , but also the objects of their persecuting rage , as if they had fed their flock for the butcher , and called them out for suffering as they came to any maturity . this vilifying and persecuting the most diligent of the flock , was neither the note of christian shepherds , nor the way to be so esteemed . as hierom saith , quid de episcopis , qui verberibus timeri volunt , canones dicant , bene fraternitas vestra novit . pastores enim facti sumus , non percussores . egregius praedicator dixit , argue , obsecra , increpa , in omni patientiâ & doctrina : nova vero atque inaudita est illa praedicatio , qu● verberibus exi● it sidem . much more might he have said , quae verberibus castigat pie●atem . . another part of our over-sight lieth in visiting the sick , and helping them to prepare either for a fruitful life , or a happy death : though this be the business of all our life and theirs , yet doth it at such a season require extraordinary care both of them and us . when time is almost gone , and they must be now or never reconciled to god & possessed of his grace : o how doth it concern them to redeem those hours , and lay hold upon eternal life ! and when we see that we are like to have but a few daies or hours time more to speak to them in order to their endless state , what man that is not an infidel , or a block , would not be with them , and do all that he can for their salvation in that short space ! will it not waken us to compassion to look upon a languishing man , and to think that within a few daies his soul will be in heaven or hell ? surely it will much try the faith and seriousness of ministers or others , to be about dying men ! and they will have much opportunity to discern whether they are themselves in good sadness about the matters of the life to come . so great is the change that is made by death , that it should awaken us to the greatest sensibility , to see a man so neer it , and should provoke us in the deepest pangs of compassion , to do the office of inferiour angels for the soul before it is departed from the flesh , that it may be ready for the convoy of superiour angels , to transmit it to the prepared glory when it is removed from sin and misery . when a man is almost at his journeys end , and the next step puts him into heaven or hell , its time for us to help him if we can , while there is hope . as bernard saith , the death of the righteous is bona propter requiem , melior propter novitatem , optima propter securitatem : sed mors peccatorum est mala in mundi amissione , pejor in carnis separatione , pessima in vermis ignisque duplici contritione . could they have any hope that it would be their ultima linea rerum , and that they have no more to suffer when that dismal day is past , they might have such abatements of their terror as to die as brutes , who fear no sorrow after death . but it s so far otherwise , that death it self is the smallest matter that they need to care for : sed moneudo quo ire cogantur , ut august . it s not the prima mors quae animam pellit violenter è corpore , that 's the most terrible , sed secunda quae animam nolentem tenet in corpore , in quit idem . and as their present necessity should move us to take that opportunity for their good , so should the advantage that sickness and the fore-sight of death affordeth . there are few of the stoutest hearts but will hear us on their death-bed , that scorned us before . they will then let fall their fury , and be as tame as lambs , that were before as intractable as wasps or mad men . a man may speak to them then , that could not before . i find not one of ten of the most obstinate scornful wretches in the parish , but when they come to dye , will humble themselves , confess their fault , and seem penitent , and promise if they should recover , to do so no more . if the very meditations of death be so effectual in the time of health that it is saith august , quasi clavis carnit omnes motus superbiae ligno crucis affigens ( l. . de doct. christ . ) much more when it comes in as it were at the window , and looks men in the face . cyprian saith to those in health , qui se quotidie recordatur moriturum esse , contemnit praesentia , & ad futura festinat : much more qui sentit se statim moriturum . nil it a revocat à peccato , saith austin , quam frequens mortis meditatio . o how resolvedly will the worst of them seem to cast away their sins , and promise a reformation , and cry out of their folly , and of the vanity of this world , when they see that death is in good sadness with them , and away they must without delay ! perhaps you will say , that these forced changes are not cordial , and therefore we have no great hope of doing them any saving good . i confess that it is very common to be frighted into uneffectual purposes , but not so common to be at such a season converted to fixed resolutions . and as austin saith , non potest male mori , qui bene vixerit ; & vix bene moritur qui male vixit . yet vix and nunquam be not all one : it should make both them and us the more diligent in the time of health , because it is vix ; but yet we should bestir us at the last , in the use of the last remedies , because it is not nunquam . and it will not be unuseful to our selves to read such lectures of our own mortality : it is better to go into the house of mourning , then into the house of feasting : for it tendeth to make the heart better , when we see the end of all the living , and what it is that the world will do for those that sell their salvation for it . when we see that it will be our own case , and there is no escape ; ( scilicet omne sacrum mors importuna prophanat , omnibus obscuras injicit illa manus . ) it will make us talk to our selves in bernards language , quare o miser non omni hora ad mortem te disponis ? cogita te jam mortuum , quem scis necessitate moriturum : distingue qualiter oculi vertentur in capite , venae rumpentur in corpore , & cor scindetur dolore . when we see that ( as he saith ) death spareth none : inopiae non miseretur , non reveretur divitias ; non sapientiae , non moribus , non aetati denique parcit ; nisi quod senibus mors est in januis , juvenibus vero in insidiis ; it will excite us the better to consider the use of faith and holiness ; that it is not to put by death , but to put by hell ; not that we may not dye as certainly as others , but that we may dye better , and be certainly happy after death . because i intend no such thing as a directory for the whole ministerial work , i will not stand to tell you particularly what must be done for men in that last extremity ; but only choose out these three or four things to remember you of , passing by all the rest . . stay not till strength and understanding be gone , and the time so short that you scarce know what to do ; but go to them as soon as you hear that they are sick ( whether they send for you or not . ) . when the time is so short , that there is no opportunity to endeavour the change of their hearts in that distinct way , as is usual with others , nor to press truths upon them in such order , and stay the working of it by degrees ; we must therefore be sure to ply the main , and dwell upon those truths which must do the great work : shewing them the certainty and glory of the life to come , and the way by which it was purchased for us , and the great sin and folly of their neglecting it in time of health ; but yet the possibility that remaineth of obtaining it , if they but yet close with it heartily as their happiness , and with the lord jesus as the way thereto , and abhorring themselves for their former evil , can now unfeignedly resign up themselves to him to be justified , sanctified , ruled and saved by him . three things must be chiefly insisted on . . the end : the certainty and greatness of the glory of the saints in the presence of god : that so their hearts may be set upon it . . the sufficiency and necessity of the redemption by jesus christ ; and the fulness of the spirit , which we may and must be made partakers of : this is the principal way to the end ; and the neerer end it self . . the necessity and nature of faith , repentance and resolutions for new obedience according as there shall be opportunity . this is the subservient way , or the means that on our part must be performed . . labour , upon conviction and deliberation , to engage them by solemn promise to christ , and new obedience according to their opportunity : specially if you see any likelyhood of their recovery . . if they do recover , be sure to mind them of their promises . go to them purposely to set it home , and reduce them into performance . and when ever after you see them remiss , go to them then , and mind them what they formerly said . and because it is of such use to them that recover ( and hath been a means of the conversion of many a soul ) it is very necessary that you go to them whose sickness is not mortal , as well as to them that are neerer death : that so we may have some advantage to move them to repentance , and engage them to newness of life ; and may afterward have this to plead against their sins : as a bishop of colen is said by aeneas sylvius to have answered the emperour sigismund , when he askt him , what was the way to be saved ; that he must be what he purposed or promised to be , when he was last troubled with the stone and the gout ; so may we hereafter answer these . . another part of our ministerial oversight consisteth in the right comforting the consciences of the troubled , & setling our people in a well grounded peace . but this i have spoken of elsewhere , and others have done it more at large . . another part of this oversight , is , in reproving and admonishing those that live offensively or impenitently , and receiving the information of those that have admonished them more privately in vain . before we bring such matters to the congregation , or to a representative church , it is ordinarily most fit for the minister to try himself what he can do more privately to bow the sinner to repentance , especally if it be not a publike crime . a great deal of skill is here required , and difference must be made according , to the various tempers of offenders ; but with the most it will be necessary to fall on with the greatest plainness and power , to shake their careless hearts , and make them see what it is to dally with sin ; to let them know the evil of it , and its sad effects , and the unkindness , unreasonableness , unprofitableness , and other aggravations ; and what it is that they do against god and themselves . for the manner , the following directions may be hither applyed . . the next part of our oversight consisteth in the use of church-discipline : and this consisteth after the foresaid private reproofs . . in more publike reproof . . and perswading the person to meet expressions of repentance . . and praying for them . . in restoring the penitent . . and excluding and avoiding the impenitent . . and for reproof , these things must be observed . . that the accusations of none ( no not the best in the church ) be taken without proof , nor rashly entertained , nor that a minister should make himself a party , before he have a sufficient evidence of the case . it is better let many vicious persons go unpunished , or uncensured when we want full evidence , then to censure one unjustly ; which we may easily do if we will go upon too bold presumptions : and then it will bring upon the pastors the scandal of partiality , and unrighteous and injurious dealing , and make all their reproofs and censures become contemptible . . let there be therefore a less publike meeting of chosen persons ( the officers and some delegates of the church on their behalf ) to have the hearing of all such cases before they be made more publike : that once a moneth at a set place , they may come together , to receive what charge shall be brought against any member of the church , that it may be considered whether it be just and the offender may be dealt with then first : and if the fault be either less publike , or less hainous , so that a less publike profession of repentance may satisfie , then if the party shall there profess repentance , it may suffice . . but if it be not so , or if the party remain impenitent , he must be reproved before all , and there again invited to repentance . this duty is never the less , because our brethren have made so little conscience of the practice of it ; it is not only christs command to tell the church , but pauls to rebuke such before all , and the church hath constantly practised it , till selfishness and formality caused them to be remiss in this and other duties together , and the reformers have as much stood up for it as the rest ; and as deeply are we engaged by vows , covenants , prayers and other means , for the execution of it , ( of which more in the application ) austin saith , quae peecantur coram omnibus , coram omnibus corripiendae sunt , ut omnes timeant : qui secreto peccant in te , secreto corripe ; nam si solus nosti , & eum vis coram aliis arguere , non es corrector sed proditor . greg. mag. in registro saith , manifesta peccata non sunt occulta correctione purganda : sed palam sunt arguendi qui palam nocent ; ut dum aperta objurgatione sanantur , hi qui eos imitando deliquerant , corrigantur . dum enim unus corripitur , plurimi emendantur ; & melius est ut pro multorum salute unus condemnetur , quam ut per unius licentiam multi periclitentur . isidore saith , qui admonitus secrete de peccato corrigi negligit , publice arguendus est , ut vulnus quod occulte sanari nescit , manifeste debeat emendari . if any shall say , that we shall thus be guilty of defaming men by publishing their crimes ; i answer in the words of bernard sup . cantic . cum carpuntur vitia , & inde scandalum oritur , ipse sibi scandali causa est , qui fecit quod argui debet ; non ille qui arguit . non ergo timeas contra charitatem esse , si unius scandalum multorum recompensaveris pace . melius est enim ut pereat unus quam unitas . there is no room for a doubt , whether this be our duty , nor any to doubt whether we are unfaithful as to the performance of it . i doubt many of us that would be ashamed to omit preaching or praying half so much , have little considered what we do in living in the willful neglect of this duty , and the rest of discipline so long as we have done . we little think how we have drawn the guilt of swearing , and drunkenness , and fornication , and other crimes upon our own heads , for want of using gods means for the cure of them . as gregor . m. saith in reg. qui non corrigit rosecanda , committit : & facientis culpam habet , qui quod potest corrigere , negligit emendare , saith the comedian . si quid me s●is fecisse inscite aut improbe , si id non accusas , tuipse objurgandus es . plaut . if any say , there is little likelyhood that publike personal reprehension should do good on them , because they will be but enraged by the shame ; i answer . . philo a jew could say , ( de sacrif . abel & cain ) we must endeavour as far as we are able to save those from their sins that shall certainly perish ; imitating good physitians , who when they cannot save a sick man , do yet willingly try all means for cure , least they seem to want success through their own neglects . . i further answer , it ill beseems the silly creature to implead the ordinances of god as useless , or to reproach his service instead of doing it , and set their wits against their maker . god can make use of his own ordinances , or else he would never have appointed them . the usefulness of this discipline is apparent , to the shaming of sin , and humbling of the sinner ; and manifesting the holiness of christ , and his doctrine , and church before all the world . . what would you have done with such sinners ? give them up as hopeless ? that were too cruel . would you use other means why it is supposed that all other have been used without success ; for this is the last remedy . . the church of christ hath found reason enough to use this course , even in times of persecution , when our carnal reason would have told them , that they should then above all have forborn it , for fear of driving away all their converts . . the principal use of this publike discipline , is not for the offendor himself , but for the church . it tendeth exceedingly to deter others from the like crimes , and so to keep pure the congregations and their worship . seneca could say , vitia transmitit ad posteros , qui praesentibus culpis ignoscit . and elsewhere . bonis nocet , qui malis parcit . if you say , that it will but restrain them as hypocrites , and not convert them . i answer , . as i said , it may preserve others . . who knows how god may bless his ordinance , even to them ? . the restraint of sin , is a benefit not to be contemned . audebo peccanti mala sun ostendere : vitia ejus si non excidero , inhibebo . non desinent ; sed intermittent : fortasse autem desinent , si intermittendi consuetudinem fecerint , said the moralist . sen. epist . . the scorns that i have heard from many against the scottish ministers , for bringing offendors to the stool of repentance , ( as if it were meer formality and hypocrisie , to take such a thing as satisfactory , when true repentance is absent ) hath discovered more of the accusers error then of theirs . for no doubt , it is true repentance that they exhort men to ; and it is true repentance which offendors do profess : and whether they truly profess it , who can tell but god ? it is not nothing that sin is brought to so much disgrace , and the church doth so far acquit themselves of it . ( but of this next . ) . next , to the duty of publike reproof , must be joyned an exhortation of the person to repentance , and to the publike profession of it for the satisfaction of the church . for as the church is bound to avoid communion with impenitent scandalous sinners , so when they have had the evidence of their sin , they must see some evidence of their repentance ; for we cannot know them to be penitent without evidence . and what evidence is the church capable of , but their profession of repentance first , and their actual reformation afterwards ? both which must be expected . . to these may most fitly be adjoyned the publike prayers of the church , and that both for the reproved before they are rejected , and for the rejected ( some of them at least ) that they may repent and be restored : but we are now upon the former . though this is not expresly affixed to discipline , yet we have sufficient discovery of gods will concerning it in the general precepts : we are commanded to pray alway , and in all things , and for all men , and in all places , and all things are said to be sanctified by it . it is plain therefore that so great a business as this should not be done without it ! and who can have any just reason to be offended with us , if we pray to god for the changing of their hearts , and the pardon of their sins . it is therefore in my judgement a very laudable course of those churches that use for the three next daies together to desire the congregation to joyn in earnest prayer to god for the opening of the sinners eyes , and softning of his heart , and saving him from impenitency and eternal death ! and though we have no express direction in scripture just how long we shall stay to try whether the sinner be so impenitent as to be necessarily excluded , yet we must follow the general directions , with such diversity as the case and quality of the person and former proceeding shall require , it being left to the discretion of the church , who are in general to stay so long till the person manifest himself obstinate in his sin : not but that a temporal exclusion ( called suspension ) may oft be inflicted in the mean time ; but before we proceeded to an exclusion à statu , it is very meet ( ordinarily ) that three daies prayer for him , and patience towards him should antecede . and indeed i see no reason but this course should be much more frequent then it is ; and that not only upon those that are members of our special charge , and do consent to discipline , but even to those that deny our pastoral oversight and discipline , and yet are our ordinary hearers . for so far as men have christian communion or familiarity with us , so far are they capable of being excluded from communion . though the members of our special charge have fuller and more special communion , and so are more capable of a fuller and more special exclusion ; yet all those that dwell among us , and are our ordinary hearers , have some communion . for as they converse with us , so they hear the word , not as heathens , but as christians , and members of the universal church into which they are baptized . and they joyn with us in publike prayers and praises in the celebration of the lords day . from this therefore they are capable of being excluded , or from part of this , at least . morally , if not locally ! for the precept of avoiding , and withdrawing from and not eating with such , is not restrained to the members of a governed church , but extended to all christians that are capable of communion . when these ungodly persons are sick , we have daily bills from them to request the prayers of the congregation : and if we must pray for them against sickness and temporal death ; i know no reason but we should much more earnestly pray for them against sin and eternal death . that we have not their consent , is no disswasive : for that is their disease , and the very venom and malignity of it ; and we do not take it to be sober arguing to say , i may not pray for such a man against his sickness , because he is sick : or , if he were not sick , i would pray against his sickness . no more is it to say , if he were not impenitent so as to refuse our prayers , i would pray that he might be saved from his impenitency . i confess i do not take my self to have so strict a charge over this sort of men , that renounce my oversight , as i do over the rest that own it ; and that 's the reason why i have called no more of them to publike repentance , because it requireth most commonly more time to examine the matter of fact , or to deal with the person first more privately , that his impenitenc ▪ may be discerned , then i can possibly spare from the duties which i owe to my special charge , to whom i am more indebted ; and therefore may ordinarily expend no more on the rest ( who are to me but as strangers , or men of another parish , and of no governed particular church ) then i can spare when i have done my main duty to my own flock . but yet though i cannot use any such discipline on all that sort , nor am so much obliged to do it , yet some of them that are most notoriously and openly wicked , where less proof and shorter debates are requisite , i intend to deal thus with hereafter , having found some success in that kind already . but specially to all those whom we take for members of that particular church which we are pastors of ; there is no question but this is our duty . and therefore where the whole parish are members , discipline must be exercised on the whole . i confess much prudence is to be exercised in such proceedings , least we do more hurt then good ; but it must be such christian prudence as ordereth duties , and suteth them to their ends , and not such carnal prudence as shall enervate or exclude them . it may be fit therefore for younger ministers to consult with others , for the more cautelous proceeding in such works . and in the performance of it , we should deal humbly , even when we deal most sharply , and make it appear that it is not from any contending , or lordly disposition , nor an act of revenge for any injury but a necessary duty which we cannot conscionably avoid : and therefore it will be meet that we disclaim all such animosities , and shew the people the commands of god obliging us to what we do . e. g. neighbours and brethren , sin is so hateful an evil in the eyes of the most holy god , how light soever impenitent sinners make of it , that he hath provided the everlasting torments of hell for the punishment of it ; and no lesser means can prevent that punishment then the sacrifice of the blood of the son of god , applyed to those that truly repent of it and forsake it ; and therefore god that calleth all men to repentance , hath commanded us to exhort one another daily , while it is called to day , least any be hardened through the deceitfulness of sin , heb. . . and that we do not hate our brother in our heart , but in any wise rebuke our neighbour , and not suffer sin upon him , lev. . . and that if our brother offend us , we should tell him his fault between him and us ; and if he hear not , take two or three ; and if he hear not them , tell the church ; and if he hear not the church , he must be to us as a heathen or a publican , mat. . . and those that sin , we must rebuke before all , that others may fear , tim. . . and rebuke with all authority , tit. . . yea were it an apostle of christ that should openly sin , he must be openly reproved , as paul did peter , ( gal. . , . ) and if they repent not , we must avoid them , and with such not so much as eat , thes . . , , . cor. . , . according to these commands of the lord , having heard of the scandalous practice of n. n. of this church ( or parish ) and having received sufficient proof that he hath committed the odious sin of — we have seriously dealt with him to bring him to repentance ; but , to the grief of our hearts , do perceive no satisfactory success of our endeavours ; but he seemeth still to remain impenitent ( or , still liveth in the same sin , though he verbally profess repentance . ) we do therefore judge it our necessary duty , to proceed to the use of that further remedy which christ hath commanded us to try ; and hence we desire him in the name of the lord without any further delay to lay by his obstinacy against the lord , and to submit to his rebuke , and will , and to lay to heart the greatness of his sin , the wrong he hath done to christ and to himself , and the scandal and grief that he hath caused to others ; and how unable he is to contend with the almighty , and prevail against the holy god , who to the impenitent is a consuming fire ! or to save himself from his burning indignation ! and i do earnestly beseech him for the sake of his own soul , that he will but soberly consider , what it is that he can gain by his sin or impenitency , and whether it will pay for the loss of everlasting life ? and how he thinks to stand before god in iudgement , or to appear before the lord jesus one of these daies , when death shall snatch his soul from his body , if he be found in this impenitent state ; when the lord jesus himself in whose blood they pretend to trust , hath told such with his own mouth , that except they repent they shall all perish , luk. . , . and i do beseech him for the sake of his own soul , and require him as a messenger of iesus christ , as he will answer the contrary at the bar of god , that he lay by the stoutness and impenitency of his heart , and unfeignedly confess and lament his sin before god and this congregation ! and this desire i here publish , not out of any ill will to his person , as the lord knoweth , but in love to his soul , and in obedience to christ that hath made it my duty ; desiring that if it be possible , that he may be saved from his sin , and from the power of satan , and from the everlasting burning wrath of god , and may be reconciled to god , and to his church , and therefore that he may be humbled by true contrition , before he be humbled by remediless condemnation . thus or to this purpose i conceive our publike admonition should proceed : and in some cases where the sinner taketh his sin to be small , the aggravation of it will be necessary , and specially the citing of some texts of scripture that do aggravate and threaten it . and in case he either will not be present , that such admonition may be given him , or will not be brought to a discovery of repentance ( and to desire the prayers of the congregation for him ) it will be meet that with such a preface as this afore expressed , we desire the prayers of the congregation for him our selves ; that the people would consider what a fearful condition the impenitent are in , and have pitty on a poor soul that is so blinded and hardened by sin and satan that he cannot pitty himself ; and think what it is for a man to appear before the living god in such a case , and therefore that they would joyn in earnest prayer to god , that he would open his eyes , and soften and humble his stubborn heart , before he be in hell beyond remedy : and accordingly let us be very earnest in prayer for them , that the congregation may be provoked affectionately to joyn with us ; and who knows but god may hear such prayers , and the sinners heart may more relent , then our own exhortation could procure it to do . however , the people will perceive that we make not light of sin , and preach not to them in meer custom or formality . if ministers would be conscionable in thus carrying on the work of god entirely and self-denyingly , they might make something of it , and expect a fuller blessing : but when we will shrink from all that is dangerous or ungrateful , and shift off all that is costly or troublesom , they cannot expect that any great matter should be done by such a carnal partial use of means : and though some may be here and there called home to god , yet we cannot look that the gospel should prevail , and run , and be glorified , where it is so lamely and defectively carryed on . . when a sinner is thus admonished and prayed for , if it please the lord to open his eyes and give him remorse , before we proceed to any further censure , it is our next duty to proceed to his full recovery , where these things must be observed . . that we do not either discourage him by too much severity , nor yet by too much facility and levity make nothing of discipline , nor help him to any saving cure , but meerly slubber and palliate it over . if therefore he have sinned scandalously but once , if his repentance seem deep and serious , we may in some cases restore him at that time ; that is , if the wound that he hath given us to the credit of the church be not so deep as to require more ado for satisfaction , or the sin so hainous as may cause us to delay . but if it be so , or if he have lived long in the sin , it is most meet that he do wait in penitence a convenient time before he be restored . . and when the time comes ( whether at the first confession , or after ) it is meet that we urge him to be serious in his humiliation , and set it home upon his conscience till he seem to be truly sensible of his sin ; for it is not a vain formality , but the recovery and saving of a soul that we expect . . we must see that he beg the communion of the church , and their prayers to god for his pardon and salvation . . and that he promise to fly from such sins for the time to come , and watch more narrowly , and walk more warily . . and then we have these things more to do . . to assure him of the riches of gods love , and the sufficiency of christs blood to pardon his sins , and that if his repentance be sincere , the lord doth pardon him , of which we are authorized as his messengers to assure him . . to charge him to persevere and perform his promises , and avoid temptations , and continue to beg mercy and strengthening grace . . to charge the church that they imitate christ in forgiving , and retain ( or if he were cast out , receive ) the penitent person in their communion , & that they never reproach him with his sins , or cast them in his teeth , but forgive and forget them as christ doth . . and then to give god thanks for his recovery so far , and to pray for his confirmation , and future preservation . . the next part of discipline , is the rejecting and removing from the churches communion , those that after sufficient tryaldo remain impenitent . where note . . that if a man have sinned but once ( so scandalously ) or twice , it is but a profession of repentance that we can expect for our satisfaction ; but if he be accustomed to sin , or have oft broke such promises , then it is an actual reformation that we must expect . and therefore he that will refuse either of these , to reform , or to profess and manifest repentance , is to be taken by us as living in the sin : for a hainous sin , but once committed , is morally continued in till it be repented of ; and a bare forbearing of the act is not sufficient . . yet have we no warrant to rip up matters that are worn out of the publike memory , and so to make that publike again that is ceased to be publike : at least in ordinary cases . . exclusion from church-communion , commonly called excommunication , is of divers sorts or degrees , more then two or three , which are not to be confounded ; of which , i will not so far digress as here to treat . . that which is most commonly to be practised among us , is , only to remove an impenitent sinner from our communion , till it shall please the lord to give him repentance . . in this exclusion or removal , the minister or governors of that church are authoritatively to charge the people in the name of the lord to avoid communion with him : and to pronounce him one , whose communion the church is bound to avoid : and the peoples duty is obedientially to avoid him , in case the pastors charge contradict not the word of god. so that he hath the guiding or governing power ; and they have , . a discerning power , whether his charge be just . . and an executive power ; for it s they that must execute the sentence in part , by avoiding the rejected , as he himself must execute it by denying him those ordinances and priviledges not due to him , whereof he is the administrator . . it is very convenient to pray for the repentance and restauration , even of the excommunicate . . and if god shall give them repentance , they are gladly to be received into the communion of the church again : of the manner of all these i shall say no more , they being things that have so much said of them already . and for the manner of other particular duties , of which i have said little or nothing , you have much already , as in other writings , so in the directory of the late assemblie . would we were but so far faithful in the practice of this discipline , as we are satisfied both of the matter and manner : and did not dispraise and reproach it by our negligence , while we write and plead for it with the highest commendations . it is worthy our consideration , who is like to have the heavyer charge about this matter at the bar of god ? whether those deluded ones that have reproached and hindred discipline by their tongues , because they knew not its nature and necessity ; or we that have so vilified it by our constant omission , while with our tongues we have magnified it ? if hypocrisie be no sin , or if the knowledge of our masters will be no aggravation of the evil of disobedience , then we are in a better case then they . i will not advise the zealous maintainers , and obstinate neglecters and rejecters of discipline , to unsay all that they have said , till they are ready to do as they say , nor to recant their defences of discipline , till they mean to practice it , nor to burn all the books that they have written for it , and all the records of their cost and hazzards for it , least they rise up in judgement against them to their confusion ; not that they recant their condemnation of the prelates in this , till they mean a little further to outgo them : but i would perswade them without any more delay , to conform their practices to these testimonies which they have given , lest the more they are proved to have commended discipline , the more they are proved to have condemned themselves for neglecting it . i have often marvailed that the same men who have been much offended at the books that have been written for free admission to the lords supper , or for mixt communion in that one part , have been no more offended at as free permission in a church state , and as free admission to other parts of communion ; and that they have made so small a matter at as much mixture in all the rest : i should think that it is a greater profanation to permit an obstinate scandalous sinner , to be a stated member of that particular church , without any private ( first ) and then publike admonition , prayer for him , or censure of him ; then for a single pastor to admit him to the lords supper , if he had no power to censure him , as these suppose . i should think that the faithful practice of discipline in the other parts , would soon put an end to the controversie about free admission to the lords supper , and heal the hurt that such discourses have done to the rebellions of our people . for those discourses have more modesty then to plead for a free admission of the censured or rejected ones ; but its only of those that have yet their standing in that church , and are not censured . and if when they forfeit their title to church-communion , we would deal with them in christs appointed way , till we had either reclaimed them to repentance , or censured them to be avoided , it would be past controversie then that they were not to be admitted to that one act of communion in the supper , who are justly excluded from the whole . but as long as we leave them uncensured members , and tell a single pastor that he hath no power to censure them , we tempt him to think that he hath no power then to deny them that communion with the body , which is the common priviledge of uncensured members . and as we thus our selves oppose discipline by parts , or cherish church-corruption by parts , one party being for the free admission of them , while members , to the sacraments , and the other as freely permitting them in church-state , and other parts of communion , while they exclude them from the sacrament ; so some have learned to tye these ends together , and by holding both , to set open the doors of church and chancel , and pluck up the hedge , and lay the vine-yard common to the wilderness . it hath somewhat amazed me to hear some that i took for reverend godly divines , to reproach as a sect , the sacramentarians and disciplinarians ! and when i desired to know whom they meant , they tell me , they mean them that will not give the sacrament to all the parish , and them that will make distinction by their discipline . i had thought the tempter had obtained a great victory if he had but got one godly pastor of a church to neglect discipline , as well as if he had got him to neglect preaching : much more if he had got him to approve of that neglect ; but it seems he hath got some to scorn at the performers of the duty which they neglect . as the impure were wont to reproach the diligent by the name of puritans : so do these reproach the faithful pastors by the name of disciplinarians . and i could wish they would remember what the antient reproaches were both symptomatically and effectively , and accordingly judge impartially of themselves , and fear a participation of the judgement that befell them . sure i am , if it were well understood , how much of the pastoral authority and work , consisteth in church guidance , it would be also discerned , that to be against discipline is tantum non to be against the ministery : and to be against the ministery , is tantum non to be absolutely against the church ; and to be against the church is neer to being absolutely against christ . blame not the harshness of the inference , till you can avoid it , and free your selves from the charge of it before the lord. prelates would have some discipline ; and other parties would have some . yea papists themselves would have some , and plead only against others about the form and manner of it . but these are so much worse then all , that they would have none . was not christ himself the leader of these disciplinarians who instituted discipline , and made his ministers the rulers or guides of his church , and put the keyes of the kingdom into their hand , and commanded the very particular acts of discipline , and requireth the people to submit to them , and obey them in the lord ? what would these men have said , if they had seen the practice of the antient church for many hundred years after christ , who exercised a discipline so much more rigorous , then any among us do , and that even in the heat of heathen persecutions ? as if they read but the antient canons , and cyprians epistles , they may soon see , though they look no further . and it was not then ( no nor after under christian magistrates ) taken to be a useless thing ; nor would it appear such now , if it were shewed in its strength and beauty by a vigorous practice : for it s a thing that is not effectually manifested to the ear , but to the eye : and you will never , make men know well what it is by meer talking of it ; till they see it they will be strangers to it : as it is in the military act , or in navigation , or in the government of common-wealths , which are so little known till learned by experience . and that will tell us that , as cyprian saith , disciplina est custos spei , retinaculum fidei , dux itineris salutaris , fomes ac nutrimentum bonae indolis , magistra virtutis ; facit in christo manere semper , ac jugiter deo vivere , ad promissa coelestia & divina praemia pervenire : hanc & sectari salubre est , & aversari ac negliger● lethale : as he begins his book de discipl . & hab . virg . pag. ( mihi ) . when the martyrs and confessors would ( upon others perswasions ) have had some offendors restored before they had made confession , and manifested openly repentance for their sin , and been absolved by the pastor ; cyprian resisteth it , and tels them that they that stand so firmly to the faith , should stand as firmly to christs law and discipline : sollicitudo lori nostri & timor domini compellit , fortissimi ae beatissims martyres , admonere vos literis nostris , ut à quibus tam devote & fortiter servatur fides domino , ab iisdem lex quoque & disciplina domini reservetur , &c. epist . . pag. . upon which goulartius puts this note , locus de nacessitate disciplinae in domo dei , quam qui tollunt , & manifeste impios ac sceleratos ad mensam christi , sine censura ecclesiastica , & acta paenitentia , pro delictorum ratione recipiunt , ii videant quam de gregibus sibi commissis pastori summo rationem reddituri sint ; vel quid commune habeant in ecclesiarum suarum regimine cum beato illo cypriani & aliorum verè episcoporum christianorum seculo . and cyprian , epist , . p. . mentioning gods threatnings to negligent pastors , addeth , cum ergo pastoribus talibus per quos . dominicae oves negligantur & pereant , sic dominus comminetur , quid nos aliud facere oportet , quam colligendis & revocandis christi ovibus exhibere diligentiam plenam , & curandis lapsorum vulneribus paternae pietatis adhibere medicinam ? in epist . . , , , , , . and many other places of cyprian ; you may see that they were then no contemners of discipline : vide etiam , eundem de orat. domini● . pag. . in pet. . saith augustine , ibi superbia , ubi negligitur disciplina : nam disciplina est magistra religionis & verae pietatis , quae nec ideo increpat ut laedat , nec ideo castigat ut noceat , &c. saith bernard , ep. . o quam compositum reddit omnem corporis statum , nec non & mentis habitum disciplina ! cervicem submittit , ponit supercilia , componit vultum , ligat oculos , moderatur linguam , fraenat gulam , sedat iram , format incessum . i know that when the church began to be tainted with vain inventions , the word discipline began to have another signification ( for their own various rules of life and austere impositions , touch not , taste not , handle not ) but its the antient and truly christian discipline that i am contending for . so much of the acts of pastoral oversight . from what hath been said , we may see that the pastoral office is another kind of thing then those men have taken it to be , who think that it consisteth in preaching and administering sacraments only ; much more then they have taken for , that think it consisteth in making of new laws or canons to bind the church : as if god had not made us laws sufficient ; and as if he had committed the proper legislative power over his church to ministers or bishops ? whose office is but to expound , and apply and execute in their places the laws of christ . obj. but will you deny to bishops the power of making canons ? what are all those articles that you have here agreed on among your selves about catechizing and discipline , but such things ? answ . . i know pastors may teach , and expound scripture , and deliver that in writing to the people , and apply the scripture generals to their own and the peoples particular cases , if you wil cal this making canons . . and they may and ought to agree among themselves for an unanimous performance of their duties , when they have discovered it ; that so they may excite one another , and be more strong and successful in their work . . and they must determine of the circumstances of worship in special , which god hath only determined in general , ( as what time , and place they shall meet in , what chapter read , what text preacht on , what shape the table , cups , &c. shall be ; where the pulpit , when each person shall come to be catechized or instructed , and whither , &c. ) but these are actions that are fitter to be ordered by them that are in the place , then by distant canon-makers : and to agree for unity in a necessary duty ( as we have done ) is not to make laws , or arrogate authority over our brethren . of this i refer you to luther de conciliis , at large : and to grotius de imper. sum . pot . that canons are not properly laws . chap. iii. sect . i. having spoken of the matter of our work , we are next to speak a little of the manner ; not of each part distinctly , least we be too tedious , but of the whole in general : but specially refering to the principal part . . the ministerial work must be managed purely for god and the salvation of the people , and not for any private ends of our own . this is our sincerity in it . a wrong end makes all the work bad , as from us , how good soever in it self . it s not a serving god , but our selves , if we do it not for god , but for our selves . they that set upon this as a common work , to make a trade of it for their worldly livelyhood , will find that they have chosen a bad trade , though a good imployment . self-denyal is of absolute necessity in every christian , but of a double necessity in a minister , as he hath a double sanctification or dedication to god. and without self-denyal he cannot do god an hours faithful service . hard studies , much knowledge , and excellent preaching , is but a more glorious hypocritical sinning , if the ends be not right . the saying of bernard , serm. in cant. . is commonly known . sunt qui scire volunt co sine tantum ut sciant , & turpis curiositas est : & sunt qui scire volunt , ut scientiam suam vendant ; & turpis quaest us est : sunt qui scire volunt ut sciantur ipsi : & turpis vanitas est : sed sunt quoque qui scire volunt ut adificent ; & charitas est ; & sunt qui scire volunt ut aedificentur ; & prudentia est . . this work must be managed laboriously and diligently : as being of such unspeakable consequence to others and our selves . we are seeking to uphold the world , to save it from the curse of god , to perfect the creation , to attain the ends of christs redemption , to save our selves and others from damnation , to overcome the devil , and demolish his kingdom , and to set up the kingdom of christ , and attain and help others to the kingdom of glory . and are these works to be done with a careless mind , or a lazy hand ? o see then that this work be done with all your might . study hard , for the well is deep , and our brains are shallow ; and ( as cassiod . ) decorum hic est terminum non habere : hic honesta probatur ambitio ; omne fi quidem scientificum quanto profundius quaeritur , tanto gloriosius invenitur . but especially be laborious in practice and exercise of your knowledge . let pauls words ring in your ears continually , necessity is laid upon me , and woe unto me if i preach not the gospel . still think with your selves , what lyeth upon your hands . if i do not bestir me , satan may prevail , and the people everlastingly perish , and their blood be required at my hand . and by avoiding labour and suffering , i shall draw on me a thousand times more then i avoid : for as bernard saith , qui in labore hominum non sunt , in labore profecto daemonum erunt , whereas by present diligence you prepare for future blessedness . for , as gregor . in mor. saith , quot labores veritati nunc exhibes , tot etiam remunerationis pignora intra spei tuae cubiculum clausum tenes . no man was ever a loser by god. . this work must be carried on prudent'y , orderly and by degrees ; milk must go before strong meat : the foundation must be first laid before we build upon it . children must not be dealt with as men at age . men must be brought into a state of grace , before we can expect from them the works of grace . the work of conversion and repentance from dead works , and faith in christ must be first , and frequently , and throughly taught . the stewards of gods houshold must give to each their portion in due season . we must not go beyond the capacities of our people ordinarily , nor teach them the perfection , that have not learned the principles . as august . saith , li. . de civit. si pro viribus suis alatur infans , fiet ut crescendo plus capiat : si modum suae capacitatis excedat , desicit antequam crescat . and as gregor . nysen . saith , orat , de pauper . amand . as we teach not insants the deep precepts of science , but first letters , and then syllables , &c. so also the guides of the church do first propound to their hearers certain documents , which are as the elements , and so by degrees do open to them the more perfect and mysterious matters . therefore did the church take so much pains with their catechumeni , before they baptized them , and would not lay unpolished stones into the building ; as chrysost . saith , hom. . imperfect . operis ( or who ever else it be ) p. ( mihi ) . aedificatores sunt sacerdotes , qui — domum dei compon unt sicut enim adificatores , nodosos lapides & habentes torturas , ferro dolant , postea vero ponunt eos in aedificio , alioqui non dolati lapides lapidibus non cohaerent : sic & ecclesiae doctores vitia hominum quasi nodos acutis increpationibus primum circumcidere debent , & sic in ecclesiae aedificatione collocare : alioquin vitiis manentibus christiani christianis concordare non possunt . . through the whole course of our ministery , we must insist most upon the greatest , most certain and necessary things , and be more seldom and sparing upon the rest . if we can but teach christ to our people , we teach them all . get them well to heaven , and they will have knowledge enough . the great and commonly acknowledged truths are they that men must live upon , and which are the great instruments of raising the heart to god , and destroying mens sins . and therefore we must still have our peoples necessities in our eyes . it will take us off gawdes , and needless ornaments , and unprofitable controversies , to remember that one thing is necessary . other things are desirable to be known , but these must be known , or else our people are undone for ever . i confess i think necessity should be a great disposer of a ministers course of study and labours . if we were sufficient for every thing , we might fall upon every thing , and take in order the whole encuclopaedia : but life is short : and we are dull : and eternal things are necessary : and the souls that depend on our teaching are precious : i confess necessity hath been the conductor of my studies and life : it chooseth what book i shall read , and tells when and how long ? it chooseth my text , and makes my sermon for matter and manner , so far as i can keep out my own corruption . though i know the constant expectation of death hath been a great cause of this , yet i know no reason why the most healthful man should not make sure of the necessaries first , considering the uncertainty and shortness of all mens lives . xenophon thought , there was no better teacher then necessity , which teacheth all things most diligently . curtius saith , efficacior est omni arte necessitas . who can in study , preaching , or life , aliud agere be doing other matters , if he do but know , that this must be done ? who can trifle or delay , that feeleth the spurs of hasty necessity : as the souldier saith , non diu disputandum , sed celeriter & fortiter dimicandum ubi urget necessitas . so much more must we as our business is more important . and doubtless this is the best way to redeem time , and see that we lose not an hour , when we spend it only on necessary things : and i think it is the way to be most profitable to others , though not alwaies to be most pleasing and applauded ; because through mens frailty , its true that seneca complains of , that nova potius miramur quam magna . hence it is , that a preacher must be oft upon the same things , because the matters of necessity are few ; we must not either feign necessaries , or fall much upon unnecessaries , to satisfie them that look after novelties : though we must cloth the same necessaries with a grateful variety in the manner of our delivery . the great volumns and tedious controversies that so much trouble us and waste our time , are usually made up more of opinion then necessary verities . for , as marsil . ficinus saith , necessitas brevibus clauditur terminis ; opinto nullis . and as greg. nazianz. and seneca often say , necessaries are common and obvious it is superfluities that we waste our time for , and labour for , and complain that we attain them not . ministers therefore must be observant of the case of their flocks , that they may know what is most necessary for them , both for matter and for manner . and usually matter is first to be regarded , as being of more concernment then the manner . if you are to chose what authors to read your selves , will you not rather take those that tell you what you know not , and speak the needful truth most evidently though it were with barbarous , or unhandsom language , then those that will most learnedly , and elegantly , and in grateful language tell you that which is false or vain , and magno conatu nihil dicere ? i purpose to follow austins counsel , ( li. de catech . ) praeponendo verbis sententiam , ut animus praeponitur corpori : ex quo fit ut ita mallem veriores quam discretiores invenire sermones , sicut mallem prudentiores quam formosiores habere amicos . and surely as i do in my studies for my own edification , i should do in my teaching for other mens . it is commonly empty ignorant men that want the matter and substance of true learning , that are over curious and sollicitous about words and ornaments , when the antient , experienced , most learned men , abound in substantial verities , usually delivered in the plainest dress . as aristotle makes it the reason why women are more addicted to pride in apparel then men , because being conscious of little inward worth and ornament , they seek to make it up with borrowed ornaments without ; so is it with empty worthless preachers , who affect to be esteemed that which they are not , and have no other way to procure that esteem . . all our teaching must be as plain and evident as we can make it . for this doth most suite to a teachers ends . he that would be understood , must speak to the capacity of his hearers , and make it his business to make himself understood . truth loves the light , and is most beautiful when most naked . it s a sign of an envious enemy to hide the truth ; and a sign of an hypocrite to do this under pretence of revealing it : and therefore painted obscure sermons ( like the painted glass in the windows that keeps out the light ) are too oft the markes of painted hypocrites . if you would not teach men , what do you in the pulpit ? if you would , why do you not speak so as to be understood ? i know the height of the matter may make a man not understood when he hath studied to make it as plain as he can ; but that a man should purposely cloud the matter in strange words , and hide his mind from the people , whom he pretendeth to instruct , is the way to make fools admire his profound learning , and wise men his folly , pride and hypocrisie . and usually its a suspicious sign of some deceitful project and false doctrine that needeth such a cloak , and must walk thus masked in the open day light . thus did the followers of basilides , and valentinus , and others among the old hereticks ; and thus do the behmenists and other paracelsians now ; who when they have spoken that few may understand them , lest they expose their errours to the open view , they pretend a necessity of it , because of mens prejudice , and the unpreparedness of common understandings for the truth . but truth overcomes prejudice by meer light of evidence , and there is no better way to make a good cause prevail , then to make it as plain , and commonly and throughly known as we can ; and it is this light that will dispose an unprepared mind . and , at best , it s a sign that he hath not well digested the matter himself , that is not able to deliver it plainly to another . i mean , as plain as the nature of the matter will bear , in regard of capacities prepared for it by prerequisite truths . for i know that some men cannot at present under stand some truths , if you speak them as plainly as words can express them : as the easiest rules in grammar most plainly taught , will be no whit understood by a child that is but learning his alphabet . . our whole work must be carried on in a sense of our insufficiency , and in a pious , believing dependance upon christ . we must go to him for light , and life , and strength , who sends us on the work ; and when we feel our own faith weak , and our hearts grown dull , and unsuitable to so great a work as we have to do , we must have recourse to the lord that sendeth us , and say , lord , wilt thou send me with such an unbelieving heart to perswade others to believe ? must i daily and earnestly plead with sinners about everlasting life and death , and have no more belief and feeling of these weighty things my self ? o send me not naked and unprovided to the work ; but as thou commandest me to do it , furnish me with a spirit suitable thereto . as austin saith , ( de doctr. christ . l. . ) a preacher must labour to be heard understandingly , willingly and obediently , & hoc se posse magis pretate or ationum , quam oratoris facultate non dubitet : ut or ando pro se ac pro aliis , quos est allocuturus , sit prius orator quam doctor ; & in ipsahora accedens , priusquam exeat , proferat linguam ad deum , levet animam sitientem , &c. prayer must carry on our work as well as preaching ; he preacheth not heartily to his people , that will not pray for them ; if we prevail not with god to give them faith and repentance , we are unlike to prevail with them to believe and repent . paul giveth us frequently his example , of praying night and day for his hearers ; when our own hearts are so far out of order , and theirs so far out of order , if we prevail not with god to mend and help them , we are like to make but unsuccessful work . . our work must be managed with great humility ; we must carry our selves meekly and condescendingly to all ; and so teach others , as to be as ready to learn of any that can teach us , and so both teach and learn at once ; not proudly venting our own conceits , and disdaining all that any way contradict them , as if we had attained to the top of knowledge , and we were destinated for the chair , and other men to set at our feet : not like them that gregory m. mentioneth in moral . l. . par . . c. . in quorum verbis proditur , quod cum docent , quasi in quodam sibi videntur summitatis culmine residere , ●osque quos docent , ut longe infrase positos , velut in imo respiciunt , quibus non consulendo loqui , sed vix dominando dignantur . pride is a vice that ill beseems them that must lead men in such an humble way to heaven . and let them take heed , lest when they have brought others thither , the gate should prove too strait for themselves . for ( as hugo saith ) superbia in coelo nata est , sed velut immemor qua via inde c●cidit , istuc postearedire non potuit . god that thrust out a proud angel , will not entertain there a proud preacher , while such . me thinks we should remember at least the title of a minister , which though the popish priests disdain , yet so do not we . it is indeed this pride at the root that feedeth all the rest of our sins : hence is the envy , the contention , and unpeaceableness of ministers , and hence the stops in all reformation ; all would lead , and few will follow or concur ; yea hence are the schisms and apostasies , as hence have been former persecutions , and arrogant usurpations and impositions : as gregor . m. saith , in mor. latet plernmque superbia , & castitas innotescit , atque ideo tentata diu castitas , circa finem vitae perditur ; quia cooperta superbia usque ad finem , in correctaretinetur . and the same may be said of other vices , which oft revive when they seemed dead , because pride was unmortified , which virtually contains them all . hence also is the non-proficiency of too many ministers , because they are too proud to learn ; unless it be as hieroms adversaries , publice detrahentes , legentes in angulis ; and scarcely will they stoop to that . but i may say of ministers as augustine to hierom , even of the aged of them , etsi senes magis decet docere quam discere ; magis tamen decet discere quam ignorare ; humility would teach them another lesson ; ut hugo , abomnibus libenter disce quod tu nescis : quia humilitas commune tibi facere potest , quod natura cuique proprium fecit , sapientior omnibus eris , si ab omnibus discere volueris : qui ab omnibus accipiunt , omnibus ditiores sunt . . there must be a prudent mixture of severity and mildness both in our preaching and discipline ; each must be predominant according to the quality of the person , or matter that we have in hand . if there be no severity , there will be contempt of our reproofs . if all severity , we shall be taken as usurpers of dominion , rather then perswaders of the minds of men to the truth . as gregor . m. saith , moral . l. . miscenda est lenitas cum severitate , & faciendum ex utraque quoddam temperamentum , ut nec multa asperitate exulcerentur subditi , nec nimia benignitate solvantur . . we must be sincerely affectionate , serious and zealous in all our publike and private exhortations . the weight of our matter condemneth coldness , and sleepy dulness . we should see that we be well awakned our selves , and our spirits in such a plight as may make us fit to awaken others . as gregor . saith , mor. l. . c. . we should be like the cock that cum edere cantus parat , prius alas solerter excutit , & se ipsum feriens vigilantiorem reddit : ita praedicatores cum verbum praedicationis movent , prius se in sanctis actionibus exercent , ne in se ipsis torpentes opere , alios excitent voce , sed ante se per sublimia facta excutiunt , & tunc ad bene agendum alios sollicitos reddunt . prius sua punire fletibus curant , & tunc quae aliorum sunt punienda , denuntiant . if our words be not sharpened , and pierce not as nails , they will hardly be felt by stony hearts . to speak coldly and sleightly of heavenly things , is neer as bad as to say nothing of them . . all our work must be managed reverently ; as beseemeth them that believe the presence of god , and use not holy things as if they were common . the more of god appeareth in our duties , the more authority will they have with men : and reverence is that affection of the soul , which proceedeth from deep apprehensions of god , and signifyeth a mind that is much conversant with him . to manifest unreverence in the things of god , is so far to manifest hypocrisie ; and that the heart agreeth not with the tongue . i know not what it doth by others ; but the most reverent preacher , that speaks as if he saw the face of god , doth more affect my heart , though with common words , then an unreverent man with the most exquisite preparations . yea , if he bawl it out with never so much seeming earnestness if reverence be not answerable to fervency , it worketh but little . of all preaching in the world ( that speaks not stark lyes ) i hate that preaching which tendeth to make the hearers laugh , or to move their minds with tickling levity , and affect them as stage-playes use to do , instead of affecting them with a holy reverence of the name of god. saith hierom. ( in epistol . ad nepotian . pag. mihi . ) decente in ecclesia te , non clamor populi , sed gemitus suscitetur ; lachrymae auditorum laudes tuae sunt . we should as it were suppose we saw the throne of god , and the millions of glorious angels attending him , that we might be awed with his majesty , when we draw neer him in his holy things , lest we profane them , and take his name in vain . to this i annex , that all our work must be done spiritually , as by men possessed by the holy ghost , and acted by him , and men that savour the things of the spirit . there is in some mens preaching a spiritual strain , which spiritual hearers can discern and relish . and in some mens this sacred tincture is so wanting , that even when they speak of spiritual things , the manner is such as if they were common matters . our evidence also and ornaments must be spiritual , rather from the holy scripture , ( with a tautelous subservient use of fathers and other writers ) then from aristotle or the authorities of men . the wisdom of the world must not be magnified against the wisdom of god ; philosophy must be taught to stoop and serve , while faith doth bear the chiefest sway ; and great schollars in aristotles school , must take heed of too much glorying in their master , and despising those that are there below them ; least themselves prove lower in the school of christ , and least in the kingdom of god , while they would be great in the eyes of men . as wise a man as any of them , would glory in nothing but the cross of christ , and desired to know nothing but him crucified . they that are so confident that aristotle is in hell , should not too much take him for their guide in the way to heaven . it s an excellent memorandum that greg. m. hath left in his moral . l. . deus primo collegit indoctos ; post modum philosophos ; & non per oratores docuit piscatores , sed per piscatores sub●git oratores . the learnedst men should think of this . let all writers have their due esteem , but compare none of them with the word of god. we will not refuse their service , but we must abhor them as competitors . it s a sign of a distempered heart that looseth the relish of scripture excellency . for there is a connaturality in a spiritual heart to the word of god : because this is the seed that did regenerate him ; the word is that feal that made all the holly impressions that be in the hearts of true believers , and stampt the image of god upon them . and therefore they must needs be like that word , and highly esteem it as long as they live . austin tells us ( in his lib. . de civit. deic . . ) quod initium sancti evangelii cui nomen est secundum joannem quidam platonicus ( sicut à sancto sene impliciano qui postea . mediolanensi ecclesiae praesedit episcopus , s●lebamus audire ) aur●is literis consoribendum , & peromnes ecclesias in locis eminentiscimis proponendum esse dicehat . if he could so value that which suited with his platonism , how should we value the whole which is suitable to the christian nature , and interest ? god is the best teacher of his own nature and will. . the whole course of our ministery must be carried on in a tender love to our people : we must let them see that nothing pleaseth us but what profiteth them ; and that which doth them good doth us good ; and nothing troubleth us more then their hurt . we must remember as hierom saith ad nepotian . that bishops are not lords but fathers , and therefore must be affected to their people as their children : yea the tenderest love of a mother should nor surpass theirs . we must even travel in birth of them till christ be formed in them . they should see that we care for no outward thing , not money , not liberty , not credit , not life , in comparison of their salvation ; but could even be content with moses to have our names wiped out of the book of life , i. e. to be removed è numero viventium : rather then they should perish and not be found in the lambs book of life , in numero salvandorum . thus should we as john saith , be ready to lay down our lives for the brethren , and with paul not to count our lives dear to us , so we may but finish our course with joy in doing the work of god for their salvation . when the people see that you unseignedly love them , they will hear any thing , and bear any thing , and follow you the more easily . as austin saith , dilige , & dic quicquid voles . we will take all things well our selves from one that we know doth entirely love us . we will put up a blow that is given us in love , sooner then a foul word that is given us in anger or in malice . most men use to judge of the counsel , as they judge of the affection of him that gives it : at least so far as to give it a fair hearing . o therefore see that you feel a tender love to your people in your breasts , and then let them feel it in your speeches , and see it in your dealings ; let them see that you spend and are spent for their sakes ; and that all you do is for them , and not for any ends of your own . to this end the works of charity are necessary , as far as your estate will reach for bare words will hardly convince men that you have any great love to them . amicitia a dando & accipiendo nascitur , chrysost . but when you are not able to give , shew that you are willing to give if you had it , and do that sort of good that you can ; si potes dare , da● si non potes , affabilem tefac . coronat deus intus bonitatem , ubi non invenit facultatem . nemo dicat , non habeo . charitas non de sacculo erogatur . august . in psal . . but be sure to see that your love prove not carnal , flowing from pride , as one that is a suiter for himself , rather then for christ , and therefore doth love because he is beloved , or that he may be , pretendeth it . and therefore take heed that you do not connive at their sins under pretence of love : for that were to cross the nature and ends of love : amici vitia siferas , facistua . senec. friendship must be cemented by piety . tu primum exhibe to bonum , & quaere alterum similem tibi . sen. a wicked man can be no true friend ; and if you befriend their wickedness , you shew that you are such your selves . pretend not to love them , if you favour their sins , and seek not their salvation . solisancti , & dei sunt , & inter se amici . basil . improborum & stultorum nemo amicus . id. by favouring their sin you will shew your enmity to god , & then how can you love your brother ? amicus esse homini non potest , qui deo fuerit inimicus . ambros . if you be their best friends , help them against their worst enemies . amicus animae custos . and think not all sharpness inconsistent with love ; parents will correct their children . and god himself will chasten every son that he loveth . melius est cum severitate diligere , quam cum lenitate decipere . aug. besides this , the nature of love is to excite men to do good , and to do it speedily , diligently , and as much as we can . alios curat aedificare , alios contremiscit offendere , ad alios se inclinat , cum aliis blanda , aliis severa , nulli inimica , omnibus mater . august . de catech. ecce quem amas domine infirmatur : non dixerunt veni ; amanti enim tantum nunciandum fuit : sufficiet ut noverit : non onim ama● , & deserit . august . in ioan. so will it be with us . . another necessary concomitant of our work is patience . we must bear with many abuses and injuries from those that we are doing good for . when we have studyed for them , and prayed for them , and beseeched and exhorted them with all condescention , and spent our selves for them , and given them what we are able , and tendered them as if they had been our children , we must look that many should requite us with scorn , and hatred , and contempt , and cast our kindness in our faces with disdain , and take us for their enemies because we tell them the truth ; and that the more we love , the less we shall be beloved . and all this must be patiently undergone , and still we must unwearyedly hold on in doing good , in meekness instructing those that oppose themselves , if god peradventure will give them repentance , &c. if they unthankfully scorn and reject our teaching , and bid us look to our selves and care not for them , yet must we hold on : we have to deal with distracted men , that will flye in the face of their physitian , but we must not therefore forsake the cure . he is unworthy to be a physitian , that will be driven away from a phrenitick patient by foul words . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. i. e. sicut insani etiam medicum impetere conantur , ita & illi , saith chrysost . of the sodomites , hom. . in gen. et alibi , medici ferant aegrotum calcibus ferientem , incessentem contumel●is , & convitiis , nec off enduntur ; quia nihil aliud quam salutem agroti quaerentes , licet facientis indecora , non ideo acura desistunt ; sic concionator licet malae patiatur ab auditoribus , &c. if we tell them that natural men favour not the things of the spirit , and are besides themselves in matters of salvation , we must measure our expectations accordingly , and not look thar fools should make us as grateful a return as the wise . these are things that all of us can say , but when we come to the practice with sinners that reproach and slander us fur our love , and are readyer to spit in our faces , then to give us thanks for our advice , what heart-risings w●ll there be , and how will the remnants of old adam ( pride and passion ) struggle against the meekness and patience of the new man ? and how sadly do many ministers come off in this part of their tryal ? having given you these . concomitants of our ministerial labour as singly to be performed by every minister , let me conclude with one other that is necessary to us as we are conjoyned , and fellow-labourers in the work : and that is this : we must be very studious of union and communion among our selves , and of the unity and peace of the churches that we oversee . we must be sensible how needful this is to the prosperity of the whole , the strengthening of our common cause , the good of the particular members of our flock , and the further enlargement of the kingdom of christ . and therefore ministers must smart when the church is wounded and be so far from being the leaders in divisions , that they should take it as a principal part of their work to prevent and heal them . day and night should they bend their studies to find out means to close such breaches . they must not only barken to motions for unity , but propound them and prosecute them : nor only entertain an offered peace , but even follow it when it flyeth from them . they must therefore keep close to the antient simplicity of the christian faith , and the foundation and center of catholike unity . they must abhor the arrogancy of them that frame new engins to wrack and tear the church of god , under protence of obviating errors , and maintaining the truth : the scripture-sufficiency must be maintained , and nothing beyond it imposed on others ; and if papists or others call to us for the standard and rule of our religion , it is the bible that we must shew them , rather then any confessions of churches , or writings of men . we must learn to difference well between certainties and uncertainties , necessaries and unnecessaries , catholike verities ( quae ab omnibus , ubique & semper sunt retentae , as vincent . lioen . speaks ) and private opinions ; and to lay the stress of the churches . peace upon the former , and not upon the latter . we must therefore understand the doctrine of antiquity , that we may know what way men have gone to heaven by in former ages , and know the writings of later divines , that we may partake of the benefit of their clearer methods and explications ; but neither of them must be made the rule of our faith or charity . we must avoid the common confusion of those that difference not between verbal and real errors , and hate that rabies quorundam theologorum , that tear their brethren as hereticks , before they understand them . and we must learn to see the true state of controversies , and reduce them to the very point where the difference lyeth , and not to make them seem greater then they are . instead of quarreling with our brethren , we must combine against the common adversaries : and all ministers must associate , and hold communion , and correspondency , and constant meetings to those ends ; and smaller differences of judgement are not to interrupt them . they must do as much of the work of god in unity and concord as they can . which is the use of synods ; not to rule over one another , and make laws ; but to avoid misunderstandings , and consult for mutual edification , and maintain love and communion , and go on unanimously in the work that god hath already commanded us . had the ministers of the gospel been men of peace , and of catholike rather then factious spirits , the church of christ had not been in the case as now it is ; the nations of lutherans and calvinsts abroad , and the differing parties here at home , would not have been plotting the subversion of one another , nor remain at that distance , and in that uncharitable bitterness , nor strengthen the common enemy , and hinder the building and prosperity of the church as they have done . chap. iv. sect . i. use . reverend and dear brethren , our business here this day is to humble our souls before the lord for our former negligence , especially of catechizing and personal instructing those committed to our charge ; and to desire gods assistance of us in our undertaken employment for the time to come . indeed we can scarce expect the later without the former . if god will help us in our future duty and amendment , he will sure humble us first for our former sin . he that hath not so much sense of his faults as unfeignedly to lament them , will hardly have so much more as may move him to reform them . the sorrow of repentance may go without the change of heart and life ; because a passion may be easier wrought then a true conversion : but the change cannot go without some good measure of the sorrow . indeed we may justly here begin our confessions ; it is too common with us to expect that from our people , which we do little or nothing in our selves . what pains take we to humble them , while our selves are unhumbled ? how hard do we squeeze them by all our expostulations , convictions , and aggravations , to wring out of them a few penitent tears , ( and all too little ) when our own eyes are dry , and our hearts too strange to true remorse and we give them an example of hard-heartedness , while we are endeavouring by our words to mollifie and melt them . o if we did but study half as much to affect and amend our own hearts , as we do our hearers , it would not be with many of us as it is ! it s a great deal too little that we do for their humiliation ; but i fear its much less that some of us do for our own . too many do somewhat for other mens souls , while they seem to forget that they have any of their own to regard . they so carry the matter , as if their part of the work lay in calling for repentance , and the hearers in repenting : their 's in speaking tears and sorrow , and other-mens-only in weeping and sorrowing ; theirs in preaching duty , and the hearers in performing it ; their 's in crying down sin , and the peoples in forsakeing it . but we find that the guides of the church in scripture did confess their own sins as well as the sins of the people , and did begin to them in tears for their own and the peoples sins . ezra confesseth the sins of the priests as well as of the people , weeping and casting himself down before the house of god , ezr. . , , . and . . so did the levites , neh. . , , . daniel confessed his own sin as well as the peoples , dan. . . and god calleth such to it as well as others , joel . , , . when the fast is summoned , the people gathered , the congregation sanctified , the elders assembled , the priests the ministers of the lord are called to begin to them in weeping , and calling upon god for mercy . i think if we consider well of the duties already opened , and withal how we have done them ; of the rule and of our unanswerableness thereto , we need not demurr upon the question , nor put it to a question , whether we have cause of humiliation ? i must needs say , though i judge my self in saying it , that he that readeth but this one exhortation of paul in acts . and compareth his life with it , is too stupid and hard-hearted , if he do not melt in the sense of his neglects , and be not laid in the dust before god , and forced to bewail his great omissions , and to flye for refuge to the blood of christ , and to his pardoning grace . i am confident , brethren , that none of you do in judgement approve of the libertine doctrine , that cryeth down the necessity of confession , contrition and true humiliation , yea and in order to the pardon of sin ! is it not pitty then that our hearts are not more orthodox as well as our heads ? but i see our lesson is but half learnt when we know it , and can say it : when the understanding hath learned it , there is more ado to teach it our wills and affections , our eyes , our tongues and hands . it is a sad thing that so many of us do use to preach our hearers asleep : but it s sadder if we have studyed and preacht our selves asleep , and have talkt so long against hardness of heart , till our own grow hardned , under the noise of our own reproofs . though the head only have eyes , and ears , and smell , and taste , the heart should have life , and feeling and motion as well as the head . and that you may see that it is not a causeless sorrow that god calleth us to . i shall take it to be my duty to call to remembrance our mainfold sins , or those that are most obvious , and set them this day in order before god and our own faces , that god may cast them behind his back : and to deal plainly and faithfully in a free confession ; that he who is faithful and just may forgive them ; and to judge our selves that we be not judged of the lord. wherein i suppose i have your free and hearty consent , and that you will be so far from being offended with the disgrace of your persons and of others in this office , that you will readily subscribe the charge , and be humble self-accusers ; and so far am i from justifying my self by the accusation of others , that i do unfeignedly put my name with the first in the bill . for how can a wretched sinner of so great transgressions , presume to justifie himself with god ? or how can he plead guiltless , whose conscience hath so much to say against him ? if i cast shame upon the ministery , it is not on the office , but on our persons , by opening that sin which is our shame : the glory of our high imployment doth not communicate any glory to our sin ; nor will afford it the smallest covering for its nakedness . for sin is a reproach to any people , or persons , prov. . . and it is my self as well as others on whom i must lay the shame . and if this may not be done , what do we here to day ? our business is to take shame to our selves , and to give god the glory , and faithfully to open our sins that he may cover them , and to make our selves bare by confession , as we have done by transgression , that we may have the white rayment which cloatheth none but the penitent ; for be they pastors or people , it is only he that confesseth and forsaketh his sins , that shall have mercy , when he that hardeneth his heart shall fal into mischief , pro. . . and i think it will not be amiss if in the beginning of our confession we look behind us , and imitate daniel and other servants of god who confessed the sins of their fore-fathers and predecessors . for indeed my own judgement is so far from denying original sin , even the imputed part , with the antient opposers of it , or those of the new edition , that it doth not so much excuse me from the guilt of my later progenitors offences , as most other mens do seem to excuse them . let us fetch up then the core of our shame , and go to the bottom , and trace the behaviour of the minsters of the gospel from the daies of christ till now , and see how far they have been from innocency . when christ had chosen him but twelve apostles , who kept neer his person , that they might be acquainted with his doctrine , life and miracles : yet how ignorant did they long remain , not knowing so much as that he must dye and be a sacrifice for the sins of the world , and be buried and rise again , and ascend into glory , nor what was the nature of his spiritual kingdom ? so that it puts us hard to it to imagine how men so ignorant could be in a state of grace ; but that we know that those points were after of absolute necessity to salvation , that were not so then . * how oft doth christ teach them publikely and apart ? mark . . and rebuke them for their unbelief and hardness of heart : and yet after all this , so strange were these great mysteries of redemption to them , and these ( now ) articles of our creed , that peter himself disswadeth christ from suffering and goeth so far in contradicting his gracious thoughts for our redmption , that he is called satan , and tantum non excommunicate . and no wonder ; for if his counsel had been taken , the world had been lost for ever . and as there was a iudas among them , so the twelve are before christs face contending for superiority ; so early did that pride begin to work in the best , which afterwards prevailed so far in others , as to bring the church so low as we have seen . what should we say of their joynt forsaking christ of their failings even after the powrings out of the spirit ! of the dissention and separation between paul and barnabas ; how strange peter made of the calling of the gentiles ; of his complyance with the jews to the endangering the liberties of the gentiles , gal. . of the dissimulation of barnabas ; and the common dissertion of paul in his suffering : when he had found one timothy , he saith , he had no man like-minded , that would naturally care for their estate ; for all seek their own , and not the things of jesus christ , phil. . , . a sad charge of self-seeking in that glory of the church for faith and purity . and what charges are against most of the angels of the seven asian churches is expressed , rev. . and . and its likely that archippus : was not the only man that had need to be warned to look to his ministery . col. . . nor demas the only man that forsook a persecuted partner , and turned after the things of the world ! nor diotrephes the only man that loved to have the prehemine noe , and made quarrels , and dealt unjustly and unmercifully in the church upon that account . and even while the churches were frying in the flames , yet did the pride and dissentions even of godly pastors do more then the fire of persecution could do to turn al to ashes . how sad a story is it that policrates with all the eastern churches should be arrogantly excommunicated by victor with his romans , upon no higher a crime then mis-choosing of easterday ( which our brittains also long after were guilty of ) who would think that so great weakness , and presumptuous usurpation , and uncharitable cruelty , and schismatical zeal , could have befalen the pastors of the church in the strongest temptations of prosperity ? much less in the midst of heathenish persecutions ! what toyes and trifles did the antient reverend fathers of the church trouble their heads about , and pester the church with , and what useless stuff are many of their canons composed of ? yet these were the great matter and work of many of their famous consultations . how quickly did they seem to forget the perfection of holy scripture , the non-necessity and burdensomness of ceremonious impositions ; and by taking upon them an unnecessary and unjust kind of jurisdiction , they made the church so much more work then ever christ made it , and so clogged religion with humane devices , that the christian world hath groaned under it ever since , and been almost brought to ruine by it ; and the reverence of their persons hath put so much reputation on the crime , and custom hath so taught it to plead praescription , that when the ●acerated languid churches will be delivered from the sad effects of their presumption , god only knoweth . it would make an impartial reader wonder that peruseth their canons and the history of the church , that ever men of piety , and charity , and sobriety , could be drawn to perplex and tear in pieces the churches by such a multitude of vanities , and needless determinations ( ●o say no worse . ) and that the preachers of the gospel of peace , which so enjoyneth humility , unity and love , should ever be drawn to such a height of p●ide , as to think themselves meet to make so many laws for the whole church of christ , and to bind all their brethren through the world to the obedience of their dictates , and practice of their historical insnaring ceremonies ; and that upon the penalties of being accounted no less then damned hereticks or schismaticks . though paul had told them betime that he was afraid of them , lest as the serpent deceived eve , so they should be deceived and drawn from the simplic●ty that was in christ , cor. . . yet quickly was this caution forgotten , and the thing that paul feared soon befell them , and in stead of the simplicity of doctrine , they vexed the churches with curious controversies ; and instead of the simplicity of disci●line and government , they corrupted the church with pompe and tyran●ie , and varieties of new orders and rules of religions ; and instead of the simplicity of worship , they set up such a train of their own inventions , of which the church had no necessity , that the bishops were become the masters of ceremonies , who should have been the faithful and humble observers of the pure laws and ordinances of christ . though their councils were usual for the churches communion had they been rightly ordered , yet so unhappily did they manage them for the most part , that greg. n●zianzene purposed to come at them no more , as having never seen any that did not more harm then good ; and so bold and busie were they in additions and innovations , even in making new ●reeds , that hilary sadly complains of it , not sparing the council of n●ce it self ( though their creed were allowable ) because they taught others the way , and set the rest a work . and luther sheweth us at large in his ●ook de conciliis , what thoughts he had of those assembli●s . three lamentable vices did the prelates of the church then commonly abound in , pride the root ; contention , and vain impositions and inventions , the fruits . no charity that is not blind can hide this guilt . we had never else had the christian world so plagued with their quarrels about superiority , and vain traditions , after such warnings , and lessons and examples as christ had g●ven his own apostles . when once the fa●our of a christ●an prince did shine upon the churches , what self-exaltation and contention of the prelates did ensue ? so that if they had not been restrained and kept in quiet by the emperor , how soon would they have made a sadder havock then they did ? perhaps in their first general council it self . and though that council had a good occasion , even to suppress the arrian heresie , yet had not constantine committed their mutual accusations to the flames , and shamed them from their contendings , it had not had so good an end . and yet as good as it was , luther saith , p. . de concil . ariana haeresis jocus fuit ante nicenum concilium , praeilla confusione quam ipsi post concilium excitaverunt . angustines sad complaint of the loading of the church with ceremonies , and comparing them to judaism , is commonly known . of which see luthers comment . ib. p. , . and so strange did it seem to luther that the learned prelates of those bitter times should so scold circa naenia & nugas , about preheminence and ceremonies , and things of nought , that he is again and again taken up in admiring it . read that treatise throughout . is it not sad to think of the heat of an epiphanius and theophilus alexand. against chrysostom , and of chrysostome against them ! of hierom against ruffinus , chrysostom , and many others ; and if austin had not been more peaceable then he , one of them must have been an heretick , or schismatick at least . how many more such sad examples have we ! and for their damnatory sentences , they were more presumptuous then their laws ; few men could stand in anothers way , or fall out , but one of them must be an heretick before they had made an end . small differences were named damnable heresies . though they had enough among them that were such indeed , ( whereof some of the clergy were almost alwaies the causes and fomenters ) yet did they so multiply them by their imputation , that their catalogues swelled beyond the credit of charity . and he that had the highest reputation , was usually safest from the blot , and had power to make others hereticks almost at his pleasure ; and if a man had once got the vote and fame , it was dangerous gainsaying him . had vigilantius or jovinian had hieroms name , some of their heresies might possibly have been articles of faith . and as they were dangerously forward on one side to make every small mistake a heresie , and cause divisions in the church by their unjust condemnations ; so many on the other hand were as forward to provoke them , by novelties or false conceits , especially about the trinity , and the person and natures of christ ; so that unquiet spirits knew not when or where to rest : and multitudes of them did turn cheaters and deluders of the vulgar , by pretending to miracles , and revelations , and visions , and drawing the people deeper into superstition by such means , ( as bonafacius moguntinus wrote to pope zachary about the hypocritical saint aldebert . ) and in that age especially when few learned men ( as erasmus complaineth ) did escape the suspition of heresie , and he that was a mathematician was counted a magitian , it had been more wit to have silenced some unnecessary verities , then to have angred impatient ignorance . virgilius might have talkt more of the world above us , and let the world below us alone , rather then to force the learned pope zacbary to say to his brother boniface of mentz : de perversa & iniqua doctrina , quam contra deum & animam suam locutus est ; ( a high crime ) si clar ficatum fuerit it a eum confiteri , quod alius mundus & alii homines sub terras sint , hunc accito concilio , ab ecclesia pelle sacerdotii honore privatum . vid. usher . syllog . hibernic . epistel . pag. , . but to mention the twentieth part of the proud usurpations , innovations , impositions and sentences of those following times , especially among the romanists , is fitter for large volumns then a cursary lamentation of the churches sins . i will not meddle with the errors , and cruel blood shed of the popish clergy of late , against the waldenses , and protestants ; nor yet with the sad condition of the rest of the clergy through the christian world , in aethiopia , muscovia , grece , &c. for you will think that this is less to us that do disclaim them : but let us come neerer our selves , and we shall find yet matter of further lamentation . and i will purposely say nothing of any of the sins of our forrain reformers , nor meddle with any of those sad contentions , which have brought the reformed churches into two such exasperated partys , lutherans and calvinists , ( as they are commonly called ) and hindred their reconciliation and frustrated all means that have been used to that end till this day , to the exceeding shame of the pastors of these churches , and the publishing of our darkness , pride , and selfishness to all the world . but my present business lyeth only at home , and that only with the reformed pastors of our churches . for though through the great mercy of god , they are far from the papal cruelty which made bone-fires of their brethren better then themselves throughout the land , and as far from the worst of their errors and false worship ; yet have we been so far from innocency , that all posterity is bound to lament the miscarriages of their predecessors . is it not a very sad history of the troubles at frankford , to read that so many godly learned men that had forsaken all for the reformed profession , and were exiles in a forraign land , even in a city where they had but borrowed the liberty of one church should even then fall in pieces among themselves , and that about a liturgy and ceremonies , so far as to make a division ; and after many plottings and counter-plottings , and underminings of one another , one part of them must leave the city , and go seek another for their liberty ! what had not those few exiles that left their native country , lands and friends , and all for the gospel , that fled so far for the liberty of gods worship , and had as great advantage as most men in the world to be sensible of the excellency of reformation and liberty , had these i say no more christian love and tenderness , no more esteem of what they suffered for , then to fall out with one another , and almost fall upon one another , for such things as these ! would not suffering abate their pride and passions , and close their hearts , nor yet make them so far patient as to tolerate each other in so small a difference : even when their dearest friends and fellow-servants were frying in the flames at home , and the prisons filled with them , and they had daily news of one after another that was made a sacrifice to the fury of the papists , could they yet proceed in their own dissentions , and that to such a height ! o what is man ! and the best of men ! yea before this , in king edwards daies , what rigor was used against bishop hooper about such ceremonies ! but the prison abated bishop ridleys uncharitableness , and they then learned more charity when they were going to the flames . from frankford the sad division at the death of queen mary was transported into england ; and the seeds that were sown or began to spring up in the exiled congregation , did too plentifully fructifie in the land of their prosperity . no sooner doth the sun shine upon them , but contentious spirits begin to swarm ; and the prison doors are no sooner open , and their bolts knockt off , but they continue the suppressing of their brethren , as if they had been turned loose as fighting cocks to fall upon one another , and to work for satan when they had suffered for christ . the party that was for prelacy and ceremonies , prevailed for the countenance of the state , and quickly got the staff into their hands , and many of their brethren under their feet : and so contrived the business that there was no quiet station to be had in the ministery , for those that would not be of their mind and way . and many of them endeavoured to have a brand of ignominy set upon their names , who desired the discipline and order of other reformed churches ; that all might be accounted schismaticks that would not be ruled by them even in ceremonies . the contrary-minded also were some of them too intemperate , and impatient , and unpeaceable ; and some few of them turned to flat separation , and flew in the faces of the prelates with reviling : for their sakes many wise and peaceable men were the worse used ; and they that were got into the chair , began to play the scorners and the persecutors : and thought meet to impose upon them all the nick-name of puritans , as knowing how much names of reproach and scorn could do with the vulgar for the furthering of their cause ; some of these puritans ( as now they had named them ) were imprisoned , and some put to death , and some dyed in and by imprisonment : they are all made uncapable of being preachers of the gospel in england , till they would change their minds , and subscribe to the lawfulness of prelacy , and the liturgy and ceremonies , and use these accordingly when they use their ministery . o how much did many good men rejoyce that the lord had visited their native countrey with deliverance , and the light of the glorious gospel of his son ? how much did they long to lay out themselves for the saving of their dear countreymen , and to improve the present freedom for the most effectual propagation of the truth ? when alas their own friends , some of their fellow-sufferers animated and assisted by many temporizers , did suddenly disappoint their hopes and shut them out of the vineyard of the lord , and would suffer none to labour in it , but themselves and theirs . alas that persecution should be so soon forgotten ! and that they should have no more sense of the cruelty of the papists , to have moved them to some more tenderness of the consciences and liberties of their bretheren . that they had no more compassion on the church of christ , then to deprive it of the labours of so many choice and worthy men ; and that at such a time of necessity . when popish priests were newly cast out , and multitudes of congregations had no preachers at all , but some silly readers , yet might not these men be allowed to preach . if the judgements of these prelates were never so absolute for the divine right of their own government , yet could it not be so for the absolute necessity of the cross , surplice , and every part of the forms in their liturgy ! had they but countenanced most their own party , and silenced all that did speak against their government and ceremonies , and only allowed them to preach the gospel without subscription to the lawfulness of these things , and with a silent forbearance of the use of the ceremonies , they might have better secured their own power and way , and have exercised some sense of brotherly love , and compassion on the necessitous state of the church , and in all likelyhood might have stood safe themselves to this day . a wonderful thing it seems to me , that wise and good men ( for such i doubt not but many of them were ) should think it better that many hundred congregations in england ( to say nothing of ireland or scotland ) should be without any preaching at all to the apparent hazard of the damnation of means souls ( who were so deep in popish ignorance before ) then that a man should preach to them that durst not use the cross or surplice ? were these of more worth then so many souls ? it was lawful in the apostles daies to baptize without the cross , and to pray , and praise god without the surplice ? and why might not the prelates of england have tolerated that in the churches necessities , at least as a weakness in well-meaning brethren which the apostolical churches used not at all ? what if they were lawful ? they that thought so might have them . were they now become more necessary then the preaching of the gospel , when in the apostles times they were of no necessity or use at all ? if it were obedience to the prelates that was necessary , they might have required obedience to undoubted and necessary things , and they should soon have found it . had they contented themselves to be as officers under christ , to see to the execution of his laws , and to meddle at least with no needless new legislation , i think few would have questioned obedience to them but the ungodly . but it was sadly contrived to have such impositions on mens consciences in needless or indifferent things , as the most tender conscienc't men were likest to disobey , and as might be snares to those that desired to please god , ( when ) the business of church governors should be to promote the obedience of christs-laws , and to encourage those that are most fearful to disobey them ) and to do as the law makers , dan. . . we shall not find any occasion against this daniel , except we find it against him concerning the law of his god. but thus it came to pass that the enemy of the church did too much attain his ends : such excellent men as hildersham , brightman , p. bayn , parker , ames , bradshaw , dod , nicolls , with multitudes more were laid aside and silenced ; and multitudes of them that petitioned for liberty in lincolnshire , devonshire , and other parts , suppressed ; and the nation in the mean time abounding with gross ignorance , was brought by observing the countenance of the times , to like their own readers better then painful preachers , and to hate and scorn the zealous obedience to the laws of christ , and all diligence for salvation , because they observed , that those men that were such , were so many of them hated and persecuted by the rulers , though on the occasions before mentioned . and here was the foundation of our greatest misery laid : while some of the rulers themselves began to turn their hatred against practical godliness ( which corrupted nature hates in all ) and the common people took the hint , and no longer confined the word puritan to the non-conformists , but applyed it commonly through all parts of the land , to those that would but speak seriously of heaven , and tell men of death and judgement , and spend the lords day in preparation thereto , and desire others to do the like ; that did but pray in their families , and keep their children and servants on the lords day to learn the way to salvation , in stead of letting them spend it in gaming or revelling ; they that did but reprove a swearer or a drunkard ; these were become the puritans and the precisians , and the hated ones of the time ; so that they became a by-word in all the towns and villages in england that ever i knew , or heard of ( as to these things . ) and thus when the prelates had engaged the vulgar in their cause , and partly by themselves , and partly by them , had so far changed their cause , as that all serious christians that feared sin , and were most diligent for salvation , were presently engaged among their adversaries , and they were involved with the rest , though they did nothing against the government or ceremonies , and the most ignorant and impious became the friends and agents of the times , and everywhere made the most pious and sedulous christians a common scorn , to the dishonour of god , and the hardening of the wicked , and discouraging of the weak , and filling men with prejudice against a godly life , and hindring many thousands from the way of salvation : then did god himself appear more evidently as interested in the quarrel , and rose against them , and shamed them that had let in scorn and shame upon his waies ; and this , even this was the very thing that brought them down . besides this , there was scarce such a thing as church-government or discipline known in the land ; but only this harassing of those that dissented from them . in all my life i never lived in the parish where one person was publikely admonished or brought to publike penitence or excommunicated , though there were never so many obstinate drunkards , whoremongers or vilest offenders . only i have known now and then one for getting a bastard , that went to the bishops court and paid their sees ; and i heard of two or three in all the countrey ( in all my life ) that stood in a white sheet an hour in the church : but the antient discipline of the church was unknown . and indeed it was made by them impossible , when one man that lived at a distance from them , and knew not one of many hundreds of the flock , did take upon him the sole jurisdiction ( and executed it not by himself , but by a lay-chancellor ) excluding the pastors of the several congregations , who were but to joyn with the church-wardens and the apparitors in presenting men , and bringing them into their courts : and an impossible task must needs be unperformed : and so the controversie as to the letter and outside was , who should be the governors of all the particular churches ? but as to the sense and inside of it , it was , whether there should be any effectual church-government , or not ? whereupon those that pleaded for discipline , were called by the new name of disciplinarians ; as if it had been a kind of heresie to desire discipline in the church . at last the heat began to grow greater , and new impositions raised new adversaries . when conformable puritans began to bear the great reproach ( there being few of the non-conformists left ) then must they also be gotten into the net ; altars must be bowed to or towards : all must publish a book for dancing and sports on the lords day , disabling the masters of families , & parents ( though they had smal time on the week-daies , by reason of their poverty or labour ) to keep in their own children or families from dancing on that day , that they might instruct them in the matters of god. if a man as he read a chapter to his family , had perswaded them to observe and practice it , and with any reasons urged them thereto , this was called expounding , and was enquired of in their articles , to be presented together with adultery and such like sins : so also was he used that had no preaching at home , and would go hear a conformable preacher abroad : so that multitudes have i known exceedingly troubled or undone for such matters as these , when not one was much troubled for scandalous crimes . then lectures were put down , and afternoon sermons , and expounding the catechism , or scripture in the afternoons . and the violence grew so great , that many thousand families left the land , and many godly , able ministers , conformists as well as others , were fain to flie and become exiles , some in one countrey and some in another , and most in the remote american parts of the world : thither went cotten , hooker , davenport , shephard , allen , cobbet , noyes , parker , with many another that deserved a dwelling place in england . yet i must profess i should scarce have mentioned any of this , nor taken it for so hainous a crime , had it been only cruelty to the persons of these men , though they had dealt much hardlyer with them then they did , and if it had not been greater cruelty to the church , and if they had but had competent men for their places when they were cast out . but alas the churches were pestered with such wretches as are our shame and trouble to this day . abundance of meer readers , and drunken profane deboist men , were the ministers of the churches ; so that we have been this many years endeavouring to cleanse the church of them , and have not fully effected it to this day . and many that had more plausible tongues , did make it their chief business , to bring those that they called puritans into disgrace , and to keep the people from being such . so that i must needs say , that i knew no place in these times , where a man might not more safely have been drunken every week , ( as to their punishment ) then to have gone to hear a sermon if he had none at home . for the common people readily took the hint , and increased their reproach , as the rulers did their persec●tion ; so that a man could not in any place of england that i came in , have said to a swearer or a drunkard , o do not sin against god , and wound or hazard your own soul , but he should have been presently ●ooted at as a puritan : he could not have said to an ignorant or carele●s neighbour , remember your everlasting state : prepare for death and judgement : or have talked of any scripture matters to them , but he was presently jeered as a puritan or precisian : and scripture it self was become a reproach to him that talked of it , and they would cry out , what! we must have talk of scripture now ! you will preach to us ! we shall have these preachers ordered ●re long . so that it was become commonly in england a greater reproach to be a man truly living in the fear of god , then to live in open prophaness , and to rail at godliness , and daily scorn it , which was so far from being a matter of danger , that many took it up in expectation of preferment ; and the preachers of the times were well ware that the rising way was to preach against the precise puritans , and not to live precisely themselves . and thus both ministery and people grew to that sad pass , that it was no wonder if god would bear no longer with the land. even as it was in the western churches before the inundation of the goths and vandals , as salvian among others tells us ; indeed i know not a writer that more fitly painteth out the state of our times ; i shall therefore borrow some of his words to express our case , which it seems had been then the churches case . ipsa dei ecclesia quae in omnibus esse debet placatrix dei , quid est aliud quam exacerbatrix dei ? aut pr●ter paucissim●s qu●sdam qui mala fugiunt , quid est aliud pene omnis coetus christianorum quam sentina vitiorum ? quotum enim quemque invenies in ecclesia non aut ebriosum aut helluonem , aut adulterum , &c. — immo facilius invenias qui totum sit quam qui nihil : et quod diximus nihil ni●is forsitan gravis videatur esse censura ; plus multo dicam , facilius invenias reum malorum omnium quam non omnium ; facilius majorum criminum quam minorum : id est , facilius qui & major a crimina cum minoribus , quam qui minor a tantum sin● majoribus perpetrarint . in hanc enim morum probrositatem prope omnis ecclesiastica pl●bs redacta est , ut in ●uncto populo christiano genus quodammodo sanctitatis si● , minus esse vitiosum . itaque ecclesias vel potius templa atque altaria dei minoris reverentiae quidem habent quam cujus●●bet minimi ac municipalis judicis domum . siquidem intra j●nuas non modo illustrium potestatum , sed etiam praesidum & praepositorum , non omnes passim intrare praesumunt , nisi quos aut judex vocaverit , aut negotium traxerit , aut ipsa honoris proprii dignitas introire permiserit : it a ●t si quispiam fu●rit insolenter ingressus , aut caed●tur , aut propellatur aut al●qua verec●●diae atque existimationis su● labe mulctetur . in templa autem vel potius in altaria atqu● sacraria dei passim omnes sordidi ac flagitiosi sin● ulla penitus reverentia sacri honor is irrumpunt , non quia non omnes ad exorandum deum currere debent ; sed quia qui ingreditur ad placandum , non debet egredi ad exacerbandum . neque enim ejusde● offic●● est indulgentiam poscere & ●r acundiam provocare : novum siquidem monstrigenus est ; eadem paene omnes jugiter faciunt , quae fecisse se plangunt : et qui intrant in ecclesiasticam domum , ut mala antiqua defleant , exeunt ; & quid dico excunt ? in ipsis pene hoc orationibus suis moliuntur . salv. de gubern . l. . p. , . et pag. . o miseriam lacrymabilem . o miseriam luctuosam ! quam dissimilis nunc a seipso est populus christian●s , id est , ab eo qui fuit quondam ! — ecce in quid reducti sumus , ut beatam fore ecclesiam judicemus , si vel tantum in se boni habeat quantum mali . nam quomado non beatam arbitremur , si mediam plebis partem haberet innoxiam , quam pene totam nunc esse plangimus criminosam — superfluè unius scelera deflevimus ; aut omnes enim , aut pene omnes flendi atque lugendi sunt . et pag. , . omnia amamus ; omnia colimus ; solus nobis in com●aratione omnium deus vilis est ? siquando enim veniret , ( quod saepe evenit ) ut eodem die & festivitas ecclesiastica & ludi publici agantur , quaeso ab omnium conscientia , quis locus majores christianorum virorum copias haberet ? caveane ludi publici , au atrium dei ? et templum omnes magis sectentur , au theatrum ? dicta evangeliorum magis diligant au thymelicorum ? verba vitae , an mortis ? verba christi , an mimi ? non est dubium quin illud magis amemus quod anteponimus . too like to these here described were our times grown , through the fault of those that professed themselves to have the oversight of their souls . a most sad thing it was to see those men that undertook to guide men in the waies of life , to be the chief means of discouraging them ; and to hear them make a mock at holiness , that should have devoted their doctrine and 〈◊〉 thereto . the accusation may seem harsh to those of after-times that knew not this ! or that by the patrons of iniquity are perswaded of the contrary . but i say as salvian , l. . p. . sed gravis est forsitan haec atque iniqua congestio . gravis profecto , si falsa . yet through the mercy of god , it was not all the prelates of the church that thus miscarried : we have yet surviving our usher , our hall , our morton , learned , godly and peaceable men ; whose names are as dear to us as any mens alive . and o that it had been the will of god that all had been such ! then had we not been like to have seen those daies of blood that we have seen : nor those great mutations in church and state ! but so far were these good men from being able to do the good that they would , that they were maligned for their piety , and soundness in the faith , and many a time have i heard them despised as well as others , and scorned as puritans for all they were prelates . and yet it were well if all the guilt had lain upon that party ! but alas it was not so ! those pious and painful divines that were oppressed , and much more that part of the people that joyned with them , were too impatient under their suffering ! and bent themselves ( some of them ) more then was meet against the persons of those that they suffered by ; and too much endeavoured to make the prelates odious with the people ; as persecutors of the church of god : and were ready to go too far from them on the other hand ; and to think the worse of some things because they commanded them . doubtless had we all suffered with more patience , and carried our selves with meekness and gent eness to those that we differed from , and given them so much commendation as was their due , and put the best constructions on their actions that we could , and covered their infirmities with the most charitable interpretations , we might have done more to mollifie their minds ; or at least , to have maintained our own innocency . but as there was no room on their part to a motion for peace , or a petition for liberty , in the time of their prosperity ; so when advantages did seem to appear to us of vindicating our liberties , we looked upon them as unreconcileable , and too inconsiderately rusht on , and were wanting in those peaceable endeavours that were our duty . we did not in our assembly invite them to a free consultation , that their cause might have the fullest and fairest hearing , before it had been condemned . proposals that had any tendency to healing and accommodation , had never that entertainment from us that they did deserve . what moderate proposals were made to one party by bishop usher , which both parties did dislike ! how many pacificatory motions and excellent treatises came from that heavenly peaceable bishop hall , especially his peace-maker , his pax terris , and his modest offer ! but how little did they effect ! certainly some of the men were so venerable for their admirable learning and piety , that they deserved to have been heard , and consulted with too , as wise and most judicious men . and prelacy was not so young a plant in the church , nor had it in former and latter ages , had so few or mean persons to adorn and credit it , but that it well deserved the fairest hearing and debate . but thus have we all shewed our frailty , and this is the heed that we have taken to our selves and to all the flock . the lord open our eyes at last , that we may all fullyer see our own miscarriages ; for surely they lie as mountains before us , and all the world about us may see them , and yet we will hardly see them our selves . a man would think now that if the heart of man be cureable , we should by this time be all brought to the sense of our miscarriages , and be prepared to a closure on any reasonable terms ? who would think but after all the smart of our divisions , we should long ere this have got together , and prayed , and consulted our selves into peace ! but alas there is no such matter done ; and few do i find that mind the doing of it . we continue our quarrels as hot as ever : as salvian saith in another case , miseri jam sumus : & nec dum nugaces ( discordes ) esse cessamus . l. . p. . et pag. . mala incessabiliter malis addimus , & peccata peccatis cumulamus : & cum maxima nostri pars iam perierit , id agimus ut pereamus omnes . — nos non vicinos nostros tantum ardere vidimus , sed ipsi iam ex maxima nostrorum corporum parte arsimus . et quid hoc , proh nefas , mali est ? arsimus , arsimus , & tamen flammas quibus iam arsimus non timemus . nam quod non ubique agantur quae prius acta sunt , miseriae est beneficium , non disciplinae . facile hoc probo . da enim prioris temporis statum , & statim ubique sunt quae fuerunt . the minds of many are as much exasperated or estranged as ever . three sorts i meet with , that all are too backward to any accommodation . . the violent men of the prelates side , especially those of the new way , who are so far from reconciliation and healing of our breaches , that they labour to perswade the world that the contrary-minded are schismaticks , and that all the ministers that have not episcopal ordination are no ministers , nor any of the churches that have not prelates are true churches , ( at least , except it can be proved to be through unavoidable necessity . ) and they say , to agree with such were to strike a covenant with schism it self . . some on the other side say , do you not see that except an inconsiderable number , the prelatical party are all , empty , careless , if not scandalous ungodly men ! where are almost any of them whose communion is desirable ! that set themselves to the winning and saving of souls , and are serious men in the matters of salvation , in whom you can perceive a heavenly conversation ? hath god brought down these enemies of godliness , and persecutors and depopulaters of his church , and would you make a league with them again ? do you not see that they are as bitter and implacable as ever ! and have not some of them the faces to justifie all the former impositions and persecutions , and draw or continue the guile of it upon their heads ? and would make the world believe that they are wrongfully eiected , when so many accusatians in parliament before the division , so many centuries of horribly scandalous ones published by mr. white , and so many more centuries that lie on record under depositions in the several countyes of the nation where the committees eiected them , will be perpetual witnesses of the quality of these men . . others there be that are peaceable men on both sides , that will not justifie the former miscarriages , nor own the present evils of any ; but think though there be too much truth in these later accusations , yet the nature of the difference and the quality of some of the persons is such , as deserveth our desires and endeavours of reconciltation . but they think the work to be hopeless and impossible , and therefore not to be attempted . and thus our breach is made ; but how or when it will be well healed , the lord knoweth . but this is not all ; it behoveth us yet to come neerer home , and enquire into the waies of the present approved godly ministers , of what party soever ; and doubtless if we are willing to know our selves we may soon find that which will lay us very low before the lord , i shall in all have an eye at my own corrupt heart which i am so far from justifying in th●s common lamentation , that i take it as my necessary duty to cast the first stone at my self . the great sins that we are guilty of , i shall not undertake to enumerate ; and therefore my passing over any particular is not to be taken as a denyal of it for our justification . but i shall take it to be my duty to give instance of some few , that cry loud for humiliation and speedy reformation . only i must needs first premise this profession ; that for all the faults that are now among us , i do not believe that ever england had so able and faithful a ministery since it was a nation as it hath at this day : and i fear that few nations on earth , if any , have the like . sure i am the change is so great within this . years , that it is one of the greatest joyes that ever i had in the world to behold it . o how many congregations are now plainly and frequently taught , that lived then in great obscurity ? how many able faithful men are there now in a county in comparison of what were then ? how graciously hath god prospered the studies of many young men , that were little children in the beginning of the late troubles ? so that now they cloud the most of their seniors : how many miles would i have gone twenty years ago , and less , to have heard one of those ant●ent reverend divines , whose congregations are now grown thin , and their parts esteemed mean by reason of the notable improvement of their juniors ? and in particular , how mercifully hath the lord dealt with this poor countrey of worcestershire , in raising up so many of these , that credit their sacred office , and self-denyingly , and freely , zealously and unwearyedly do lay out themselves for the good of souls ! i bless the lord that hath placed me in such a neighbourhood , where i may have the brotherly fellowship of so many able , humble , unanimous , peaceable and faithful men . o that the lord would long continue this admirable mercy to this unworthy countrey : and i hope i shall rejoyce in god while i have a being for the common change in other parts , that i have lived to see : that so many hundred faithful men are so hard at work for the saving of souls , frementibus licet & frendentibus inimicis ; and that more are springing up apace . i know there are some men whose parts i reverence , who being in point of government of another mind from them , will be offended at my very mention of this happy alteration : but i must profess if i were absolutely prelatical , if i knew my heart , i could not chose for all that but rejoyce : what not rejoyce at the prosperity of the church , because the men do differ in one opinion , about its order ! should i shut my eyes against the mercies of the lord ! the souls of men are not so contemptible to me , that i should envy them the bread of life , because it is broken to them by a hand that had not the prelatical approbation ; o that every congregation were thus supplyed ; but all cannot be done at once . they had a long time to settle a corrupted ministery ; and when the ignorant and scandalous are cast out , we cannot create abilities in others for the supply ; we must stay the time of their preparation and growth ; and then if england drive not away the gospel by their abuse , even by their willful unreformedness , and hatred of the light , they are like to be the happiest nation under heaven . for , as for all the sects and heresies that are creeping in and daily troubling us , i doubt not but the free gospel managed by an able self denying ministery , will effectually disperse and shame them all . but you may say , this is not confessing sin , but applauding those whose sins you pretend to confess ? answ . it is the due acknowledgement of gods graces and thanksgiving for his admirable mercies , that i may not seem unthankful in confession , much less to cloud or vilifie gods graces , while i open the frailties that in many do accompany them . sect . ii. among the many things that are yet sadly out of order in the best , i shall touch upon these few particulars following . . one of our most hainous & palpable sins is pride : a sin that hath too much interest in the best ; but is more hateful & unexcusable in us then in any men . yet is it so prevalent in some of us , that it inditeth our discourses for us , it chooseth us our company , it formeth our countenances , it putteth the accents and emphasis upon our words ; when we reason , it is the determiner and exciter of our cogitations ? it fills some mens minds with aspiring desires and desings : it possesseth them with envious and bitter thoughts against those that stand in their light , or by any means do ecclipse their glory , or hinder the progress of their idolized reputation . o what a constant companion , what a tyranous commander , what a fly and subtile insinuating enemy is this sin of pride ! it goes with men to the draper , the mercer , the taylor ; it choseth them their cloth , their trimming and their fashion . it dresseth them in the morning , at least the out side . fewer ministers would rustle it out in the fashion in hair and habit , if it were not for the command of this tyrannous vice . and i would that were all , or the worst : but alas how frequently doth it go with us to our studies , and there set with us and do our work ? how oft doth it chose our subject ? and more often chose our words and ornaments . god biddeth us be as plain as we can , for the informing of the ignorant , and as convincing and serious as we are able , for the meiting and changing of unchanged hearts ; and pride stands by and contradicteth all ; and sometime it puts in toyes and trifles , and polluteth rather then polisheth , and under pretence of laudable ornaments , it dishonoureth our sermons with childish gawdes : as if a prince were to be decked in the habit of a stage-player or a painted fool . it perswadeth us to paint the window that it may dim the light ; and to speak to our people that which they cannot understand , to acquaint them that we are able to speak unprofitably : it taketh off the edge , and dulls the life of all our teachings , under pretence of filing off the roughness , unevenness and superfluity ; if we have a plain and cutting passage , it throws it away as too rustical or ungrateful . when god chargeth us to deal with men as for their lives , and beseech them with all the earnestness that we are able ; this cursed sin controlleth all , and condemneth the most holy commands of god , and calleth our most necessary duty a madness ; and saith to us , what will you make people think you are mad ? will you make them say you rage or rave ? cannot you speak soberly and moderately ? and thus doth pride make many a mans sermons , and what pride makes the devil makes ; and what sermons the devil will make , and to what end , we may easily conjecture . though the matter be of god , yet if the dress , and manner , and end be from satan , we have no great reason to expect success . and when pride hath made the sermon , it goes with them into the pulpit , it formeth their tone , it animateth them in the delivery , it takes them off from that which may be displeasing , how necessary soever , and setteth them in a pursuite of vain applause . and the sum of all this is , that , it maketh men both in studying and preaching to seek themselves , and deny god , when they should seek gods glory and deny themselvs . when they should ask , what should i say , and how should i say it , to please god best , and do most good ? it makes them ask , what shall i say , and how shall i deliver it , to be thought a learned able preacher , and to be applauded by all that hear me ? when the sermon is done , pride goeth home with them , and maketh them more eager to know whether they were applauded , then whether they did prevail for the saving change of souls . they could find in their hearts , but for shame , to ask folks , how they liked them , and to draw out their commendation . if they do perceive that they are highly thought of , they rejoyce as having attained their end ; but if they perceive that they are esteemed but weak or common men , they are displeased as having mist the prize of the day . but yet this is not all nor the worst , if worse may be . o that ever it should be spoken of godly ministers , that they are so set upon popular air , and of sitting highest in mens estimation , that they envy the parts and names of their brethren that are preferred before them , as if all were taken from their praises that is given to anothers , and as if god had given them his gifts to be the meer ornaments and trappings of their persons , that they may walk as men of reputation in the world , and all his gifts in others were to be trodden down and vilified , if they seem to stand in the way of their honour ! what , a saint , a preacher for christ , and yet envy that which hath the image of christ , and malign his gifts for which he should have the glory , and all because they seem to hinder our glory ! is not every true christian a member of the body , and therefore partaketh of the blessings of the whole , and of each particular member thereof ? and doth not every man owe thanks to god for his brethrens gifts , not only as having himself a part in them , as the foot hath the benefit of the guidance of the eye ; but also because his own ends may be attained by his brethrens gifts as well as by his own ? for if the glory of god and the churches felicity be not his end , he is not a christian . will any work-man malign another because he helpeth him to do his masters work ? yet alas how common is this hainous crime among men of parts and eminency in the church ! they can secretly blot the reputation of those that stand cross to their own ; and what they cannot for shame do in plain and open terms , lest they be proved palpable lyers and slanderers , they will do it in generals and malicious intimations , raising suspicions where they cannot fasten accusations . and so far are some gone in this satanical vice , that it is their ordinary practice , and a considerable part of their business to keep down the estimation of any that they dislike , and to defame others in the slyest and most plausible way . and some goe so far , that they are unwilling that any one that is abler then themselves should come into their pulpits , least they should be applauded above themselves . a fearful thing , that any man that hath the least of the fear of god , should so envy at gods gifts , and had rather that his carnal hearers were unconverted , and the drowsie not awakened , then that it should be done by another who may be preferred before them . yea so far doth this cursed vice prevail , that in great congregations that have need of the help of many teachers , we can scarce in many places get two in equality to live together in love and quietness , and unanimously to carry on the work of god! but unless one of them be quite below the other in parts , and content to be so esteemed , or unless one be a curate to the other or ruled by him , they are contending for precedency , and envying each others interest and walking with strangness and jealousie towards one another , to the shame of their profession , and the great wrong of the congregation . i am ashamed to think of it , that when i have been endeavouring with persons of publike interest and capacity to further a good work , to convince them of the great necessity of more ministers then one in great congregations , they tell me , they will never agree together ! i hope the objection is ungrounded as to the most : but it is a sad case that it should be so with any . nay some men are so far gone in pride , that when they might have an equal assistant to further the work of god , they had rather take all the burden upon themselves , though more then they can bear , then that any should share with them in the honour ; and for fear least they should diminish their interest in the people . hence also it comes to pass that men do so magnifie their own opinions , and are as censorious of any that differ from them in lesser things , as if it were all one to differ from them and from god ; and do expect that all should be conformed to their judgements , as if they were the rule of the churches faith ! and while we cry down papal infallibility , and determination of controversies , we would too many of us be popes our selves , and have all stand to our determination , as if we were infallible . it s true , we have more modesty then expresly to say so : we pretend that it is only the evidence of truth that appeareth in our reasons that we expect men should yield to , and our zeal is for the truth and not for our selves : but as that must needs be taken for truth which is ours , so our reasons must needs be taken for valid ; and if they be but freely examined , and found to be infirm and fallacious , and so discovered , as we are exceeding backward to see it our selves , because they are ours , so how angry are we that it should be disclosed to others ? and we so espouse the cause of our errors , as if all that were spoken against them were spoken against our persons , and we were hainously injured to have our arguments throughly confuted , by which we injured the truth and the minds of men ! so that the matter is come to that pass through our pride , that if an errour or fallacious argument do fall under the patronage of a reverend name ( which is no whit rare ) we must either give it the victory , and give away the truth , or else become injurious to that name that doth patronize it . for though you meddle not with their persons , yet do they put themselves under all the strokes which you give their arguments ; and feel it as sensibly as if you had spoken it of themselves , because they think it will follow in the eyes of man , that weak arguing is a sign of a weak man. if therefore you take it for your duty to shame their errors and false reasonings , by discovering their nakedness , they take it as if you shamed their persons ; and so their names must be a garrison or fortress to their mistakes , and their reverence must defend all their sayings from the light . and so high are our spirits , that when it becomes a duty to any man to reprove or contradict us , we are commonly impatient both of the matter and of the manner . we love the man that will say as we say , and be of our opinion , and promote our reputation , though he be less worthy of our love in other respects : but he is ungrateful to us that contradicteth us , and differeth from us , and that dealeth plainly with us in our miscarriages , & telleth us of our faults ! especially in the management of our publike arguings : where the eye of the world is upon us , we can scarce endure any contradiction or plain dealing . i know that railing language is to be abhorred , and that we should be as tender of each others reputation , as our fidelity to the truth will permit : but our pride makes too many of us to think all men contemn us that do not admire us , yea and admire all that we say , and submit their judgements to our most palpable mistakes ! we are so tender that no man can touch us scarce but we are hurt ; and so stout and high-minded that a man can scarce speak to us : like froward children , or sick folk that cannot endure to be talkt to ; the fault is not that you speak amiss to them , but that you speak to them . so our indignation is not at men for writing or speaking injuriously or unjustly against our words , but for confuting them . and a man that is not verft in complementing : and skilled in flatterie above the vulgar rate , can scarce tell how to handle them so observantly , and fit their expectations at every turn , but there will be some word , or some neglect which their high spirits will fasten , and take as injurious to their honour ; so that a plain countrey-man that speaks as he thinks , must have nothing to do with them , unless he will be esteemed guilty of dishonouring them . i confess i have often wondered at it , that this most hainous sin should be made so slight of , and thought so consistent with a holy frame of heart and life when far lesser sins are by our selves proclaimed to be so damnable in our people ! and more have i wondered to see the difference between ungodly sinners , and godly preachers in this respect . when we speak to drunkards , worldlings , or any ignorant unconverted men , we disgrace them as in that condition to the utmost , and lay it on as plainly as we can speak , and tell them of their sin , and shame , and misery : and we expect , not only that they should bear all patiently , but take al thankfully ; and we have good reason for all this : and most that i deal with do take it patiently , and many gross sinners will commend the closest preachers most , and will say that they care not for hearing a man that will not tell them plainly of their sins . but if we speak to a godly minister , against his errours or any sin , ( for too many of them ) if we honour them and reverence them , and speak as smoothly as we are able to speak , yea if we mixt commendations with our contradictions or reproofs , if the applause be not apparently predominant , so as to drown all the force of the reproof or confutation , and if it be not more an applause then a reprehension , they take it as an injury almost insufferable . that is railing against them , that would be no better then flatterie in them to the common people ; though the cause may be as great . brethren , i know this is a sad and harsh confession ! but that all this should be so among us , should be more grievous to us then to be told of it . could this nakedness be hid , i should not have disclosed it , at least so openly in the view of all . but alas it is long ago open in the eyes of the world : we have dishonoured our selves by idolizing our honour ; we print our shame , and preach our shame , and tell it unto all . some will think that i speak over charitably to call such persons godly men , in whom so great a sin doth so much preval . i know where it is indeed predominant , not hated , and bewailed , and mortified in the main , there can be no true godliness ; and i leave every man to a cautelous jealousie and search of his own heart ; but if all be graceless that are guilty of any , or most of the forementioned discoveries of pride , the lord be merciful to the ministers of this land , and give us quickly another spirit ; for grace is then a rarer thing then most of us have supposed it to be . yet i must needs say that it is not all that i intend ; to the praise of grace be it spoken , we have some among us here , ( and i doubt not but it is so in other parts ) that are eminent in humility and lowlyness and condescention , and exemplary herein to their flocks and to their brethren : and it is their glory and shall be their glory ; and maketh them truly honourable and amiable in the eyes of god and all good men ; yea and in the eyes of the ungodly themselves : and o that the rest of us were but such ! but alas this is not the case of all . o that the lord would lay us at his feet , in the tears of unfeigned sorrow for this sin ! brethren , may i take leave a little to expostulate this case with my own heart and you , that we may see the shame of our sin and be reformed ? is not pride the sin of devils ? the first-born of hell ? is it not that wherein satans image doth much consist ? and is it tollerable evil in a man that is so engaged against him and his kingdom as we are ? the very design of the gospel doth tend to self abasing ; and the work of grace is begun and carried on in humiliation . humility is not a meer ornament of a christian , but an essential part of the new creature . it is a contradiction to be a sanctified man , or a true christian , and not humble . all that will be christians must be christs disciples , and come to him to learn ; and their lesson is , to be meek and lowly , mat. . . o how many precepts and admirable examples hath our lord and master given us to this end ? can we once conceive of him as purposely washing and wiping his servants feet , and yet be stout and lordly still ? shall he converse with the meanest , and we avoid them as contemptible people , and think none but persons of riches and honour to be fit for our society ? how many of us are oftner found in the houses of gentlemen , then in the poor cottages of those that have most need of our help ? there are many of us that would think it a baseness , to be daily with the most needy and beggarly people , to instruct them in the matters of life , and supply their wants ? as if we had taken charge only of the souls of the rich ! alas what is it that we have to be proud of ? of our body ? why , are they not made of the like materials as the brutes ? and must they not shortly be as loathsom and abominable as the dung ? is it of our graces ? why the more we are proud of them , the less we have to be proud of . and when so much of the nature of grace is in humility it s a great absurdity to be proud of it . is it of our learning , knowledge , abilities and gifts ? why sure if we have any knowledge at all , we must needs know much reason to be humble ; and if we know more then others , we must know more reason then others do to be humble . how little is it that the most learned know , in comparison of that which yet they are ignorant of ? and to know that things are past your reach , and to know how ignorant you are , one would think should be no great cause of pride ! however , do not the devils know more then you ? and will you be proud of that which the devils do excell you in ? yea to some i may say as salvian , li. . de gubern . p. . quid tibi blandiris o homo quisquis es , credulitate , quae sine timore atque obsequio dei nulla est ? aliquid plus daemones habent . tu emin unam rem habes tantummodo ; illi duat . tu credulitatem habes ; non habes timorem : illi & credulitatem habent pariter & timorem . our very business is to teach the great lesson of self-denyal and humility to our people ; and how unfit is it then that we should be proud our selves ? we must study humility , and preach humility ; and must we not possess and practice it ? a proud preacher of humility , is at least a self-condemning man. what a sad case is it that so vile a sin is no more easily discerned by us ? but many that are most proud , can blame it in others , and take no notice of it in themselves . the world takes notice of some among us , that they have aspiring minds , and seek for the highest room , and must be the rulers , and bear the sway where-ever they come , or else there is no standing before them . no man must contradict them that will not partake of the fruits of their indignation : in any consultations , they come not to search after truth , but to dictate to others that perhaps are fit to teach them . in a word , they have such arrogant domineering spirits , that the world rings of it ; and yet they will not see it in themselves . brethren i desire to deal closely with my own heart and yours . i beseech you consider . whether it will save us to speak well of the grace that we are without ? or to speak against the sin that we live in ? have not many of us cause to enquire once & again , whether sincerity will consist with such a measure of pride ? when we are telling the drunkard that he cannot be saved unless he become temperate , and the fornicator , that he cannot be saved unless he become chaste ( an undoubted truth ) ; have we not as great reason if we are proud , to say of our selves , that we cannot be saved unless we become humble ? certainly , pride is a greater sin then whoredom or drunkenness : and humility is as necessary as chastity and sobriety . truly brethren , a man may as certainly , and more slily and dangerously , make haste to hell in a way of profession and earnest preaching of the gospel , and seeming zeal for a holy life , as in a way of drunkenness and filthyness . for what is true holiness but a devotedness to god and a living to him ? and what is a wicked and damnable state , but a devotedness to our carnal selves , and a living to our selves ? and doth any man live more to himself then the proud ? or less to god ? and may not pride make a preacher study for himself , and pray , and preach , and live to himself , even when he seemeth to out-go others in the work , if he therefore out-go them that he may have the glory of it from men ? it is not the work without the principle and end that will prove us upright . the work may be gods , and yet we do it , not for god but for our selves . i confess i feel such continual danger in this point , that if i do not watch against it , least i should study for my self , and preach for my self , and write for my self , rather then for christ , i should soon miscarry ; and after all , i justifie not my self , when i must condemn the sin . consider i beseech you brethren , what baits there are in the work of the ministery , to entice a man to be selfish , that is , to be carnal and impious , even in the highest works of piety ! the fame of a godly man is as great a snare as the fame of a learned man : and woe to him that takes up with the fame of godliness instead of godliness . verily i say unto you , they have their reward . when the times were all for learning and empty formalities , then the temptation of the proud did lie that way ; but now through the unspeakable mercy of god , the most lively practical preaching is in credit , and godliness it self is in credit : and now the temptation to proud men is here , even to pretend to be zealous preachers and godly men . o what a fine thing doth it seem to have the people crowd to hear us , and to be affected with what we say , and then we can command their judgements and affections ! what a taking thing is it to be cryed up as the ablest and godlyest man in the countrey ! and to be famed through the land for the highest spiritual excellencies . alas brethren a little grace will serve turn to make you to joyn your selves with the forwardest of those men , that have these inducements or encouragements . to have the people plead for you as their felicity , and call you the pillars of the church of god , and their fathers , the chariots and horse-men of israel , and no lower language then excellent men , and able divines and to have them depend upon you and be ruled by you ; though this may be no more then their duty , yet i must again tell you , that a little grace may serve to make you seem zealous men for this . nay pride may do it without any special grace . o therefore be jealous of your selves , and in all your studies , be sure to study humility . he that exalieth himself shall be brought low , and he that humbleth himself shall be exalted . i observe commonly that almost all men good and bad do loath the proud , and love the humble : so far doth pride contradict it self , unless it be where it purposely hideth it self , and as conscious of its own deformity doth borrow the homely dress of humility . and we have cause to be the more jealous , because it is the most radicated vice , and as hardly as any extirpated from the soul . nam saepe sibi de se mens ipsa mentitur , & fingit se de bono opere amare quod non amat ; de mundi autem gloria , non amare quod amat ; inquit gregor . m. de cura pastor . p. . c. . when it was a disgrace to a man to be a godly zealous preacher , then pride had not such a baite as now : as the same gregor . saith , ibid. p. . c. . eo tempore quo quisquis plebibus praeerat , primus ad martyris tormenta ducebatur ; tunc laudabile fuit episcopatum quaerere , quando per hunc quemque dubium non erat ad supplicia major a pervenire . but it is not so now , as he saith in another place , cap. . initio , sed quia authore deo ad religionis reverentiam omne jam praesentis seculi culmen inclinatur , sunt nonnulli qui intra sanctam ecclesiam per speciem regiminis gloriam affectant honoris ; videri doctores appetunt , transcendere caeteros concupiscunt , atque attestante veritate , primas salutationes in foro , primos recubitus in coenis , primas cathedras in conventibus quaerunt , qui susceptum curae pastoralis officium ministrare digne tanto magis nequeunt , quanto ad hujus humilitatis magisterium ex sola elatione pervenernat ; ipsa quippe in magisterio lingua confunditur , quando aliud discitur , & aliud docetur . hactenus gregorius , & ipse nimis magnus . but i have stood longer upon this sin then is proportionable to the rest of my work ; i shall be the shorter in the confession of some of the rest . sect . iii. . another sin the ministers of england , and much more of many other churches , are sadly guilty of , is , an undervaluing the unity and peace of the whole church . though i scarce ever met with any that will not speak for unity and peace , or at least , that will expresly speak against it : yet is it not common to meet with those that are addicted to promote it ; but too commonly do we find men averse to it , and jealous of it , if not themselves the instruments of division . the papists have so long abused the name of the catholike church , that in opposition to them many do either put it out of their creeds , or only fill up a room with the name , while they understand not or consider not the nature of the thing ; or think it enough to believe that there is such a body , though they behave not themselves as sensible members of it . if the papists will idolize the church , shall we therefore deny it , disregard it , or divide it ? it is a great and common sin through the christian world , to take up religion in a way of faction ; and instead of a love and tender care of the universal church , to confine that love and respect to a party . not but that we must prefer in our estimation and communion the purer parts before the impure , and refuse to participate with any in their sins ; but the most infirm and diseased part should be compassionated and assisted to our utmost power ; and communion must be held as far as is lawful , and nowhere avoided but upon the urgency of necessity : as we must love those of our neighbourhood that have the plague or leprosie , and afford them all the relief we can , and acknowledge all our just relations to them , and communicate to them , though we may not have local communion with them : and in other diseases which are not so infectious , we may be the more with them for their help , by how much the more they need it . of the multitude that say they are of the catholike church , it is too rare to meet with men of a catholike spirit : men have not an universal consideration of and respect to the whole church ; but look upon their own party as if it were the whole . if there be some called lutherans , some calvinists , some ( among these ) of subordinate divisions , and so of other parties among us , most of them will pray hard for the prosperity of their party , and rejoyce and give thanks accordingly , when it goes well with them : but if any other party suffer , they little regard it , as if it were no loss at all to the church if it be the smallest parcel that possesseth not many nations , no nor cities on earth , they are ready to carry it as if they were the whole church , and as if it went well with the church when it gots well with them . we cry down the pope as antichrist for including the church in the romish pale , and no doubt but it is an abominable schism : but alas how many do imitate them too far , while we reprove them ! and as they foist the word roman into their creed , and turn the catholike church into the roman catholike church : as if there were no other catholikes , and the church were of no larger extent ; so is it with many others as to their several parties . some will have it to be the lutheran catholike church , and some the reformed catholike church ( as if it were all reformed ) some the anabaptist catholike church , and so of some others . and if they differ not among themselves , they are little troubled at differing from others , though it be from almost all the christian world . the peace of their party , they take for the peace of the church : no wonder therefore if they carry it no further . how rare is it to meet with a man that smarteth or bleedeth with the churches wounds , or sensibly taketh them to heart as his own ? or that ever had solicitous thoughts of a cure ? no but almost every party thinks that the happiness of the rest consisteth only in turning to them ; and because they be not of their mind , they cry , down with them , and are glad to hear of their fall , as thinking that is the way to the churches rising ; that is , their own . how few be there that understand the true state of controversies between the several parties ? or that ever well discerned how many of them are but verbal , and how many are real ? and if those that understand it do in order to right information and accommodation , disclose it to others , it s taken as an extenuation of their error , and a carnal complyance with them in their sin . few men grow zealous of peace , till they grow old , or have much experience of mens spirits and principles , and see better the true state of the church , and the several differences , then they did before . and then they begin to write their irenicon's ; and many such are extant at this day . pareus , iunius , and many more have done their parts ; as our davenant , morton , hall , ( whose excellent treatise called the peace-maker , and his pax terris , deserve to be transcribed upon all our hearts ) hattonus , amyraldus also have done : but recipiuntur ad modum recipientis ; as a young man in his heat of lust and passion was judged to be no fit auditor of moral philosophy ; so we find that those same young men who may be zealous for peace and unity , when they are grown more experienced , are zealous for their factions against these in their youthful heat . and therefore such as these before mentioned , and duraeus who hath made it the business of his life , do seldom do much greater good then to quiet their own consciences in the discharge of so great a duty , and to moderate some few and save them from further guilt , and to leave behind them when they are dead , a witness against a wilful , self-conceited and unpeaceable world . nay commonly it bringeth a man under suspition either of favouring some heresie , or abating his zeal , if he do but attempt a pacificatory work . as if there were no zeal necessary for the great fundamental verities for the churches unity and peace , but only for parties and some particular truths . and a great advantage the devil hath got this way , by imploying his own agents , the unhappy socinians in writing so many treatises for catholike and arch-catholike unity and peace , which they did for their own ends , and would have done it on insufficient terms : by which means the enemy of peace hath brought it to pass that whoever maketh motion for peace , is presently under suspition of being one that hath need of it for an indulgence to his own errors . a fearful case ! that heresie should be so credited , as if none were such friends to unity and peace as they ! and that so great and necessary a duty , upon which the churches wellfare doth so depend , should be brought into such suspition or disgrace . brethren , i speak not all this without apparent reason . we have as sad divisions among us in england , considering the piety of the persons , and the smallness of the matter of our discord , as most nations under heaven have known . the most that keeps us at odds is but about the right form and order of church-government . is the distance so great that presbyterian , episcopal and independent might not be well agreed ? were they but heartily willing and forward for peace , they might , i know they might . i have spoken with some moderate men of all the parties , and i perceive by their concessions it were an easie work . were mens hearts but sensible of the churches case , and unfeignedly touched with love to one another , and did they but heartily set themselves to seek it , the settling of a safe and happy peace were an easie work . if we could not in every point agree , we might easily find out , and narrow out differences , and hold communion upon our agreement in the main ; determining of the safest way for the managing of our few and small disagreements , without the danger or trouble of the church . but is this much done ? it is not done . to the shame of all our faces be it spoken , it is not done . let each party flatter themselves now as they please , it will be recorded to the shame of the ministery of england , while the gospel shall abide in the christian world . what will be recorded ? what ? why this ; that learned and godly ministers in england , did first disagree among themselves , and head and lead on their people in those disagreements ! that they proceeded in them for the space of . years ( already ; how much more will be , god knows ) and in all that time had as great advantages and opportunities for agreement , as any people in the world . they had the sad experience of the conflagration of the common-wealth , and were scourged to it by a calamitous war. they saw the fearful confusions in the church ; and the perverting of multitudes of seduced souls , some to be seekers , some socinians , some ranters , quakers or infidels ; they saw the continual exasperation of minds , and the jealousies and bitterness that their distance bred , and how it was the ●uel of a daily course of sin . and yet for all these , they were not moved to effectual endeavours for a cure . they could let a course of sin run on : they could let divisions and heresies increase , they see the church of christ so low , and yet forbear the cheapest cure , that ever a people could be called to use . they could see , and hear , and know that we were all made a very derision to our enemies , and the publike scorn or pitty of the world ; and yet set still , as if all this were little to them . they had magistrates that did not hinder them from the work : but gave them full liberty to have consulted and endeavoured a full agreement . they lived neer together , and might have easily met together for the work : and if one or two or an hundred meetings could not have accomplisht it , they might have held on till it was done . and yet for all this there is no such thing done , not any considerable attempt yet made . and o what hainous aggravations do accompany this sin ? never men since the apostles daies i think , did make greater profession of godliness : the most of them are bound by solemn oathes and covenants , for unity and reformation : they all confess the worth of peace : and most of them will preach for it , and talk for it , while they set still and neglect it , as if it were not worth the looking after : they will read and preach on those texts that command men to follow peace with all men , and as much as in us lyeth if it be possible , to live peaceably with them : and yet we are so far from following it , and doing all that possibly we can for it , that too many will snarl at it , and malign and censure any that endeavour it , as if all zeal for peace did proceed from an abatement of our zeal for holiness ; and as if holiness and peace were so fallen out that there were no reconciling them ; when yet they have found by long experience , that concord is a sure friend to piety , and piety alwaies moves to concord . we have seen how errors and heresies breed by discord as discord is bred and fed by them . we have seen to our sorrow , that where the servants of god should live together as one , of one heart and one soul , and one lip , and should promote each others faith and holiness , and admonish and assist each other against sin , and rejoyce together in the hope of their future glory , we have contrarily lived in mutual jealousies , and drowned holy love in bitter contendings , and have studyed to disgrace and undermine one another , and to increase our own parties by right or wrong ; and we , that were wont to glory of our love to the brethren as the certain mark of our sincerity in the faith , have now turned it into a love of a party only ; and those that are against that party have more of our spleen , and envy , and malice then our love . i know this is not so with all ( nor prevalently with any true believer ) but yet it is so common that it may cause us to question the sincerity of many that are thought by themselves and others to be most sincere . and it is not our selves only that are scorched in this flame , but we have drawn our people into it , and cherished them in it , so that most of the godly in the nation are fallen into several parties , and have turned much of their antient piety into vain opinions , and vain disputes , and envyings , and animosities ; yea whereas it was wont to be made the certain mark of a graceless wretch to deride the godly , how few be there now that stick at secret deriding and slandering those that are not of their opinion ? a pious prelatical man can reverently scorn and slander a presbyterian ; and some of them an independent , and an independent both . and , which is the worst of all : the common ignorant people take notice of all this , and do not only deride us , but are hardened by us against religion ; and when we go about to perswade them to be religious , they see so many parties , that they know not which to joyn with , and think that it is as good be of none at all as of any , when they are uncertain which is the right ; and thus thousands are grown into a contempt of all religions by our divisions ; and poor carnal wretches begin to think themselves in the better case of the two , because they hold to their old formalities , when we hold to nothing yea , and these pious contenders do more effectually plead the devils cause against one another , then any of the ignorant people can do ; they can prove one another deceivers and blasphemers , and what not ? and this by secret slanders among all that they can handsomly vent them to ; and perhaps also by publike disputations and printed slanderous books . so that when the obstinate drunkards are at a loss , and have nothing to say of their own against a man that would drive them from their sin they are prompted by the raling books or reports of factious zealous malice ; then they can say , i regard him not nor his doctrine ; such a man hath proved him a deceiver and a blasphemer ; let him answer him if he can . and thus the lyes and slanders of some ( for that is no news ) and the bitter opprobriou , speeches of others , have more effectually done the devils service , under the name of orthodoxness and zeal for truth , then the malignant scorners of godliness could have done it . so that the matter is come to that pass , that there are few men of note of any party , but the reproaches of the other parties are so publikly upon them , that the ignorant and wicked rabble that should be converted by them , have learnt to be orthodox and to vilifie and scorn them . mistake me not ! i do not slight orthodoxness nor jeer at the name ; but disclose the pretences of devilish zeal , in pious or seemingly pious men . if you are offended with me for my harsh language , because i can tell you that i learnt it of god i dare be bold therefore to tell you further , that you have far more cause to be offended at your satanical practices . the thing it self is sure odious , if the name be so odious as to turn your stomacks how should the presence and guilt of it terrifie you , if the name make you start ? i know that many of these reverend calumniators do think that they shew that soundness in the fairh , and love to truth which others want . but i will resolve the case in the words of the holy-ghost , iam. . who is a wise man , and endued with knowledge among you ? let him shew out of a good conversation his works with meekness of wisdom ; but , if you have bitter envying ( or zealousness ) and strife in your hearts , glory not , and lye not against the truth ; this wisdom descendeth not from above , but is earthly , sensual , devilish . for where envying ( or zeal ) and strife is , there is confusion , and every evil work : but the wisdom that is from above , is first pure , then peaceable , gentle , easie to be entreated , full of mercy and good fruits , without partiality , without hypocrisie : and the fruit of righteousness is sown in peace of them that make peace . i pray you read these words again and again , and study them . o doleful case to think of ; that a while ago we were afraid of nothing , but least papists and deboist persons should have swallowed up the gospel and our liberty , and destroyed us together ; and now when the work hath been put into the hands of those men , that were joyned in these fears , and are joyned in the strictest profession of piety , and are of one judgement in all the articles of the faith ; they cannot or will not unanimously joyn in carrying on the work ; but they either fall upon one another , or live at a distance , and cast their work upon a hundred disadvantages by the bitter disagreements that are among themselves . o what a nation might england have been ere now , if it had not been for the proud and obstinate contentions of godly ministers ? what abundance of good might we have done ! nay , what might we not have done , if our perversness had not marr'd our work ? did we but agree among our selves , our words would have some authority with the people ; but when they see us some of one mind , and some of another , and snarling and reviling at each other , they think they may well enough do so too : why may not we call them sectaries or deceivers , say they , when they call one another so ? nay , if we were not all of a mind in some smaller matters , yet if we did but hold communion and correspondency , and joyn together in the main , and do as much of gods work as we can in concurrent unanimity , the people would far more regard us , and we might be in a greater capacity to do them good : but when we are single , they sleight us ; and when we disagree and divide , they despise us : and who can marvel at it , when we despise one another ? what , say they , ( when a minister doth his duty alone ) must we he ruled by every singular man ? are you wiser then all the ministers in the countrey ? are not such and such as learned as you ? but when we go hand in hand , it stops their mouths . they think either themselves may be wiser then one or two ministers , or at least , other ministers may be wiser then they ; but common modesty will not suffer them to think that they are wiser then all the ministers in the country , or in the world . i know that matters of faith are not to be received upon our credit alone : but yet our credit may do much to remove prejudice , and to unblock the entrance into mens minds , and procure the truth a more equal hearing , and therefore is necessary to our peoples good . nay , more then all this ; i know it ; i see and hear it ; that there are some ministers that are g●●d when they perceive the people despise their brethren that differ from them in some lesser things 〈…〉 would have it so , and they foment it as 〈…〉 can for shame ; and they secretly rejoyce 〈◊〉 they hear the news of it . this is next to prelat●●●●●lencing them , and casting them out of the church ▪ and i confess i cannot but suspect that such men would go neer to silence them , if they had their will and way . for he that would have a minister under disgrace , would have him useless ; which is next to silencing him , and tendeth to the same end . you will say , we do not desire that he should be disabled to do good , but to do hurt . i answer ; but the question is , whether his error be so great , that the holding or propagating it doth more hurt , then all his preaching , and the labours of that whole party which you would disgrace , is like to do good ? if so , then i think it is a desirable work to disgrace him , and silence him in a just measure , and by just means , and i would concurr therein ; but if it be otherwise , we are bound to keep up that reputation of others , which is necessary ordinarily to the success of their labours . i may not here without wrong to my conscience , pass over the late practises of some of our brethren of the new prelatical way ; ( for those of the antient prelacy are more moderate . ) i know it will be displeasing to them : and i have no mind to displease them : but yet i will more avoid the treacherous or unfaithful silence which may wrong them , then the words of faithful friendship , which may displease them . and i will say no more to them , then ( if i know my self ) i should say if i were resolved for prelacy . it is the judgement of these men that i now speak of , that a prelate is essential to a church , and there is no church without them ; and that their ordination is of necessity to the essence of a presbyter : and that those that are ordained without them ( though some will except a case of necessity ) are not ministers of christ . hereupon they conclude that our congregations in england are no true churches ( except where the presbyter dependeth on some prelate ) and the ministers ordained by presbyters only are no true ministers ; and they will not allow men to hear them or communicate with them , but withdraw from our congregations like separatists or recusants . and the same note many of them brand upon all the reformed churches abroad , that have no prelates , as they do on us : so that the church of rome is admirably gratified by it ; and instead of demanding where our church vvas before luther , they begin to demand of us , where it is now ? and indeed had it been no more visible in the ages before luther then a reformed prelatical church is now , they would have a fairer pretence then ●ow they have , to call upon us for the proof of its visibility . suppose that the presbyters who rejected prelacy were guilty of all that schism and other sin , as they are ordinarily accused of . ( for i will now go on such suppositions . ) must the people therefore turn their back on the assemblies and ordinances of god ? is it better for them to have no preaching , and no sacraments , and no publike communion in gods worship , then to have it in an assembly that hath not a prelate over it ; or from a minister ordained without his consent ? i confess i would not for all the world stand guilty before god of the injury that this doctrine hath already done to mens souls , much less of what it evidently tendeth to . there are through the great mercy of god , abundance of painful and able young ministers , that were in the universities in the time of the wars , and had no hand in it , and were ordained since bishops became to them either invisible , or inaccestible ; and its like they judge not their ordination to be of necessity . they lay out themselves faithfully for the healing of that ignorance and common prophaneness which got so much head under their careless or drunken predecessors . they desire nothing more then the saving of souls ; they preach sound doctrine : they live in peace . and it is the greatest of their grief that many of their hearers remain so ignorant and obstinate still . and see what a help these poor impenitent sinners have for their cure ? they are taught to turn their backs upon their teachers ; and whereas before they heard them but with disregard , they are now taught not to hear them at all . and if we privately speak to them , they can tell us that its the judgement of such and such learned men , that we are not to be heard , nor our churches to be communicated with , nor we to be at all regarded as christs ministers . and thus drunkards , and swearers , and worldlings , and all sorts of sensualists are got out of gun-shot , and beyond the reach of our teaching or reproof : and those that do not ( for shame of the world ) obey their doctrine to stay from the assembly , yet do they there hear us with prejudice and contempt , and from the communion of the church in the lords supper they commonly abstain . were it only the case of those few civil persons , that conscientiously go this way , and address themselves to these kind of men for government and sacraments , i would never have mentioned the thing ; for it is not them that i intend . for what care i what minister they hear or obey , so it be one that leadeth them in the waies of truth and holiness ? let them follow christ and forsake their sins , and go to heaven , and i will never much contend with them for the forsaking of my conduct . but it is the common sort of prophane and sensual men , that are everywhere hardened against the ministery , and they have nothing but the reputation of the prelatical divines to countenance it with . if their teachers do but differ in a gesture from these men , they vilifie them , and reject their guidance , having nothing but the authority of such men to support them . fain would we reach their consciences to awaken them from their security ; for it pittyeth us to see them so neer unto perdition . but we can do no good upon them ; for our ministery is in contempt because of the contrary judgement of these men . not that the poor people care any more for a prelate , as such , then for an ordinary minister : for if prelates would have troubled them as much with their preaching , and reproofs , and discipline , they would have hated them as much as they do the ministers : but because they found by experience , that under their government they might sin quietly , and make a scorn of godliness without any danger or trouble , and that to this day , the men of that way are so much against those precise ministers , that will not let them go quietly to hell , therefore are they all for prelacy , and make this the great shelter for their disobedience and unreformed lives . so that i confess i think that the hurt that separatists and anabaptists do in england at this day , is little to the hurt that is done by these men . for i count that the greatest hurt , which hardeneth the greatest number in the state and way of greatest danger . an anabaptist may yet be a penitent and godly person , and be saved ; but the sensual and impenitent worldlings can never be saved in that condition . i see by experience , that if separation infect two or three , or half a score in a parish ; or if anabaptistry infect as many ( and perhaps neither of them mortally ) this obstinate contempt of ministerial exhortation , encouraged by the countenance of the contrary minded , doth infect them by the scores or hundreds . if we come to them in a case where they have no countenance from the ministery , how mute , or tractable comparatively do we find them ! but if it be a case where they can but say , that the prelatical divines are of another judgement , how unmoveable are they , though they have nothing else to say ? try when we come to set afoot this work that we are now upon , of catechizing and private instruction , whether this will not be one of our greatest impediments ; though in a work of unquestioned lawfulness and necessity : even because they are taught that we are none of their pastors , and have no authority over them . i know that some of these men are learned and reverend , and intend not such mischievous ends as these . the hardening of men in ignorance is not their design . but this is the thing effected . to intend well in doing ill , is no rarity . who can in reverence to any men on earth , sit still and hold his tongue , while he seeth people thus run to their own destruction , and the souls of men be undone by the contendings of divines for their several parties and interests ? the lord that knows my heart , knows that ( if i know it my self ) as i am not of any one of these parties , so i speak not a word of this in a sactious partiality , for one party , or against another , as such ; much less in spleen against any person ; but if i durst in conscience , i would have silenced all this , for fear of giving them offence whom i much honour : but what am i but a servant of christ ? and what is my life worth , but to do him service ? and whose favour can recompence for the ruines of the church ? and who can be silent while souls are undone ? not i for my part , while god is my master , and his word my rule ; his work my business : and the success of it , for the saving of men , my end . who can be reconciled to that which so lamentably crosseth his masters interest , and his main end ? nor yet would i have spoken any of this , if it had been only in respect to my own charge ; yet i bless god , the sore is but small , in comparison of what it is in many other places . but the observation of some neighbour congregations and others more remote , me thinks , should make the very contrary minded divines relent , if they were present with them . would it be a pleasant hearing to them , to hear a croud of scandalous men to reproach their ministers that would draw them to repentance , and to tell them they have no authority over them , and all this under the pretence and shelter of their judgements ? had they rather men went to hell , then be taught the way to heaven by presbyters that had not their imposition of hands ? is that point of order more necessary then the substance of the work , or the end it self ? nay , i must needs in faithfulness say yet more ; that it is no credit to the cause of these reverend men , nor ever was , that the generality of the most wicked men , and haters and contemners of all devotion , are the great friends and maintainers of it . and the befriending of such a party did more to gain their love , then to save their souls . and the engageing such a party for them , hath not been the least cause of their fall . this is true , however it be taken . and what a case would the churches of england be in , if we should yield to the motions of these reverend men ! supposing that mens judgements are not at their own wills , and therefore many cannot see the reasons for prelacy ; must we all give up our charges as no true ministers , and desert the congregations as no true churches ? why , whom will they then set over them in our stead ? first , it is known that they cannot , if they had fit men , procure them what liberty their way requires , because of the discountenance of authority ; and it is known that they have not fit men for one congregation of very many . and had they rather that the doors were shut up , and god had no publike worship , nor the people any publike teaching or sacraments , then any but they should have a hand in the performance of it ? or if the ministers keep their places , can they wish all the congregations to stay at home , and live like heathens ? nay , are they not angry with us for casting out a grosly ignorant , insufficient , scandalous sort of ministers , who were the great means of the perdition of the people , whose souls they had taken charge of ? as for the casting out of any able godly men upon meer differences about the late troubles and state affairs ; i speak not of it , i approve not of it ; if any such thing were done , let them maintain it if they can that did it ; for i neither can nor will. but it s a very sad case , that any men of judgement & piety should not only be indifferent in matters of such moment , but should think it a persecution and an injury to their party and cause , to have hundreds of unworthy wretches to be ejected , when it was a work of so great necessity to the church . and indeed by all this they plainly shew what a condition they would reduce this nation into again , if it were in their power . sure they that would have the people disown and withdraw from them as being no ministers , and turn their backs on the word and sacraments , would silence them if they could : i think there is no doubt of that . and surely they that are so offended that the insufficient and scandalous ones are cast out , would have them in again if they could . and if this be the change that they desire , let them not blame men that believe the scripture , and value mens salvation , if they have no mind of their change . if it were a matter of meer opinion , we should be more indifferent with them : or if the question were only whether men should be conducted in waies of holiness by a prelate , or by meer presbyters only , we should think it of less moment , then the matter that is before us : but when it comes to this pass , that the prince of darkness must be so gratified . and so much of the church of christ delivered overmuch into his power , and the people led by multitudes to perdition , and all for the upholding of our own parties , or interests , or conceits ; we cannot make light of such matters as these : these are not meer speculations , but matters that are so obvious to sense and christian experience , that they must not think much that serious experienced christians are against them . but that i be not mistaken , it is far from my thoughts to speak what i have done of any peaceable man of the prelatical way , or to meddle in the controversie of the best way of government ; nor do i speak to any of the new prelatical way , but only those who are guilty of the miscarriages which i have spoken of ; and for them , i had rather bear their indignation , then the church should bear the fruits of their destructive intemperate conceits . the most common cause of our divisions and unpeaceableness , is , mens high estimation of their own opinions . and it ordinarily worketh these two waies ; sometimes by setting men upon novelties ; and sometimes by a censorious condemning of all that differ from the party that they are of . some are as busie in their enquiries after new doctrines , as if the scripture were not perfect , or christ had not told us all that is necessary ; or the way to heaven were not in all ages one and the same , from christ to the end of the world ; or the church were not still the same thing . and they look not only after new discoveries in lesser things , but they are making us new articles of faith , & framing out new waies to heaven . the body of popery came in at this door ; their new fundamentals were received on these terms ; their new catholike church , which their fore-fathers knew not , was thus set up . before , it consisted of all christians through the world ; and now it must consist of none but the popes subjects . so is it with the anabaptists ; they must now in the end of the world have a new church for christ , even in the natural capacity of the matter i never since the creation can it be proved that god had any where a church on earth where infants were excluded from being members ( if there were any among them . ) they were members before the law , under the promise , under the law , and under the gospel , through the christian world to this day ● and yet they would needs make christ a church now without them . as if christ had mist it in the forming of his church till now ! or as if he begun to be aweary of infants in his church now at last ! or as if the providence of god did now begin to be awakened to have a right formed church in the conclusion of the world , and to eject those infants as incapable , who till now have been in the bosom of his family . yea this disturbing vice doth also work by setting a higher rate of necessity upon some truths , then the church of christ had ever done ; when we will needs make that to be of absolute certainly , which hath been either not before received , or but as a dark & doubtful thing ; and we will make that to be of necessity to salvation , which the former ages did hold but as a point of a far lower nature , which some were for , and some against , without any great disagreement or mutual censure . i confess i do hold some points of doctrine my self to be true , which i cannot find that the church or any in it did hold of many ages after the apostles ; but then i cannot lay such a stress on them , as to think them of flat necessity to the welfare of the church , and the saving of souls ; as the doctrine of the certain perseverance of all the justified , and some few more : if i may think that austin , prosper , and all the church in those ages did err therein ( as i think they did ) : yet to think that they erred fundamentally , were to think that christ had no church : i will not take the judgement or practice of the church in any age since the apostles as my rule of faith and life : but i will suppose that they had all things in the most defiled age , that were of absolute necessity to salvation . i know that we must be justified in the same way as they were , and upon the same terms . faith is the same thing now as it was then ; and hath the same object to apprehend for our justification , and the same office in order to our justification . many new notions are brought in by disputers , which must not be made matters of necessity to the soundness or integrity of the churches faith . we may talk of peace as long as we live ; but we shall never obtain it but by returning to the apostolical simplicity . the papists faith is too big for all men to agree upon : or all their own , if they enforced it not with arguments drawn from the fire , the halter , and the strappado . and many anti-papists do too much imitate them in the tedious length of their subscribed confessions , and novelty of impositions , when they go furthest from them in the quality of the things imposed . i shall speak my mind to these in the words of vincentim lirinensis , cap. . 〈◊〉 satis nequeo tantam quorundam hominum vaesaniam , tantam excoecatae mentis impietatem ; tantam postremo errandi libidinem , ut contenti non sint traditâ semel & acceptâ antiquitus credendi reguld , sed nova ac nova in diem quaerant , semperque aliquid gestiant religioni addere , mutare , detrabere : quasi non coeleste dogma sit quod semel revelatum esse sufficiat , sed terrena institutio , quae aliter perfici nisi assidua emendations , immo potius reprehensione non possit . when we once return to the antient simplicity of faith , then , and not till then , we shall return to the antient love and peace . but the pride of mens hearts doth make them so overvalve their own conceptions , that they expect all men else should be of their mind , and bow down to those reasons which others can see through , while they are as confident as if there were no room for doubting . every sect is usually confident in their own way , and as they value themselves , so they do their reasons . and hereupon arise such breaches in affections and communion as there are , while most men cry down the divisions of others , but maintain the like . some will have no communion with our churches , because we have some members that they take to be ungodly , and do not pull up the tares in doubtful unproved cases , where we cannot do it without pulling up the wheat . others are so confident that infants should be unbaptized , and out of the church , that they will be of no church that hath infant members , till these scandalous infants be ( i say not excommunicated , for that supposeth a former right , but ) taken as such that have no part or fellowship in the business , they will not joyn with such a society ; christ telleth us , that except we become as little children , we shall not enter into his kingdom ; and they say , except little children be kept out of the church , they will not enter or abide in it . is not this extream height of spirit , to be so confident , as to avoid communion upon it , in a case where the church hath been in all ages ( or almost all by their own confession ) so much against them ? would they not have separated from the whole church on the same ground , if they had lived in these times ? others ( as is before said ) are so confident that we are no ministers or churches for want of prelatical ordination and government , that they separate also , or deny communion with us . and thus every party in the height of their self-conceitedness is ready to divide , & condemn all others that be not of their mind . and it usually falls out that this confidence doth but bewray mens ignorance , and that too many make up that in passion and wilfulness , which they want in reason . how many have i heard zealously condemning what they little understand ? it s a far easier matter to say that another man is erroneous , or heretical , or rail at him as a deceiver or blasphemer , then to give a sound account of our belief . and as i remember twenty years ago , i have observed it the common trick of a company of ignorant formal preachers , to get the repute of that learning which they wanted , by railing at the puritans , as being all unlearned : so is it now the trick of some that can scarce give a sound reason for any controverted part of their belief , ( nor it may be of the fundamentals ) to use this as the chief remedy , to get the name of sound divines , by reproaching some that differ ! from them , as unsound ; and to be esteemed orthodox , by calling others erroneous or heterodox . the truth is , most ministers in the world do take up their opinions in complyance with their several parties ; and they look more who believeth it , then what is believed , and on what ground , or they have nothing but what is spoken by the men that they must concurr with : and thus too many take up their religion in a faction ; even the truth it self . and therefore they must speak against those that they hear that party speak against . as proster said of the detractors of austin , praef , ad capit . gall. injustis opprobriis catholici praedicatoris memoria carpitur : in quod peccatum c●dunt , qui aliena instigatione commoti , scriptorem celeberrimi nominis promptius habent culpare● ▪ quam nesse . and as salvian saith in his preface ad salonium : ad cathol . eccles . tam imbecilla sunt judicia huius temporis , ac pene tam nulla , ut qui legunt , non tam considerant quid legant , quam cujus legant ; nec tam dictionis vim atque virtutem quam dictatoris cogitant dignitatem . how many a hot dispute have i heard of several subjects , which the disputants have been forced to manifest that they understood not ? and yet they will drive all to damnatory conclusions , when the parties understand not one anothers meaning , and take not the subject of the dispute in the same sense , or at least not the several predications . one disputeth for free-will , another against it ; and call them to give you their definition of free-will , and you shall see to what purpose it was . and so in many other cases . and thus do we proceed in a contentious zeal to divide the church , and censure our brethren , and make our differences seem greater then they are , while we know not well what they are our selves , who so eagerly manage them . sect . iv. . the next sin which i shall mention , that we are lamentably guilty of , is this ; we do not so seriously , unreservedly and industriously , lay out our selves in the work of the lord , as beseemeth men of our profession and engagements . i bless the lord that there are so many that do his work with all their might ! but alas , for the most part , even of those that we take for godly ministers , how reservedly and how negligently do we go through our work ? how few of us do so behave our selves in our office , as men that are wholly devoted thereto , and have devoted all that they have to the same ends ? and because you shall see my grounds for this confession , i shall mention to you some of the sinful discoveries of it , which do too much abound . . it is too common with us to be negligent in our studies ; and few men will be at that pains that is necessary , for the right informing of their understandings , and fitting them for their further work . some men have no delight in their studies , but take only now and then an hour , as an unwelcome task which they are forced to undergo , and are glad when they are from under the yoak . will neither the natural desire of knowing , nor the spiritual desire of knowing god and things divine , nor the consciousness of our great ignorance and weakness , nor the sense of the weight of our ministerial work , will none of all these keep us closer to our studies , and make us more painful in seeking after the truth ? this diligence is now the more necessary for ministers , because the necessitie of the church doth draw so many from the universities so young , so that they are fain to teach and learn together : and for my part , i would not discourage such young ones , so be it they be but competently qualified , and quickned with earnest desires of mens salvation , and are drawn out by the present necessities , sooner then they would go , if the church could longer wait for their preparation ; and will but study hard in the country . for i know that as theologie is a practical science , so the knowledge of it shineth best in a practical course : and laying out here is a means of gathering in ; and a hearty endeavour to communicate and do good , is not the smallest help to our own proficiency . many men have not been ashamed to confess how young and raw they were at their entrance , who yet have grown to eminent parts . vigilius the martyr was made bishop of trent at twenty years old . ambrose de offic. li. c. . saith thus , homines discunt priusquam decent , & ab illo accipiunt quod aliis tradant : quod ne ipsum quidem mihi accidit : ego enim de tribunalibus atque administratienis infulis ad sacer dotium captus , docere vos coepi quod ipse non didici . itaque factum est ut prius docere inciperem quam discere . discendum igitur mihi simul & docendum est , quoniam non vacavit ante discere . et quantumlibet quisque profecerit , nemo est qui doceri non egeat dum vivit . o what abundance of things are there that a minister should understand ? and what a great defect is it to be ignorant of them ? and how much shall we miss such knowledge in our work ! many ministers study only to compose their sermons , and very little more , when there are so many books to be read , and so many matters that we should not be unacquainted with . nay in the study of our sermons we are too negligent , gathering only a few naked heads , and not considering of the most forcible expressions by which we should set them home to mens hearts . we must study how to convince and get within men , and how to bring each truth to the quick , and not leave all this to our extemporarie promptitude , unless it be in cases of necessity . certainly brethren , experience will teach you , that men are not made learned or wise without hard study , and unwearied labours and experience . sect . v. . if ministers were set upon the work of the lord , it would be done more vigorously then by the most of us it is . how few ministers do preach with all their might ? or speak about everlasting joy or torment in such a manner as may make men believe that they are in good sadness . it would make a mans heart ake to see a company of dead and drowsy sinners sit under a minister , and not have a word that is like to quicken or awake them . to think with our selves , o if these sinners were but convinced and awakened , they might yet be converted and live . and alas we speak so drowsily or gently , that sleepy sinners cannot hear : the blow falls so light , that hard-hearted persons cannot feel it . most minister will not so much as put out their voice , and stir up themselves to an earnest utterance : but if they do speak loud and earnestly , how few do answer it with earnestness of matter ! and the voice doth little good ; the people will take it but as meer bauling , when the matter doth not correspond . it would grieve one to hear what excellent doctrines some ministers have in hand , and let it die in their hands for want of close and lively application . what fit matter they have for convincing sinners : and how little they make of it ; and what a deal of good it might do if it were set home ; and yet they cannot or will not do it . o sirs , how plain , how close and earnestly should we deliver a message of such a nature as ours is ? when the everlasting life or death of men is concerned in it : me thinks we are nowhere so wanting as in this seriousness ? there is nothing more unsuitable to such a business , then to be slight and dull . what! speak coldly for god! and for mens salvation ! can we believe that our people must be converted , or condemned and yet can we speak in a drowsie tone ! in the name of god , brethren , labour to awaken your hearts , before you come , and when you are in the work , that you may be fit to waken the hearts of sinners . remember that they must be wakened or damned ; and a sleepy preacher will hardly wake them . if you give the holy things of god the highest praises in words , and yet do it coldly , you will seem in the manner to unsay what you said in the matter . it is a kind of contempt of great things , especially so great to speak of them without great affection and fervency : the manner as well as the words must set them forth . if we are commanded what ever our hand findeth to do , to do it with all our might ; then certainly such a work as preaching for mens salvation should be done with all our might : but alas how few , how thin are such men ! here one and there one , even among good ministers , that have an earnest perswading working way , or that the people can feel him preach when they hear him . sect . vi. . if we are all heartily devoted to the work of god , why do we not compassionate the poor unprovided congregations about us , and take care to help them to able ministers ? and in the mean time , step out now and then to their assistance , when the business of our own particular charge will give us any leave . a lecture in the more ignorant places purposely for the work of conversion , performed by the most lively working-preachers , might be a great help where constant means is wanting . sect . vii . . the negligent execution of acknowledged duties , doth shew that we be not so wholly devoted to the work as we should be . if there be any work of reformation to be set a foot , how many are there that will go no further then they are drawn ? and it were well if all would do but that much . if any business for the church be on foot , how many neglect it for their own private business ? when we should meet and consult together for the unanimous and successful performance of our work , one hath this business of his own , and another that business , which must be preferred before gods business . and when a work is like to prove difficult and costly , how backward are we to it , and make excuses and will not come on ? for instance ; what hath been for more talked of , and prayed for , and contended about in england for many years past , then the business of discipline ? and there are but few men ( the erastians ) but they seem zealous in disputing for one side or other : some for the prelatical way , and some for the presbyterian , and some for the congregational . and yet when we come to the practice of it , for ought i see we are most of us for no way . it hath made me admire sometimes ; to look on the face of england , and see how few congregations in the land have any considerable execution of discipline , and to think withall what volumns they have written for it ; and how almost all the ministery of the nation is engaged for it ? how zealously they have contended for it , and made many a ( just ) exclamation against the opposers of it ; and yet for all this will do little or nothing in the exercise of it . i have marvelled what should make them so zealous in siding for that which their practice shews that their hearts are against . but i see a disputing zeal is more natural then a holy obedient practizing zeal . how many ministers in england be there that know not their own charge , that plead for the truth of their particular churches , and know not which they be , or who be members of them ? and that never cast out one obstinate sinner ; no nor brought one to publike confession , and expression of repentance and promise of reformation ; no nor admonished one publikely to call him to such repentance . but they think they do their duties if they give them not the sacrament of the lords supper , ( when it is perhaps avoided voluntarily by themselves , and thousands will keep away themselves without our prohibiting them ) and in the mean time we leave them stated members of our churches , and grant them all other communion with the church , and call them not to personal repentance for their sin . read albaspinaens , a sober papist in his observat . . and . and . after his annot on o tatus , and see whether church-communion in former times was taken to consist only ●n co-partaking of the lords supper . either these hundreds that we communicate not with in the supper are members of our churches , or not ; if not ; then we are separatists while we so much disclaim it ; for we have not cast them out nor have we called them to any profession , whether they own or disown their membership , but only whether they will be examined in order to a sacrament nor do we use to let them know that we take their refusal of examination for a refusal of church membership , and exclusion of themselves . it follows therefore that we have gathered churches out of churches before they were unchurched , or before we took gods way to cast any of them ( much less all of them ) out . but if they are taken for members , how can we satisfie our consciences to forbear all execution of discipline upon them ? it is not gods ordinance that they should be personally rebuked and admonished , and then publikely called to repentance and be cast out if they remain impenitent ? if these be no duties , why have we made such a noise and stir about them in the world as we have done ? if they be duties , why do we not practise them ▪ if none of all these persons be scandalous , why do we not admit them to the lords supper ? if they keep away themselves , is not that a sin which a brother should not be permitted to remain in ? is it not a scandal for them to avoid the ordinances of god and the communion of the church for so many years together as they do ? yea and many a one of them avoideth also the very hearing of the word : the antient discipline was stricter , when the sixth general council at trull , in constantinop . ordained can. . that whosoever was three daies together from church , without urgent necessity , was to be excommunicated . brethren , for my part , i desire not to offend any party , nor to bring the least dishonour to them ; but i must needs say that these sins are not to be cloaked over with excuses , extenuations or denyals . we have long cryed up discipline , and every party their several waies . would you have people value your way of government or not ? no doubt but you would ; why if you would have them value it , it must be for som excellency : shew them then that excellency . what is it ? and wherein doth it consist ? and if you would have them believe you , shew it them not only in paper , but in practice , not only in words , but in deeds . how can the people know the worth of bare notions and names of discipline , without the thing ? is it a name and a shadow that you have made all this noise about ? how can they think that that is good which doth no good ? truly i fear we take not the right way to maintain our cause , but even betray it , while we are hot disputers for it . speak truly ; is it not these two things that keep up the reputation of the long-contended for discipline among men ; viz. with the godly , the meer reputation of their ministers that stand for it ; and with many of the ungodly , the non-execution of it , because they find it to be tooth-less , and not much troublesom to them ? verily brethren , if we get the late prelates carnal wisdom and go their way to work , by ingratiating our way of government with the ungodly multitude , by the meer neglect of practice , and the befriending of their sins , we may well look for the same blessing and issue as the prelates had . if once our government come to be upholden by the votes of those who should be corrected or ejected by it , and the worst men be friends to it , because it is a friend to them in their ungodliness , we then engage it against the lord , and he will appear as engaged against us . set all the execution of discipline together that hath been practised in a whole county ever since it was so contended for , and i doubt it will not appear so observable as to draw godly people into a liking of it for the effects . how can you wonder if many that desire deeds and not words , reformation and not the meer name of reformation , do turn over to the separated congregations , when you shew them nothing but the bare name of discipline in yours ? all christians value gods ordinances , and think them not vain things ; and therefore are unwilling to live without them . discipline is not a needless thing to the church : if you will not difference between the precious and the vile by discipline , people will do it by separation . if you will keep many score or hundreds in your churches that are notoriously scandalous , and contemners of church-communion , and never openly ( nor perhaps privately ) reprove them nor call to repentance , nor cast them out , you cannot marvel if some timorous souls do run out of your churches as from a ruinous aedifice , that they fear is ready to fall upon their heads . i pray you consider , if you should do in the same manner with them in the sacrament , as you do in discipline , and should only shew the bread and wine , and never let them taste of it , could you expect that the name of a sacrament should satisfie them , or that they should like your communion ? why should you think then that they will be satisfied with the empty sound of the word , church-government ? and consider but what a disadvantage you cast your cause upon in all your disputations with men of another way . if your principles be righter then theirs , and their practice be righter then yours , the people will suppose that the question is , whether the name or the thing , the shaddow or the substance , be more desirable ? and they will take your way to be a meer delusory formality , because they see you but formal in the use of it , yea that you use it not at all . i speak not against your government , but for it , all this while ; and tell you , that its you that are against it , that seem so earnest for it ; while you more disgrace it for want of exercise , then you credit it by your bare arguments : and you will find before you have done , that faithful execution will be your strongest argument . till then , the people will understand you as if you openly proclaimed , we would have no publike admonitions , confessions or excommunications ; our way is to do no good , but to set up the naked name of a government . doubtless it was a sault more past all disputation , for the prelates to destroy discipline and do little or nothing in it , then for them to be prelates ; and if they had but done the good that discipline is ordained for , prelacy might have stood to this day for ought i know ; i am sure it would have had no opposition from many a hundred godly people that have opposed it . and again i say , if you will run into their error , you may expect their fate . and what are the hindrances now that keep the ministers of england from the execution of that discipline which they have so much contended for ? i hear not all speak : but i hear some , and see more . the great reason as far as i can learn , is , the difficulty of the work , and the trouble or suffering that we are like to incurr by it : we cannot publikely reprehend one sinner , but he will storm at it , and bear us a deadly malice . we can prevail with very few to make a publike profession of true repentance . if we proceed to excommunicate them , they will be raging mad against us : they will be ready to vow revenge against us , and to do us a mischief : if we should deal as god requireth with all the obstinate sinners in the parish , there were no living among them ; they would conspire in hatred against us to the hazard of our lives . we should be so hated of all , that as our lives would be uncomfortable , so our labours would become unprofitable ; for men would not hear us when they are possessed with a hatred of us ; therefore duty ceaseth to be duty to us , because the hurt that would follow would be greater then the good ; and affirmatives bind not ad semper . these are the great reasons for the non execution of discipline , together with the great labour that private admonition of each offender would cost us . and to these i answer . . are not these reasons as valid against christianity it self in some times and places , as now against discipline ? christ came not to send us peace ; we shall have his peace , but not the worlds ; for he hath foretold us that they will hate us . might not mr. bradford , or hooper , or any that were burnt in queen maries daies have alledged more then this against duty ? they might have said , it will make us hated , if we own the reformation , and it will expose our lives to the flames . how is he concluded by christ to be no christian , who hateth not all that he hath and his own life for him ! and yet we can take the hazard of our life as a reason against his work ; what is it but hypocrisie to shrink from sufferings , and take up none but safe and easie works , and make our selves believe that the rest are no duties ? indeed this is the common way of escaping suffering , to neglect the duty that would expose us thereunto . if we did our duty faithfully , ministers should find the same lot among professed christians , as their predecessors have done among the infidels . but if you could not suffer for christ , why did you put your hand to his plough ? and did not first set down and count your costs ? this makes the ministerial work so unfaithfully done , because it is so carnally undertaken ; and men enter upon it as a life of ease , and honour , and respect from men and therefore resolve to attain their ends , and have what they expected by right or wrong . they looked not for hatred and suffering , and they will avoid it , though by the avoiding of their work . . and as for the making your selves uncapable to do them good : i answer , that reason is as valid against plain preaching , reproof , or any other duty which wicked men will hate us for . god will bless his own ordinances to do good , or else he would not have appointed them . if you admonish , and publikely rebuke the scandalous , and call men to repentance , and cast out the obstinate , you may do good to many that you reprove ; and possibly to the excommunicate : i am sure it is gods means ; and it is his last means , when reproofs will do no good : it is therefore perverse to neglect the last means lest we frustrate the foregoing means , when as the last is not to be used but upon supposition that the former were all frustrate before . however , those within and those without may receive good by it , if the offendor do receive none ; and god will have the honour , when his church is manifestly differenced from the world , and the heirs of heaven and hell are not totally confounded , nor the world made to think that christ and satan do but contend for superiority , and that they have the like inclination to holiness or to sin . . and i would know whether on the grounds of this objection before mentioned all discipline should not be cast out of the church , atleast ordinarily ; and so is not this against the thing it self , rather then against the present season of it ? for this reason is not drawn from any thing proper to our times , but common to all times and places . wicked men will alwaies storm against the means of their publike shame ; and the use of church censures is purposely to shame them , that sin may be shamed , and disowned by the church . what age can you name since the daies of the apostles wherein you would have executed the discipline that you now refuse , if you go on these grounds , supposing that it had not been by magisterial compulsion ? if therefore it be discipline it self that hath such intolerable inconveniences , why have you so prayed for it , and perhaps fought for it , and disputed for it as you have done ? what must all dissenters bear your frowns and censures , and all for a work which your selves judge intolerable , and dare not touch with one of your fingers ? when do you look to see all these difficulties over , that you may set upon that which you now avoid ? will it be in your daies ? or will you wait till you are dead , and leave it as a part of your epitaph to posterity , that you so deeply engaged and contended for that which you so abhord to the death , that you would never be brought to the practice of it ! and doth not this objection of yours plainly give up your cause to the separatists ? and even tell them that your contending is not for your way of discipline ; but that there may be none , because it will do more harm then good . certainly if this be true , it would have been better to speak it out at first , before all our wars , and tears , and prayers , and contentions , then now in the conclusion to tell the world , that we did all this but for a name or word , and that the thing is so far from being worth our cost , that it is not tolerable , much less desirable . . but yet let me tell you , that there is not such a lyon in the way as you do imagine ; nor is discipline such a useless thing . i bless god upon the small and too late tryal that i have made my self of it , i can speak by experience , it is not vain ; nor are the hazards of it such as may excuse our neglect . but i know that pinching reason is behind ; they say that , when we pleaded for discipline , we meant a discipline that should be established and imposed by the secular power : and without them what good can we do ? when every man hath leave to despise our censures , and set us at nought : and therefore we will not meddle with it ( say they ) without authority . to which i answer , . i thought it once a scornful indignity that some fellows attempted to put upon the ministery , that denyed them to be the ministers of christ , and would have had them called the ministers of the state , and dealt with accordingly . but it seems they did not much cross the judgements of some of the ministery themselves , who are ready to put the same scorn upon their own calling . we are sent as christs embassadors to speak in his name , and not in the princes ; and by his authority we do our work as from him we have our commission . and shall any of his messengers question the authority of his commands ? the same power that you have to preach without or against the magistrates command , the same have you to exercise pastoral guidance and discipline without it . and should all ministers refuse preaching if the magistrate bid them not ? yea or if he forbid them ? . what mean you when you say , you will not do it without authority ? do you mean the leave , or the countenance and approbation , or the command upon your selves , or do you mean a force or penalty on the people to obey you ? the magistrates leave we have ; who hindereth or forbiddeth you to set up discipline , and exercise it faithfully ? doth the secular power forbid you to do it , or threaten or trouble you for not doing it ? no , they do not . to the shame of the far greatest part of the ministers of england it must be spoken ( for we have so opened our own shame that it cannot be hid ) we have had free liberty to have done the work of christ , which we have desired and pleaded for , and yet we would not do it . what might not the ministers of england have done for the lord , if they had been but willing ? they had no prohibition , nor any man to rise up against them , of all the enemies whose hearts are against their work : and yet they would not do it . nay more , for ought you know , you have the approbation of authority . you have the commands of former powers not yet repealed . you have the protection of the laws and present governors : if any one seek revenge against you for the sake of discipline , you have not only laws , but as many willing magistrates to restrain and punish them as ever you knew i think in england . and what would you have more ? would you have a law made to punish you if you will not do your duty ? what! dare you tell god that you will not do his work unless the magistrate drive you to it with scourges ? i confess if i had my will it should be so ; and that man should be ejected as a negligent pastor , that will not rule his people by discipline ( though yet i might allow him to be a preacher to the unchurched ) as well as he is ejected as a negligent preacher that will not preach . for ruling is as essential a part of a pastors office as preaching i am sure . and therefore seeing these men would fain have the magistrate interpose , if he did eject them for unfaithful negligent pastors ( were it not for the necessity of the church that hath not enow better ) i know not well how they could blame him for it . it s a sad discovery of our carnal hearts , when man can do so much more with us then god , that we would obey the commands of men , and will not obey the commands of christ . is he fit to be christs officer , that will not take his command as obligatory ? but i know the thing expected is , that all the people should be forced under a penalty to submit to our discipline . i confess , i think that the magistrate should be the hedge of the church and defend the ministery , and improve his power to the utmost to procure an universal obedience to christs laws , and restrain men from the apparent breach of them , especially from being false teachers and seducers of others . how far i am against the two extreams of universal licence , and persecuting tyrannie , i have frequently manifested on other occasions . but i shall now say but this . . doth not this further discover the carnal frame of our hearts , when we will not do our duty unless the magistrate will do his to the full , and all that we conceive may be his duty ? what! will his neglect excuse yours ? hath christ bid you use the keyes of the kingdom , and avoid a scandalous sinner upon condition that the magistrate will punish him with the sword ? is not this your meaning if you would speak it out , that you find a great deal of difficulty in your work , and you would have the magistrate by terrifying offendors make it easie to you ? for if it be not safe and cheap and easie , you are resolved you will not do it ; and such servants christ may have enough . nay is not your meaning , that you would have the magistrate to do your work for you ? just as your pious people have long cryed and prayed for discipline , and called upon ministers to do it , but we cannot get them to reprove offendors and deal with them seriously and lovingly for their good and inform the church-officers of them that are obstinate . so do we toward the magistrates : the work of god is so much beholden to us , that we would all have it done , but few w●ll do it . we can easilyer censure and talk against others for not doing it , then do it our selves . o the guile and hypocrisie of our hearts ! . but further , what is it that you would have the magistrate to do ? i pray you consider it how you will answer it before god , that you should willfully neglect your own duty , and then make it your religion to quarrel with others . is it not a fearful deceit of heart for a man to think himself a godly minister for finding fault with them that are less faulty then himself ? i say , less faulty . for tell me truly . whether the magistrate do more of his part in government , or you in yours . i am no more a flatterer of the magistrate then of you ; nor was ever taken for such , that i could understand : but we must deal justly by all men . would you have the magistrate to punish men eo nomine , because excommunicated , without any particular cognisance of the fact and case ? . that were unjust ; then he must do wrong when ever we mistake and do wrong ; if an honest man were an hangman , he would be willing to know that he hanged not a man that was unjustly condemned : however the magistrate is not the meer executioner of the ministers , but a judge : and therefore must be allowed the use of his reason , to know the cause , and follow his own judgement , and not punish men against it . . and excommunication is so great a punishment of it self , that i hope you do not think it nothing , unless the magistrate add more : if so , then the temporal punishment might serve turn , and what need of yours ? but i suppose that this is not your sense , but you are so just , that you would have the magistrate to punish a man as an offendor , and not as excommunicate . and if so , i think it is not nothing that he doth . are all the penalties against swearers , cursers , drunkards , peace-breakers , sabboth-breakers , &c. nothing ? certainly the laws of the land do punish much sin against god. well! what do you as church-governors against these same sins ? the magistrate fineth and imprisoneth them : that is his part : it is your part to bring them to open repentance , or to cast them out : have you done this as oft as he hath done his part ? doth not the magistracy of england punish ten , twenty , what if i say an hundred swearers , drunkards or sabboth-breakers by the sword , for one that the elders of the church do punish by censures or bring to publike repentance for the satisfaction of the church ? brethren , these things seem strange to me ; that the case should stand thus as it doth , and yet that the deceit of our hearts should be so great , that we should go on to account our selves such blameless godly men , whom magistrates and people are all bound to reverence , and to speak against the magistrate so much as we do . i believe they are all slack and faulty ; but are not we much more faulty ? what if they should pay us in our own coyn ? what language might they give the ministers , that after so many years talk of discipline will do nothing in it ! i say nothing in most places : to meet together for consulation , is no exercise of discipline , nor reformation of the church , which our meetings should conduce to . . and i give you this further answer : what had the church of christ done till the daies of constantine the great , if it had no better pastors then you that will not govern it without the joynt compulsion of the magistrate ? discipline , and severe discipline was exercised for three hundred years together , where the prince did not give them so much as a protection , nor toleration , but perfecuted them to the death . then was the church at the best , and discipline most pure and powerful ; say not then any more for shame , that it is to no purpose without a magistrate , when it hath done so much against their wills ? o what an aggravation is it of our sin ! that you cannot be content to be negligent and unfaithful servants , but you must also flie in the face of your lord and master , and obliquely lay the blame on him ! what do you else , when you blame churchcen●ures as uneffectual , when you should blame your lazy self seeking hearts , that shift off the use of them ? hath christ put a leaden sword into your hands , when he bids you smite the obstinate sinner ? or are you cowardly and careless , and then blame your sword instead of using it , as thinking that the easier task ? are the keyes of christs kingdom so unmeet and useless , that they will not open and shut without the help of the sword ? or are you unskillful and lazy in the use of them ! if they have contracted any rust , by which they are made less fit for service , next to the prelates we may thank our selves , that let them lie so long unused . . and i must tell you , that too much interposition of the sword with our discipline , would do more harm then good . it would but corrupt it by the mixture , and make it become a humane thing . your government is all to work upon the conscience ; and the sword cannot reach that . it is not a desirable thing to have repentance so obscured by meer forced confessions , that you cannot know when men do mean as they speak ; and so it will be the sword that doth all , by forcing men to dissemble , and you will not discern the power of the word and ordinance of christ . i confess since i fell upon the exercise of some discipline i find by experience that if the sword did interpose and force all those publike confessions of sin , and profession of repentance , which i have perswaded men to by the light of the word of god ; it would have left me much unsatisfied concerning the validity of such confessions and promises , whether they might indeed be satisfactory to the church : and i find that the godly people do no further regard it then they perceive it hearty and free ; and if it were forced by magistrates , they would take him for no penitent person , nor be any whit satisfied , but say , he doth it because he dare do no otherwise . and i must add this word of plainer dealing yet . you blame the magistrate for giving so much liberty ; and is it not long of your selves that he doth so ? you will scarce believe that such enemies to liberty of conscience , are the causes of it : i think that you are ; and that the keenest enemies have been the greatest causes . for you would run too far to the other extream , and are so confident in every controversie that you are in the right , and lay such a stress upon many opinions of your own as if life or death did lie upon them , ( when perhaps the difference may prove more verbal then real , if it were searcht to the quick ) that this occasioneth magistrates to run too far the other way ; and if they look on such as — and dare not trust the sword in such hands , you may thank your selves . truly brethren , i see by experience , that there is among many of the most injudicious of us , such a blind confused zeal against all that is called error by their party , that without being able to try and make a difference , they let flie pell mell at all alike , and make a great out-cry against errors , when either we know not what they are , nor how to confute them , nor which he tolerable in the church , and which intolerable , nor how far we may hold or break communion with the owners of them , and perhaps are the erroneous persons our selves . the observation of this hath made the magistrates so over-jealous of us , that they think if they set in with a party in each contention , we shall never be without blood and misery . and i confess i see in some ministers so little of the fire of divine love , and christian charity , and compassion , nor heavenly mindedness , nor humble sense of their own infirmities , and so much of the zeal that iames describeth ( iam. . , . ) which is kindled from another fire , that makes them full of suspicions and jealousies , and keen and eager against their brethren , censuring , defaming and unconscionably back-biting them , and straining an ill sense out of their well meant words and actions , and living towards them in plain envy and malice instead of christian love and peace ; i say i see so much of this in many that affect the reputation of orthodox , while they are indeed factious , that i am the less sorry that the magistrate doth so little interpose . for were the sword in such envious angry hands , there would be little quiet to the church : for there is no two men on earth but differ in something , if they know or believe any thing . and these men must square the world to their own judgements , which are not alway the wisest in the world : they that dare so rail at others as blasphemers , when they know not what they say themselves , durst su●e smite them as blasphemers , if they had power . this may possibly make the magistrate think meet , ( seeing we are so quarrelsom and impatient ) to let us fight it out by the bare fists , and not to put swords into our hands till we are more sober and know better how to use them : for if every passionate man , when he hath not wit enough to make good his cause , should presently borrow the magistrates sword to make it good , truth would be upon great disadvantage in the world ! magistrates are commonly the most tempted and abused men , and therefore i know not why we should call so lowd to have them become the arbitrators in all our quarrels , lest error have two victories where truth gets one . i could wish the magistrate did more ; but if he do but give us protection and liberty ( specially if he will but restrain deceivers from preaching against the great unquestionable truths of the gospel , and give publike countenance and encouragement to those master-truths ) i shall not fear by the grace of god , but a prudent , sober unanimous ministery will ere long shame the swarm of vanities that we think so threatning . but i have been too long on this . i shall only conclude it with this earnest request to my brethren of the ministery , that they would speedily and faithfully put in execution , at least all the unquestionable part of the discipline , that they have so much contended for . when we were so offended with the parliament for their enumeration of scandals , as too defective , and a protestation was published that we acted only on supposition that it was defective , sure we little thought then that we that were so earnest to have had more power , would use none and we that must needs have authority to reject more then the parliament did enumerate , would censure so few even of them as we have done , since we have had more liberty to do it . but one objection is common , which i forgot : they say , we are but single pastors , and therefore cannot excommunicate men alone , unless we should make every pastor a pope in his parish , or a bishop at least . answ . for my part i have no mind to obtrude my own opinion on such ( for the power of a single person to excommunicate ) i have sufficiently already proved my self a novelist and singular with some , by asserting antient and most common truths . but yet . i could with these men so much moderation , as to be sure that they are in this as much wiser then the contrary-minded , as their confidence doth import , before they proceed in calling them popes : least as the cunning of the times is by making many antichrists , to make none ; so these men should contrary to their intention , credit the pope , by making so many popes , and the prelates too by making such kind of prelates . . a pope is the pretended head of the catholike church , and an universal bishop to govern it ; are single ruling pastors such ? a diocesan bishop is the ruler of all the pastors and churches in a diocess : is such a pastor one of these ? . why do you in your disputes against the prelates maintain that every minister is a bishop of his own church ; and do you now abhor it ? . what if you might not excommunicate , may you not therefore do the rest ? may you not personally and publikely reprove them , pray for them , &c. . must not the people avoid a notorious drunkard . &c. whether you bid them or not ? if not ; why hath god commanded it ? if yea ; why may you not bid them do that which is their duty ? . have you none in your parish , not one or two to make ruling elders of , that by their conjunction you may be authorised to do more then now you do ? i mean , according to your own principles ; for i confess it s not according to mine . . and what hindereth but you may joyn together if you will ? if it must needs be many pastors conjunct , that must exercise any act of discipline , why is it not so done ? doth any forbid them , or threaten them if they do it ? if you say , i am alone , because no neighbour minister will joyn with me . you speak hardly of all the ministers about you ? what! are they all so negligent ? blame us not then to reprove them . but it s an incredible thing that they should be all so bad that are of your judgement , that no one or two will be perswaded to assist you . and i think you will confess that two or three may do it authoritatively , though no one else in the county do it . i could wish that the prelates had not such an argument given them as this : no one presbyter hath the power of the keyes , by their own confession : therefore two or three have not ; least they go further in proving the consequence then you expect . but if it must be so , i could yet wish that no single pastor for the excusing of himself , would lay such a reproachful charge upon all the ministers in the country that be of his own judgement , as to say that discipline is cast aside , because they can get none to joyn with them in the execution ! at least till they have throughly tryed whether it be so indeed , or not . sect . viii . . another sad discovery , that we have not so devoted our selves and all we have to the service of god , as we ought , is , the prevalency of worldly fleshly interests too much against the interest and work of christ . and this i shall further manifest in these three instances following . . our temporizing . . our too much minding worldly things , and shrinking from duties that will hinder our commodity . . our barrenness in works of charity , and in the improving of all that we have to our masters use . . i would not have any to be thwart and contentious with those that govern them , nor to be disobedient to any of their lawful commands . but it is not the least reproach upon the ministery , that the most of them for worldly advantage do still suit themselves with the party that is most likely to suit to their ends . if they look for secular advantages , they suit themselves to the secular power : if for the air of ecclesiastick applause , then do they suit themselves to the party of ecclesiasticks that is most in credit . this is not a private , but an epidemical malady . in constantines daies , how prevalent were the orthodox ? in constantius daies , they almost all turned arrians , so that there were very few bishops at all that did not apostatize or betray the truth ; even of the same men that had been in the council of nice ; and when not only liberius , but great o sius himself fell , who had been the president or chief in so many orthodox councils , what better could be expected from weaker men ! were it not for secular advantage , or ecclesiastick faction and applause , how could it come to pass that ministers in all the countries in the world , are either all , or almost all , of that religion and way that is most in credit , and most consistent with their worldly interest ! among the greeks , they are all of the greek profession : and among the abassines , the nestorians , the maronites , the iacobites , the ministers generally go one way . and among the papists they are almost all papists . and in saxony , sweden , denmark , &c. almost all lutherans : in holland , france , scotland , almost all calvinists . it s strange that they should be all in the right in one countrey , and all in the wrong in another , if carnal advantages and reputation did not sway much . when men fal upon a conscientious search , the variety of intellectual capacities causeth unavoidably a great variety of conceits about some hard & lower things . but let the prince and the stream of men in credit go one way , and you shall have the generality of ministers agree to a hair , and that without any extraordinary search . how generally did the common sort of ministers too often change their religion with the prince at several times in this land ? not all ( as our martyrologie can witness ) but the most . i will purposely forbare the mention of any later change . if the rulers of an university should but be corrupt , who have the disposal of preferments , how much might they do with the most of the students , where meer arguments would not take ? and the same tractable distemper doth so often follow them into the ministery , that it occasioneth the enemies to say , that reputation and preferment is our religion , and our reward . . and for the second , how common is it with ministers to drown themselves in worldly business ? too many are such as the sectaries would have them be , who tell us that we should go to plough and cart , and labour for our living , and preach without so much study : and this is a lesson easily learnt . men take no care to cast off and prevent care , that their souls and the church may have their care . and especially how commonly are those duties neglected , that are like if performed to diminish our estates ? for example : is there not many that dare not , that will not set up the exercise of any discipline in their churches ( not only on the forementioned accounts but especially ) because it may hinder the people from paying them their dues ? they will not offend sinners with discipline , least they offend them in their estates , ( yea though the law secure their maintenance . ) i find money is too strong an argument for some men to answer , that can proclaim the love of it to be the root of all evil , and can make large orations of the danger of covetousness . i will say no more now to these but this ; if it was so deadly a sin in simon magus to offer to buy the gift of god with money ; what is it to sell his gifts , his cause , and the souls of men for money ? and what reason have such to fear least their money perish with them ? . but the most that i have to say is to the third discovery . if worldly and fleshly interest did not much prevail against the interest of christ and the church , surely most ministers would be more fruitful in good works , and would more lay out that they have to their masters use . experience hath fully proved it , that works of charity do most potently remove prejudice , and open the ears to words of piety . if men see that you are addicted to do good , they will the easilyer belive that you are good , and the easilyer then believe that it is good which you perswade them too . when they see that you love them , and seek their good , they will the easilyer trust you : and when they see that you seek not the things of the world , they will the less suspect your intentions , and the easilyer be drawn by you to seek that which you seek . o how much good might ministers do , if they did set themselves wholly to do good , and would dedicate all their faculties and substance to that endl say not that it is a small matter to do good to mens bodies , and that this will but win them to us , and not to god , nor convert the soul ; for it is prejudice that is a great hindrance of mens conversion , and this will remove it : we might do men more good , if they were but willing to learn of us ; and this will make them willing , and then our further diligence may profit them . brethren , i pray you do not think that it is ordinary charity that is expected from you , any more then ordinary piety . you must in proportion to your talents go much beyond others : it is not to give now and them two pence to a poor man ; others do that as well as you . but what singular thing do you with your estates for your masters use ? i know you cannot give away that which you have not : but me thinks all that you have should be for god. i know the great objection is , we have wife and children to provide for : a little will not serve them at present , and we are not bound to leave them beggars . to which i answer , . there are few texts of scripture more abused then that of the apostle , he that provideth not for his own , and specially those of his family , hath denyed the faith , and is worse then an infidel . this is made a pretence for gathering up portions , and providing a full estate for posterity , when the apostle speaketh only against them that did cast their poor kindred and family on the church to be maintained out of the common stock , when they were able to do it themselves . as if one that hath a widdow in his house that is his mother or daughter , and would have her to be kept on the parish when he hath enough himself . his following words shew that it is present provision , and not future portions that the apostle speaketh of , when he bids them that have widdows , administer to them , or give them what is sufficient . . you may so educate your children as other mean persons do , that they may be able to get their own livings , in some honest trade or imployment , without other great provisions . i know that your charity and care must begin at home , but it must not end there : you are bound to do the best you can to educate your children , so as they may be capable of being most serviceable to god , but not to leave them rich or a full estate ; nor to forbear other necessary works of charity . meerly for a larger provision for them . there must be some proportion kept between our provision for our families , and for the church and poor . a truly charitable self-denying heart , that hath devoted it self and all that he hath to god , would be the best judge of the due proportions , and would see which way of expence is likely to do god the greatest service , and that way he would take . . i confess i would not have men lie too long under endangering strong temptations to incontinency ; lest they wound themselves and their profession by their falls : but yet methinks its hard that men can do no more to mortifie the concupiscence of the flesh , that they may live in a single freer condition , and have none of these temptations from wife and children , to hinder them from furthering their ministerial ends by charitable works . if he that marryeth not , doth better then he that doth , sure ministers should labour to do that which is best . and if he that can receive this saying , must receive it , we should endeavour after it . this is one of the highest points of the romish policy , which they pretend to be a duty of common necessity , that all their bishops , priests and other religious orders must not marry , by which means they have no posterity to drain the churches revenues , nor to take up their care : but they make their publike cause to be their interest , and they lay out themselves for it while they live , and leave all that they have to it when they die ; so that their churches wealth doth daily increase , as every bishop , abbot , jesuite or other person doth gather more in their life time , and usually add it to their common stock . it s pitty that for a better cause we can no more imitate them in wisdom and self-denyal , where it might be done . . but they that must marry , should take such as can maintain themselves and their children , or maintain them at the rate as their temporal means will afford , and devote as much of the church means to the churches service as they can . i would put no man upon extreams ; but in this case flesh and blood doth make even good men so partial , that they take their duties , and duties of very great worth and weight to be extreams . if worldly vanities did not blind us , we might see when a publike or other greater good did call us to deny our selves and our families . why should we not live neerlyer and poorer in the world , rather then leave those works undone , which may be of greater use then our plentiful provision ? but we consult in matter of duty with flesh and blood ; and what counsel it will give us , we may easily know . it will tell us we must have a competency ; and many pious mens competency , is but little below the rich mans rates , luke . if they be not cloathed with the best , and fare not deliciously every day , they have not a competency . a man that preacheth an immortal crown of glory , must not seek much after transitory vanity : and he that preacheth the contempt of riches , must himself contemn them , and shew it by his life ; and he that preacheth self-denyal and mortification , must practise these in the eyes of them that he preacheth to , if ever he would have his doctrine prosper . all christians are sanctified , and therefore themselves and all that they have are consecrated and dedicated to their masters use ; but ministers are doubly sanctified ; they are devoted to god both as christians and as ministers ; and therefore they are doubly obliged to honour him with what they have . o brethren , what abundance of good works are before us , and how few of them do we put our hands to ? i know the world expecteth more from us then we have : but if we cannot answer the expectations of the unreasonable , let us do what we can to answer the expectations of god , and conscience , and all just men . it is the will of god that with well doing we should put to silence the ignorance of foolish men . especially those ministers that have larger maintenance must be larger in doing good . i will give but one instance at this time , which i mentioned before . there are some ministers that have . or . or . per an . of church means , and have so great parishes that they are not able to do a quarter of the ministerial work , nor once in a year to deal personally with half their people for their instruction , and yet they will content themselves with publike preaching , as if that were all that were necessary , and leave almost all the rest undone , to the everlasting danger or damnation of multitudes , rather then they will maintain one or two diligent men to assist them . or if they have an assistant , it is but some young man to ease them about baptizings or burials , or such work , and not one that will faithfully and diligently watch over the flock , and afford them that personal instruction which is so necessary . if this be not a serving our selves of god , and not a serving god , and a selling mens souls for our fuller maintenance in the world ; what is ? me thinks such men should fear least while they are accounted excellent preachers and godly ministers by men , they should be accounted cruel soul murderers by christ ? and least the cryes of those souls whom they have betrayed to damnation should ring in their ears for ever . will preaching a good sermon serve the turn ; while you never look more after them , but deny them that closer help that you find to be necessary , and alienate that maintenance to your own flesh , which should provide relief for so many souls ? how can you open your mouthes against oppressors , when your selves are so great oppressors , not only of mens bodies but their souls ? how can you preach against unmercifulness , while you are so unmerciful ? and how can you talk against unfaithful ministers , while you are so unfaithful your selves ? the sin is not therefore small because it is unobserved , and not become odious in the eyes of men ; nor because the charity which you withhold is such as the people blame you not for withholding . satan himself their greatest enemy hath their consent all along in the work of their perdition . it is no extenuation therefore of your sin that you have their consents : for that you may sooner have for their hurt then for their good . i shall proceed no further in these confessions and discoveries ; but beseech you to take what is said into cōnsideration ; and see whether this be not the great and lamentable sin of the ministers of the gospel , that they be not fully devoted to god , and give not up themselves and all that they have to the carrying on of the blessed work which they have undertaken ? and whether flesh-pleasing and self-seeking , and an interest distinct from that of christ , do not make us neglect much of our duty , and walk too unfaithfully in so great a trust , and reservedly serve god in the cheapest and most applauded part of his work , and withdraw from that which would put us upon cost and sufferings ? and whether this do not shew , that too many are earthly that seem to be heavenly , and mind the things below while they preach for the things above , and idolize the world while they call men to contemn it ? and as salvian saith , li. . ad eccles . cath. pag. . nullus salutem plus neglig it quam qui deo aliquid anteponit . despisers of god will prove despisers of their own salvation . sect . ix . and now brethren what remaineth , but that we all cry guilty , of too much of these forementioned sins ! and humble our souls in the lamentation of our miscarriages before the lord ! is this taking heed to our selves and to all the flock ? is this like the pattern that is given us here in the text ? if we should prove now stout-hearted and unhumbled men , and snuff at these confessions as tending to our disgrace , how sad a symptom would it be to our selves and to the church ? the ministery hath been oft threatned here , and is still maligned by many sorts of adversaries ; though all this may shew their impious malice , yet may it also intimate to us gods just indignation . believe it brethren , the ministery of england is not the least or last in the sin of the land ; it is they that have encouraged the common prophaness ; it is they that have led the people into divisions , and are now so backward to bring them out . and as sin hath been found in them , so judgements have been found and laid upon them . it s time therefore for us to take our part of that humiliation which we have been calling ou● people to so long . if we have our wits about us , we may perceive that god hath been offended with us and that the voice that called this nation to repentance , did speak to us as well as others . he therefore that hath ears let him hear the voice of railing enemies of all sorts , the voice of them that cry , down with us , even to the ground , all calling us to try our waies and to reform . he that hath eyes let him see the precepts of repentance written in so many admirable deliverances and preservations , and written in so many lines of blood . by fire and sword hath god been calling even us to humiliation ; and as judgement hath begun at the house of god , so if humiliation begin not there too , it will be a sad prognostick to us and to the land. what! shall we deny , or excuse , or extenuate our sins , while we call our people to such free confessions ? is it not better to give glory to god by a full and humble confession , then in tenderness of our own glory to seek for fig-leaves to cover our nakedness ; and to put god to it , to build his glory which we denyed him , upon the ruines of our own which we preferred before him ? and to distrain for that by a yet sorer judgement , which we denyed voluntarily to surrender to him ? alas if you put god to get his honour as he can , he can get it to your greater sorrow and dishonour . if any of our hearers in a day of humiliation when sin is fully confessed and lamented , should be offended at the confession , and stand up against it , and say , you wrong me ; i am not so bad ! you should have told me of this in private , and not have disgraced me before the congregation . what could we think of such a man but that he was a hardened impenitent wretch ; and as he would have no part in the confession , so he should have none in the remission . and shall we do that which we scarce ever see the most hardened sinner do ? shall we say , this should not have been spoken of us in the ears of the people , but we should have been honoured before them ? certainly sins openly committed are more dishonourable to us when we hide them , then when we confess them . it is the sin and not the confession that is our dishonour : and we have committed them before the sun , so that they cannot be hid . attempts to cloak them , do increase the guilt and shame : there is no way to repair the breaches in our honour , which our sin hath made , but by free confession and humiliation . i durst not but make confession of my own : and if any be offended that i have confessed theirs , let them know , that i do but what i have done by my self . and if they dare disown the confession of their sin , let them do it at their peril . but as for all the truly humble ministers of the gospel , i doubt not but they will rather be provoked more solemnly in the face of their several congregations , to lament their sins , and promise reformation . chap. v. sect . i. the use of exhortation . having disclosed and lamented our miscarriages and neglects , our duty for the future lies plain before us . god forbid that we should now go on in the sin that we have confessed , as carelesly as we did before . then would that exclamation of salvian fall upon us , de gubern . l. . p. . novum siquidem monstri genus est ; cadem pene omnes jugiter faciunt , quae fecisse plangunt . et qui intra●t ecclefiasticam domum , ut mala antiqua defleant , exeunt ; & quid dico exeunt ? in ipsis pene hoc orationibus suis ac supplicationibus moliuntur ; aliud quippe or a hominum , aliud corda agunt : et dum verbis praeterita mala plangunt , sensu sutura meditantur : ac fi oratio eorum rixa est magis criminum quam exoratrix ; ut vere illa in eis scripturae maledictio compleatur , ut de oratione ipsa exeunt condemnati , & oratio eorum fiat in peccalum . be awakened therefore i beseech you brethren , by the lowd and manifold voice of god , to set more seriously to the work of god , and to do it for the future with all your might , and to take heed to your selves and to all the flock . the reasons why you should take heed to your selves , i gave you in the beginning . the reasons why you should take heed to all the flock , i shall give you now , as motives to enforce this exhortation ; and the lord grant that they may work with us according to their truth and weight . . the first quickning consideration which the text here affordeth us , is taken from our relation to all the flock . we are overseers of it . in this i shall further shew you these subordinate particulars , which will manifest the force of this consideration . . the nature of the office requireth us to take heed . what else are we overseers for ? episcopus est nomen quod plus oneris quam honoris significat , saith polid. virgil. p. . and a father before him to be a bishop or pastor is not to be set up as idols for the people to bow to , or as idle slow-bellies to live to our fleshly delight and ease ; but it is to be the guide of sinners to salvation the particulars of our duty we have somewhat touched before , and more shall do anon . it is a sad case , that men should be of a calling that they know not the nature of , and undertake they know not what . do these men know and consider what they have undertaken , that live at ease and pleasure , and have time to take their superfluous recreations , and to spend an hour and more at once in loitering and vain discourses , when so much work doth lie upon their hands ! why brethren , do you consider where you stand , and what you have taken upon you ? why you have undertaken the conduct under christ of a band of his souldiers against principalities and powers , and spiritual wickedness in high places . you must lead them on the sharpest conflicts . you must acquaint them with the enemies stratagems and assault . you must watch your selves and keep them watching . if you miscarry they and you many perish . you have a subtile enemy , and therefore must be wise ; you have a vigilant enemy , and therefore must be vigilant . a malicious , and violent , and unwearied enemy ; and therefore you must be resolute , couragious & unwearied . you are in a crowd of enemies , compassed with them on every side ; and if you heed one and not all , you will quickly fall . and o what a world of work have you to do ? had you but one ignorant old man or woman to teach , though willing to learn , what a tedious task is it ? but if they be as unwilling as ignorant , how much more difficult is it ? but to have such a multitude of these , as most of us have , what work will it find us ? who hath ever tryed it , that knoweth it not by experience ? what a pitiful life is it , to reason with men that have almost lost the use of reason , and to talk with obstinate willful people , that know what they will and resolve , but not why they do it ? and to argue the case with them that neither understand themselves nor you ; and yet think that no man hath understanding that contradicteth them , and that are confident they are in the right , when they can shew nothing but that confidence to make them confident ? their will is the reason of their judgements and lives : it satisfies them , and it must satisfie you . o brethren , what a world of wickedness have we to contend against , in some one soul ! and what a number of those worlds ? what rooting have their sins ? what disadvantage must truth come upon ? how strange are they to the heavenly message that we bring them : and know not what you say when you speak in that only language that they understand ? and when you think you have done something , you leave your seed among the sowls of the air ; wicked men are at their elbows to rise up and contradict all that you have said . they will cavil , and carp , and slander you , that they may disgrace your message , and deride and scorn them away from christ , and quickly extinguish the good beginnings that you hoped you had seen . they use indeed weaker reasons then yours , but such as come with more advantage being neer them , and familiarly and importunately urged , and such as are fetcht from things that they see and feel , and which are befriended by their own flesh . you speak but once to a sinner , for ten times or twenty times that the messengers of satan speak to them ; moreover , how easily do the cares and businesses of the world devour and choak the seed which you have sown ? and if it had no enemy but what is in themselves , how easily will a frozen carnal heart , extinguish those sparks which you have been long in kindling ? and for want of fewel and further help , they will go out of themselves . what abundance of distemperers , and lusts , and passions , do you cast your gracious words amongst ? and what entertainment such companions will afford them , you may easily conjecture . and when you think your work doth happily succeed , and have seen men under troubles and complaints , confessing their sins , and promising reformation , and living as new creatures and zealous converts , alas after all this , they may prove unsound and false at the heart , and such as were but superficially changed , and took up new opinions , and new company , without a new heart : how many are after a notable change , deceived by the profits and honours of the world , and fallen away while they think they stand ? how many are entangled again in their former sensuality ? and how many do but change a disgraceful way of flesh-pleasing for a way that is less dishonourable , and maketh not so great a noise in their consciences ? how many grow proud before they reach to a settled knowledge , & greedily snatch at every error that is presented to them , under the name of truth ; and in confidence of the strength of their unfurnished intellects , despise them that they were wont to learn of , and become the greatest grief to their teachers , that before rejoyced in their hopeful beginnings ? and like chickens that straggle from the hen , they are carried away by that infernal kite , while they proudly despise the guidance and advice of those that christ hath set over them for their safety . o brethren , what a field of work is there before us ? not a person that you can see but may find you work . in the saints themselves , how soon do their graces languish if you neglect them ? and how easily are they drawn into scandalous waies , to the dishonour of the gospel , and their own loss and sorrow ! if this be the work of a minister , you may see what a life he hath to lead . up then , and let us be doing with all our might : difficulties must quicken and not discourage in a possible and necessary work . if we cannot do all , let us do what we can : for if we neglect it , woe to us and them . should we pass over all these needful things , and by a plausible sermon only , think to prove our selves faithful ministers , and to put off god and man with such a shell and formal vizor , our reward would prove as superficial as our work . . consider also that it is by your own voluntary undertaking and engagement , that all this work is laid upon you . no man forced you to be overseers of the church . and doth not common honesty bind you to be true to your trust ? . consider also that you have the honour to encourage you to the labour . and a great honour indeed it is to be the embassadors of god , and the instruments of mens conversion and salvation , to save mens souls from death , and cover a multitude of sins , jam. ult . indeed the honour is but the attendant of the work . to do therefore as the prelates of the church in all ages have done , to strive for precedency , and fill the world with vile contentions about the dignity and superiority of their seats , doth shew that they much forget the nature and work of that office which they strive about . i seldom see men strive so seriously who shall go first to a poor mans cottage to teach him and his family the way to heaven ; or who shall first endeavour the conversion of a sinner ; or first become the servant of all ; strange ! that for all the plain expressions of christ , men will not understand the nature of their office ! if they did , would they strive who should be the pastor of a whole county and more , when there are ten thousand poor sinners in it that cry for help ; and they are not so eager to engage for their relief ? nay when they can patiently live in the houses with riotous profane persons , and not follow them seriously and uncessantly for their change ? and that they would have the name and honour of the work of a county , who are unable to do all the work of a parish , when the honour is but the appendix of the work ? is it names and honour , or the work and end that these desire ? o if they would faithfully , humbly , and self-denyingly lay out themselves for christ and his church , and never think of titles and reputation , they should then have honour whether they would or not : but by gaping after it , they lose it : for this is the case of vertues shadow , quod sequitu , fugio , quod fugit ipse sequor . . consider also , you have the many other excellent priviledges of the ministerial office to encourage you to the work . if you will not therefore do the work , you have nothing to do with the priviledges . it s something that you are maintained by other mens labours , and live on the common-wealths allowance . this is for your work , that you may not be taken off it , but as paul requireth , may wholly give your selves to these things , and not be forced to neglect mens souls whilest you are providing for your own bodies . either do the work then or take not the maintenance . but you have far greater priviledges yet then this . is it nothing to be bred up to learning , when others are bred at the plough and cart ? and to be furnished with so much delightful knowledge , when the world lieth in ignorance . is it nothing to converse with learned men , and talk of high and glorious things , when others must converse with almost none but silly ignorants ? but especially , what an excellent life is it to live in the studies and preaching of christ ? to be still searching into his mysteries , or feeding on them ! to be daily in the consideration of the blessed nature , or works , or waies of god! others are glad of the leisure of the lords day , and now and then an hour besides when they can lay hold of it : but we may keep a continual sabboth : we may do nothing else almost but study and talk of god and glory , and call upon him , and drink in his sacred , saving truths . our employment is all high and spiritual ! whether we be alone , or with others , our business is for another world . o were but our hearts more suitable to this work , what a blessed joyful life should we live ! how sweet would our study be to us ? how pleasant would the pulpit be ? and what a delight would our conference of these things afford ? to live among such excellent helps as our libraries afford , and have so many silent wise companions whenever we please and of such variety . all these and more such priviledges of the ministery , bespeak our unwearied diligence in the work . . you are related to christ as well as to the flock . he therefore being also related to you , you are not only advanced but secured by the relation , if you be but faithful in the work that it requireth . you are the stewards of his mysteries , and rulers of his houshold : and he that entrusted you will maintain you in his work : but then , it is required of a steward that a man be found faithful , cor. . . be true to him , and never doubt but he will be true to you . do you feed his flock ; and he will sooner feed you as he did elias , then forsake you . if you be in prison , he will open the doors ; but then you must relieve imprisoned souls . he will give you a tongue and wisdom that no enemy shall resist : but then you must use it faithfully for him . if you will put forth your hand to relieve the distressed , and willingly put it to his plough , he will wither the hand that is stretched out against you . the ministers of england , i am sure , may know this by large experience . many a time hath god rescued them from the jaws of the devourer . o the admirable preservations , and deliverances that they have had , from cruel papists ! from tyranical persecutors ! from malicious sectaries , & misguided passionate men ! brethren , in the fear of god consider , why is it that god hath done all this ? is it for your persons , or for his church ? what are you to him more then other men , but for his work and peoples sakes ? are you angels , or men ? is your flesh of any better mettle then your neighbours ? are you not of the same generation of sinners , that need his grace as much as they ? up then and work as the redeemed of the lord ; as those that are purposely rescued from ruine for his service . o do not prepare a remediless overthrow for the english ministery by your ingratitude after all these deliverances . if you believe that god hath rescued you for himself , live to him then , as being unreservedly his that hath delivered you . sect . ii. ii. the first motive mentioned in the text , we have spoken of , which is from the consideration of our office it self . the second is from the efficient cause . it is god by his spirit that makes us overseers of his church , therefore it concerneth us to take heed to our selves and it . i did before shew you how the holy-ghost is said to make bishops or pastors of the church in three several respects . by qualifying them for the office : by directing the ordainers to discern their qualifications , and know the fittest men : and by directing them , the people and themselves for the affixing them to a particular charge . all these were done then in an extraordinary sort , by inspiration , at least very oft . the same are all done now by the ordinary way of the spirits assistance . but it is the same spirit still : and men are made over-seers of the church ( when they are rightly called ) by the holy-ghost now as well as then . it s a strange conceit therefore of the papists to think that ordination by the hands of man , is of more absolute necessity to the ministerial office , then the calling of the holy-ghost . god hath determined in his word , that there shall be such an office , and what the work and power shall be , and what sort of men , as to their qualifications , shall receive it : none of these can be undone by man , or made unnecessary . god also giveth men the qualifications which he requireth . so that all that the church hath to do , whether pastors or people , ordainors or electors , is but to discern , and determine , which are the men that god hath thus qualified , and to accept of them that are so provided , and upon consent to install them solemnly in this office . but i purposely cut short the controvertible part . what an obligation then is laid upon us by our call ? if our commission be sent from heaven , it s not to be disobeyed . when paul was called by the voice of christ , he was not disobedient to the heavenly vision ! when the apostles were called by christ from their secular imployments they presently leave friends , and house , and trade and all , and follow him . though our call be not so immediate or extraordinary , yet is it from the same spirit . it s no safe course to imitate ionah , in turning our back upon the commands of god. if we neglect our work , he hath a spur to quicken us : and if we over-run it he hath messengers enough to over-take us , and fetch us back , and make us do it ; and it is be●●● to do it at first then at last . this is the second motive . sect . iii. iii. the third motive in the text , is , from the dignity of the object . it is the church of god which we must oversee , and feed . it is that church which the world is much upheld for ; which is sanctified by the holy-ghost ; which is united to christ , and is his mystical body : that church which angels are present with , and attend upon as ministring spirits ; whose very little ones have their angels beholding the face of god in heaven : o what a charge is it that we have-undertaken ! and shall we be unfaithful to such a charge ! have we the stewardship of gods own family , and shall we neglect it ! have we the conduct of those saints that must live for ever with god in glory , and shall we neglect them ! god forbid ! i beseech you brethren , let this thought awaken the negligent ! you that draw back from painful , displeasing , suffering duties , and will put off mens souls with uneffectual formalities ; do you think this is an honourable usage of christs spouse ? are the souls of men thought meet by god to see his face , and live for ever in his glory , and are they not worthy of your utmost cost and labour ? do you think so basely of the church of god , as if it deserved not the best of your care and help ? were you the keepers of sheep or swine , you might better let them go , and say , they be not worthy the looking after ; and yet you would scarce do so if they were your own . but dare you say so by the souls of men even by the church of god ? christ walketh among them : remember his presence , and keep all as clean as you can . the praises of the most high god are in the midst of them . they are a sanctified peculiar people , a kingly priesthood , an holy nation , a choice generation , to shew forth the praises of him that hath called them , pet. . . and yet dare you neglect them ? what a high honour is it to be but one of them , yea but a door keeper in the house of god! but to be the priest of these priests , and the ruler of these kings , this is such an honour as multiplyeth your obligations to diligence and fidelity in so noble an employment . sect . iv. iv. the last motive that is mentioned in my text , is , from the price that was paid for the church which we oversee . god the son did purchase it with his own blood . o what an argument is here to quicken the negligent ? and what an argument to condemn those that will not be quickned up to their duty by it ? o saith one of the antient doctors , if christ had but committed to my keeping one spoonful of his blood in a fragile glass , how curiously should i preserve it , and how tender should i be of that glass ? if then he have committed to me the purchase of his blood , should i not as carefully look to my charge ? what sirs shall we despise the blood of christ ? shall we think it was shed for them that are not worthy of our utmost care ? you may see here it is not a little fault that negligent pastors are guilty of ? as much as in them lyeth , the blood of christ should be shed in vain : they would lose him those souls that he hath so dearly bought . o then let us hear those arguments of christ , when ever we feel our selves grow dull and careless ; did i dye for them , and wilt not thou look after them ? were they worth my blood , and are they not worth thy labour ? did i come down from heaven to earth , to seek and to save that which was lost : and wilt not thou go to the next door , or street , or village to seek them ? how small is thy labour or condescention as to mine ? i debased my self to this , but it is thy honour to be so imployed . have i done and suffered so much for their salvation ? and was i willing to make thee a co-worker with me , and wilt thou refuse that little that lyeth upon thy hands ? every time we look upon our congregations , let us believingly remember , that they are the purchase of christs blood , and therefore should be regarded accordingly by us . and think what a confusion it will be at the last day to a negligent minister , to have this blood of the son of god to be pleaded against him ! and for christ to say , it was the purchase of my blood that thou didst so make light of , and dost thou think to be saved by it thy self ? o brethren , seeing christ will bring his blood to plead with us , let it plead us to our duty , le●t it plead us to damnation . sect . v. i have done with the motives which i find in the text it self : there are many more that might be gathered from the rest of this exhortation of the apostle ; but we must not stay to take in all . if the lord will set home but these few upon your hearts , i dare say we shall see reason to mend our pace : and the change will be such on our hearts , and in our ministery , that our selves and our congregations will have cause to bless god for it . i know my self unworthy to be your monitor ; but a monitor you must have ; and its better for us to hear of our sin , and duty , from any body , then from no body . receive the admonition , and you will see no cause in the monitors unworthyness , to repent of it : but if you reject it , the unworthyest messenger may bear that witness against you that will confound you . but before i leave this exhortation , as i have applyed it to our general work , so i shall carry it a little further to some of the special parts and modes of our duty which were before expressed . . and first and above all , see that the work of saving grace be throughly wrought on your own souls . it is a fearful case to be an unsanctified professor ; but much more to be an unsanctified preacher . doth it not make you tremble when you open the bible , lest you should read there the sentence of your own condemnation ? when you pen your sermons , little do you think that you are drawing up inditements against your own souls ! when you are arguing against sin , you are aggravating your own : when you proclaim to your hearers the riches of christ and grace , you publish your own iniquity in rejecting them , and your unhappiness in being without them . what can you do in perswading men to christ in drawing them from the world in urging them to a life of faith and holiness ; but conscience if it were but awake might tell you , that you speak all this to your own confusion ? if you mention hell , you mention your own inheritance : if you describe the joyes of heaven , you describe your misery that have no right to it . what can you devise to say for the most part , but it will be against your own souls ? o miserable life ! that a man should study and preach against himself , and spend all his daies in a course of self-condemning ! a graceless unexperienced preacher , is one of the most unhappy creatures upon earth . and yet is he ordinarily most insensible of his unhappiness . for he hath so many counters that seem like the gold of saving grace , and so many splendid stones that seem like the christians jewel , that he is seldom troubled with the thoughts of his poverty , but thinks he is rich and wanteth nothing when he is poor , and miserable , and blind , and naked : he is acquainted with the holy scripture , he is exercised in holy duties , he liveth not in open disgraceful sin , he serveth at gods altar , he reproveth other mens faults , and preacheth up holiness both of heart and life ; and how can this man chose but be holy ? o what an aggravated misery is this , to perish in the midst of plenty ! and to famish with the bread of life in our hands , while we offer it to others , and urge it on them ! that those ordinances of god should be the occasions of our delusion , which are instituted to be the means of our conviction and salvation ? and that while we hold the looking glass of the gospel to others , to shew them the true face of the state of their souls , we should either look on the back side of it our selves , where we can see nothing , or turn it aside , that it may mis-represent us to our selves . if such a wretched man would take my counsel , he should make a stand , and call his heart and life to an account , and fall a preaching a while to himself , before he preach any more to others : he should consider whether food in the mouth will nourish that goeth not into the stomack ? whether it be a christ in the mouth or in the heart that will save men ? whether he that nameth him should not depart from iniquity ? and whether god will hear their prayers , if they regard iniquity in their hearts ? and whether it will serve the turn at the day of reckoning to say , lord we have prophesied in thy name ; when they shall hear , depart from me , i know you not ? and what comfort it will be to iudas when he is gone to his own place , to remember that he preached with the rest of the apostles , or that he sate with christ , and was called by him , friend ? and whether a wicked preacher shall stand in the iudgement , or sinners in the assembly of the just ? when such thoughts as these have entred into their souls , and kindly workt a while upon their consciences , i would advise them next to go to the congregation , and there preach over origens sermon , on psal . . , . but to the wicked , saith god , what hast thou to do to declare my statutes , or that thou shouldst take my covenant into thy mouth , seeing thou hatest instruction , and hast cast my words behind thee ? and when they have read this text , to sit down , and expound , and apply it by their tears . and then to make a free confession of their sin , and lament their case before the assembly , and desire their earnest prayers to god for pardoning and renewing grace ; and so to close with christ in heart , who before admitted him no further then into the brain ; that hereafter they may preach a christ whom they know , and may feel what they speak , and may commend the riches of the gospel by experience . verily , it is the common danger and calamity of the church , to have unregenerate and unexperienced pastors : and to have so many men become preachers , before they are christians ; to be sanctified by dedication to the altar as gods priests , before they are sanctified by hearty dedication to christ as his disciples : & so to worship an unknown god , and to preach an unknown christ , an unknown spirit , an unknown state of holiness and communion with god and a glory that is unknown , and like to be unknown to them for ever . he is like to be but a heartless preacher , that hath not the christ and grace that he preacheth in his heart . o that all our students in the university would well consider this ! what a poor business is it to themselves , to spend their time in knowing some little of the works of god , and some of those names that the divided tongues of the nations have imposed on them , and not to know the lord himself , nor exalt him in their hearts , nor to be acquainted with that one renewing work that should make them happy . they do but walk in a vain shew , and spend their lives like dreaming men , while they busie their wits and tongues about abundance of names and notions , and are strangers to god and the life of saints . if ever god waken them by saving grace , they will have cogitations and imployments so much more serious , then their unsanctified studies and disputations were , that they will confess they did but dream before . a world of business they make themselves about nothing , while they are wilful strangers to the primitive , independent necessary being , who is all in all . nothing can be rightly known , if god be not known : nor is any study well managed , nor to any great purpose , where god is not studyed . we know little of the creature till we know it as it standeth in its order and respects to god : single letters and syllables uncomposed are non sence . he that over-looketh the alpha and omega and seeth not the beginning and end , and him in all , who is the all of all , doth see nothing at all . all creatures are as such broken syllables ; they signifie nothing as separated from god. were they separated actually , they would cease to be , and the separation would be an annihilation : and when we separate them in our fancies , we make nothing of them to our selves . it s one thing to know the creatures as aristotle , and another thing to know them as a christian . none but a christian can read one line of his physicks so as to understand it rightly . it is a high and excellent study , and of greater use then many do well understand ; but it s the smallest part of it that aristotle can teach us . when man was made perfect , and placed in a perfect world , where all things were in perfect order , and very good , the whole creation was then mans book in which he was to read the nature and will of his great creator ; every creature had the name of god so legibly engraven on it , that man might run and read it . he could not open his eyes , but he might see some image of god : but no where so fully and lively as in himself . and therefore it was his work to study the whole volume of nature ; but first and most to study himself . and if man had held on in this prescribed work he would have continued and increased in the knowledge of god and himself ; but when he would needs know and love the creature and himself , in a way of separation from god , he lost the knowledge of all , both of the creature himself and god , so far as it could beatifie , and was worth the name of knowledge , and instead of it he hath got the unhappy knowledge which he affected , even the empty notions , and phantastick knowledge of the creature and himself as thus separated : and thus he that lived to the creator and upon him , doth now live to , and as upon the ( other ) creatures and himself ; and thus , every man at his best estate ( the learned as well as the illiterate ) is altogether vanity : surely every man walketh in a vain shew : surely they are disquieted in vain , psal . . , . and it must be well observed , that as god laid not by the relation of a creator by becoming our redeemer , nor the right of his propriety and government of us in that relation , but the , work of redemption standeth in some subordination to that of creation , and the law of the redeemer to the law of the creator : so also the duties that we owed god as creator are not ceased ; but the duties that we own to the redeemer , as such , are subordinate thereto . it is the work of christ to bring us back to god , whom we fell from , and to restore us to our perfection of holiness and obedience ; and as he is the way to the father , so faith in him , is the way to our former employment and enjoyment of god. i hope you perceive what all this driveth at , viz. that to see god in his creatures , and to love him and converse with him , was the employment of man in his upright state ; that this is so far from ceasing to be our duty , that it is the work of christ by faith to bring us back to it : and therefore the most holy men are the most excellent students of gods works : and none but the holy can rightly study them , or know them . his works are great , sought out of all them that have pleasure therein , psal . . . but not for themselves but for him that made them . your study of physicks and other sciences , is not worth a rush , if it be not god by them that you seek after . to see and admire to reverence and adore , to love and delight in god appearing to us in his works , and purposely to peruse them for the knowledge of god , this is the true and only philosophy , and the contrary is meer foolery , and so called and called again by god himself . this is the sanctification of your studies , when they are devoted to god , and when he is the life of them all , and they all intend him as the end , and the principal object . and therefore i shall presume to tell you by the way , that it is a grand error , and of dangerous consequence in the christian academies , ( pardon the censure from one so unfit for it , seeing the necessity of the case commandeth it ) that they study the creature before the redeemer , and set themselves to physicks , and metaphysicks , and mathematicks , before they set themselves to theology : when as no man that hath not the vitals of theology is capable of going beyond a fool in philosophy ; and all that such do is but doting about questistions , and opposition of sciences falsly so called . tim. . . . and as by affecting a separated creature-knowledge adam fell from god , so those that mind these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they miss the end of all right studies ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : while they will needs preferr these , they miss that faith which they pretend to aim at . their pretence is , that theology being the end , and the most perfect , must be the last , and all the subservient sciences must go first : but , . there is somewhat of natural knowledge indeed prerequisite , and somewhat of art , before a man can receive theology ; but that is no more then their mothers can teach them before they go to school . . and its true that all right natural knowledge doth tend to the increase of theological knowledge : but that which is a means to its perfection , may be the effect or consequent of its beginning : and . the end must be first known , because it must be intended before the choice or use of means : and the scripture revealeth to us the things of god himself in the most easie way , and therefore he must be first learned there : and . the book of the creatures is not to shew us more of god then the scripture doth ; but by representing him to us in more sensible appearances , to make our knowledge of him the more intense and operative , and being continually before our eyes , god also would be continually before them , if we could aright discern him in them . it s evident therefore that theology must lay the ground , and lead the way of all our studies , when we are once acquainted with so much of words and things as is needful to our understanding the sense of its principles . if god must be searched after in our search of the creature , and we must affect no separated knowledge of them , then tutors must read god to their pupils in all ; and divinity must be the beginning , the middle , the end , the life , the all of their studies : and our physicks and metaphysicks must be reduced to theologie ; and nature must be read as one of gods books , which is purposely written for the revelation of himself . the holy scripture is the easier book : when you have first learnt god and his will there , in the necessary things , address your selves cheerfully to the study of his works , that you may there see the creature it self as your alphabet , and their order as the composure of syllables , words and sentences , and god as the subject matter of all , and the respect to him as the sense or signification ; and then carry on both together , and never more play the meer scriveners , stick no more in your letters and words , but read every creature as a christian or a divine . if you see not your selves and all things as living , and moving and having being in god , you see nothing , what ever you think you see . if you perceive not in your perusals of the creatures , that god is all , and in all , and see not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( rom . . ) you may think perhaps that you know something , but you know nothing as you ought to know ( cor. . . ) but he that seeth and loveth god in the creature , the same is known and loved of him . ( vers . . ) think not so basely of the works of god , and your physicks , as that they are only preparatory studies for boyes ; it is a most high and noble part of holiness to search after , behold , admire , and love the great creator in all his works : how much have the saints of god been imployed in it ! the beginning of genesis , the books of job and the psalms may acquaint us that our physicks are not so little kin to theology as some suppose . i do therefore in zeal to the good of the church , and their own success in their most necessary labours , propound it to the consideration of all pious tutors , whether they should not as timely , and as diligently read to their pupils ( or cause them to read ) the chiefest parts of practical divinity ( and there is no other ) as any of the sciences ? and whether they should not go together from the very first ? it is well that they hear sermons ; but that is not enough : if they have need of private help in philosophy besides publike lectures , much more in theology ? if tutors would make it their principal business to acquaint their pupils with the doctrine of life , and labour to set it home upon their hearts that all might be received according to its weight , and read to their hearts as well as to their heads , and so carry on the rest of their instructions , that it may appear they make them but subservient unto this , and that their pupils may feel what they drive at in all , and so that they would teach all their philosophy in habitu theologico , this might be a happy means to make happy souls , and a happy church and commonwealth . ( the same i mean also along of the course of schoolmasters to their scholars . ) but when languages and philosophy have almost all their time and diligence , and instead of reading philosophy like divines , they read divinity like philosophers , as if it were a thing of no more moment then , a lesson of musick , or arithmetick , and not the doctrine of everlasting life ; this is it that blasteth so many in the bud , and pestereth the church with unsanctified teachers ! hence it is that we have so many worldlings to preach of the invisible felicity , and so many carnal men to declare the mysteries of the spirit ; and i would i might , not say , so many infidels to preach christ , or so many atheists to preach the living god : and when they are taught philosophy before or without religion , what wonder if their philosophy be all or most of their religion ; and if they grow up into admirations of their unprofitable fancies , and deifie their own deluded brains , when they know no other god ; and if they reduce all their theologie to their philosophy , like campanella , white , and other self-admirers ; or if they take christianity for a meer delusion , and fall with hobbs to write leviathans , or with the l. herbert to write such treatises de veritate , as shall shew the world how little they esteem of verity ; or at best , if they turn paracelsian behmenists , and spin them a religion from their own inventions ! again therefore i address my self to all them that have the education of youth , especially in order to preparation for the ministery ; you that are schoolmasters and tutors begin and end with the things of god. speak daily to the hearts of your schollars those things that must be wrought into their hearts , or else they are undone . let some piercing words fall frequently from your mouthes , of god , and the state of their souls , and the life to come ; do not say , they are too young to understand and entertain them . you little know what impressions they may make which you discern not ; not only the soul of that boy , but a congregation , or many souls therein may have cause to bless god for your zeal and diligence , yea for one such seasonable word . you have a great advantage above others to do them good ; you have them before they are grown to the worst , and they will hear you when they will not hear another . if they are destinated to the ministery , you are preparing them for the special service of god ; and must they not first have the knowledge of him whom they must serve ! o think with your selves , what a sad thing it will be to their own souls , and what a wrong to the church of god , if they come out from you with common and carnal hearts , to so holy , and spiritual and great a work ! of an hundred students that be in one of your colledges , how many may there be that are serious experienced godly men ! some talk of too small a number . if you should send one half of them on a work that they are un it for , what bloody work will they make in the church or countries . whereas if you be the means of their through-sanctification , how many souls may bless you , and what greater good can you do the church ? when once their hearts are savingly affected with the doctrine which they study and preach , they will study it more heartily , and preach it heartily : their own experience will direct them to the fittest subjects , and will furnish them with matter , and quicken them to set it home ; and i observe that the best of our hearers can feel and favour such experimental preachers , and usually do less regard others , what ever may be their accomplishments . see therefore that you make not work for sequestrators nor for the groans and lamentation of the church , nor for the great tormenter of the murderers of souls . sect . vi. . my second particular exhortation is this : content not your selves to have the main work of grace , but be also very careful that your graces be kept in life and action , and that you preach to your selves the sermons that you stud● , before you preach them to others . if you did this for your own sakes , it would be no lost labour ; but i am speaking to you upon the publike account , and that you would do it for the sake of the church . when your minds are in a heavenly holy frame , your people are like to partake of the fruits of it . your prayers , and praises , and doctrine will be heavenly and sweet to them ! they will likely feel when you have been much with god : that which is on your hearts most , is like to be most in their ears : i confess i must speak it by lamentable experience , that i publish to my flock the distempers of my soul : when i let my heart grow cold , my preaching is cold ; and when it is confused , my preaching will be so ; and so i can observe too , oft in the best of my hearers , that when i have a while grown cold in preaching , they have cooled accordingly ; and the next prayers that i have heard from them hath been too like my preaching . we are the nurses of christs little ones . if we forbear our food , we shall famish them ; they will quickly find it in the want of milk ; and we may quickly see it again on them , in the lean and dull discharge of their several duties : if we let our love go down ; we are not so like to raise up theirs : if we abate our holy care and fear , it will appear in our doctrine : if the matter shew it not , the manner will. if we feed on unwholsom food , either errors , or fruitless controversies , our hearers are like to fare the worse for it . whereas if we could abound in faith , and love , and zeal , how would it over-flow to the refreshing of our congregations , and how would it appear in the increase of the same graces in others ! o brethren , watch therefore over your own hearts : keep out lusts and passions , and worldly inclinations ; keep up the life of faith and love ; be much at home : and be much with god. if it be not your daily serious business to study your own hearts , and subdue corruptions , and live as upon god , if you make it not your very work which you constantly attend , all will go amiss , and you will starve your auditors ; or if you have but an affected servency , you cannot expect such a blessing to attend it ; be much , above all , in secret prayer and meditation . there you must fetch the heavenly fire that must kindle your sacrifices ; remember you cannot decline and neglect your duty , to your own hurt alone ; but many will be losers by it as well as you . for your peoples sakes therefore look to your hearts . if a pang of spiritual pride should overtake you , and you should grow into any dangerous or schismatical conceits , and vent your own over-valued inventions , to draw away disciples after you , what a wound might this prove to the church that you are set over ! and you might become a plague to them instead of a blessing , and they might wish they had never seen your faces . o therefore take heed of your own judgements and affections . error and vanity will slily insinuate , and seldom come without fair pretences ; great distempers and apostacies , have usually small beginnings . the prince of darkness doth frequently personate the angels of light , to draw children of light again into his darkness . how easily also will distempers creep in upon our affections , and our first love , and fear , and care abate ! watch therefore for the sake of your selves and others . and more particularly , me thinks a minister should take some special pains with his heart , before he is to go to the congregation : if it be then cold , how is he like to warm the hearts of the hearers ! go therefore then specially to god for life : and read some rowsing waking book , or meditate on the weight of the subject that you are to speak of , and on the great necessity of your peoples souls , that you may go in the zeal of the lord into his house . sect . vii . . my next particular exhortation is this , star up your selves to the great work of god , when you are upon it , and see that you do it with all your might . though i move you not to a constant lowdness ( for that will make your fervency contemptible ) yet see that you have a constant seriousness ; and when the matter requireth it ( as it should do it , the application at least of every doctrine ) then lift up your voice , and spare not your spirits , and speak to them as to men that must be awakened , either here or in hell. look upon your congregations believingly and with compassion , and think in what a state of joy or torment they must all be for ever ; and then me thinks it should make you earnest , and melt your heart in the sense of their condition . o speak not one cold or careless word about so great a business as heaven or hell ! what ever you do , let the people see that you are in good sadness . truly brethren , they are great works that are to be done , and you must not think that trifling will dispatch them . you cannot break mens hearts by jesting with them , or telling them a smooth tale , or patching up a gawdy oration . men will not cast away their deerest pleasures upon a drowsie request of one that seemeth not to mean as he speaks , or to care much whether his request be granted . if you say , that the work is gods , and he may do it by the weakest means ; i answer , it s true , he may do so ; but yet his ordinary way is to work by means ; and to make not only the matter that is preacht , but also the manner of preaching to be instrumental to the work : or else it were a small matter whom he should imploy that would but speak the truth . if grace made as little use of the ministerial perswasions as some conceive , we need not so much mind a reformation , nor cast out the insufficient . a great matter also with the most of our hearers , doth lie in the very pronunciation and tone of speech ; the best matter will scarce move them , if it be not movingly delivered . especially , see that there be no affectation , but that we speak as familiarly to our people as we would do if we were talking to any of them personally . the want of a familiar tone and expression , is as great a defect in most of our deliveries , as any thing whatsoever , and that which we should be very careful to amend . when a man hath a reading or declaming tone , like a school-boy saying his lesson or an oration , few are moved with any thing that he saith . let us therefore rowse up our selves to the work of the lord , and speak to our people as for their lives , and save them as by violence , pulling them out of the fire : satan will not be charmed out of his possession : we must lay siege to the souls of sinners which are his garrisons , and find out where his chief strength lyeth , and lay the battery of gods ordinance against it , and ply it close till a breach be made ; and then suffer them not by their shifts to make it up again ; but find out their common objections , and give them a full and satisfactory answer . we have reasonable creatures to deal with ; and as they abuse their reason against the truth , so they will expect better reason for it before they will obey . we must therefore see that our sermons be all convincing , and that we make the light of scripture and reason shine so bright in the faces of the ungodly , that it may even force them to see unless they willfully shut their eyes . a sermon full of meer words , how neatly soever it be composed , while there is wanting the light of evidence and the life of zeal , is but an image or a well-drest carkass ; in preaching there is intended a communion of souls , and a communication of somewhat from ours unto theirs . as we and they have understandings , and wills , and affections , so must the bent of our endeavours be to communicate the fullest light of evidence from our understandings unto theirs , and to warm their hearts by kindling in them holy affections , as by a communication from ours . the great things which we have to commend to our hearers , have reason enough on their side , and lie plain before them in the word of god ; we should therefore be so furnished with all store of evidence , as to come as with a torrent upon their understandings , and bear down all before us , and with our dilemma's and expostulations to bring them to a non-plus , and pour out shame upon all their vain objections , that they may be forced to yield to the power of truth , and see that it is great and will prevail . sect . viii . . moreover , if you would prosper in your work ; be sure to keep up earnest desires and expectations of success . if your hearts be not set on the end of your labours ; and you long not to see the conversion and edification of your hearers , and do not study and preach in hope , you are not likely to see much fruit of it . it s an ill sign of a false self-seeking heart , that can be content to be still doing , and see no fruits of their labour ; so i have observed that god seldom blesseth any mans work so much as his whose heart is set upon the success ; let it be the property of a iudas to have more regard to the bag then to his business , and not to care much for what they pretend to care ; and to think if they have their tythes , and the love and commendations of the people , that they have enough to satisfie them : but let all that preach for christ and mens salvation , be unsatisfied till they have the thing they preach for : he had never the right end of a preacher , that is indifferent whether he do obtain them , and is not grieved when he misseth them , and rejoyced when he can see the desired issue . when a man doth only study what to say , and how with commendation to spend the hour , and looks no more after it , unless it be to know what people think of his own abilities , and thus holds on from year to year , i must needs think that this man doth preach for himself , and drive on a private trade of his own , and doth not preach for christ even when he preacheth christ , how excellently soever he may seem to do it . no wise or charitable physitian is content to be still giving physick , and see no amendment among his patients , but have them all to die upon his hands : nor will any wise and honest schoolmaster be content to be still teaching though his scholars profit not ; but either of them would rather be weary of the employment . i know that a faithful minister may have comfort when he wants success and though israel be not gathered , our reward is with the lord : and our acceptance is not according to the fruit , but according to our labour ; and as greg. m. saith , et aethiops etsi balneum niger intrat , & niger egreditur , tamen balneat or nummos accipit . if god set us to wash blackamores , and cure those that will not be cured ; we shall not lose our labour , though we perform not the cure . but then . he that longeth not for the success of his labours , can have none of this comfort , because he was not a faithful labourer : this is only for them that i speak of , that are set upon the end , and grieved if they miss it . and this is not the full comfort that we must desire , but only such a part as may quiet us though we miss the rest . what if god will accept a physitian though the patient dye ? he must work in compassion , and long for a better issue , and be sorry if he miss of it , for all that : for it is not only our own reward that we labour for , but other mens salvation . i confess for my part , i marvel at some antient reverend men , that have lived . or . or years with an unprofitable people , where they have seen so little fruit of their labours , that it was scarce discernable , how they can with so much patience there go on ? were it my case , though i durst not leave the vineyard , nor quit my calling , yet i should suspect that it was gods will , i should go some whether else , and another come thither that might be fitter for them ; and i should not be easily satisfied to spend my daies in such a sort . sect . ix . . do well as well as say well : be zealous of good works . spare not for any cost , if it may promote your masters work . . maintain your innocency , and walk without offence . let your lives condemn sin , and perswade men to duty . would you have your people be more careful of their souls , then you will be of yours ? if you would have them redeem their time , do not you misspend yours . if you would not have them vain in their conference , see that you speak your selves the things which may edifie , and tend to minister grace to the hearers . order your own families well if you would have them do so by theirs . be not proud and lordly if you would have them to be lowly . there is no vertue wherein your example will do more , at least to abate mens prejudice , then humility , and meekness , and self-denyal . forgive injuries , and be not overcome of evil , but overcome evil with good : do as our lord , who when he was reviled , reviled not again ; if sinners be stubborn , and stout , and contemptous , flesh and blood will perswade you to take up their weapons , and to master them by their carnal means ; but that 's not the way , ( further then necessary self-preservation or publike good requireth it ) but overcome them with kindness , and patience , and gentleness . the former may shew that you have more worldly power then they ( wherein yet they are ordinarily too hard for the faithful ) ; but it s the later only that will tell them that you overtop them in spiritual excellency , and in the true qualifications of a saint . if you believe that christ was more imitable then caesar or alexander , and that it s more glory to be a christian then to be a conqueror , yea to be a man then a beast , ( who oft exceed us in strength ) contend then with charity , and not with violence ; and set meekness , and love , and patience against force , and not force against force : remember you are obliged to be the servants of all . condescend to men of low estate ; be not strange to the poor ones of your flock . they are apt to take your strangeness for contempt : familiarity improved to holy ends , is exceeding necessary , and may do abundance of good . speak not stoutly or disrespectively to any one : but be courteous to the meanest as your equal in christ . a kind and winning carriage is a cheap way of advantage to do men good . . remember what i said before of works of bounty and charity : go to the poor , and see what they want , and shew at once your compassion to soul and body . buy them a catechism and some small books that are likest to do them good , and bestow them on your neighbours , and make them promise you to read them , and specially to spend that part of the lords day therein , which they can spare from greater duties . stretch your purse to the utmost , and do all the good you can . think not of being rich , seek not great things for your selves or posterity . what if you do impoverish your selves to do a greater good ; will it be loss or gain ! if you believe that god is your safest purse-bearer , and that to expend in his service is the greatest usury , and the most thriving trade , shew them that you do believe it . i know that flesh and blood will cavil before it will loose its prey , and will never want somewhat to say against that duty that is against its interest ; but mark what i say , and the lord set it home upon your hearts ; that man that hath any thing in the world so dear to him that he cannot spare it for christ if he call for it , is no true christian , and because a carnal heart will not believe that christ calls for it when he cannot spare it , and therefore makes that his self deceiving shift , i say furthermore ; that that man that will not be perswaded that duty is duty , because he cannot spare that for christ which is therein to be expended , is no true christian : for a false heart corrupteth the understanding , and that again increaseth the delusions of the heart . do not take it therefore as an undoing to make you friends of the mammon of unrighteousness , and to lay up a treasure in heaven , though you leave your selves but little on earth . nemo tam pauper potest esse quam natus est ; aves sine patrimonio vivunt , & in diem pecua pascuntur ; & haec nobis tamen nata sunt ; quae omnia si non concupiscimus possidemus , inquit minutins felix . p. ( mihi ) . you lose no great advantage for heaven by becoming poor ; qui viam terit , eo faelicior quo levior incedit . id. i know where the heart is carnal and covetous , words will not wring their money out of their hands ; they can say all this , and more to others ; but saying is one thing , and believing is another . but with those that are true believers , me thinks such considerations should prevail . o what abundance of good might ministers do if they would but live in a contempt of the world , and the riches and glory of it , and expend all they have for the best of their masters use , and pinch their flesh that they might have wherewith to do good . this would unlock more hearts to the reception of their doctrine , then all their oratory will do ; and without this , singularity in religiousness will seem but hypocrisie , and its likely that it is so . qui innocentiam colit , domino supplicat . — qui hominem periculo surripit , opimam victimam caedit ; haec nostra sacrificia ; haec dei sacra sunt ; sic apud nos religiosior est ille qui justior , inquit idem minutius felix . ib. though we need not do as the papists , that will betake them to monasteries , and cast away propriety , yet we must have nothing but what we have for god. sect . x. . the next branch of my exhortation is , that you would maintain your christian and brotherly unity and communion , and do as much of gods work as you can in unanimity and holy concord . blessed be the lord that it is so well with us in this county in this regard as it is . we lose our authority with our people when we divide . they will yield to us when we go together , who would resist and contemn the best of us alone . two things in order to this i beseech you to observe . the first is , that you still maintain your meetings for communion : incorporate , and hold all christian correspondency ; grow not strange to one another ; do not say , that you have business of your own to do , when you should be at any such meeting or other work for god. it is not only the mutual edification that we may receive by lectures , disputations or conferences ( though that 's not nothing ) but it is specially for consultations for the common good , and the maintaining of our communion , that we must thus assemble . though your own person might be without the benefit of such meetings , yet the church and our common work requireth them . do not then shew your selves contemners or neglecters of such a necessary work . distance breedeth strangeness , and somenteth dividing flames and jealousies , which communion wil prevent or cure . it wil be our enemies chiefest plot to divide us that they may weaken us : conspire not with the enemies , and take not their course . and indeed ministers have need of one another , and must improve the gifts of god in one another : and the self-sufficient are the most deficient , and commonly proud and empty men . some there be that come not among their brethren to do or receive good , nor afford them any of their assistance in consultations for the common good , and their excuse is only we love to live privately . to whom i say , why do you not on the same grounds forbear going to christ , and say you love to live privately ? is not ministerial commnnion a duty , as well as common-christian communion ? and hath not the church always thought so , and practised accordingly ? if you mean that you love your own ease or commodity better then gods service , say so and speak your minds . but i suppose there are few of them so silly as to think that is any just excuse , though they will give us no better . somewhat else sure lieth at the bottom . indeed some of them are empty men , and afraid their weakness should be known , when as they cannot conceal it by their folitariness , and might do much to heal it by communion : some of them are careless or scandalous men : & for them we have no desire of their communion , not shall admit it , but upon publike repentance and reformation . some of them are so in love with their parties and opinions , that they will not hold communion with us because we are not of their parties and opinions : whereas by communication they might give or receive better information , or at least carry on so much of gods work in unity as we are agreed in . but the mischief of schism is to make men censorious and proud , and take others to be unmeet for their communion , and themselves to be the only church , ( or pure church ) of christ . the papists will have no catholick church but the romans , and unchurch all beside themselves . the separatists and many anabaptists say the like of their parties : the new prelatical party will have no catholick church but prelatical , and unchurch all except their party , and so avoid communion with others ; and thus turning separatists and schismaticks , they imitate the papists , and make an opposition to schism their pretence . first , all must be accounted schismaticks that he not of their opinion and party ( when yet we find not that opinion in the creed ) , and they must be avoided because they are schismaticks . but were solve by the grace of god to adhere to more catholick principles and practices , and to have communion with all godly christians that will have communion with us , so far as they force us not to actual sin . and for the separating brethren , as by distance they are like to therish misinformations of us , so if by their wilful estrangedness , and distance , any among us do entertain injurious reports of them , and think worse of them , and deal worse by some of them , then there is cause , they may partly thank themselves . sure i am by such means as these we are many of us grown so hardened in sin , that men make no great matter what they say one against another , but stand out of hearing and sight , and vent their spleen against each other behind their backs . how many jeers and scorns have they among their companions for those that are against their party ! and they easily venture be'the matter never so false . a bad report of such is easily taken to be true ; and that which is true is easily made worse : when as seneca saith , [ multos absolvemus , si coeperimus ante judicare quam irasci : nunc autem primum impetum sequimur ] it is passion that tels the tale , and that receiveth it . the second thing therefore that i intreat of you is , that you would be very tender of the unity and peace of the catholick church ; not only of your own parties , but of the whole . and to this end these things will prove necessary . . do not too easily introduce any novelties into the church either in faith or practice : i mean not , that which seems a novelty to men that look no further then yesterday ; for so the restoring of ancient things will seem novelty to those that know not what was anciently ; and the expulsion of prevailing novelties will seem a novelty to them that known not what is such indeed . so the papists censure us as novelists for casting out many of their innovations ; and our common people tell us we bring up new customs if we do not kneel at the receiving of the lords supper : ( a notorious novelty : even in the sixth general council at trull . in constantinop . this was the ninth canon : ne dominicis diebus genua flectamus ; à divinis patribus nostris canonice accepimus : quare post vespertinum ingressum sacerdotum in sabbato ad altare ut more observatum est , nemo genu flectii usque ad sequentem vesperem post dominicam . ) it is that which is indeed novelty that i disswade you from , and not the demolishing of novelties . some have already introduced such new phrases , at least , even about the great points of faith , lustification and the like , that there may be reason to reduce them to the primitive patterns . a great stir is made in the world about the test of a christian and true church , with whom we may have communion , and about that true center and cement of the unity of the church , in and by which our common calamitous breaches must be healed . and indeed the true cause of our contrived divisions and misery is for want of discerning the center of our unity , and the terms on which it must be done : which is great pity , when it was once so easie a matter , till the ancient test was thought insufficient ! if any of the ancient creeds might serve , we might be soon agreed . if vinc●ntius lirineus . test might serve , we might yet make some good shift , viz. to believe ( explicitly ) all that quod ubique quod semper quod ab omnibus creditum est for as he addeth [ hoc est etenim verè proprièque catholicum ] but then we must come . that the first age may not be excluded which gave the rule to the rest . . and that this extend not to every ceremony which never was taken for unalterable , but to matters of faith ; and that the acts and canons of councils , which were not about such matters of faith , but meer variable order , and which newly constituted those things , which the apostolike age knew not , and therefore were not properly credita , much less , semper , & ab omnibus , may have no hand in this work . i say if either the ancient western , or eastern creed , or this catholick faith of vincentius might be taken as the test for explicit saith , or else rather all those scripture texts , that express the credenda with a note of necessity , and the the whole scripture moreover be confessed to be gods word , and so believed ( in other points ) at least implicitly ; this course might produce a more general communion and agreement ; and more lines would meet in this center then otherwise are like to meet . and indeed till men can be again content to make the scripture the sufficient rule , in necessaries to be explicitly believed , and in all the rest implicitly , we are never like to see a catholike christian durable peace . if we must needs make the council of trent , or the papal judgement our test ; or if we must make a blind bargain , with the papists to come as near them as ever we dare , and so to compass another interim , and make that a test ( when god never made it so , and all christians never be of a mind in it , but some dare go nearer rome , then others dare , and that in several degrees ) or if we must thrust in all the canons of the former councils about matters of order , discipline and ceremonies into our test , or gather up all the opinions of the fathers for the three or four first ages , and make them our test ; none of all these will ever seem to do the business ! and a catholike union will never be founded in them . it is an easie matter infallibly to foretel this . much less can the writings of any single man , as austin , aquinas , luther , calvin , beza , &c. or yet the late confessors of any churches that add to the ancient test , be ever capable of this use and honour . i know it is said that a man may subscribe the scripture , and the ancient creeds , and yet maintain socinianism or other heresies : to which i answer , . so he may another test which your own brains shall contrive ; and while you make a snare to catch hereticks , instead of a test for the churches communion , you will miss your end , and the heretick by the slipperyness of his conscience will break through , and the tender christian may possibly be ensnared . and by your new creed the church is like to have new divisions , if you keep not close to the words of scripture . . in such cases when hereticks contradict the scripture , which they have subscribed , this calls not for a new or more sufficient test , but the church must take notice of it , and call him to account , and if he be impenitent exclude him their communion . what i must we have new laws made every time the old ones are broken ? as if the law were not sufficient because men break it ? or rather must not the penalty of the violated law be executed ? it is a most sad case that such reasons as these should prevail with so many learned godly men , to deny the sufficiency of scripture as a test for church-communion , and to be still framing new ones that depart ( at least ) from scripture-phrase , as if this were necessary to obviate heresies ? two things are necessary to obviate heresies , the law and good execution ; god hath made the former , and his rule and law is both for sense and phrase ( translated ) sufficient : and all their additional inventions as to the foresaid use are as spiders webs . let us but do our part in the due execution of the laws of christ , by questioning offenders in orderly synods , for the breaking of these laws , and let us avoid communion with the impenitent ; and what can the church do more ? the rest belongs to the magistrate ( to restrain him from seducing his subjects ) and not to us . well! this is the thing that i would recommend therefore to all my brethren as the most necessary thing to the churches peace , that you unite in necessary truths , and tolerate tolerable failings ; and bear with one another in things that may be born with ; and do not make a larger creed , and more necessaries then god hath done . and to that end , let no mans writings , nor the judgement of any party though right , be taken as a test , or made that rule . and i , lay not too great a stress upon controverted opinions , which have godly men , and specially whole churches on both sides . . lay not too great a stress on those controversies that are ultimately resolved into philosophical uncertainties ( as some unprofitable controversies are about free-will , and the manner of the spirits operation of grace , and the divine decrees and pre-determination . ) . lay not too great a stress on those controversies that are meerly verbal , and if they were anatomized would appear to be no more . of which sort are far more , ( i speak it confidently upon certain knowledge ) that now make a great noise in the world , and tear the church , then almost any of the eager contenders that ever i spoke with do seem to discern , or are like to believe . . lay not too much on any point of faith which was disowned of , or unknown to the whole church of christ in any age since the scriptures were delivered us . . much less should you lay too much on those which any of the more pure or judicious ages were wholly ignorant of . . and least of all , should you lay too much on any point which no one age since the apostles did ever receive , but all commonly hold the contrary . for to make such an error which all the church held , to be such as is damning were to unchurch all the church of christ : and to make it such , as must exclude them from our communion . . doth make the whole church excommunicable , which is absurd . . and doth shew that i● we had lived in that age , you would it seems have separated from the whole church . to give an instance of the difference among errors . that any elect person shall fall away totally and finally , is a palpable condemned error ; of dangerous consequence . but that there are some justified ones not elect that shall fall away and perish , is an errour of a lower nature , which may not break the communion of christians : for otherwise we must renounce communion with the catholike church in augustines daies , and much more before ( as is said before . ) what then ? shall i take this therefore for a truth which the church then held ? some will think me immodest to say , no ; as if i were wiser then all the church , and that in so learned an age if not for so many : but yet i must be so immodest , as long as scripture seemeth to me to warrant it ! why might not augustine , prosper , and all the rest mistake in such a thing , as that ? but then i am not so immodest nor unchristian as to unchurch all the church on that account : nor would i have separated from austin , and all the church , if i had then lived ; nor will do now from any man on that account . both sides will be displeased with this resolution , one , that i suppose all the church to err , and our selves to be in the right ; and the other , that i take it for no greater an error : but what remedy ! it will , it must be so ; read prospers respad capit. gall. and you may quickly know both austins mind and his . he that shall live to that happy time , when god will heal his broken churches , shall see all this that i am now pleading for , reduced to practice , and this moderation take place of the new dividing zeal , and scripture-sufficiency take place , and all mens confessions and comments to be valued only as subservient helps , and not to be the test of church-communion , any further then they are exactly the same with scripture . and till the healing age come , we cannot expect that healing truths be entertained , because there are not healing spirits in the leaders of the church . but when the work is to be done , the workmen will be fitted for it ; and blessed will be the agents of so glorious a work . but because the love of unity and verity , peace and purity must be conjunctly manifested , we must avoid the extreams both in doctrine and communion . the extreams in doctrine are on one side , by innovating additions : on the other side by envying or hindring the progress of the light . the former is the most dangerous , of which men are guilty these waies . . by making new points of faith , or duty . . by making those points to be fundamental or necessary to salvation , that are not so . . by pretending of prophetical and other obscurer passages of the scriptures that they have a greater objective evidence , and we a greater certainty of their meaning , then indeed is so . as i have met with some so confident of their right understanding of the revelation ( which calvin durst not expound , and profest he understood it not ) that they have framed part of their confessions or articles of faith out of it ; and grounded the weightyest actions of their lives upon their exposition ; and could confidently tell in our late changes and differences , which side was in the right and which in the wrong , and all from the revelation ; and thence would fetch such arguments as would carry all , if you would but grant the soundness of their expositions ; but if you put them to prove that , you marr'd all . and these corruptions of sacred doctrine by their additions are of two sorts : some that are the first inventers : and others that are the propagators and maintainers : and these when additions grow old , do commonly maintain them under the notion of antient verities , and oppose the antient verities under the notion of novelty , as is before said . the other extream about doctrine is by hindring the progress of knowledge : and this is commonly on pretence of avoiding the innovating extream . it must be considered therefore , how far we may grow , and not be culpable innovaters . and . our knowledge must increase extensively ad plura ; we must know more verities , then we knew before , though we may not feign more . there is much of scripture that will remain unknown to us when we have done our best . though we shall find out no more articles of faith which must be explicitly believed by all that will be saved , yet we may find out the sense of more particular texts , and several doctrinal truths , not contrary to the former , but such as befriend them , and are connexed with them . and we may find out more the order of truths and how they are placed in respect to one another , and so see more of the true method of theologie then we did , which will give us a very great light into the matter it self , and its consectaries . . our knowledge also must grow sub●ectively , intensively and in the manner , as well as in the matter of it . and this is our principal growth to be sought after . to know the same great and necessary truths with a sounder and clearer kn●wledge then we did : which is done , . by getting strong evidence and reasons in stead of the weak ones which we trusted to before ; ( for many young ones receive truths on some unsound grounds . ) . by multiplying our evidence and reasons for the same truth . . by a clearer and deeper apprehension of the same evidence and reasons which before we had but superficially received ▪ for one that is strong in knowledge seeth the same truth , as in the clear light , which the weak do see , but as in the twi light . to all this must be added also the fuller improvement of the truth received to its ends . i shall give you the summe of my meaning in the words of that great enemy of innovation , vincent . lirinens . c. . sed for sitan dicit aliquis : nullusneergo in ecclesiâ christi profectus haeb●bitur ? religionis habeatur plane , & maximus : nam quis ille est tam invidus hominibus , tam exosus deo , qui isiud probibere conetur ? sed it a tamen ut verè profect●● sit ille fidei , non permutatio . siquidem ad perfectum pertinet , ut in semet ipsâ unaquaeque res amplificetur : ad permutationem vero ut aliquid ex alio in aliud transvertatur . crescat igitur oportet , & multum , vehementerque proficiat , tam si●gulorum quam omnium ; tam unius hominis quam totius ecclesiae aetatum ac seculorum gradib●s intelligentia , scientia ; sapientiae ; sed in quo duntoxat gene●e , in eodem scilicet dogmate , eodem sensu , e●demque sententia . and more plainly , and yet more briefly , cap. . ius est etenim , ut prisca illa caelestis philosophiae dogmata processu temporis excurentur , limentur , poliantur ; sed nefas est , ut commutentur . accipiant licet evidentiam , lu●em , distinctionem ; sed retineant necesse est plenitudinem , integritatem , proprietatem . let this mean then be observed if we would perform both truth and peace . . about church communion the common extreams are ; on one side , the neglect or relaxation of discipline , to the corrupting of the church , the encouragement of wickedness , and confounding the kingdom of christ and satan : and on the other side , the unnecessary separation of proud men , either because the churches own not their own opinions , or because they are not so reformed and strict in discipline as they would have them or as they should be . i have ever observed the humblest men very tender of making separations : and the proudest most prone to it . many corruptions may be in a church , and yet it may be a g●eat sin to separate from it , so that we be not put upon an owning of their corruptions , nor upon any actual sin . ●here is a strange inclination in proud men to make the church of christ much narrower then it is , and to reduce it to almost nothing , and to be themselves the members of some singular society , as if they were loth to have too much company in heaven . and by a strange delusion through the workings of a proud fancy , they are fuller of joy in their separted societies , then they were , while they kept in the union of the church . at least such power of ordinances , and presence of the spirit , purity and peace , is promised to the weak by the leaders that would seduce them , as if the holy-ghost were more eminently among them then any where else in the world . this hath ever been the boasting of hereticks . as the foresaid vincentius saith , cap. . jam vero illis quae sequuntur permissionibus miro modo incautos homines haeretici decipere consueverunt . audent etenim polliceri & docere , quod in ecclesia sua , id est , in communionis suae conventiculo , magna & specialis ac plane personalis quaedam sit dei gratia , adeo ut sine ullo labore , sine ullo studio , sine ulla industria , etiamsi nec quaerant , nec petant , nec pulsent , quicunque illi ad numerum suum pertinent , tamen ita divinitus dispensentur , &c. but their consolations and high enjoyments being the effect of self-conceitedness and fancies are usually so mutable and of short continuance , that either the heat of oppositions , or mutation to other sects must maintain their life , or else they will grow stale and soon decay . having said thus much of the means , i return to the end of this exhortation beseeching all the ministers of christ to compassionate the poor divided church , and to entertain such catholike principles , and charitable dispositions , as tend to their own and the common peace . hath any thing in the world done more to lose our authority , and disable us for gods service then our differences and divisions ? if ministers could but be all of a mind , or at least concurr in the substance of the work , so that the people that hear one , might as it were hear all , and not have any of us to head a party for the discontented to fall into or to object against the rest , we might then do wonders for the church of christ . but if our tongues and hearts be divided , what wonder if our work be spoiled , and prove liker a babel then a temple of god. get together then speedily , and consult for peace , and cherish not heart-burnings , and continue not uncharitable distances and strangeness . if dividing hath weakened you , closing must recover your authority and strength . if you have any dislike of your brethren or their waies , manifest it by a free debate to their faces , but do not unnecessarily withdraw from them . if you will but keep together , you may come to better understanding of each other , or at least may chide your selves . friends , specially quarrel not upon points of precedency or reputation , or any interest of your own . no man will have settled peace in his mind , nor be peaceable in his place , that proudly envyeth the precedency , of others , and secretly grudgeth at them that seem to cloud their parts and name . one or other will ever be an eye-sore to such men . there is too much of the devils image on this sin , for an humble servant of christ to entertain . moreover , be not too sensible of injuries : and make not a great matter of every offensive word or deed . at least do not let it interrupt your communion and concord in gods work : for that were to wrong christ and his church , because another hath wronged you . and if you be of this impatient humor , you will never be quiet : for we are all faulty , and cannot live together without wronging one another . ubique causae supersunt nisi deprecator animus accessit , saith seneca . and these proud over-tender men are often hurt by their own conceits : like a man that hath a sore that he thinks doth smart more when he conceits that some one hits it . they will think a man jeareth them , or contemneth them , or meaneth them ill , when it never came into his thoughts ! till this self be taken down , we shall every man have a private interest and of his own , which will lead us all into several waies , and spoil the peace and welfare of the church : while every man is for himself and his own reputation , and all mind their own things , no wonder if they mind not the things of christ . and as for those opinions which hinder our union ( alas the great dividers of this age ) me thinks if i cannot change their minds , i might yet rationally expect of every party among us that profefs themselves christians , that they should value the whole before a part ; and therefore not so perversly seek to promote their party , as may hinder the common good of the church , or so to propagate their supposed truths , as to hinder the work of the main body of divine truths . and me thinks a little humility should make men ashamed of that common conceit of unquiet spirits ; viz. that the welfare of the church doth so lye upon their opinions , that they must needs vent and propagate them whatever come of it . if they are indeed a living part of the body , the hurt of the whole will be so much their own , that they cannot desire it for the sake of any party , or opinion . were men but impartial to consider in every such case of difference , how far their promoting their own judgement may help or hurt the whole , they might escape many dangerous waies that are now trod . if you can see no where else , look in the face of the churches enemies , how they rejoyce and deride us . and as seneca saith to demulce the angry , vide ne inimici● iracundia tua voluptati sit . when we have all done , i know not what party of us will prove a gayner : so true are the old proverbs , dissensio ducum hostium succum . and gaudent praedones , dum discordant regiones . and is it not a wonder that godly ministers that know all this how the common adversary derideth us all and what a scandal our divisions are through the world , and how much the church doth lose by it , should yet go on , and after all the loudest calls and invitations to peace , go on still , and few , if any sound a retreat ? and seriously call to their brethren for a retreat : can an honest heart be insensisile of the sad distractions and sadder apostacies that our divisions have occasioned ? saep●rixam conclamatum in vicino incendium solvit , saith seneca . what scolds so furious that will not give over , when the house is on fire over their heads ? well ; if the lord hath given that evil spirit whose name is legion , such power over the hearts of any , that yet they will sit still , yea and quarrel at the pacificatory endeavours of others who hunger after the healing of the church , and rather carp , and reproach , and hinder such works then to help them on , i shall say but this to them : how diligently soever such men may preach , and how pious soever they may seem to be , if this way tend to their everlasting peace , and if they be not preparing sorrow for themselves , then i am a stranger to the way of peace . sect . xi . . the next branch of my exhortation is , that you would no longer neglect the execution of so much discipline in your congregations , as it of confessed necessity and right . i desire not to sour on any one to an unseasonable performance of the greatest duty . but will it never be a fit season ? would you forbear sermons and sacraments so many years on pretence of unseasonableness ? will you have better season for it , when you are dead ? how many are dead already before they ever did any thing in this work that were long preparing for it ? it is now near three years since many of us here did engage our selves to this duty : and have we been faithful in performance of that engagement ? i know some have more discouragements and hinderances then others : but what discouragements can excuse us from such a duty ? besides the reasons that we then considered of , let these few be further laid to heart . . how sad a sign do we make it to be in our preaching to our people , to live in the willful continued omission of any known duty ? and shall we do so even year after year and all our daies . if excuses will take off the danger of this sign , what man will not find them as well as you ? read amesius medul . cap. . de disciplin . eccles . & gelespi's , aarons rod , with rutherford and many more that are written to prove the need and dueness of discipline , saith ames . ib. sect . . immo peccat in christum authorem ac institutorem quisquis non facit quod in se est , ad hanc disciplinam in ecclesiis dei constituendam & promovendam . and do you think it safe to live and dye in such a known sin ? . you gratifie the present designs of dividers , whose business is to unchurch us and unchristen us : to prove our parishes no true churches ( and our selves no baptized christians . ) for if you take them for people uncapable of discipline , they must be uncapable of the sacrament of the lords supper and other church-communion ; and then they are no church . and so you will plainly seem to preach meerly as they do , to gather churches where there were none before . and indeed if that be your case that your people are not christians , and you have no particular churches , and so are no pastors , tell us so and manifest it , and we shall not blame you . . we do manifest plain laziness and sloath , if not unfaithfulness in the work of christ . i speak from experience ; it was laziness that kept me off so long , and pleaded hard against this duty . it is indeed a troublesom and painful work , and such as calls for some self-denyal , because it will cast us upon the displeasure of the wicked . but dare we preferr our carnal ease , and quietness , and the love or peace of wicked men , before our service to christ our master ? can sloathful servants look for a good reward ? remember brethren , that we of this county have thus promised before god in the second article of our agreement , we agree and resolve by gods help , that so far as god doth make known our duty to us , we will faithfully endeavour to discharge it , and will not , desist through any fears or losses in our estates , or the frowns and displeasure of men , or any the like carnal inducements whatsoever . i pray you study this promise , and compare your performance with it . and do not think that you were ensnared by thus engaging ; for gods law hath laid an obligation on you to all the same duty , before your engagement did it . here is nothing but what others are bound to , as well as you . . the ministery that are for the presbyterian government have already by their common neglect of the execution , made those of the separating way believe , that they do it in a meer carnal compliance with the unruly part of the people , that while we exasperate them not with our discipline , we might have them on our side . and we should do nothing needless , that hath so great an appearance of evil and is so scandalous to others . it was the sin and ruine of many of the clergy of the last times , to please and comply with them that they should have reproved and corrected ; by unfaithfulness in preaching , and neglect of discipline . . the neglect of discipline hath a strong tendency to the deluding of souls ; by making them think they are christians that are not : while they are permitted to live in the reputation of such , and be not separated from the rest by gods ordinance : and it may make the scandalous to think their sin a tolerable thing which is so tolerated by the pastors of the church . . we do corrupt christianity if self in the eyes of the world ; and do our part to make them believe , that to be a christian is but to be of such an opinion , and to have that faith which james saith the devils had , and to be solifidians ; and that christ is no more for holiness , then satan , or that the christian religion exacteth holiness no more , then the false religions of the world : for if the holy and unholy are all permitted to be sherp of the same fold , without the use of christs means to difference them , we do our part to defame christ by it , as if he were guilty of it , and as if this were the strain of his prescripts . we do keep up separation , by permitting the worst to be uncensured in our churches , so that many honest christians think they are necessitated to withdraw . i must profess that i have spoke with some members of the separated ( or gathered ) churches , that were moderate men , and have argued with them against their way ; and they have assured me , that they were of the presbyterian judgement , or bad nothing to say against it , but they joyned themselves with other churches upon meer necessity , thinking that discipline being an ordinance of christ , must be used by all that can , and therefore they durst no longer live without it when they may have it ; and they could find no presbyterian churches that executed discipline , as they wrote for it ; and they told me , that they did thus separate only protempore , till the presbyterians will use discipline , and then they would willingly return to them again . i confess i was sorry that such persons had any such occasion to withdraw , and the least ground for such a reason of their doings . it is not keeping them from the sacrament that will excuse us from the further exercise of discipline , while they are members of our churches . . we do too much to bring the wrath of god upon our selves and our congregations , and so to blast the fruit of our labours . if the angel of the church of thyatira was reproved for suffering seducers in the church , we may be reproved on the same ground for suffering open , scandalous , impenitent ones . rev. . . we seem to justifie the prelates who took the same course in neglecting discipline , ( though in other things we differ . ) . we have abundance of aggravations and witnesses to rise up against us , which though i will purposely now over-pass , lest i seem to press too hard in this point , i shall desire you to apply them hither , when you meet with them anon under the next branch of the exhortation . i know that discipline is not essential to a church ; but what of that ? is it not therefore a duty ; and necessary to its well-being ; yea more , the power of discipline is essential to a particular political church : and what is the power for , but for the work and use ? as there is no common-wealth that hath not partem imperantem , as well as partem subditam , so no such church that hath not partem regentem , in one pastor or more . sect . xii . . the last particular branch of my exhortation is , that you will now faithfully discharge the great duty which you have undertaken , and which is the occasion of our meeting here to day , in personal catechizing and instructing every one in your parishes that will submit thereto . what our undertaking is you know , you have considered it , and it is now published to the world . but what the performance will be i know not : but i have many reasons to hope well of the most , though some will alwaies be readyer to say , then to do . and because this is the chief business of the day , i must take leave to insist somewhat the longer on it . and . i shall give you some further motives to perswade you to faithfulness in the undertaken work ; presupposing the former general motives , which should move us to this as well as to any other part of our duty . . i shall give to the younger of my brethren , a few words of advice for the manner of the performance . chap. vi. sect . i. . the first reasons by which i shall perswade you to this duty are taken from the benefits of it . the second sort are taken from the difficulty . and the third from the necessity , and the many obligations that are upon us for the performance of it . and to these three heads i shall reduce them all . . and for the first of these ; when i look before me , and consider what through the blessing of god , this work well managed is like to produce , it makes my heart to leap for joy . truly brethren , you have begun a most blessed work : and such as your own consciences may rejoyce in , and your parishes rejoyce in , and the nation rejoyce in , and the childe that is yet unborn ; yea thousands and millions for ought we know may have cause to bless god for , when we have finished our course . and though it be our business here to humble our selves for the neglect of it so long , as we have very great cause to do , yet the hopes of a blessed success are so great in me , that they are ready to turn it into a day of rejoycing i bless the lord that i have lived to see such a day as this , and to be present at so solemn an engagement of so many servants of christ to such a work . i bless the lord , that hath honoured you of this county to be the beginners and awakeners of the nation hereunto . is it not a controverted business , where the exasperated minds of divided men might pick quarrels with us , or malice it self be able to invent a rational reproach : nor is it a new invention , where envy might charge , you as innovators , or proud boasters of any new discoveries of your own ; or scorn to follow in it , because you have led the way . no ; it is a well known duty : it is but the more diligent and effectuall management of the ministerial work , and the teaching of our principles , and the feeding of babes with milk . you lead indeed , but not in invention of novelty , but the restauration of the antient ministerial work , and the self-denying attempt of a duty that few , or none can contradict . unless men do envy you , your labours and sufferings , or unless they envy the saving of mens souls , i know not what they can envy you for , in this . the age is so quarrel●om , that where there is any matter to fasten on , we can scarce explain a truth or perform a duty , but one or other , if not many , will have a stone to cast at us , and will speak evil of the things which they do not understand , or which their hearts and interests are against . but here i think we have silenced malice it self : and i hope we may do this part of gods work quietly , ( as to them ) ; if they cannot endure to be told what they know not , or contradicted in what they think , or disgraced by discoveries of what they have said amiss , i hope they will give us leave to do that which no man can contradict , and to practice that which all are agreed in ; i hope we may have their good leave , or silent patience at least , to deny the ease and pleasure of our flesh , and to set our selves in good earnest to help men to heaven , and to propagate the knowledge of christ with our people . and i take it for a sign of a great and necessary work , which hath such universal approbation ; the commonly acknowledged truths and duties being , for the most part , of greatest necessity and moment . a more noble work it is to practise faithfully the truths and duties that all men will confess , then to make new ones , or discover somewhat more then others have discovered . i know not why we should be ambitious of finding out new waies to heaven : to make plain , and to walk in the old way , is our work , and our greatest honour . and because the work in hand is so pregnant of great advantages to the church , i will come down to the particular benefits which we may hope for , that when you see the excellency of it , you may be the more set upon it , and the lother by any negligence or failing to destroy or frustrate it . for certainly he that hath the true intentions of a minister , will rejoyce in the appearances of any further hopes of the attaining of his ends , and nothing can be more welcome to him , then that which will further the very business of his life ; and that our present work is such , i shall shew you more particularly . i. and first ; it will be the most hopeful advantage for the conversion of many souls , that we can expect . for it hath a concurrence of those great things which must further such a work . . for the matter of it , it is about the most needful things : the principles or essentials of the christian faith . . for the manner of exercise , it will be by private conference , where we may have opportunity to set all home to the heart . . the common concord of ministers will do much to bow their hearts to a consent . were it but a meeting to resolv som controverted questions it would not have so direct a tendency to conversion were it but occasional , we could not handsomly fall on them so closely : but when we make it the appointed business , it will be expected , and not so strangely taken . and if most ministers had singly set upon this work , perhaps but few of the people would have submitted , and then you might have lost your chiefest opportunities , and those that had most needed your help , would have had least of it . whereas now we may hope that when it is a general thing , few will refuse it ; and when they see that other neighbours do it , they will be ashamed to be so singular or openly ungodly as to deny . the work of conversion consisteth of two parts . . the well informing of the judgement in the necessary points . . the change of the will , by the efficacy of this truth . now in this work ; we have the most excellent advantage for both . for the informing of their understandings , it must needs be an excellent help to have the summe of all christianity still in memory . and though bare words not understood , will make no change , yet when the words are plain english , he that hath the words is far liker to know the meaning and matter , then another ; for what have we to make known things by , that themselves are invisible , but words and other subservient signs ? those therefore that will deride all catechisms and professions , as unprofitable forms , may better deride themselves for talking and using the form of their own words to make known their minds to others : and they may deride all gods word on the same account , which is a standing form for the guiding of preachers , and teaching all others the doctrine of eternal life . why may not written words that are still before their eyes and in their memories ; instruct them , as well as the transient words of a preacher ? these forms therefore of wholsom words are so far from being unprofitable ( as some phantastical persons do imagine ) that they are of admirable use to all . and then , we shal have the opportunity by personal conference to try them how far they understand it , and how far not ? and so to explain it to them as we go : and to chose out and insist on those particulars which the persons that we spèak to have most need to hear . so that these two conjunct : a form of words , with a plain explication , may do more , then either of them could do alone . moreover , we have the best opportunity to imprint the same truths upon their hearts ; when we can speak to each ones particular necessity , and say to the sinner , thou art the man ; and plainly mention his particular case , and set home the truth with familiar importunity ; if any thing in the world is likely to do them good , it is this . they will understand a familiar speech , that hear a sermon , as if it were non-sence : and they have far greater help for the application of it to themselves . and withal you shall hear their objections , and know where it is , that satan hath most advantage on them , and what it is that stands up against the truth , and so may be able to shew them their errors , and confute their objections , and more effectually to convince them : we can better drive them to a stand , and urge them to discover their resolutions for the future , and to promise the use of means and reformation , then otherwise we could do . what need we more for this , then our experience ? i seldom deal with men purposely on this great business , in private serious conference , but they go away with some seeming convictions , and promises of new obedience , if not some deeper remorse , and sense of their condition . and i hope your own experiences are the samè . o brethren , what a blow may we give the kingdom of darkness by the faithful and skilful managing of this work ! if then the saving of souls , of your neighbours souls , of many souls , from everlasting misery , be worth your labour , up and be doing ! if the increase of the true church of christ be desirable , this work is excellent , which is so likely to promote it . if you would be the fathers of many that shall be new born to god , and would see the travail of your souls with comfort , and would be able to say at last , here am i , and the children that thou hast given me ; up then and ply this blessed work . if it will do you good to see your holy converts among the saints in glory , and praising the lamb before his throne ; if you will be glad to present them blameless and spotless to christ ; be glad then of this singular opportunity that is offered you . if you are ministers of christ indeed , you will long for the perfecting of his body , and the gathering in of his elect , and your hearts will be set upon it , and you will travail as in birth of them till christ be formed in them . and then you will take such opportunities as your harvest-time , and as the un-shine daies in a rainy harvest , in which it is unreasonable & unexcusable to be idle . if you have any spark of christian compassion in you , it wil sure seem worth your utmost labour to save so many souls from death , and to recover so great a multitude of sins . if you are indeed co-workers with christ , set then to his work , and neglect not the souls , for whom he dyed . o remember when you are talking with the unconverted , that now there is an opportunity in your hands to save a soul , and to rejoyce the angels of heaven , and to rejoyce christ himself , and that your work is to cast satan out of a sinner , and to increase the family of god. and what is your own hope , or joy , or crown of rejoycing ? is it not your saved people in the presence of christ jesus at his coming ? yea doubtless , they are your glory and your joy , thes . . , . . the second happy benefit of our work if well managed , will be , the most orderly building up of those that are converted , and the stablishing them in the faith . it hazardeth the whole work , or at least much hindereth it , when we do it not in the order that it must be done . how can you build if you first lay not a good foundation ? or how can you set on the top-stone while the middle parts are neglected ? gratia non facit saltum , any more than nature . the second order of christian truths have such dependance upon the first , that they can never be well learned , till the first are learned . this makes so many deluded novices , that are pust up with the vain conceits of knowledge while they are grosly ignorant , and itch to be preaching before they well know what it is to be christians ; because they took not the work before them , but learnt some lesser matters which they heard most talk of , before they learnt the vital principles . and this makes many labour so much in vain , and are still learning , but never come to the knowledge of the truth , because they would learn to read before they learn to spell , or to know their letters ; and this makes so many fall away , and shaken with every wind of temptation , because they were not well settled in the fundamentals . it is these fundamentals that must lead men to further truths : it is these they must bottom and build all upon . it is these that they must live upon , and that must actuate all their graces , and animate all their duties ; it is these that must fortifie them against particular temptations ; and he that knows these well , doth know so much as will make him happy ; and he that knows not these , knows nothing ; and he that knows these best , is the best and most understanding christian . the most godly people therefore in your congregations will find it worth their labour to learn the very words of a catechism . and if you would safely edifie them and firmly stablish them , be diligent in this work . . a third benefit that may be expected by the well-managing of this work , is this , it will make our publike preaching to be better understood and regarded . when you have acquainted them with the principles , they will the better understand all that you say . they will perceive what you drive at , when they are once acquainted with the main . this prepareth their minds , and openeth you a way to their hearts : when without this you may lose the most of your labour : and the more pains you take , in accurate preparations , the less good you do . as you would not therefore lose your publike labour , see that you be faithful in this private work . . and this is not a contemptible benefit , that by this course you will come to be familiar with your people , when you have had the opportunity of familiar conference . and the want of this with us , that have very numerous parishes , is a great impediment to the success of our labours . by distance and unacquaintedness , slanderers and deceivers have opportunity to possess them with false conceits of you , which prejudice their minds against your doctrine : and by this distance and strangeness abundance of mistakes between ministers and people are fomented . besides that , familiarity it self doth tend to beget those affections , which may open their ears to further teaching . and when we are familiar with them , they will be more encouraged to open their doubts and seek resolution , and deal freely with us . but when a minister knoweth not his people , or is as strange to them as if he did not know them , it must be a great hindrance to his doing them any good . . besides , by the means of these private instructions , we shall come to be the better acquainted with each persons spiritual state , and so the better know how to watch over them , and carry our selves towards them ever after . we may know the better how to preach to them when we know their temper , and their chief objections , and so what they have most need to hear . we shall the better know wherein to be jealous of them with a pious jealousie , and what temptations to help them most against . we shal the better know how to lament for them and to rejoyce with them , and to pray for them to god. for as he that will pray rightly for himself , will know his own sores and wants , and the diseases of his own heart ; so he that will pray rightly for others , should know theirs as far as he may , and as is meet . if a man have the charge but of sheep or cattle , he cannot so well discharge his trust if he know them not , and their state and qualities . so is it with the master that will well teach his schollars , and parents that will rightly educate their children : and so with us . . and then this tryal of , and acquaintance with our peoples state , will better satisfie us in the administration of the sacraments . we may the better understand how far they are fit or unfit . though this give them not the state or relation of a member of that church whereof we are over-seers ; yet because the members of the church universal , though they are of no particular church , may in some cases have a right to the ordinances of christ in those particular churches where they come , and in some cases they have no right , we may by this means be the better informed how to deal with them , though they be no members of that particular church . and whereas many will question a minister that examineth his people in order to the lords supper , by what authority he doth it , the same work will be done this way , in a course beyond exception . though i doubt not but a minister may require his flock to come to him at any convenient season , to give an account of their faith and proficiency , and to receive instruction , and therefore he may do it in preparation to the sacrament ; yet because ministers have laid the stress of that examination upon the meer necessity of fitness for that ordinance , and not upon their common duty to see the state and proficiency of each member of their flock at all fit seasons , and upon the peoples duty to submit to the guidance and instruction of the pastors at all times , they have therefore occasioned people ignorantly to quarrel against their examinations , and call for the proof . whereas it is an easie thing to prove that any schollar in christs school is bound at any time to be accountable to his teachers , and to obey them in all lawful things in order to their own edification and salvation ; though it may be more difficult to prove a necessity that a minister must so examine them in order to the lords supper , any more then in order to a day of thanksgiving or a lords day , or the baptizing of their children . now by this course , we shall discern their fitness in an unquestionable way . . another benefit will be this , we shall by this means be the better enabled to help our people against their particular temptations , and we shall much better prevent their entertainment of any particular errors or heresies ; or their falling into schism to the hazard of themselves and the church . for men will freelyer open their thoughts and scruples to us , and if they are infected already or inclined to any errour or schism , they will be ready to discover it , and so may receive satisfaction before they are past cure . and familiarity with their teachers , will the more encourage them to open their doubts to them at any other time . the common cause of our peoples infections and heresies is the familiarity of seducers with them , and the strangeness of their own pastors . when they hear us only in publike , and hear seducers frequently in private unsaying all that we say , and we never know it , or help them against it , this fettleth them in heresies before we are aware of it . alas our people are most of them so weak , that whoever hath . most interest in their estimations and affections : and . most opportunity in private frequent conferences to instill his opinions into them , of that mans religion will they ordinarily be . it is pity then that we should let deceivers take such opportunities to undo them , and we should not be as industrious , and use our advantages to their good . we have much advantage against seducers in many respects , if our negligence and their diligence did not frustrate them . . another , and one of the greatest benefits of our work will be this , it will better inform men of the true nature of the ministerial office , or awaken them to better consideration of it , then is now usual . it is now too common for men to think that the work of the ministery is nothing but to preach well , and to baptize and administer the lords supper , and visit the sick : and by this means the people will submit to no more , and too many ministers are negligently or wilfully such strangers to their own calling , that they will do no more . it hath oft grieved my heart to observe some eminent able preachers , how little they do for the saving of souls , save only in the pulpit ; and to how little purpose much of their labour is , by this neglect . they have hundreds of people that they never spoke a word to personally for their salvation , and if we may judge by their practice , they take it not for their duty : and the principal thing that hardeneth men in this oversight , is the common neglect of the private part of the work by others . there are so few that do much in it ; and the omission is grown so common among pious able men , that they have abated the disgrace of it by their parts , and a man may now be guilty of it , without any common observance or dishonour . never doth sin so reign in a church or state , as when it hath gained reputation , or at least is no disgrace to the sinner , nor a matter of any offence to beholders . but i make no doubt through the mercy of god , but the restored practice of personal oversight will convince many ministers , that this is as truly their work as that which they now do : and may awaken them to see that the ministery is another kind of business , then too many excellent preachers do take it to be . brethren , do but set your selves closely to this work , and follow on diligently , and though you do it silently , without any words to them that are negligent , i am in hope that most of you here may live to see the day , that the neglect of private personal oversight of all the flock shall be taken for a scandalous and adious omission , and shall be as disgraceful to them that are guilty of it , as preaching but once a day was heretofore . a school master must not only read a common lecture , but take a personal account of his scholars , or else he is like to do little good . if physicians should only read a publike lecture of physick , their patients would not be much the better for them : nor would a lawyer secure your estate by reading a lecture of law. the charge of a pastor requireth personal dealing as well as any of these . let us shew the world this by our practise ; for most men are grown regardless of bare words . the truth is , we have been occasioned exceedingly to wrong the church in this , by the contrary extream of the papists , who bring all their people to auricular confession : for in the overthrowing of this error of theirs , we have run into the contrary extream , and led our people much further into it then we are gone our selves . it troubled me to read in an orthodox historian , that licentiousness , and a desire to be from under the strict enquiries of the priests in confession , did much further the entertainment of the reformed religion in germany . and yet its like enough to be true , that they that were against reformation in other respects , yet partly for the change , and partly on that licentious account , might joyn with better men in crying down the romish clergy . but by this means , lest we should seem to favour the said auricular confession , we have too commonly neglected all personal instruction ; except when we occasionally fall into mens company , few make it a stated part of their work : i am past doubt that the popish auricular confession , is a sinful novelty , which the antient church was unacquainted with . but perhaps some will think strange that i should say , that our common neglect of personal instruction is much worse , if we consider their confessions in themselves , and not as they respect their connexed doctrines of satisfaction and purgatory . many of the southern and eastern churches do use a confession of sin to the priest . and how far mr. tho. hocker in his souls preparat and other divines do ordinarily require it , as necessary or useful , is well known . if any among us should be guilty of this gross mistake as to think when he hath preached , he hath done all his work , let us shew him to his face by our practice of the rest , that there is much more to be done , and that taking heed to all the flock is another business then careless lazy ministers do consider of . if a man have the least apprehension that duty , and the chiefest duty , is no duty ; he is like to neglect it , and be impenitent in the neglect . . another singular benefit which we may hope for from the faithful performance of this work , is , that it will help our people better to understand the nature of their duty towards their overseers , and consequently to discharge it better . which were no matter if it were only for our sakes ; but their own salvation is very much concerned in it . i am confident by sad experience , that it is none of the least impediments to their happiness , and to a true reformation of the church : that the people understand not what the work and power of a minister is , and what their own duty towards them is . they commonly think that a minister hath no more to do with them but to preach to them , and visit them in sickness , and administer sacraments , and that if they hear him , and receive the sacrament from him , they owe no further obedience , nor can he require any more at their hands . little do they know that the minister is in the church as the schoolmaster in his school , to teach and take an account of every one in particular , and that all christians ordinarily must be disciples or scholars in some such school they think not that a minister is in the church as a physician in a town , for all people to resort to , for personal advice for the curing of all those diseases that are fit to be brought to a physician : and that the priests lips must preserve knowledge , and the people must ask the law at their mouths , because he is the messenger of the lord of hosts . and that every soul in the congregation is bound for their own safety , to have personal recourse to him , for the resolving of their doubts , and for help against their sins , and for direction in duty , and for increase of knowledge and all saving grace ! and that ministers are purposely settled in congregations to this end , to be still ready to advise and help the flock . if our people did but know their duty , they would readily come to us when they are desired to be instructed , and to give an account of their knowledge , faith and lives ; and they would come themselves without sending for , and knock oftner at our doors , and call for advice and help for their souls ; and ask , what shall we do to be saved ? whereas now the matter is come to that sad pass , that they think a minister hath nothing to do with them , and if he admonish them , they will bid him look to himself , he shall not answer for them : and if he call them to be catechized or instructed , or to be prepared for the lords supper , or other holy ordinance , or would take an account of their faith and profiting , they will ask him , by what authority he doth these things ? and think that he is a busie pragmatical fellow , that loves to be medling where he hath nothing to do ; or a proud fellow that would bear rule over their consciences . when they may as well ask him , by what authority he preacheth , or prayeth for them , or giveth them the sacrament ; or they may as well ask a school-master , by what authority he cals his scholars to learn or say their lesson ? or a physitian , by what authority he enjoyment them to take his medicine ? people consider not , that all our authority is but for our work : even a power to do our duty and our work is for them ; so that it is but an authority to do them good : and the silly wretches do talk no wiselyer , then if they should thus quarrel with a man that would held to quench the fire in their thatch , and ask him , by what authority he doth it ? or that would give his money to relieve the poor , and they should ask him , by what authority do you require us to take this money ? or as if i offered my hand to one that is fallen , to help him up , or to one that is in the water , to save him from drowning , and he should ask me , by what authority i do it ? truly we have no wiser nor thankfuller dealing from these men : nay , it is worse , in that we are doubly obliged , both by christian charity , and the ministerial office to do them good . i know not of any simile that doth more aptly express the ministerial power and duty , and the peoples duty , then these two conjunct ; viz. even such as a physician is in an hospital , that hath taken the charge of it , and such as a school-master is in his school , especially such as the philosophers , or teachers of any science or art , whose schools have the aged and voluntary members , as well as children ( christs hath all ages ) even such is a minister in the church , and such is their work and their authority to do it , and the duty of the people to submit thereto , allowing such differences as the subject requireth . and what is it that hath brought people to this ignorance of their duty , but custom ? it s long of us , brethren to speak truly and plainly , its long of us ; that have not used them nor our selves to any more then the common publike work . we see how much custom doth with the people . where it is the custom , they stick not among the papists at the confessing of all their sins to the priest : and because it is not the custom among us , they disdain to be questioned , catechized or instructed . they wonder at it as a strange thing , and say , such things were never done before . and if we can but prevail to make this duty become as usual as other duties , they will much more easily submit to it then now . what a happy thing would it be , if you might live to see the day , that it should be as ordinary for people of all ages to come in course to their teachers for personal advice , and help for their salvation , as it is now usual for them to come to church , or as it is for them to send their children thither to be catechized . our diligence in this work , is the way to do this . . moreover , our practice will give the governors of the nation some better information about the nature and burden of the ministery , and so may procure their further assistance . it is a lamentable impediment to the reformation of the church and the saving of souls , that in most populous congregations , there is but one or two men to over-see many thousand souls , and so there are not labourers in any measure answerable to the work , but it becomes an impossible thing to them to do any considerable measure of that personal duty which should be done by faithful pastors to all the flocks . i have often said it , and still must say it , that this is a great part of englands misery , and a great degree of spiritual famine which reigns in most cities and great towns through the land , even where they are insensible of it , and think themselves well provided ; alas we see multitudes of carnal , ignorant , sensual sinners round about us , here is a family , and there a family , and there almost a whole street or village of them ; and our hearts pity them , and we see that their necessities cry loud for our speedy and diligent relief , so that he that hath ears to hear must needs hear it . and if we would never so fain , we cannot help them : not only through their obstinacy , but also through our want of opportunity . we have experience , that if we could but have leisure to speak to them , and to open plainly to them their sin and danger , there were great hopes of doing good to many of them , that receive little by our publike teaching . but we cannot come at them : more necessary work prohibits us : we cannot do both at once : and the publike must be preferred , because there we deal with many at once . and it is as much as we are able to do , to perform the publike work , or some little more ; and if we do take the time when we should eat or sleep , ( besides the ruining of weakened bodies by it ) we shall not be able after all , to speak to one of very many of them . so that we must stand by and see poor people perish , and can but be sorry for them , and cannot so much as speak to them to endeavour their recovery . is not this a sad case in a nation that glorieth of the fulness of the gospel ? an infidel will say , no : but me thinks no man that believes an everlasting joy or torment should say so . i will give you the instance of my own case . we are together two ministers , and a third at a chappel , willing to bestow every hour of our time in christs work . before we undertook this work that we are now upon , our hands were full , and now we are engaged to set apart two daies every week from morning to night for private catechizing and instruction ; so that any man may see that we must leave undone all that other work that we were wont to do at that time : and we are necessitated to run upon the publike work of preaching with small preparation , and so must deliver the message of god , so rawly and confusedly , and unanswerably to its dignity , and the needs of mens souls that it is a great trouble to our minds to consider it , and a greater trouble to us when we are doing it . and yet it must be so : there is no remedy , unless we will omit this personal instruction , we must needs run thus unpreparedly into the pulpit ! and to omit this we dare not , it is so great and necessary a work . and when we have incurred all the forementioned inconveniences , and have set two whole daies a week apart for the work that we have now undertaken , it wil be as much as we shal be able to do , to go over the parish but once in a year ( being about . families ) and which is worse then that , we shall be forc't to cut it short , and do it less effectually to those that we do it , having above . families a week to deal with . and alas , how small a matter is it to speak to a man once only in a year , and that so cursorily as we must be forced to do , in comparison of what their necessities do require ? yet are we in hope of some fruit of this much , but how much more might it be , if we could but speak to them once a quarter , and do the vvork more fully and deliberately ( as you that are in smaller parishes may do . ) and many ministers in england have ten times , ( if not more ) the number of parishoners as i have : so that if they should undertake the work that we have done , they can go over the parish but once in ten years . so that while we are hoping for opportunities to speak to them , we hear of one dying after another , and to the grief of our souls are forced to go with them to their graves before we could ever speak a word to them personally to prepare them for their change . and what is the cause of all this misery ? why our rulers have not seen a necessity of any more ministers then one or two in such parishes ; and so they have not allowed any maintenance to that end : some have alienated much from the church ( the lord humble all them that consented to it effectually , lest it prove the consumption of the nation at last ) while they have left this famine in the chief parts of the land. it s easie to separate from the multitude , and gather distinct churches , and let the rest sink or swim , and if they will not be saved by publike preaching , let them be damned : but whether this be the most charitable and christian course , one would think should be no hard question . but what 's the matter that wise and godly rulers should be thus guilty of our misery , and that none of our cries will awake them to compassion ? what , are they so ignorant as not to know these things ? or are they grown cruel to the souls of men ? or are they false-hearted to the interest of christ , and have a design to undermine his kingdom ? no , i hope it is none of these ; but for ought i can find , it is even long of us , even of us the ministers of the gospel , whom they should thus maintain . for those ministers that have small parishes , and might do all this private part of the work , yet do it not ( but very few of them ) nor will not do it . and those in great towns and cities , that might do somewhat , though they cannot do all , will do just nothing , but what accidentially fals in their way , or next to nothing ; so that the magistrate is not wakened to an observance or consideration of the weight of our work : if it be not in their eyes , as well as in their ears , they will not regard it . or if they do apprehend the usefulness of it , yet if they see that ministers are so careless and lazy that they will not do it , they think it in vain to provide them a maintenance for it : it would be but to cherish idle droans : and so they think , that if they maintain ministers enough to preach in the pulpit , they have done their parts . and thus are they involved in hainous sin , and we are the occasions of it . whereas if we do but heartily all set our selves to this work , and shew the magistrate to his face , that it is a most weighty and necessary part of our business , and that we would do it throughly if we could , and that if there were hands enough at it , the work might go on , and withal when he shall see the happy success of our labours , then no doubt , if the fear of god be in them , and they have any love to his truth and mens souls , they will set to their helping hand , and not let men perish , because there is no man to speak to them to prevent it . they will one way or other raise maintenance in such populous places for labourers proportioned to the number of souls , and greatness of the work . let them but see us fall to the work , and see it prosper in our hands ; ( as if it be well managed through gods blessing , there is no doubt but it will do ) and then it will draw out their hearts to the promoting of it : and instead of laying parishes together to diminish the number of teachers , they will either divide them , or allow more teachers to a parish . but when they see that many carnal ministers do make a greater stir to have more maintenance to themselves , then to have more help in the work of god , they are tempted by such worldlings to wrong the church , that particular ministers may have ease and fulness . . another benefit that is like to follow our work , is this ; it may exceedingly facilitate the ministerial service to the next generation that shall succeed us ; and prevent the rebellion of people against their teachers . as i said , custom is the thing that swaies much with the multitude ; and they that first break a destructive custom , must bear the brunt of their indignation ; some body must do this . if we do it not , it will lie upon our successors ; and how can we look that they should be more hardy and resolute , and faithful then we ? it s we that have seen the heavy judgements of the lord , and heard him pleading by fire and sword with the land. it s we that have been our selves in the furnace , and should be the most refined ( mal. . . ) it s we that are most deeply obliged by oaths and covenants , by wonderful deliverances , experiences and mercies of all sorts . and if we yet flinch and turn our backs , and prove false-hearted , why should we expect better from them , that have not been driven by such scourges as we , nor drawn by such cords . but if they do prove better then we , and will do it , the same odium and opposition must befall them , which we avoid , and that with some increase , because of our neglect ; for the people will tell them , that we their predecessors did no such things . but if we would now break through that are set in the front , and break the ice for them that follow us , their souls will bless us , and our names shall be dear to them , and they will feel the happy fruits of our labour every week and day of their ministery . when the people shall willingly submit to their private instructions and examinations , yea and to discipline too because we have acquainted them with it , and removed the prejudice , and broke the evil custom that our fore-goers had been the cause of . and so we may do much to the saving of many thousand souls in all ages to come , as well as in the present age that we are working in . . another benefit will be this ; we shall keep our peoples minds and times from much of that vanity that now possesseth them . when men are at work in their shops almost all their talk is vanity : the children also learn foolish and ribbald songs and tales ; and with such filth and rubbish are their memories furnished . many an hour is lost , and many a thousand idle thoughts and words are they guilty of . whereas when they once know that catechisms must be learnt , and that they must all give account , it will turn much of their thoughts and time that way . . moreover , it will do much to the better ordering of families , and better spending of the lords day . when we have once got the master of the family to undertake it , that he will once every lords day examine his family , and hear them what they can say of the catechism , it will find them the most profitable imployment : whereas otherwise , many of them would be idle , or ill employed : and many masters that know little themselves , may yet be brought to do this for others . . moreover , it will do some good to many ministers that are apt to be too idle , and mispend their time in unnecessary discourses , businesses , or journeys , or recreations ; and it will let them see that they have no time to spare for such things . and so when they are engaged in so much pressing employment of so high a nature , it will be the best cure for all that idleness or loss of time : and withall , it will cut off that scandal which usually followeth thereupon : for people use to say , such a minister can sit in an ale-house or tavern , or spend his time at bowls , or other sports , or vain discourse ; and why may not we do so as well as he ? let us all set close to this part of our work , and then see what time we can find to spare ? and live idly , or in a way of voluptuousness , yea or worldliness , if we can . . and many personal benefits to our selves , are consequential to these . it will do much , . to exercise and increase our own graces . and . to subdue our own corruptions . and . besides our safety , it will breed much peace to our own consciences , and comfort us when our time and actions must be reviewed . . to be much in provoking others to repentance , and heavenly-mindedness , may do much to excite them in our selves . . to cry down the sin of others , and engage them against it , and direct them to overcome it , will do much to shame us out of our own : and conscience will scarce suffer us to live in that which we make so much ado to draw others from . and that very constant imployment for god , and busying our minds and tongues against sin , and for christ and holiness , will do much to habituate us , and to overcome our fleshly inclinations , both by direct mortification , and by diversion , leaving our fancies no room nor time for their old imployment , i dare say , that all the austerities of monks and hermits ( that addict themselves to unprofitable solitude , and are the true imitators of the unprofitable servant , mat. . that hid his talent because his master was an austere man , and that think to save themselves by neglecting to shew compassion on others ) will not do near so much in the true work of mortification , as this fruitful diligence for christ will do . . and it will be some benefit , that by this means we shall take off our selves and our people from vain controversies , and from letting out our care and zeal , and talk upon the lesser things in religion , which least tend to their spiritual edification . for while we are taken up in teaching , and they in learning the fundamentals , we shall divert our minds and tongues , and have less room for lower things . and so it will cure much wranglings and contentions between ministers and people : for we do that which we need not and should not , because we will not fall closely to do that , which we need and should . and if we could handsomly contrive the more understanding sort of our people to assist us in private helping others ( though prejudice of others , and their own unripeness , and unfitness much hinder ) it would be the most effectual way to prevent their running into preaching distempers , or into schisms ; for this employment would take them up , and content the teaching humor that they are inclined to . and it might make their parts more useful in a safe and lawful way . . moreover , the very dilgent practice of this work that we are are upon , would do much to set men right about many controversies that now trouble the church , and so to put an end to our differences . especially most of those about the ministery , churches and discipline , would receive more convincing light by practice , then all our idle talking , or writing will afford us . we have fallen of late into parties , and troubled the church about many controversies concerning excommunication . in such and such cases , which perhaps never will fall out ; or if they do , they cannot be so well decided by any man that is not engaged in the practice . it is like the profession of a physitian , a souldier , a pilot , &c. who can never be worth a straw at his work , by all the precepts in the world , without practise and experience . this will be the only course to make , . sound divines in the main , which bare studying will not do . and recover us again to the primitive simplicity , to live upon the substantial necessary things . . and to direct and resolve us in many of ou● quarrels that will no other way be well resolved . for example ; if this work had been set on foot , and it had been but visible what it is to have the oversight of souls durst any prelates have contended for the sole oversight of . or . or churches ? and that the presbyters might be but their curates and informers ? durst they have striven with might and main to have drawn upon themselves such impossibilities , and have carried such mountains on their backs , and to answer god as over-seers and pastors of so many thousand people , whose faces they were never like to see , much less were they ever like to speak one word to them for their everlasting life ? would they not have said , if i must be a bishop , let me be a parochial bishop , or have no more to oversee then i am capable of overseeing , and let me be such as the primitive bishops were , that had but one church , and not hundreds to take care of ; and let me not be engaged to natural impossibilities , and that on pain of damnation , and to the certain destruction of the business that i undertake ; sure these would rather have been their strivings . i speak not this against any bishops that acknowledge the presbyters to be true pastors to rule and teach the flock , and take themselves only to be the chief or presidents among the presbyters , yea or the rulers of presbyters , that are the rulers of the flock ; but of them that null the presbyters office , and the churches government and discipline , by undertaking it alone as their sole prerogative . many other disciplinary controversies i might instance in , that will be better resolved by this course of practice , by the abundant experience which it will afford , then by all the disputations or writings that have attempted it . . and then for the extent of the foresaid benefits , ( which in the two next places shall now be considered ) the design of this work is , the reforming and saving of all the people in our several parishes ; for we shall not leave out any man that will submit to be instructed . and though we can scarce hope that every particular person will be reformed and saved by it , yet have we reason to hope , that as the attempt is universal , so the success will be more general or extensive then hitherto we have seen of our other labours . sure i am it is most like to the spirit , and precept and offers of the gospel , which requireth us to preach the gospel to every creature , and promiseth life to every man if he will accept it by believing ! if god would have all men to be saved , and to come to the knowledge of the truth ( that is , as rector and benefactor ) of the world , he hath manifested himself willing to save all men if they will themselves , though his elect he will also make willing ) then sure it beseems us to offer salvation unto all men , and to endeavour to bring them to the knowledge of the truth . and if christ tasted death for every man , its meet we should preach his death for every man. this work hath a more excellent design , then our accidental conferences with now and then a particular person . and i observe that in such occasional discourses men satisfie themselves to have spoken some good words , but seldom set plainly and closely to the matter , to convince men of sin , and misery , and mercy ; as in this purposely appointed work we are now more like to do . . and further , it is like to be a work that shall reach over the whole land , and not stop with us that have now engaged in it . for though it be at the present neglected , i suppose the cause is the same with our brethren as it hath all this while been with us ; who by vain expectations of the magistrates interposition , or by that inconsiderateness , and lazyness which we are bewailing here this day , have so much omitted it till now as we have done ; but specially a despair of a common submission of the people hath been the hindrance . but when they shall be remembered of so clear and great a duty , and excited to the consideration of it , and see with us the feisableness of it , in a good measure , when it is done by common consent , no doubt they will universally take it up , and gladly concurr with us in so blessed a work . for they are the servants of the same god , as regardful of their flocks , and as consciencious as we , and as sensible of the interest of christ , and as compassionate to mens souls , and as self-denying , and ready to do or suffer for such excellent ends : seeing therefore they have the same spirit , rule and lord , i will not be so uncharitable as to doubt , whether all that are godly , ( or the generality of them ) will gladly joyn with us through all the land and o what a happy thing it will be to see such a general combination for christ ? and to see all england so seriously called upon , and importuned for christ , and set in so fair a way to heaven ! me thinks , the consideration of it should make our hearts rejoyce within us , to see so many faithful servants of christ all over the land , to fall in with every particular sinner with such industrious sollicitations for the saving of their souls , as men that will hardly take a denyal . me thinks , i even see all the godly ministers of england , even setting upon the work already , and resolving to take the opportunity , the unanimity may facilitate it . which if they do , no doubt but god will succeed them . is it not then a most happy undertaking that you are all setting your hands to , and desiring the assistance of christ in , this day ? . lastly , of so great weight and excellency is the duty that we are upon , that the chiefest part of church-reformation that is behind , ( as to means ) consisteth in it ; and it must be the chiefest means to answer the judgements , the mercies , the prayers , the promises , the cost , and the endeavours , and blood of the nation ; and without this it will not be done ; the ends of all these will never be well attained ; a reformation to purpose will never be wrought ; the church will be still low , the interest of christ will be much neglected ; and god will still have a controversie with the land , and above all , with the ministery that have been deepest in the guilt . how long have we talkt of reformation , how much have we said and done for it in general , and how deeply and devoutly have we vowed it for our own parts ( of which more anon . ) and after all this , how shamefully have we neglected it , and neglect it to this day ! we carry our selves as if we had not known or considered what that reformation was that we vowed . as carnal men will take on them to be christians , and profess with confidence that they believe in christ , and accept of his salvation and may contend for christ , and fight for him , and vet for all this , would have none of him , but perish for refusing him , who little dreamt that ever they had been refusers of him ; and all because they understood not what his salva ion is , and how it is carried on , but dream of a salvation without flesh-displeasing , and without self-denying , and renouncing the world , and parting with their sins , and without any holiness or any great pains and labour of their own in subserviency to christ and the spirit : even so did too many ministers and private men talk and write , and pray , and fight , and long for reformation , and would little have believed that man , that should have presumed to tell them , that for all this , their very hearts were against reformation , and that they that were praying for it and fasting for it , and wading through blood for it , would never accept it , but would themselves be the rejecters and destroyers of it ? and yet so it is , and so it hath too plainly proved : and whence is all this strange deceit of heart ? that good men should no better know themselves ? why , the case is plain : they thought of a reformation to be given by god , but not of a reformation to be wrought on and by themselves . they considered the blessing , but never thought of the means of accomplishing it . but as if they had expected that all things besides themselves should be mended without them ; or that the holy ghost should again descend miraculously , or every sermon should convert its thousands , or that some angel from heaven , or some eliis should be sent to restore all things ; or that the law of a parliament , and the sword of a magistrate would have converted or constrained all , and have done the deed ; and little did they think of a reformation that must be wrought by their own diligence and unwearied labours , by earnest preaching , and catechizing , and personal instructions , and taking heed to all the flock , whatever pains or reproaches it should cost them they thought not that a through reformation must multiply their own work , but we had all of us too carnal thouhgts , that when we had ungodly men at our mercy all would be done , and conquering them was converting them , or such a means as would have frightned them to , heaven . but the business is far otherwise , and had we then known how a reformation must be atrained , perhaps some would have been colder in the persecution of it . and yet i know that even foreseen labours seem small matters at a distance , while we do , but hear and talk of them : but when we come nearer them , and must lay our hands to the work and put on our armour , and charge through the thickest of opposing difficulties then is the sincerity and the strength of mens hearts brought to tryal , and it will appear how they purposed and promised before . reformation is to many of us , as the messiah was to the jews . before he came , they looked and longed for him , and boasted of him and rejoyced in hope of him , but when he came they could not abide him , but hated him , and would not believe that he was indeed the person , and therefore persecuted and put him to death to the curse and confusion of the main body of their nation , mal. . , , . the lord whom we seek shall suddenly come to his temple , even the messenger of the covenant , whom ye del gbt in : but who may abide the day of his coming , and who shall stand when he appeareth ? for he is like a refiners fire , and like fullers sope : and he shall sit as a refiner and purifier of silver : and he shall purifie the sons of levi , and purge them as gold and silver , that they may offer to the lord an offering in righteousness . and the reason was , because it was another manner of h●st that the jews expected , then jesus was that did appear to them ; it was one to bring them riches . and liberty , and to this day they profess that they will never believe in any but such . so it is with too many about reformation . they hoped for a reformation , that should bring them more wealth and honour with the people , and power to force men to do what they would have them : and now they see a reformation that must put them to more condescention and pains then ever they were before , this will not down with them . they thought of having the opposers of godliness under their feet ; but now they see they must go to them with humble intreaties and put their hands under their feet , if it would do them good , and meekly beseech even those that sometime sought their lives , and make it now their daily business to overcome them by kindness , and win them with love . o how many carnal expectations are here crost . hence also it is , that most men do lay so great a part of reformation in their private opinions , or singular waies . the prelatical party think that the true reformation is to restore them to power . the presbyterians have thought that if prelacy and independancy were well down , and classes up , the work were much done : and the independents have thought that if they had gathered a separated body of godly people under covenant , much of the reformation were wrought : and the anabaptists have thought , that if they could but get people to be baptized again , they had done a great matter for reformation . i am not now reproving any of these in the matter , ( though the last especially well deserve it ) but that they lay so much upon their several orders and formalities as many of them do : when indeed if we had our will in all such matters of order , and had the rightest form of government in the world , it is the painful execution , and the diligent and prudent use of means for mens conversion and edification , by able faithful men , that must accomplish the reformation . brethren , i dare confidently tell you , that if you will but faithfully perform what you have agreed upon both in this business of catechizing and personal instruction , and in the matter of discipline formerly ( where we have well waved all the controverted part , which hath so much ascribed to it ) you will do more for the true reformation , that is so desirable , and hath been so long prayed and hoped for , then all the changes of forms and orders so eagerly contended for , are ever like to effect . if bishops would do this work , i would take them for reformers : and if presbyters will do it , i will take them for reformers : and it was those that neglected and hindred it , that i ever took for deformers . let us see the work well done , that god hath made so necessary for mens conversion , preservation , restauration and salvation , and the doers of it , whether prelates or presbyters , shall never have any fierce opposition of mine . but it is not bare canons and orders , and names and shews , that any wise man will take for the substance of reformation ! it is not circumcision or uncircumcision , to be a jew or a gentile , bond or free , that availeth any thing , but a new creature , and faith that worketh by love . that is the reformation which best healeth the ignorance , and infidelity , and pride , and hypocrisie , and worldliness , and other killing sins of the land , and that most effectually bringeth men to faith and holiness . not that i would have the least truth or duty undervalued , or any part of gods will to be rejected : but the kingdom of god consisteth not in every truth or duty ; not in ceremonies , or circumstances , not in meats or drinks ; but in righteousness , and peace , and joy in the holy-ghost . dear brethren , it is you and such as you , that under christ must yet give this nation the fruit of all their prayers and pains , their cost and blood , and heavy sufferings . all that they have been doing , for the good of the church , and for true reformation for so may years , was but to prepare the way for you , to come in and do the work which they desired . alas what would they do by fire and sword , by drums and trumpets , for the converting of souls ! the actions of armies and famous commanders , which seem so glorious , and make so great a noise that the world rings of them , what have they done , or what can they do that is worth the talking on without you ? in themselves considered , all their victories and great atchievements , are so far from being truly glorious , that they are very lamentable : and a butcher may as well glory that he hath killed so many beasts , or a hangman that he hath executed so many men , as they can glory in the thing considered in it self . for war is the most heavy temporal judgement . and far less cause would they have to glory , if their cause and ends were wrong . and if their hearts , and ends , and cause be right , and they mean as honestly as any men in the world , yet are these great commanders but your pioneers , to cut up the thorns that stand in your way , and to cast out the rubbish , and prepare you the way to build the house . alas they cannot with all their victories , exalt the lord jesus in the soul of any sinner ; and therefore they cannot set up his spiritual kingdom ; for the hearts of men are his house and throne : if the work should stop with the end of theirs , and go no further then they can carry it , we should be in the end but where we were in the beginning , and one generation of christs enemies would succeed another , and they that take down the wicked , would inherit their vices , as they possess their rooms , and the last would be far the worst , as being deeper in the guilt , and more engaged in evil-doing . all this trouble then , and stir of the nation , hath been to bring the work to your hands : and shall it dye there ? god forbid ! they have opened you the door , and at exceeding cost and sufferings have removed many of your impediments , and put the building instruments into your hands : and will you now stand still , or loyter ? god forbid ! up then brethren , and give the nation the fruit of their cost and pains ; frustrate not all the preparers work : fail not the long expectations of so many thousands , that have prayed in hope of a true reformation , and paid in hope , and ventured in hope , and suffered in hope , and waited till now in hope . in the name of god take heed that now you fail not all these hopes . have they spent so long time in fencing the vineyard , and weeding and pruning it , and making it ready for your hands : and will you now fail them that are sent to gather in the vintage , and lose all their labours ? when they have plowed the field , will you sow it by the halves ? if they had known beforehand that ministers would have proved idle and unfaithful , how many hundreds would have spared their blood , and how many thousands would have sate still , and have let the old readders and formalists alone , and have said , if we must have dullards and unprofitable men , it is as good have one as another : it is not worth so much cost and pains to change one careless minister for another . ] the end is the mover and life of the agent in all the means . how many thousands have prayed , and paid , and suffered , and more , upon the expectations of a great advantage to the church , and more common illumination and reformation of the nation , by your means . and will you now deceive them all ! again i say , god forbid . now it is at your hands that they are expecting the happy issue of all . the eyes of the nation are or should be , all ( under god ) upon you , for the bringing in the harvest of their cost and labours . i profess , it maketh me admire at the fearful deceitfulness of the heart of man , to see how every man can call on others for duty , or censure them for the omitting it , and what excellent judges we are in other mens cases , and how partial in our own ? the very judicious teachers of the nation can cry out ( and too justly ) against one sect and another sect , and against unfaithful underminers of those that they thought would have done the work , and against the disturbers of the reformation that was going on , and say , [ these have betrayed the church , and frustrated the nations cost and hopes , and undone all that hath been so long a doing . ] and yet they see not , or seem not to see , that it is we that are guilty of this , as much as they . it was not the magistrates driving , but the ministers drawing , that was the principal saving means that we have waited for . brethren , it were a strange mistake sure , if any of us should think , that the price of the nations wealth and blood was purposed to settle us in good benefices , and to pull down the bishops , and give us the quiet possession of our livings which they would have deprived us of . was this the reformation , that we might live in greater ease and fulness , and succeed the ejected ministers in their less disgraced sins ! why sirs ? what are we more then other men , that the people should do all this for us ? that they should impoverish the whole nation almost to provide us a livelyhood ! what can they see in our persons or countenances for which they should so doate upon us ? are we not men , frail and corruptible flesh , unworthy sinners like themselves ? surely it was for our work , and the ends of our work , and not for our persons ( but in order to our work ) that they have done all this - what say you now brethren ? will you deal faithfully with your creditors , and pay the nation the debt which you owe them ? shall all the blood and cost of this people be frustrated , or not ? you are now called upon to give your answer , and it is you that must give it . the work is now before you : and in these personal instructions of all the flock , as well as in publike preaching doth it consist . others have done their part , and born their burden , and now comes in yours . you may easily see how great a matter lies upon your hands , and how many will be wronged by your failings , and how much by the sparing of your labour will be lost . if your labour be more worth then all our treasures , hazards and lives , and then the souls of men , and the blood of christ , then sit still , and look not after the ignorant or the ungodly ; follow your pleasure or worldly business , or take your ease , displease not sinners , nor your own flesh , but let your neighbours sink or swim ; and if publike preaching will not save them , let them perish . but if the case be far otherwise , you were best look about you . ( but i shall say more of this anon . ) sect , ii. ii. having given you the first sort of moving reasons , which were drawn from the benefits of the present undertaken work . i come to the second sort , which are taken from the difficulties ; which if they were taken alone , or in a needless business , i confess might be rather discouragements then motives : but taking these , with those that go before and follow , and the case is otherwise . for difficulties must excite to greater diligence in a necessary work . and difficulties we shall find many , both in our selves and in our people ; which because they are things so obvious that your experience will leave no room for doubting , i shall take leave to pass them over in a few words . . in ourselves there is much dulness and laziness , so that there will be much ado to get us to be faithful in so hard a work . like a sluggard in bed , that knows he should rise , and yet delayeth and would stay as long as he can ; so do we by duties that our corrupt natures are against , and put us to the use of all our powers . more sloath will tye the hands of many . . we have also a base man-pleasing disposition , which will make us let men perish lest we lose their love , and let them go quietly to hell , least we should make them angry with us for seeking their salvation : and we are ready to venture on the displeasure of god , and venture our people into everlasting misery , rather then get ill-will to ourselves . this distemper must be diligently resisted , . we have some of us also a foolish bashfulness , which makes us very backward to begin with them , and to speak plainly to them : we are so modest forsooth , that we blush to speak for christ , or to contradict the devil , or to save a soul : when shameful works we are less ashamed of . . we are so carnal , that we are prone by our fleshly interests , to be drawn to unfaithfulness in the work of christ . lest we lose our tythes , or bring trouble upon ourselves , or set people against us , and many such like . all these require diligence for their resistance . . the greatest impediment of all is , that we are too weak in the faith : so that when we should set upon a man for his conversion with all our might , if there be not the stirrings of unbelief within us , to raise up actual questionings of heaven and hell , whether the things that we should earnestly press be true , yet at least the belief of them is so weak , that it will hardly excite in us so kindly , resolute , and constant zeal : so that our whole motion will be but weak , because the spring of faith is so weak . o what need therefore have all ministers for themselves and their work , to look well to their faith , especially that their assent to the truth of scripture , about the joy and torments of the life to come , be sound and lively . . and lastly , we have commonly a great deal of unskilfulness and unfitness for this work . alas how few know how to deal with an ignorant worldly man for his salvation ! to get within him , and win upon him , and suit all speeches to mens several conditions and tempers , to choose the meetest subjects , and follow them with the holy mixture of seriousness , and terrour , and love , and meekness , and evangelical allurements ! o who is fit for such a thing ! i profess seriously , it seems to me ( by experience ) as hard a matter to confer aright with such a carnal person in order to his change , as to preach such sermons as ordinarily we do , if not much more . all these difficulties in our selves should waken us to resolutions , preparation and diligence , that we be not overcome by them , and hindred from , or in the work . . and for our people , we have as many difficulties to encounter with in them . . too many of them will be obstinately unwilling to be taught ; and scorn to come at us , as being too good to be catechized , or too old to learn : unless we deal wisely with them in publike and private , by the force of reasons , the power of love to conquer their perversness ; which we must carefully endeavour . . and so great is the dulness of many that are willing , that they can scarce learn a leaf of a catechism in a long time , and therefore will keep away , as ashamed of their ignorance , unless we are wise and diligent to encourage them . . and when they do come , so great is their ignorance and unapprehensiveness , that you will find it a wonderful hard matter to get them to understand you , so that if you have not the skill of making things plain , you will leave them as strange to it , as before . . and yet harder will you find it to work things upon their hearts , and set them so close to the quick , as to make that saving change which is our end , and without which our labour is almost lost . oh what a block , what a rock is a hardened carnal heart ! how stiffly will it resist the most powerful perswasions ! and hear of everlasting life or death as a thing of nothing ! if you have not therefore great seriousness , and fervency , and working matter , and fitness of expression , what good can you expect ? and when all is done , the spirit of grace must do the work : but as god and men do use to choose instruments most suitable to the nature of the agent , work or end , so here the spirit of wisdom , life , and holiness , doth not use to work by foolish , dead or carnal instruments , but by such perswasions of light , and life , and purity , as are likest to it self , and to the work that is to be wrought thereby . . and when you have made some desirable impressions on their hearts , if you look not after them , and have not a special care of them when they are gone , their hearts will soon return to their former hardness , and their old companions , and temptations will work off all again . i do but briefly hint these things which you so well know . all the difficulties of the work of conversion , which you use to acquaint the people with , are here before us in our present work ; which i will forbear to enumerate , as supposing it unnecessary . sect . iii. iii. the third sort of moving reasons are drawn from the necessity of the undertaken work : for if it were not necessary , the lazy might be discouraged rather then excited , by the forementioned difficulties , as is aforesaid . and if we should here expatiate , we might find matter for a volumn by it self . but because i have already been longer then i did intend , i shall only give you a brief hint of some of the general grounds of this necessity . and . it is necessary by obligation , ut officium , necessitate praeceoti : and . it is necessary ad finem ; and that , . for god. . for our neighbours . . and for our selves . . for the first of these . . we have on us the obligation of scripture-precepts . . general . . special . and . the subservient obligation ( or the first bound faster on us ) by promises and threatnings . . and these also seconded by executions , even . by actual judgements : . and mercies . and lastly , we have the obligation of our own undertaking upon us . these all deserve your consideration , but may not be insisted on by me , lest i be over tedious . . every christian is obliged to do all that he can for the salvation of others , but every minister is doubly obliged , because he is separated to the gospel of christ , and is to give up himself wholly to that work . rom. . . tim. . . it is needless to make any further question of our obligation , when we know that this work is needful to our peoples conversion and salvation , and that we are in general commanded to do all that is needful to those ends , as far as we are able . that they are necessary to those ends hath been shewed before ; and shall be more anon . even the antient professors , have need to be taught the principles of gods oracles , if they have neglected it , or forgot it , saith the apostle , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 heb. . . whether the unconverted have need of conversion and the means of it , i hope is no doubt among us : and whether this be a means , and a needful means , experience may put us far out of doubt , if we had no more . let them that have taken most pains in publike , examine their people , and try whether many of them be not yet as ignorant and careless almost , as if they had never heard the gospel . for my part , i study to speak as plainly and movingly as i can , ( and next my study to speak truly , these are my chief studies ) and yet i frequently meet with those that have been my hearers this . or . years , who know not whether christ be god or man , and wonder when i tell them the history of his birth , and life , and death , and sending abroad the gospel , as if they had never heard it before , and that know not that infants have any original sin : and of those that know the history of the gospel , how few are they that know the nature of that faith , repentance , and holiness , that it requireth ; or at least , that know their own hearts ? but most of them have an ungrounded affiance in christ , trusting that he will pardon , justifie and save them , while the world hath their hearts , and they live to the flesh : and this assiance they take for a justifying-faith . i have found by experience , that an ignorant sot that hath been an unprofitable hearer so long , hath got more knowledge and remorse of conscience in half an hours close discourse , then they did from ten years publike preaching . i know that preaching of the gospel publikely is the most excellent means , because we speak to many at once : but otherwise , it is usually far more effectual to preach it privately to a particular sinner , as to himself . for the plainest man that is , can scarce speak plain enough in publike for them to understand ; but in private we may much more . in publike , we may not use such homely expressions , or repetitions , as their dulness doth require , but in private we may : in publike our speeches are long , and we quite over-run their understandings and memories , and they are confounded and at a loss , and not able to follow us , and one thing drives out another and so they know not what we said : but in private we can take our work gra●●tim , and take our hearers with us as we go ; and by questions and their answers , we can see how far they go with us , and what we have next to do . in publike , by length and speaking alone , we lose their attentions : but when they are interlocutors , we can easily cause them to attend . besides that , we can ( as was abovesaid ) better answer their objections , and engage them by promises before we leave them , which in publike we cannot do . i conclude therefore that publike preaching will not be sufficient : for though it may be an effectual means to convert many , yet not so many ; as experience , and gods appointment of further means , may assure us . long may you study and preach to little purpose , if you neglect this duty . . and for instances of particular special obligations , we might easily shew you many , both from christs own example , who used this interlocutory preaching , both to his disciples and to the jews , and from the apostles examples , who did the like : but that indeed it would be needless tediousness to recite the passages to those that so well know them , it being the most ordinary way of the apostles preaching , to do it thus interlocutorily and by discourse : and when they did make a speech any thing long to the people , yet the people and they discourse it out in the conclusion . thus peter preached to the jews , acts and to 〈◊〉 and his friends , acts . and thus philip preached to the eunuch , acts . and thus paul preached to the jaylor , acts . and to many others . it s plain that it was the commonest preaching of those times , which occasioneth the quakers to challenge us to shew where any ever took a text , and preacht as we do : ( though they might have found that christ did so , luk. . . ) paul preached privately to them of reputation , l●st he should have run , and laboured in vain , gal. . . and that earnest charge no doubt includeth it , tim. . , . i charge thee therefore before god and the lord iesus christ , who shall iudge the quick and the dead at his appearing and his kingdom ; preach the word , be instant in season , and out of season ; reprove , rebuke , exhort , with all long-suffering and doctrine . both publike preaching , and all sorts of reproofs and exhortations are here required . . and how these preceptss are seconded with promises and threatnings , is so well known , that i shall pass it over with the rest . . there is a necessity also of this duty ad finem ; and first , to the creater glory of god , by the fuller success of the gospel : not simply to his glory , as if he could not have his glory without it : for so our salvation is not necessary to his glory : but to his greater glory : because he is most honoured and pleased when most are saved : for he hath sworn that he hath no pleasure in the death of a sinner , but rather that he return and live . and doubtless as every christian liveth to the glory of god , as his end so will he gladly take that course that may most effectually promote it : for what man would not attain his ends ? o brethren if we could generally set this work a foot in all the parishes of england , and get our people to submit to it , and then prosecute it skilfully and zealously our selves , what a glory would it put upon the face of the nation , and what glory would redound to god thereby ? if our common ignorance were thus banished , and our vanity and idleness turned into the study of the way of life , and every shop , and every house were busied in learning of catechisms , and speaking of the word and works of god , what pleasure would god take in our cities and countries ? he would even dwell in our habitations and make them his delight . it is the glory of christ that shineth in his saints ; and all their glory is his glory ; that therefore which honoureth them , in number , or excellency , that honoureth him ; will not the glory of christ be most wonderful and conspicuous in the new jerusalem , when the church shall have that shining lustre that is described in rev. . ? it is he that is the sun and the shield of his church , and his light is it in which they shall have light ; and the business of every saint is to glorifie him : if therefore we can increase the number or strength of the saints , we thereby increase the honour of the king of saints ; for he will have service and praise where before he had disobedience and dishonour . christ also will be honoured in the fruits of his bloodshed , and the spirit of grace in the fruit of his operations ; and do not all these ends require that we use the means with diligence ? . this duty also is necessary to the welfare of our people : how much doth it conduce to their salvation is manifest . brethren can you look believingly on your miserable neighbours , and not perceive them calling for your help ? there is not a sinner whose case you should not so far compassionate , as to be willing to relieve them at dearer rates then this comes to . can you see them as the wounded man by the way , and unmercifully pass by ? can you hear them cry to you , as the man of macedonia to paul in his vision , come and help us ? and yet will you refuse your help ? are you entrusted with an hospital , where one languisheth in one corner , and another groaneth in another , and cryeth out , o help me , pity me for the lords sake , and a third is raging mad , and would destroy himself and you , and yet will you sit idle , or refuse your help ? if it may be said of him that relieveth not mens bodies , how much more of them that relieve not mens souls , that if you see your brother have need , and shut up the bowels of your compassion from him , how dwelleth the love of god in you ? you are not such monsters , such hard-hearted men , but you will pity a leper , you will pity the naked , imprisoned or desolate , you will pity him that is tormented with grievous pain or sickness ; and will you not pity an ignorant hard-hearted sinner ? will you not pity one that must be shut out from the presence of the lord , and i le under his remediless wrath , if through repentance speedily prevent it not ? o what a heart is it that will not pity such a one ? what shall i call the heart of such a man ? a heart of stone , or a very rock , or adamant , or the heart of a tyger ? or rather the heart of an infidel ? for sure if he believed the misery of the impenitent , it is not possible but he should have pity on him ! can you tell men in the pulpit , that they shall certainly be damned except they repent , and yet have no pity on them when you have proclaimed such a danger ? and if you pity them , will you not do this much for their salvation ? what abundance round about you are blindly hastening to perdition ? and your voice is appointed to be the means of reclaiming them . the physician hath no excuse who is doubly bound to relieve the sick , when every neighbour is to help them . brethren , what if you heard sinners cry after you in the streets , o sir ; have pity on me , and afford me your advice ! i am afraid of the everlasting wrath of god! i know i must shortly leave this world , and i am afraid lest i shall be miserable in the next i could you deny your help to such a sinner ? what if they came to your study-door , and cryed for help , and would not away , till you had told them how to escape the wrath of god ? could you find in your hearts to drive them away without advice ? i am confident you could not . why , alass such persons are less miserable then they that cannot cry for help . it is the hardened sinner that cares not for your help that most needeth it : and he that hath not so much life as to feel that he is dead , nor so much light as to see his danger , nor so much sense left as to pity himself , this is the man that is most to be pityed . look upon your neighbours round about you , and think what abundance need your help in no less a case then the apparent danger of damnation . and every impenitent person that you see and know about you , suppose that you hear them cry to you for help as ever you pitied poor wretches pity us , lest we should be tormented in the flames of hell : if you have the hearts of men , pitty us : and do that for them that you would do if they followed you with such complaints . o how can you walk and talk , and be merry with such people , when you know their case ? me thinks when you look them in the face , and think how they must lie in perpetual misery , you should break forth into tears ( as the prophet did when he looked upon hazael , ) and then fall on with the most importunate exhortations ! when you must visit them in their sickness , will it not wound your hearts , to see them ready to depart into misery , before you have ever dealt seriously with them for their recovery ? o then for the lords sake , and for the sake of poor souls , have pity on them , and bestir your selves , and spare no pains that may conduce to their salvation . . and i must further tell you , that this ministerial fidelity is necessary to your own welfare , as well as to your peoples . for this is your work , according to which ( among others ) you shall be judged . you can no more be saved without ministerial diligence and fidelity , then they or you can be saved without christian diligence and fidelity , if you care not for others , at least care for your selves . o what is it to answer for the neglect of such a charge ? and what sins more hainous then the betraying of souls ? doth not that threatning make us tremble ? [ if thou warn not the wicked — their blood will i require at thy hands . ] i am afraid , nay i am past doubt , that the day is near when unfaithful ministers will wish that they had never known that charge . but that they had rather been colliars or tinkers , or sweepers of channels , then pastors of christs flock ! when besides all the rest of their sins , they shall have the blood of so many souls to answer for . o brethren , our death as well as our peoples is at hand ! and it is as terrible to an unfaithful pastor as to any . when we see that dye we must , and there is no remedy , no wit or learning , no credit or popular applause can put by the stroke , or delay the time ; but willing or unwilling , our souls must be gone , and that into a world that we never saw , where our persons and worldly interest will not be respected , o then for a clear conscience , that can say [ i lived not to my self but to christ , i spared not my pains , i hid not my talent ; i concealed not mens misery , nor the way of their recovery . ] o sirs , let us therefore take time while we may have it , and work while it is day , for the night cometh when none can work . this is our day too : and by doing good to others , we must do good to our selves . if you would prepare for a comfortable death , and a sure and great reward , the harvest is before you : g●rd up the loins of your minds , and quit your selves like men ; that you may end your days with that confident triumph [ i have fought a good fight , i have kept the faith , i have finished my course ; henceforth is laid up for me a crown of righteousness , which god the righteous iudge shall give me ] and if you would be blessed with those that dye in the lord ; labour now , that you may rest from your labours then , and do such works as you would wish should follow you , and not such as will prove your terror in the review . sect . iv. having found so great reason to move us to this work , i shall , before i come to the directions . . apply them further for our humiliation and excitation . and . answer some objections that may be raised . and . what cause have we to bleed before the lord this day , that have neglected so great and good a work so long ? that we have been ministers of the gospel so many years , and done so little by personal instructions and conference for the saving of mens souls ! if we had but set a work this business sooner , that we have now agreed upon , who knows how many more might have been brought over unto christ ? and how much happyer we might have made our parishes , ere now ? and why might we not have done it sooner as well as now ? i confess many impediments were in our way , and so there are still , and will be while there is a devil to tempt , and a corrupt heart in man to resist the light : but if the greatest impediment had not been in our selves , even in our own darkness , and dulness , and undisposedness to duty , and our dividedness and unaptness to close for the work of god , i see not but much might have been done before this . we had the same god to command us , and the same miserable objects of compassion , and the same liberty from governors of the common-wealth . but we stood looking for changes , and we would have had the magistrate not only to have given us leave to work , but have done our work for us , or at least to have brought the game to our hands , and while we lookt for better daies , we made them worse , by the lamentable neglect of a chief part of our work . and had we as much petitioned parliaments for the interposition of their authority to compell men to be catechized and instructed by the minister , as we did for maintenance and other matters ; its like we might have obtained it long ago , when they were forward to gratifie us in such undisputable things . but we have sinned , and have no just excuse for our sin ; somewhat that may perhaps excuse à tanto , but nothing à toto ; and the sin is so great , because the duty is so great , that we should be afraid of pleading excuse too much . the lord of mercy forgive us , and all the ministry of england , and lay not this or any of our ministerial negligences to our charge . o that he would cover all our unfaithfulness , and by the blood of the everlasting covenant , would wash away our guilt of the blood of souls , that when the chief shepherd shall appear , we may stand before him in peace , and may not be condemned for the scattering of his flock . and o that he would put up his controversie which he hath against the pastors of his church , and not deal the hardlyer with them for our sakes ; nor suffer underminers or persecutors to scatter them , as they have suffered his sheep to be scattered ! and that he will not care as little for them , as they have done for the souls of men ; nor think his salvation too good for them , as they have thought their labour and sufferings too much for mens salvation : and as we have had many daies of humiliation in england , for the sins of the land , and the judgements that have lain upon us , i hope we shall hear that god will more throughly humble the ministry , and cause them to bewail their own neglects , and to set apart some daies through the land to that end ; that they may not think it enough to lament the sins of others , while they over-look their own ; and that god may not abhor our solemn national humiliations , because they are managed by unhumbled guides ; and that we may first prevail with him for a pardon for our selves , that we may be the fitter to beg for the pardon of others . and o that we might cast out the dung of our pride , contention , self-seeking and idleness , lest god should cast our sacrifices as dung in our faces , and should cast us out as the dung of the earth , as of late he hath done many others for our warning ! and that we might presently resolve in concord to mend our pace , before we feel a sharper spur then hitherto we have felt . sect . v. . and now brethren , what have we to do for the time to come , but to deny our lazy contradicting flesh , and rouze up our selves to the business that we are engaged in . the harvest is great , the labourers are too few ; the loyterers and contentious hinderers are many ; the souls of men are precious ; the misery of sinners is great ; and the everlasting misery that they are near to is greater ; the beauty and glory of the church is desirable ; the joy that we are helping them to , is unconceivable ; the comfort that followeth a faithful steward-ship is not small ; the comfort of a full success also will be greater ; to be co-workers with god and his spirit , is not a little honour ; to subserve the blood-shed of christ for mens salvation is not a light thing : to lead on the armies of christ through the thickest of the enemies , and guide them safely through a dangerous wilderness , and steer the vessel through such storms , and rocks , and sands , and shelves , and bring it safe to the harbour of rest , requireth no small skill and diligence : the fields now seem even white unto harvest , the preparations that have been made for us are very great ; the season of working is more warm and calm , then most ages before us have ever seen : we have carelesly loytered too long already ; the present time is posting away ; while we are trifling , men are dying , & how fast are men passing into another world ? and is there nothing in all this to awaken us to our duty , and to resolve us to speedy and unwearied diligence ? can we think that a man can be too careful and painful under all these motives and engagements ? or could that man be a fit instrument for other mens illumination , that were himself so blind ? or for the quickning of others , that were himself so sensless ? what sirs , are you that are men of wisdom as dull as the common people ? and do we need to heap up a multitude of words to perswade you to a known and weighty duty ? one would think it should be enough to set you on work , to shew a line in the book of god , to prove it to be his will ? or to prove to you that the work hath a tendency to mens salvation ? one would think that the very sight of your miserable neighbours should be motive sufficient to draw out your most compassionate endeavours for their relief ? if a cripple do but unlap his sores , and shew you his disabled limbs , it will move you without words ? and will not the case of souls that are neer to damnation move you ? o happy church , if the physicians were but healed themselves ! and if we had not too much of that infidelity and stupidity which we daily preach against , in others ! and were soundlyer perswaded of that which we perswade men of , and deeplyer affected with the wonderful things , wherewith we would affect them ! were there but such clear and deep impressions upon our souls , of those glorious things that we daily preach , o what a change would it make in our sermons , and in our private course ! o what a miserable thing it is to the church and to themselves , that men must preach of heaven and hell , before they soundly believe that there are such things ! or have felt the weight of the doctrines which they preach ! it would amaze a sensible man to think what matters we preach and talk of ! what it is for the soul to pass out of this flesh , and go before a righteous god , and enter upon unchangeable joy or torment ! o with what amazing thoughts do dying men apprehend those things ! how should such matters be preacht and discourst of ? o the gravity , the seriousness , the uncessant diligence , that these things require ! i know not what others think of them , but for my part , i am ashamed of my stupidity , and wonder at my self that ideal not with my own and others souls , as one that looks for the great day of the lord ; and that i can have room for almost any other thoughts or words , and that such astonishing matters do not wholly take me up : i marva●l how i can preach of them slightly and coldly ! and how i can let men alone in their sins ! and that i do not go to them and beseech them for the lords sake to repent , how ever they take it , and whatever pains or trouble it should cost me ! i seldom come out of the pulpit , but my conscience smiteth me that i have been no more serious and servent in such a case . it accuseth me not so much for want of humane ornaments or elegancy , nor for letting fall an unhansom word but it asketh me how couldst thou speak of life and death with such a heart ? how couldst thou preach of heaven and hell , in such a careless sleepy manner ? dost thou believe what thou saist ? art thou in earrest or in jest ? how canst thou tell people that sin is such a thing , and that so much misery is upon them and before them , and be no more affected with it ? shouldst thou not weep over such a people , and should not thy tears interrupt thy words ? shouldst thou not cry aloud , and shew them their transgressions ? and intreat and beseech as for life and death . truly this is the peal that conscience doth ring in my ears , and yet my drouzie soul will not be awakened ! o what a thing is a senseless hardened heart ! o lord save us from the plague of infidelity and hard-heartedness our selves , or else how shall we be fit instruments of saving others from it ! o do that on our own souls , which thou wouldst use us to do on the souls of others ! i am even confounded to think what difference there is between my sickness apprehensions , and my pulpit and discoursing apprehensions of the life to come ? that ever that can seem so light a matter to me now , which seemeth so great and astonishing a matter then ; and i know will do so again when death looks me in the face , when yet i daily know and think of that approaching hour ! and yet those fore thoughts will not recover such working apprehensions ? o brethren sure if you had all conversed with neighbour-death as oft as i have done , and as often received the sentence in your selves , you would have an unquiet conscience , if not a reformed life in your ministerial diligence and fidelity ; and you would have something within you that would frequently ask you such questions as these : is this all thy compassion on lost sinners ? wilt thou do no more to seek and to save them ? is there not such and such , and such a one , o how many round about thee , that are yet the visible sons of death ? what hast thou said to them or done for their recovery ? shall they dye , and be in hell before thou wilt speak to them one serious word to prevent it ? shall they there curse thee for ever that didst no more in time to save them ? such cries of conscience are daily in mine ears , though the lord knows i have too little obeyed them . the god of mercy pardon me , and awake me , with the rest of his servants that have been thus sinfully negligent , i confess to my shame , that i seldom hear the bell toll for one that is dead , but conscience asketh me what hast thou done for the saving of that soul before it left the body ? there is one more gone to iudgement : what didst thou to prepare them for iudgement ? and yet i have been slothful and backward to help the rest that do survive . how can you chuse , when you are laying a corps in the grave , but think with your selves , here lieth the body , but where is the soul ? and what have i done for it , before it departed ? it was part of my charge , what account can i give of it , o sirs , is it a small matter to you to answer such questions , as these ? it may seem so now , but the hour is coming when it will not seem so . if our hearts condem us . god is greater then our hearts , and will condemn us much more ●even with another kind of condemnation then conscience doth . the voice of conscience now is a stil voice , and the sentence of conscience is a gentle sentence , in comparison of the voice , and the sentence of god. alas ! conscience seeth but a very little of our sin and misery , in comparison of what god seeth . what mountains would these things appear to your souls , which now seem mole hils ? what beams would these be in your eyes that now seem motes , if you did but see them with a clearer light ? ( i dare not say , as god seeth them ) we can easily make shift to plead the cause with conscience , and either bribe it , or bear its sentence : but god is not so easily dealt with , nor his sentence so easily born . wherefore we receiving ( and preaching ) a kingdom that cannot be moved , let us have grace whereby we may serve god acceptably , with reverence , and godly fear : for our god is a consuming fire , heb. . ult . but because you shall not say , that i affright my self or you with bug bears , and tell you of dangers and terrors when there are none , i will here add the certainty and sureness of that condemnation , that is like to befal the negligent pastors , and particularly that will befall us that are here this day , if we shall hereafter be wilful neglecters of this great work ; how many will be ready to rise up against us to our condemnation ? . our parents that destinated us to the ministry may condemn us , and say , lord we devoted them to thy service , and they made light of it , and serv'd themselves . . our masters that taught us , our tutors that instructed us ; the schools and universities that we lived in , and all the years that we spent in study , may rise up in judgement against us , and condemn us : for why was all this , but for the work of god ? . our learning and knowledge and ministerial gifts will condemn us ▪ for to what are we made partakers of these , but for the work of god ? our voluntary undertaking the charge of souls will condemn us ; for all men should be true to the trust , that they have undertaken ? . all the care of god for his church , and all , that christ hath done and suffered for them , will rise up in judgement against us , if we be negligent and unfaithful , and condemn us : for that we did by our neglect destroy them for whom christ dyed . . all the severe precepts and charges of holy scripture , with the promises of assistance and reward and the threatnings of punishment , will rise up against the unfaithful and condemn them ; for god did not speak all this in vain . . all the examples of the prophets and apostles and other preachers recorded in scripture , will rise up against such and condemn them : even this pattern that is set them by paul , acts . and all the examples of the diligent servants of christ in these latter times , and in the places about them . for these were for their imitation , and to provoke them to a holy emulation in fidelity and ministerial diligence . . the holy bible that is open before us , and all the books in our studies that tell us of our duty , directly or indirectly , may condemn the lazy and unprofitable servant : for we have not all these helps and furniture in vain . . all the sermons that we preach to perswade our people to work out their salvation with fear and trembling , to lay violent hands upon the crown , and take the kingdom as by force , to strive to enter in at the strait gate , and so to run as they that may obtain , &c. will rise up against the unfaithful and condemn them . for if it so nearly concern them to labour for their salvation , doth it not concern us who have the charge of them to be also violent , laborious , and unwearied in striving to help on their salvation ? is it worth their labour , and patience , and is it not also worth ours ? . all the sermons that we preach to them to set out the danger of a natural state , the evil of sin , the need of christ , and grace , the joyes of heaven , and the torments of hell , yea and the truth of christian religion , will rise up in judgement against such and condemn them . and a sad review it will be to themselves , when they shall be forc't to think did i tell them of such great dangers and hopes in publike , and w●●ld i do no more to help them in private ? what tell them daily of threatned damnation , and yet let them run into it so easily ? tell them of such a glory , and scarce speak a word to them personallly to help them to it ? were these such great matters with me at church , and so small when i came home ? ] all this is dreadful self-condemnation . . all the sermons that we have preached to perswade other men to such duties , as neighbours to exhort one another daily , and plainly to rebuke them , and parents and masters to do it to their children and servants , will rise up in judgement against such , and condemn them . for will you perswade others to that which you will not do ( as far as you can ) your selves ? when you threaten them for neglecting it , you threaten your own souls . . all our hard censures of the magistrate for doing no more , and all our reproofs of him for permitting seducers , and denying his further assistance to the ministers , doth condemn our selves if we refuse our own duty . what must all the rulers of the world be servants to our sloathfulness , or light us the candle to do nothing , or only hold the stirrup to our pride , or make our beds for us , that we may sleep by day-light ? should they do their part in a subordinate office to protect and further us , and should not we do ours who stand nearest to the end ? . all the maintenance that we take for our service if we be unfaithful will condemn us : for who is it that will pay a servant to take his pleasure , or sit still or work for himself ? if we have the fleece , it is sure that we may look to the ●lock . and by taking the wages , we oblige our selves to the work . . all the honour that we expect or receive from the people , and all the ministerial priviledges before mentioned will condemn the unfaithful : for the honour is but the encouragement to the work , and obligeth to it . . all the witness that we have born against the scandalous negligent ministers of this age , and the words we have spoken against them , and all the endeavours that we have used for their removal , will condemn the unfaithful . for god is no respecter of persons : if we succed them in their sins , we spoke all that against ourselves . and as we condemned them , god and others will condemn us , if we imitate them . and though we be not so bad as they , it will prove sad to be too like them . . all the judgements that god hath executed on them in this age before our eyes , will condemn us if we be unfaithful : hath he made the idle shepherds and sensual drones , to stink in the nostrils of the people ? and will he honour us , if we be idle and sensual ? hath he sequestred them , and cast them our of their habitations , and out of the pulpits , and laid them by , as dead , while they are alive , and made them a hissing and a by-word in the land ? and yet dare we imitate them ? are not their sufferings our warnings ? and did not all this befall them for our examples ? if any thing in the world should waken ministers to self-denyal and diligence , one would think we had seen enough to do it ! if the judgements of god on one man should do so much , what should so many years judgement on so many hundreds of them do ? would you have imitated the old world , if you had seen the flood that drowned them ! would you have taken up the sins of sodom , pride , fulness of bread , idleness , if you had stood by and seen the flames of sodom ! this was gods argument to deter the israelites from the nations sins , because , for all these things they had seen them cast one before them . who would have been a iudas that had seen him hanged and burst ? and who would have been a lying sacrilegious hypocrite , that had seen ●nanias and saphira dye ? and who would not have been afraid to contradict the gospel , that had seen ●l●mas smitten blind ? and shall we prove self-seeking , idle ministers , when we have seen god scourging such out of his temple , and sweeping them away as dirt into the channels ? god forbid ! for then how great , and how manifold will our condemnation be ? . all the disputations and eager contests that we have had against unfaithful men , and for a faithful ministry , will condemn us , if we be unfaithful ? and so will the books that we have written to those ends . how many score , if not hundreds of catechisms are written in england ? and yet shall we forbear to use them ? how many books have been written for discipline , by english and scottish divines ? and how fully hath it been defended ? and what reproach hath been cast upon the adversaries of it through the land ? and yet shall we lay it by , as useless , when we have free leave to use ! o fearful hypocrisie ! what can we call it less ? did we think when we were writing against this sect , and the sect that opposed discipline , that we were writing all that against our selves ? o what evidence do the book-sellers shops , and their own libraries contain against the greatest part , even of the godly ministers of the land ! the lord cause them seasonably to lay it to heart . . all the daies of fasting and prayer that have been of late years kept in england so a reformation , will rise up in judgement against the unreformed , that will not be perswaded to the painful part of the work . and i confess it is so heavy an aggravation of our sin , that it makes me ready to tremble to think of it . was there ever a nation on the race of the earth that hath so solemnly and so long , followed god with fasting and prayer as we have done ? before the parliament began , how frequent and servent were wein secret : after that for many years time together , we had a monethly fast commanded by the parliament : besides frequent private and publike fa●●s on the by . and what was all this for ? what ever was sometime the means that we lookt at , yet still the end of all our prayers was church-reformation , and therein especially these two things ; a faithful ministry ; and exercise of discipline in the church : and did it once enter then into the hearts of the people , yea or into our own hearts to imagine , that when we had all that we would have , and the matter was put into our own hands , to be as painful as we could , and to exercise what discipline we would , that then we would do nothing ( but publikely preach ) that we would not be at the pains of catechizing and instructing our people personally ? nor exercise any considerable part of discipline at all ? it astonisheth me to think of it ! what a depth of deceit is it , the heart of man ! what , are good mens hearts so deceitful ? are all mens hearts so deceitful ? i confess i told many souldiers and other sensual men then , that when they had fought for a reformation , i was confident they would abhorr it and be enemies to it , when they saw and felt it : thinking that the yoak of discipline would have pincht their necks : and that when they had been catechized and personally dealt with , and reproved for their sin , in private and publike , and brought to publike confestion and repentance , or avoided as impenitent , they would have scorned and spurned against all this , and have taken the yoak of christ for tyrannie : but little did i think that the ministers would have let all fall , and put almost none of this upon them , but have let them alone for fear of displeasing them , and have let all run on as it did before . o the earnest prayers that i have heard in secret daies heretofore for a painful ministry , and for discipline ! as if they had even wrestled for salvation it self ? yea they commonly called discipline , the kingdom of christ ; or the exercise of his kingly office in his church ; and so preached and prayed for it , as if the setting up of discipline , had been the setting up of the kingdom of christ . and did i then think that they would refuse to set it up when they might ! what is the kingdom of christ now reckoned among the things indifferent ! if the god of heaven that knew our hearts , had in the midst of our prayers and cries on one of our publike monethly fasts , returned us this answer with his dreadful voice , in the audience of the assembly , you deceitful hearted sinners ; what hypocrisio is this , to weary me with your cries for that which you will not have if i would give it you ! and thus to lift up your voices for that which your souls abhor ! what is reformation , but the instructing and importunate perswading of sinners to entertain my christ and grace as offered them , and the governing my church according to my word ? and these which are your work , you will not be perswaded to when you come to find it troublesom and ungreatful ! when i have delivered you , it is not me but your selves that you will serve ; and i must be as earnest to perswade you to reform the church in doing your own duty , as you are earnest with me to grant you liberty for reformation ? and when all is done , you will leave it undone , and will be long before you will be perswaded to my work . i say , if the lord or any messenger of his , had given us in such an answer , would it not have amazed us , and have seemed incredible to us , that our hearts should have been such as now they prove ! and would we not have said as hazael , is thy servant a dog , that he should do this thing ? or as peter , though all men forsake or deny thee , i will not ! well brethren ! too sad experience hath shewed us our frailty : we have denyed the troublesom and costly part of the reformation , that we prayed for ! but christ yet turneth back , and looketh with a merciful eye upon us . o that we had yet the hearts , immediately to go out & weep bitterly , and to do so , as we have done , no more , lest a worse thing come unto us , and now to follow christ through labour and suffering , though it were to the death , whom we have so far forsaken . . all the judgements upon the nation , the cost , the labour , the blood , and the deliverances , and all the endeavours of the governors for reformation , will rise up against us if we now refuse to be faithful for a reformation , when it is before us , and at our will. i have said somewhat of this before . hath god been hewing us out a way with his sword , and levelling opposers by his terrible judgements , and yet will we sit still or play the sluggards ? have england , scotland and ireland paid so dear for a reformation , and now shall some men treacherously strangle it in the birth , and others expose it to contempt , and over-run it ? and others sit still and look on it as a thing not worth the trouble : how many thousand persons may come to the condemnation of such men ? the whole countries may say , lord we have been plundred , and ruined or much impover shed , we have paid taxes these many years , and it was a reformation that was pretended , and that we were promised , in all ; and now the ministers that should be the instruments of it do neglect it : many thousands may say , lord we ventured our lives in obedience to a parliament , that promised reformation , and now we cannot have it . the souls of many , that have dyed in these wars may cry out against us , lord it was the hopes of a reformation that we fought and suffered for , in obedience to those governors that professed to intend it ; and now the pastors reject it by their idleness . the parliament may say , how long did we sit and consult about reformation ; and now the ministers will not execute the power that is granted them ? the nation may say , how oft did we beg it of god , and petition the parliament for it , and now the ministers deny us the enjoyment of it ? yea god himself may say , how many prayers have i heard ! and what dangers have i delivered you from ! how many ! and how great ! and in what a wonderful manner ! and what do you think it was , that i delivered you for ? was it not that you should do my work ! and will you betray it , or neglect it after all this ? truly sirs , i know not what others think , but when i consider the judgements that we have felt , and the wonders of mercy that my eyes have seen , to the frequent astonishment of my soul , as i know it is great matters that these things oblige us to , so i am afraid lest they should be charged on me as the aggravations of my neglect . i hear every exasperated party still flying in the faces of the rest , and one saith it was you that killed the king , and the other saith it was you that fought against a parliament , and put them to defend themselves , and drencht the land in blood . but the lord grant that it be not we , if we prove negligent in our ministry , and betray the reformation that god hath called us to , that shall have all this blood and misery charged on us , yea though we had never any other hand therein : and that the lord say not of us , as of john , even when he had destroyed the house of ahab by his command , because he accomplished not the reformation which that execution tended to , yet a little while , and i will avenge the blood of iezrael on the house of jehn , hof . . . o sirs , can we find in our hearts to lose all the cost and trouble of the three nations , and all to save us a little trouble in the issue , and so to bring the guilt of all upon our selves . far be it from us if we have the hearts of christians . . lastly , if we should yet refuse a reformation , in our instructing of the ignorant or our exercise of christs discipline , how many vows and promises of our own may rise up in judgement against us and condemn us● . in the national covenant those that entered into it did vow and promise most solemnly before the lord and his people , that having before our eyes the glory of god , and the advancement of the kingdom of our lord and saviour iesus christ — we would sincerely , really and constantly endeavour in our several places and callings the reformation of religion ●n doctrine , worship , discipline and government — and we did profess our true and unfeigned purpose , desire and endeavour for our selves and all others under our power and charge , both in publike and private , in all dutes we ow to god and man , to amend our lives , and each one to go before another in the example of a real reformation . and this covenant we made as in the presence of god the searcher of all hearts with a true intention to perform the same as we shall answer at the great day when the secrets of all hearts shall be disclosed . o dreadful case then that we have put our selves into , if infinite mercy help us not out ! may we not say after the reading of this as iosi●h after the reading o● the law , a kings . . chron. . . great is the wrath of the lord that is kindled against us , because we have not done according to this covenant . could a people have devised a readrer way to thrust themselves under the curse of god by such a solemn dreadful covenant , and when they have done so long , so wilfully , so openly to violate it ? doth not this plainly bind us to the private as well as the publike part of our duty ? and to a real reformation of discipline in our practice ? again therefore i must needs say , what a bottomless depth of deceit is the heart of man ! o what heavy charges have we brought against many others of these times for breaking this solemn vow and covenant ( from which i am far from undertaking to acquit them ) when yet we that led the way , and drew on others , and daily preach't up reformation and discipline , have so horribly violated this covenant our selves , that in a whole countrey it is rare to find a minister , that hath set up discipline or private instruction . and he that can see much done towards it in england , hath more acquaintance , or better eyes then i have . . also in our frequent solemn humiliation days in the time of our deep distress and fear , how publikely and earnestly did we beg deliverances , not as for our sakes , but for the church and gospel sake , as if we had not cared what had become of us , so that the reformation of the church might go on , and we promised if god would hear and deliver us , what we would do towards it . but o how unfaithful have we been to those promises ! as if we were not the same men that ever spoke such words to god! i confess it filleth my own soul with shame , to consider the unanswerableness of my affections and endeavours to the many fervent prayers , rare deliverances , and confident promises of those years of advesity ! and such experiences of the almost incredible unfaithfulness of our hearts , is almost enough to make a man never trust his heart again ; and consequently to shake his certainty of sincerity : have we now , or are we like to have any higher resolutions , then those were which we have broken ! and it tends also to make us question in the next extremity , even at the hour of death , whether god will hear and help us any more , who have forfeited our credit with him by proving so unfaithful . if so many years publike humiliations spurred on by such calamities as neither we nor our fathers for many generations had ever seen , had no more in them then now appears , and if this be the issue of all , how can we tell how to believe our selves hereafter ? it may makes us fear lest our case be like the israelites , psal . , , , , , , . who when he slew them , then they sought him , and they returned , and enquired early after god : and they remembred that god was their rock , and the high god their redeemer , nevertheless they did flatter him with their mouth : and they lyed unto him with their tongues ; for their heart was not right with god , neither were they stedfast in his covenant . they remembred not his hand , nor the day when he delivered them from the enemy . — but turned back , and dealt unfaithfully like their fathers : they were turned aside like a deceitful bow . . moreover , if we will not be faithful in duties that we are engaged to , our own agreements and engagements which remain subscribed by our hands , and are published to the view of the world , will rise up in judgement against us and condemn us . we have engaged our selves under our hands near three years ago , that we will set up the exercise of discipline , and yet how many have neglected it to this day without giving any just and reasonable excuse ? we have now subscribed another agreement and engagement , for catechizing and instructing all that will submit . we have done well so far ; but if now we should flag and prove remiss and superficial in the performance , our subscriptions will condemn us ; this days humiliation will condemn us . be not deceived : god is not mocked : it is not your names only , but your hearts and hands also that he requireth : there is no dallying with god by feigned promises ; he will expect that you be as good as your words . he will not hold him guiltless , that by false oaths , or vows , or covenants with him doth take his holy name in vain ? when thou vowest a vow unto god , defer not to pay it ; for he hath no pleasure in fools ; pay that which thou hast vowed . better it is that thou shouldst not vow , then that thou shouldst vow and not pay ; suffer not thy mouth to cause thy flesh to sin : neither say thou before the angel , that it was an error ; wherefore should god be angry at thy voice , and destroy the work of thy hands , eccless . , . and thus i have shewed you what will come on it , if you shall not set your selves faithfully to this work , to which you have so many obligations and engagements ? and what an unexcusable thing our neglect would be , and how great and manifold a condemnation it would expose us to . truly brethen , if i did not apprehend the work to be of exceeding great moment , to your selves , to the people , and to the honour of god. i would not have troubled you with so many words about it , nor have presumed to have spoken so sharply as i have done . but when it is for life and death men are apt to forget their reverence , and courtefie and complements , commonly called good manners ! for my part i apprehend this as one of the best and greatest works that ever i put mine hand to in my life . and i verily think that your thoughts of it are as mine : and then you will not think my words too many or too keen . i can well remember the time when i was earnest for the reformation of matters of ceremony : and if i should be cold in such a substantial matter as this , how disorderly , and disproportionable would my zeal appear ! alas , can we think that the reformation is wrought , when we cast out a few ceremonies , and changed some vestures , and gestures , and forms ! o no sirs ! it is the converting and saving of souls that is our business : that 's the chiefest part of the reformation that doth most good , and tendeth most to the salvation of the people . let others take it how they will , i will so far speak my conscience for your just encouragement , as to say again , that i am verily perswaded that as you are happily agreed and combined for this work , so if you will but faithfully execute this agreement , together with your former agreement for discipline , you will do much more for a true reformation , and that peaceably without meddling with controverted points then i have heard of any part of england to have done before you , and yet no more than is unquestionably , your duty . sect . vi. i am next to answer some of those objections , which backward minds may cast in our way . and . some may object , that this course will take up so much time that a man shall have no time to follow his studies : most of us are young and raw , and have need of much time to improve our own abilities , which this course will prohibit us . to which i answer : . we suppose them whom we perswade to this work , to understand the substance of the christian religion , and to be able to teach it others : and the addition of lower and less necessary things , is not to be preferr'd before this needful communication of the fundamentals . i highly value common knowledge , and would not encourage any to set light by it : but i value the saving of souls before it . that work which is next the end must be done , whatever be undone : it s a very desirable thing for a physician to be throughly studied in his art ; and to be able to see the reason of his experiments , and to resolve such difficult controversies as are before him : but if he had the charge of an hospital , or lived in a city that had the raging pestilence , if he would be studying de fermentatica● , de circulatione sanguinis , de vesicule chyli , de instrumentis sanguificationis , and such like excellent useful points , when he should be looking to his patients , and saving mens lives , and should turn them away and let them perish , and tell them that he cannot have while to give them advice , because he must follow his own studies , i should take that man for a preposterous student , that preferr'd the remote means before the end it self of his studies : and indeed i should think him but a civil kind of murderer . mens souls may be saved without knowing , whether god did predetermine the creature in all its acts ? whether the understanding necessarily determines the wil ? whether god works grace in a physical or moral way of causation ? what free-will is ? whether god have scientiam mediam ? or positive decrees de malo culpae ; with a hundred such like , which are the things that you would be studying when you should be saving souls . get well to heaven , and help your people thither , and you shall know all these things in a moment , and a thousand more which now by all your studies you can never know : and is not this the most expeditious & certain way to knowledg . . if you grow not extensively in knowlege , you will by this way of diligent practice obtain the intensive more excellent growth : if you know not so many things as others , you will know the great things better then they : for this serious dealing with sinners for their salvation , will help you to far deeper apprehensions of their saving principles , then will be got by any other means . and a little more of the knowledge of these is worth all the other knowledge in the world . o when i am looking heaven-ward , and gazing towards the inaccessible light , and aspiring after the knowledge of god , and find my soul so dark and distant , that i am ready to say , [ i know not god ; he is above me : quite out of my reach ] this is the most killing and grievous ignorance ! one thinks i could willingly exchange all other knowledge that i have for one glimpse more of the knowledge of god and the life to come . o that i had never known a word in logick , metaphysicks , &c. nor known what ever school-men said , so i had but one spark more of that light that would shew me the things that i must shortly see . for my part , i conceive that by serious talking of everlasting things , and teaching the creed and shortest catechism , you may grow more in knowledge ( though not in the knowledge of more things ) and prove much wiser men , then if you spent that time in common or curious less necessary things . . yet let me add , that though i count this the chief , i would have you to have more ; because those subservient sciences are very useful : and therefore i say , that you may have competent time for both : lose none upon vain recreations and employn ents : trifle not away a minute : consume it not in needless sleep : do that you do with all your might : and then see whether you have not a competent time . if you set apart but two daies in a week in this great work that we are agreed on , you may find some for common studies out of all the other five . . duties are to be taken together : the greatest to be preferr'd ; but none to be neglected that can be performed ; not one to be pleaded against another , but each to know its profession : but if there were such a case of necessity , that we could not read for our selves in the course of our further studies , and instruct the ignorant both , i would throw by all the libraries in the world , rather then be guilty of the perdition of one soul ; or at least , i know that this is my duty . obj. . but this course will destroy the health of our bodies , by continual spending the spirits , & allowing us no time for necessary recreations ; and it will woolly lock us up from any civil friendly visitations , so that we must never stir from home , nor take our delight at home one day with our friends , for the relaxation of our minds ; but as we shall seem discourteous and morose to others , so we shall tire our selves , and the bow that is still bent will be in danger of breaking at last . answ . this is the meer plea of the flesh for its own interest : the sluggard saith , there is a lyon in the way . he will not plough because of the cold . there is no duty of moment and self-denyal , but if you consult with flesh and blood , it will give you as wise reasons as these against it . who would ever have been burnt at a stake for christ , if this reasoning had been good ? yea or who would ever have been a christian ? . we may take time for necessary recreation for all this ? an hour or half , an hours walk before meat , is as much recreation as is of necessity for the health of most of the weaker sort of students . i have reason to know somewhat of this by long experience . though i have a body that hath languished under great weaknesses many years , and my diseases have been such as require as much exercise as almost any in the world , and i have found exercise the principal means of my preservation till now , and therefore have as great reason to plead for it as any man that i know alive , yet i have found that the foresaid proportion hath been blessed to my preservation ( though i know that much more had been like to have tended to my greater health . ) and i do not know one minister of an hundred , that needeth so much as my self . yea i know abundance of ministers that scarce ever use any exercise at all ( though i commend it not in them ) i doubt not but it is our duty to use so much exercise as is of necessity for the preservation of our health , so far as our work requireth : else we should for one daies work lose the opportunity of many : but this may be done , and yet the works that we are engaged in , be done too . on those two daies a week that you set apart for this work , what hinders but you may take an hour or two to walk for the exercise of your bodies ? much more on other daies . but as for those men that limit not their recreations to their stated hours , but must have them for the pleasing of their voluptuous humor , and not only to fit them for their work , such sensualists have need to study better the nature of christianity , and learn the danger of living after the flesh , and get more mortification and self-denyal before they preach these things to others . if you must needs have your pleasures , you should not have put your selves into that calling that requireth you to make god and his service your pleasure , and restraineth you so much from fleshly pleasures . is it your baptismal engagement to fight against the flesh ? and do you know that much of the christian warfare consisteth in the combate between the flesh and the spirit ? and that is the very difference between a true christian and a wicked wretch , that one liveth after the spirit , and mortifyeth the deeds and desires of the body , and the other liveth after the flesh ? and do you know that the overcoming the flesh is the principal part of our victory , on which the crown of life depends ; and do you make it your calling to preach all this to others ; and yet for all this must you needs have your pleasures ? if you must , then for shame give over the preaching of the gospel , and the profession of christian self-denyal , and profess your selves to be as you are , and as you sow to the flesh , so of the flesh shall you receive the wages of corruption . doth such a one as paul say ? i therfore so run , not as uncertainly : so fight i , not as one that beateth the air : but i keep under my body , and bring it into subjection , least that by any means , when i have preached to others , i my self should be a cast-away , cor. . , . and have not such sinners as we , need to do so ? shall we pamper our bodies , and give them their desires in unnecessary pleasures , when paul must keep under his body , and bring it into subjection ? must paul do this , least after all his preaching he should be a cast-away ? and have not we cause to fear it of our selves much more ? i know that some pleasure it self is lawful : that is , when it is of use to the fitting us for our work . but for a man to be so far in love with his pleasures , as that he must unnecessarily wast his precious time in them , and neglect the great work of god for mens salvation , yea and plead for this as if it must or might be done , and so to justifie himself in such a course , is a wickedness inconsistent with the common fidelity of a christian , much more with the fidelity of a teacher of the church : and such wretches as are lovers of pleasures , more then lovers of god , must look to beloved of him accordingly , and are fitter to be cast out of christian communion , then to be the chief in the church for we are commanded , from such to turn away , tim. . . recreations for a student , must be specially for the exercise of his body , he having before him such variety of delights to his mind . and they must be as whetting is with the mower , that is only to be used so far is necessary to his work . and we must be careful that it rob us not of our precious time , but be kept within the narrowest bounds that may be . i pray peruse well mr. wheatley's sermon of redemption of time . . and then the labour that we are now engaged to perform , is not likely much to impair our health . it s true , it must be serious ; but that will but excite and revive our spirits , and not so much spend them . men can talk all the day long of other matters without any abatement of their health : and why may not we talk with men about their salvation without such great abatement of ours ? . it is to be understood that the direction that we give , and the work which we undertake is not for dying men , that be not able to preach or speak , but for men of some competent measure of strength , and whose weaknesses are tollerable , and may admit of such labours . . what have we our time and strength for , but to lay it out for god ? what is a candle made for , but to be burnt ? burnt and wasted we must be , and is it not fitter it should be in lighting men to heaven , and in working for god , then in living to the flesh ? how little difference is there between the pleasure of a long life and of a short , when they are both at an end ? what comfort will it be at death , that you lengthened your life by shortening your work ? he that works much ; liveth much : our life is to be esteemed according to the ends and works of it , and not according to the meer duration . as seneca can say of a drone , ibi jacet , non ibi vivit ; & diu fuit , non diu vixit : will it not comfort us more at death to review a short time faithfully spent , then a long time unfaithfully ? . and for the matter of visitations and civilities , if they be for greater ends , or use , then our ministerial imployments are , you may break a sabbath for them ; you may forbear preaching for them , and so may forbear this private work ; but if it be otherwise , how dare you make them a pretence to neglect so great a duty ? must god wait on your friends ? what if they be lords , or knights , or gentlemen ? must they be served before god ? or is their displeasure or censure a greater hurt to you , then gods displeasure ? or dare you think , when god shall question you for your neglects , to put him off with this excuse , lord i would have spent more of my time in seeking mens salvation , but that such a gentleman and such a friend would have taken it ill if i had not waited on them . if you yet seek to please men , you are no longer the servants of christ . he that dares spend his life in flesh-pleasing and man-pleasing , is bolder then i am . and he that dares wast his time in complements , doth little consider what he hath to do with it . o that i could but improve my time according to my convictions of the necessity of improving it ! he that hath lookt death in the face as oft as i have done , i will not thank him to value his time . i profess i admire at those ministers that have time to spare , that that can hunt , or shoot , or bowl , or use the like recreations two or three hours , yea whole daies almost together , that can sit an hour together in vain discourses ; and spend whole daies in complemental visitations , and journeys to such ends . good lord , what do these men think on ! when so many souls about them cry for their help , and death gives no respite ; and they know not how short a time their people and they may be together ? when the smallest parish hath so much work that may imploy all their diligence night and day ! brethren , i hope you are content to be plainly dealt with . if you have no sense of the worth of souls , and of the preciousness of that blood that was shed for them , and of the glory that they are going to , and of the misery that they are in danger of ; then are you no christians , and therefore very unfit to be ministers : and if you have , how can you find time for needless recreations , visitations or discourses ? dare you like idle gossips , chat and trifle away your time , when you have such works as these to do , and so many of them ? o precious time ! how swiftly doth it pass away ! how soon will it be gone ! what are the years of my life that are past ! were every day as long as a moneth , me thinks it were too short for the work of a day ! have we not lost enough already in the daies of our vanity ? never do i come to a dying man that is not utterly stupid , but he better sees the worth of time ! o then if they could call time back again , how loud would they call ? if they could but buy it , what would they give for it ? and yet can we afford to trifle it away ! yea and to allow our selves in this , and willfully cast off the greatest works of god! o what a befooling thing is sin , that can thus distract men that seem so wise ! is it possible that a man of any true compassion and honesty , or any care of his ministerial duty , or any sense of the strictness of his account , should have time to spare for idleness and vanity ? and i must tell you further brethren , that if another might take some time for meer delight which were not necessary , yet so cannot you ; for your undertaking binds you to stricter attendance then other men are bound to . may a physitian in the plague-time , take any more relaxation or reereation then is necessary for his life , when so many are expecting his help in a case of life and death ! as his pleasure is not worth mens lives , so neither is yours worth mens souls . suppose your cities were besieged , and the enemy on one side watching all advantages to surprize it , and on the other seeking to fire it with granadoes which are cast in continually . i pray you tell me now , if certain men undertake it as their office to watch the ports , and others to quench the fire that shall be kindled in the houses , what time will , you allow these men for their recreation or relaxation ? when the city is in danger , or the fire will burn on and prevail if they intermit their diligence ! or would you excuse one of these men if he come off his work , and say , i am but flesh and blood , i must have some pleasure or relaxation ? at the utmost sure you would allow him none but of necessity ? do not grudge at this now and say , this is a hard saying , who can bear it ? for it is your mercy ; and you are well , if you know when you are well , as i shall shew you in answering this next objection . object . . i do not think that it is required of ministers that they make drudges of themselves . if they preach diligently , and visit the sick , and do other ministerial duties , and occasionally do good to those they converse with , i do not think that god doth moreover require that we should thus tie our selves to instruct every person distinctly , and to make our lives a burden and a slavery ? answ . . of what use and weight the duty is , i have shewed before land how plainly it is commanded . and do you think god doth not require you to do all the good you can ? will you stand by and see sinners gasping under the pangs of death , and say , god doth not require me to make my self a drudge to save them ? is this the voice of ministerial or christian compassion ? or rather of sensual lazarus , and diabolical cruelty i doth god set you work to do , and will you not believe that he would have you do it ? is that the voice of obedience , or of rebellion ? it is all one whether your flesh do prevail with you to deny obedience to acknowledge duty , and say plainly i wil obey no further then it pleaseth me . or whether it may make you wilfully reject the evidence that should convince you that it is a duty , and say i will not believe it to be my duty unless it please me . it s the true character of an hypocrite , to make a religion to himself of the cheapest part of gods service , which will stand with his fleshly ends and felicity ; and to reject the rest , which is inconsistent therewith . and to the words of hypocrisie , this objection superaddeth the words of gross impiety . for what a wretched calumny is this against the most high god , to call his service a slavery and drudgery ! what thoughts have these men of their master , their work and their wages ? the thoughts of a believer or of an infidel ; are these men like to honour god , and promote his service that have such base thoughts of it themseves ? do these men delight in holiness , that account it a slavish work ? do the believe indeed the misery of sinners , that account it such a slavery to be diligent for to save them . christ saith that he that denieth not himself and forsaketh not all and taketh not up his cross and followeth him , cannot be his disciple . and these men count it a slavery to labour hard in his vineyard , and deny their ease , in a time when they have all accomodations and encouragements ? how far is this from forsaking all ? and how can these men be fit for the ministry that are such enemies to self-denyal , and so to true christianity ? still therefore i am forced to say , that all these objections are so prevalent , and all these carnal reasonings hinder the reformation , and in a word , hence is the chief misery of the church , that so many are made ministers before they are christians . if these men had seen the diligence of christ in doing good , when he neglected his meat to talk with one woman , joh. . and when they had no time to eat bread , mark . . would not they have been of the mind of his carnal friends that went to lay hold on him , and said , he is besides himself , vers . . they would have told christ he made a drudge or a slave of himself , and god did not require all this ado . if they had seen him all night in prayer , and all day in preaching and healing , it seems he should have had this censure from them for his labour ! i cannot but advise these men to search their own hearts , whether they unfeignedly believe that word , that they preach ? do you believe indeed that such glory attends those that dye in the lord , and such torment attendeth those that dye unconverted ? if you do , how can you think any labour too much , for such weighty ends ? if you do not , say so , and get you out of the vine ard , and go with the prodigal to keep swine , and undertake not the feeding of the flock of christ . do you not know that it is your own benefit which you grudge at ? the more you do , the more you receive : the more you lay out , the more you have coming in : if you are strangers to these christian paradoxes , you should not have taken on you to peach them to others . at the present , our incomes of spiritual life and peace are commonly in way of duty ; so that he that is most in duty hath most of god : exercise of grace increaseth it : and is it a slavery to be more with god , and to receive more him , then other men ? it is the chief solace of a gracious soul to be doing good , and receiving by doing : and to be much exercised about those divine things which have his heart . a good stomack will not say at a feast , what a slavery is it to bestow my time and pains so much to feed my self ? besides , that we prepare for fuller receivings hereafter : we set our talents to usury , and by improving them we shall make five become ten , and so be made rulers of ten cities . we shall be judged according to our works . is it a drudgery to send to the utmost parts of the world , to exchange our trifles for gold and jewels ? do not these men seek to justifie the prophane , that make all diligent godliness a drudgery , and reproach it as a precise and tedious life , i say , they will never believe but a man may be saved without all this ado ? even so say these in respect to the works of the ministry , they take this diligence for ungrateful tediousness , and they will not believe but a man may be a faithful minister without all this ado ! it is a hainous sin to be negligent in so great a business : but to approve of that negligence , and so to be impenitent , and to plead against duty as if it were none , and when they should lay out themselves for the saving of souls , to say i do not believe that god requireth it ; this is so great an aggravation of the sin that ( where the churches necessity doth not force us to make use of such , for want of better ) i cannot but think them worthy to be cast out as the rubbish , and as sale that hath lost its savour , that is neither fit for the land , nor yet for the dunghil , but men cast it out : he that hath ears to hear ( saith christ in these words ) let him hear , luke . . . and if such ministers become a by-word and reproach , let them thank themselves : for it is their own sin that maketh them vile , sam. . . and while they thus debase the service of the lord , they do but debase themselves , and prepare for a greater abasement at the last . object . . but if you make such severe laws for ministers , the church will be left without . for what man will put himself upon such a toilsom life ; or what parents will choose such a burden for their children ? men will avoid it both for the bodily toil , and the danger to their consciences , if they should not well discharge it . ans . . it is not we , but christ that hath made and imposed these laws which you call severe . and if i should silence them or mis-interpret them , or tell you that there is no such things , that would not relax them nor disoblige or excuse you . he that made them , knew why he did it , and will expect the performance of them . is infinite goodness it self to be questioned or suspected by us , as making bad or unmerciful laws ? nay it is meer mercy in him that imposeth this great duty upon us ? if physitians be required to be as diligent in hospitals or pest-houses or with other patients , to save their lives , were there not more mercy , then rigor in this law ? what , must god let the souls of your neighbours perish , to save you a little labour and suffering : and this in mercy to you ? o what a miserable world should we have , if blind self-conceited man had the ruling of it ? . and for a supply of pastors , christ will take care . he that imposeth duty , hath the fulness of the spirit , and can give men hearts to obey his laws . do you think christ will suffer all men to be as cruel , unmerciful , fleshly and self-seeking as you ? he that hath undertaken himself the work of our redemption , and born our transgressions , and been faithful as the chief shepherd and teacher of the church , will not lose all his labour and suffering for want of instruments to carry on his work , nor will he come down again to do all himself because no other will do it : but he will provide men to be his servants and ushers in his school that shall willingly take the labour on them , and rejoyce to be so imployed , and account that the happiest life in the world which you account so great a toil , and would not change it for all your ease and carnal pleasure , but for the saving of souls , and the propagating of the gospel of christ , will be content to bear the burden and heat of the day , and to fill up the measure of the sufferings of christ in their bodies , and to do what they do with all their might , and to work while it is day , and to be the servants of all , and not to please themselves but others for their edification , and to become all things to all men that they may save some , and to endure all things for the elects sake , and to spend and be spent for men , though the more they love , the less they should be beloved , and should be accounted their enemies for telling them the truth ; such pastors will christ provide his people after his own heart , that will feed them with knowledge : as men that seek not theirs , but them . what , do you think christ can have no servants , if such as you shall with demas turn to the present world and forsake him ? if you dislike his service , you may seek you a better where you can find it , and boast of your gain in the conclusion : but do not threaten him with the loss of your service . he hath made such laws as you will call severe , for all that will be saved as well as for his ministers ( though he impose not on them the same employment ) : for all must deny themselves and mortifie the flesh , and be crucified to the world , and take up their cross and follow christ , that will be his disciples : and yet christ will not be without disciples , nor will he hide his seeming hard terms from men to tice them to his service , but will tell them of the worst , and then let them come or chuse : he will call to them before hand to count what it wil cost them , and tell them that the foxes have holes and the birds of the air have nests , but the son of man hath not where to lay his head ; he comes not to give them worldly peāce and prosperity , but to call them to suffer with him that they may raign with him , and in patience to possess their souls , and conquer , that they may be crowned with him and sit down on his throne . and all this he will cause his chosen to perform . if you be at that pass with christ as the israelite : were once with david , and say will the son of jesse give you fields and vineyard ? every man to your tents o israel : and if you say , now look to thy owi house o david you shall see that christ will look to his own house , and do you look to yours as well as you can , and tell me at the hour of death or judgement which is the better bargain , and whether christ had more need of you , or you of him . and for scrupling it in conscience for fear of failing , . it is not involuntary imperfections that christ will take so hainously ; but it is unfait●ulness and wilful negligence : . and it shall not serve your turns to run out of the vineyard or harvest , on pretence of scruples , that you cannot do the work as you ought . he can follow you and overtake you as he did jonas with such a storm , as shall lay you in the belly of hell : totally to cast off a duty , because you cannot endure to be faithful in the performance of it , will prove but a poor excuse at last . if men had but reckoned well at first , of the difference between things temporal and eternal , and of what they shall lose or get by christ , and had that faith which is the evidence of things not seen , and lived by faith and not by sense , all these objections would be easily resolved ; and all the plea's of flesh and blood for its interest , would appear to have no more reason , then a sick mans plea for cold water in a pestilential feaver . obj. . but to what purpose is all this , when most of the people will not submit ? they will but make a scorn at your motion , and tell us , they will not come to us to be catechized , and that they are too old now to go to school ; and therefore it is as good let them alone , as trouble our selves to no purpose . answ . i. it s not to be denyed , but too many people are obstinate in their wickedness , and too many simple ones love simplicity , and too many scorners delight in scorning , and fools hate knowledge , prov. i. . but the worse they are , the sadder is their case , and the more to be pityed , and the more diligent should we be for their recovery . . i would it were not too much long of ministers , that a great part of the people are so obstinate and contemptuous ? if we did shine and burn before them as we should , had we convincing sermons and convincing lives , did we set our selves to do all the good we could what ever it cost us : were we more humble and meek , more loving and charitable , and let them see that we set light by all worldly things in comparison of their salvation ; much more might be done then is , and the mouthes of many would be slopt , and though still the wicked will do wickedly , yet more would be tractable , and the wicked would be fewer and calmer then they are . if you say , that the ablest and godliest ministers in the world have had as untractable and scornful parishoners as any others , i answer , that even able godly men have some of them been too lordly and strange , and some of them too uncharitable and worldly , and backward to costly , though necessary works , and some of them have done but little in private , when they have done excellently in publike ; and so have hindred the fruit of their labours . but where these impediments are absent , experience teleth us that the success is much greater , at least , as to the bowing of people to more calmness and teachableness : but we cannot expect that all should be brought to so much reason . . their wilfulness will not excuse us from our duty : if we offer them not our help , how know we who will refuse it : offering it is our part , and accepting is theirs : if we offer it not , we leave them excusable ( for then they refuse it not ) but its we that are lest without excuse . but if they refuse our help when it s offered , we have done our part , and delivered our own souls . . if some refuse our help , others will accept it : and the success with them may be so much , as may answer all our labour were it more . it is not all that are wrought on by our publike preaching , and yet we must not therefore give it over as unprofitable . obj. . but what likelyhood is there that men will be informed or converted by this means , that will not by the preaching of the word ? when that is gods chief ordinance appointed to that end : faith comes by hearing , and hearing by the word preached . answ . . the advantages i have shewed you before , and therefore will not stand to repeate them ; only , lest any think that this will wrong them by hindring them from preaching , i add to the . benefits before mentioned , that it will be an excellent means to help you in preaching : for as the physitians work is half done when he fully knows the disease , so when you are acquainted well with your peoples case , you will know what to preach on ; and it will furnish you with matter to talk an hour with an ignorant or obstinate sinner , as much as an hours study will do : for you will know what you have need to insist on , and what objections of theirs to refell . . i hope there is none so silly as to think this conference is not preaching . what doth the number we speak to make it preaching ? or doth interlocution make it none ? sure a man may as truly preach to one as to . and ( as is aforesaid ) if you search , you 'l find , that most of the gospel preaching in those daies , was by conference , or serious speeches to people occasionally , and frequently interlocutory : and that with one or two , fewer or more , as opportunity served . thus christ himself did most commonly preach . besides , we must take account of our peoples learning , if we mind the success of our work . there is nothing therefore from god , from the spirit , from right reason , to cause us to make any question of our work , or to be unwilling to it . but from the world , from the flesh and the devil , we shall have much , and more perhaps then we yet expect . but against temptations , if we have recourse to god , and look on his great obligations on one side , and the hopeful effects and reward on the other , we shall see that we have little cause to draw back or to faint . let us set before us this pattern in the text , and learn our duty thence , and imitate it . from vers . . to serve the lord ( and not men or our selves ) with all humility of mind ( and not proudly ) and with many tears , &c. vers . . to keep back nothing that is profitable to the people , and to teach them publikely and from house to house : vers . . that the matter of our preaching be repentance towards god , and faith toward our lord jesus christ . vers . , , . that though we go bound in the spirit , not knowing particularly what shall befall us , but knew that every where bonds and afflictions do abide us , yet none of these things should move us , neither should we count our life dear to our selves , so that we might finish our course with joy , and the ministry which we have received of the lord jesus to testifie the gospel of the grace of god. from vers . to take heed to our selves and all the flock , particularly against domestick seducers and schisms . from verse . without ceasing to warn every one day and night with tears . vers . . . to covet no mans silver , or gold , or apparrel , as counting it more honourable to give then to receive . o what a lesson is here before us ! but how ill is it learned by those that still question whether these be their duty . i confess some of these words of paul have so often been presented before mine eyes , and stuck upon my conscience , that i have been much convinced by them of my duty and neglect : and i think this one speech , better deserveth a twelve-moneths study , then most things that young students do lay out their time in . o brethren write it on your study doors , or set it as your copy in capital letters still before your eyes : could we but well learn two or three lines of it , what preachers should we be ? . for our general business , [ serving the lord with all humility of mind . ] . our special work , [ take heed to your selves , and to all the flock . ] . our doctrine , [ repentance towards god , and faith toward our lord jesus christ . ] . the place and manner of teaching , [ i have taught you publikely , and from house to house . ] . the object , and internal manner , [ i ceased not to warn every one night and day with tears ] this is it that must win souls and preserve them . . his innocency and self-denyal for the advantage of the gospel , [ i have coveted no mans silver or gold . ] . his patience , [ none of these things move me , neither count i my life dear . ] . and among all our motives , these have need to be in capital letters before our eyes . . we oversee and feed the church of god , which he hath purchased with his own blood . . [ grievous wolves shall enter in among you , not sparing the flock ] and [ of your own selves shall men arise speaking perverse things , to draw away disciples after them . ] write all this upon your hearts , and it will do your selves and the church more good , then twenty years study of those lower things , which though they get you greater applause in the world , yet separated from these , will make you but sounding brass , and tinkling cymbals . the great advantage of a sincere heart is , that god and glory , and the saving of souls are their very end : and where that end is truly intended , no labour or suffering will stop them , or turn them back . for a man must have his end , whatever it cost him : he still retains this lesson , whatever he forget , [ one thing is necessary ] and seek first the kingdom of god , and therefore saies , necessity is laid upon me , and wo unto me if i preach not the gospel . and this is it that will most effectually make easie all our labours , and make light all burdens , and make our sufferings seem tollerable , and cause us to venture on any hazards in the way . that which i once made the motto of my colours in another warfare , i desire may be still before my eyes in this , ( which yet according to my intentions , is not altogether another . ) on one side , he that saveth his life shall lose it . on the other , nic propter vitam vivendi perdere causas ; which doctor io. reignolds thought had reason enough in it , to hold him to his labours though it cost him his life . he that knoweth that he serveth a god that will never suffer any man to be a loser by him , need not fear what hazards he runs in his cause : and he that knows that he seeks a prize , which if obtained will infinitely over-match his cost , may boldly engage his whole estate on it , and sell all to purchase so rich a pearl . well brethren , i will spend no more words in exhorting wise merchants to such a bargain , nor telling teachers themselves of such common truths ; and if i have said more then needs already , i am glad . i hope now i may take it for granted , that you are resolved of the utmost diligence and fidelity in the work . on which supposition i shall now proceed . chap. vii . sect . . directions for the right managing this work. it is so happy a work which we have before us , that it is a thousand pities it should be destroyed in the birth , and perish in our hands . and though i know that we have a knotty generation to deal with , and that its past the power of any of us all to change a carnal heart without the effectual grace of the holy-ghost ; yet it is so usual with god to work by means , and to bless the right endeavors of his servants , that i cannot fear , but great things will be done , and a wonderful blow will be given to the kingdom of darkness by our undertaken work , if it do not miscarry through the fault of the ministers themselves . and the main danger is in these two defects . . of diligence . . of skill . against the former i have spoken much already . as for the later , i am so conscious of my own unskilfulness , that i am far from imagining that i am fit to give directions to any but the younger , and unexperienced of the ministry ; and therefore must expect so much justice in your interpretation , as that you will suppose me now to speak to none but such . but yet something i shall say , and not pass over this part in silence , because the number of such is so great , and i am so apprehensive that the welfare of the church and nation , doth much depend on the management of this work . the points wherein you have need to be solicitous are these two . . to bring your people to submit to this course of private catechizing or instruction . for if they will not come at you , what good can they receive . . to do the work so as may most tend to the success of it , when they do come to you . and for the first , the best directions that i can give are these following . . the chief means of all is , for a minister so to behave himself in the main course of his ministry and life , as may tend to convince his people of his ability , sincerity and unfeigned love to them . for if they take him to be ignorant , they will despise his teaching , and think themselves as wise as he . and if they think him self-seeking , or hypocritical , and one that doth not mean as he saith , they will suspect all that he saith and doth for them , and will not be regardful of him . and if they think he intendeth but to domineer over their consciences , and to trouble and disgrace them , or meerly to exercise their wits and memories , they will flie away from him as an adversary , and from his endeavours as noxious and ungrateful to them . whereas when they are convinced that he understandeth what he doth , and have high thoughts of his abilities , they will reverence him , and the easilyer stoop to his advice . and when they are perswaded of his uprightness , they will the less suspect his motions : and when they perceive that he intendeth no private ends of his own , but meerly their good , they will the sooner be perswaded by him . and because those that i write to are supposed to be none of the most able ministers , and therefore may despair of being reverenced for their parts ; i say to such ; . you have the more need to study and labour for their increase . . you must necessarily have that which amesius makes the lowest degree tollerable , viz. to be supra vulgus fidelium : and it will produce some reverence when they know you are wiser then themselves . . and that which you want in ability , must be made up in the other qualifications ; and then your advice may be as successful as others . if ministers were content to purchase an interest in their people at the dearest rates to their own flesh , and would condescend to them , and be familiar , and loving , and prudent in their carriage , and abound according to their ability in good works , they might do much more with their people then ordinarily they can do . not that we should much regard an interest in them for our own sakes , but that we may be more capable of promoting the interest of christ , and of furthering their own salvation : were it not for their own sakes , it were no great matter whether they love or hate us : but what commander can do any great service by an army that hate him ? and how can we think that they will much regard our counsel , while they abhor or dis-regard the persons that give it them ? labour therefore for some competent interest in your peoples estimation and affection , and then you may the better prevail with them . obj. but what should a minister do that findeth he hath quite lost his interest in them ? an. if they be so vile a people that they hate him not for any weakness , nor through mis-reports about particular things , but meerly for endeavouring their good , though in prudence as well as zeal , and would hate any other that should do his duty ; then must he in patience and meekness continue to instruct these that oppose themselves , if god peradventure will give them repentance to the acknowledgement of the truth . but if it be upon any weaknesses of his , or difference in lesser opinions , or prejudice meerly against his own person , let him try first to remove the prejudice by all lawful means ; and if he cannot , let him tell them , it is not for my self , but for you that i labour : and therefore seeing that you will not obey the word from me , i desire that you will agree to accept of some other that may do you that good , which i cannot : ] and so leave them , and try whether another man may not be fitter for them , and he fitter for another people : for an ingenious man can hardly stay with a people against their wills ; and a sincere man can more hardly for any commodity of his own , remain in a place where he is like to be unprofitable , to hinder the good which they might receive from another man , who hath the advantage of a greater interest in their estimation and affection . . supposing then this general preparation , the next thing to be done is , to use the most effectual means to convince them of the benefit and necessity of this course , to their own souls . the way to win the consent of any man to any thing that you offer , is to prove it to be good for him , and to do this in evidence that hath some fitness and proportion with his own understanding : for if you cannot make him believe that it is good or necessary for him , he will never let it down , but spit it out with loathing or contempt . you must therefore preach to them some effectual convincing sermons to this purpose beforehand ; which shall fully shew them the benefit and necessity of knowledge of divine truths in general , and of knowing the principles in special , and that the aged have the same duty and need as others , and in some respects much more : e. g. from heb. . . which affordeth us many observations suitable to our present business . as . that gods oracles must be a mans lessons . . minsters must teach these , and people must learn them of them . . the oracles of god have some principle ; or fundamentals that all must know , that will be saved . . these principles must be first learned : that 's the right order . . it may be well expected that people thrive in knowledge according to the means or teaching which they profess : and if they do not , it is their great sin . . if any lived long in the church under the means of knowledge , and yet be ignorant of these principles , he hath need to be taught them yet , ( how old soever he be ) . all this is plain from the text : whence we have fair opportunity by twenty clear convincing reasons to shew them ; . the necessity of knowing gods oracles . . and more especially of the principles . and . especially for the aged , that have sinfully lost so much time already ; that have so long promised to repent when they were old ; that should be teachers to the younger , whose ignorance is a double sin and shame ; who have so little time to learn in , and are so near their judgement ; and who have souls to save or lose as well as others , &c. convince them how impossible it is to go the way to heaven without knowing it , when there are so many difficulties and enemies in our way ? and when men cannot do their worldly business without knowledge , nor learn a trade without an apprentiship ? who can love , or seek , or desire that which he knoweth not ? convince them what a contradiction it is to be a christian , and yet to refuse to learn ; for what is a christian but a disciple of christ ? and how can he be his disciple , that refuseth to be taught by him ? and he that refuseth to be taught by his ministers , refuseth to be taught by him : for christ will not come down from heaven again to teach them by his own mouth , but hath appointed his ministers to keep school and teach them under him : to say therefore that they will not be taught by his ministers , is to say , they will not be taught by christ , and that is to say , they will be none of his disciples , or no christians . abundance of such undenyable evidences , we have at hand to convince them of their duty . make them understand that it is not an arbitrary business of our own devising and imposing , but necessity is laid upon us , and if we look not to every member of the flock according to our power , they may perish in their own iniquities , but their blood will be required at our hands : it is god and not we , that is the contriver and imposer of the work : therefore they blame god , more then us in accusing it : would they be so cruel as to wish a minister to cast away his own soul knowingly and wilfully , for fear of troubling them in hindering their damnation ? especially acquaint them fully with the true nature of the ministerial office , and the churches necessity of it : how it consisteth in teaching and guiding all the flock ; and that as they must come to the congregation as scholars to school ; so must they be content to give account of their learning , and to be instructed man by man. let them know what a tendency this hath to their salvation ; what a profitable improvement it will be of their time ? and how much vanity and evil it will prevent ? and when they once find that it is for their own good , they will the easilyer yield to it . . vvhen this is done , it will be very necessary that according to our agreement , we give one of the catechisms to every family in the parish , poor and rich , that so they might be so far without excuse : for if you leave it to themselves , perhaps half of them will not so much as get them : whereas , when they have them put into their hands , the receiving is a kind of engagement to learn them : and if they do but read the exhortation ( as its likely they will do ) it will perhaps convince them , and incite them to submit . and for the delivery of them , the best way is , for the minister first to give notice in the congregation , that they shall be brought to their houses , and then to go himself from house to house and deliver them , and take the opportunity of perswading them to the work ; and as they go , to take a catalogue of all the persons at years of discretion in the several families , that they may know whom they have to take care of , and instruct , and whom to expect when it cometh to their turns . i have formerly in the distributing of some other books among them , desired every family to fetch them ; but i found more confusion and uncertainty in that way , and now took this as the better . but in small parishes , either way may serve . and for the charge of the books , if the minister be able , it will be well for him to bear it : if not , the best affected of his people of the richer sort should bear it among them . or at a day of humiliation in preparation to the work , let the collection that is wont to be for the poor , be imployed to buy the catechisms , and the people be desired to be the more liberal , and what is wanting , the well-affected to the work may make it up . and for the order of proceeding in small parishes , the matter is not great , but in greater it will be needful that we take them in order family by family , beginning the execution a moneth or six weeks after the delivery of the books , that they may have time to learn. and thus taking them together in common , they will the more willingly come , and the backward will be the more ashamed to keep off . . besure that you deal gently with them ; and take off all discouragements as effectually as you can . . tell them publikely , that if they have learnt any other catechism already , you will not urge them to learn this , unless they desire it themselves . for the substance of all catechisms ( that are orthodox ) is the same : only our reasons for offering them this , was the brevity and fulness ; that we might give them as much as we could in a few words , and so make their work more easie . or if any of them had yet rather learn any other ( orthodox ) catechism , let them have their choice . . as for the old people that are of weak memories , and not like to live in the world , and complain that they cannot remember the words , tell them that you expect not that they should overmuch perplex their minds about it , but hear it oft read over , and see that they understand it , and get the matter into their minds and hearts , and then they may be born with , though they remember not the words . . and let your dealing with those that you begin with be so gentle , convincing and winning , that the report of it may be an encouragement to others to come . . if all this will not serve to bring any particular persons to submit , do not so cast them off , but go to them and expostulate the case with them , and know what their reasons are , and convince them of the sinfulness and danger of their contempt of the help that is offered them . a soul is so precious that we should not lose one for want of labour , but follow them while there is any hope , and not give them up as desperate , till there be no remedy . before we give them over as dogs or swine let us try the utmost , that we may have the experience of their obstinate contempt , or renting us , to warrant our forsaking them : charity beareth and waiteth long . sect . ii. . having used these means to procure them to come in and submit to your teaching , the next thing to be considered is , how you should deal most effectually with them in the work ; and again i must say , that i think it an easier matter by far , to compose and preach a good sermon , then to deal rightly with an ignorant man for his instruction in the necessary principles of religion . as much as this work is contemned by some , i doubt not but it will try the parts and spirits of ministers , and shew you the difference between one man and another , more fully then pulpit-preaching will do . and here i shall as fitting to my purpose ; transcribe the words of a most learned , orthodox and godly man , bishop usher , in his sermon before king iames at wan●●ed , on eph. . . pag. , . ( but impres . . pag. , . ) your majesties care can never be sufficiently commended , in taking order that the chief heads of the catechism should in the ordinary ministry be diligently propounded and explained unto the people throughout the land. which i wish were as duely executed every where , as it was piously by you intended . great scholars possibly may think , that it standeth not so well with their credit , to stoop thus low , and to spend so much of their time , in teaching these rudiments and first principles of the doctrine of christ . but they should consider that the laying of the foundation skillfully , as it is the matter of greatest importance in the whole building ; so is it the very master-piece of the wisest builder ; cor. . . according to the grace of god which is given to me , as a wise master-builder i have laid the foundation , saith the great apostle . and let the learnedst of us all try it when ever we please , we shall find that to lay this ground-work rightly ( that is , to apply our selves to the capacity of the common auditory , and to make an ignorant man to understand these mysteries in some good measure ) will put us to the tryal of our skill , and trouble us a great deal more , then if we were to discuss a controversie , or handle a subtile point of learning in the schools . yet christ did give as well his apostles , and prophets , and evangelists , as his ordinary pastors and teachers to bring us all both learned and unlearned , unto the unity of this faith and knowledge : and the neglecting of this , is the frustrating of the whole work of the ministery . for let us preach never so many sermons to the people , our labour is but lost as long as the foundation is unlaid ; and the first principles untaught , upon which all other doctrine must be builded . so far the reverend bishop . the directions which i think necessary to be observed in the managing of the work , for matter and manner are these following . direct . . when your neighbours come to you , one family or more , begin with a brief preface , to demulce their minds , and take off all offence , unwillingness or discouragement , to prepare them to entertain your following instructions . e. g. neighbours , it may perhaps seem to some of you , as an unusual , so a troublesom business , that i put you upon : but i hope you will not think it needless : for if i had thought so , i should have spared you and my self this labour : but my conscience hath told me , yea god hath told me in his word , so roundly● , what it is to have the charge of mens souls , and how the blood of them that perish in their sins , will be required at the hands of a minister that neglecteth them , that i dare not be so guilty of it as i have been . alas , all our business in this world is to get well to heaven ; and god hath appointed us to be guides to his people , to help them safe thither ; if this be well done , all is done ; and if this be not done we are for ever undone ! the lord knows how little a while you and i may be together ; and therefore it concerns us to do what we can for our own and your salvation , before we leave you or you leave the world . all other business in the world are but toyes and dreams in comparison of this ! the labours of your calling are but to prop up the cottages of your flesh , while you are making ready for death and judgement ; which god knows is near at hand . and i hope you will be glad of help in so needful a work , and not think it much that i put you to this trouble ; when the trifles of the world will not be got without greater trouble ] this , some of this , or somewhat to this purpose may tend to make them more willing to hear you , and receive instruction , or give you an account of their knowledge or practice , which must be the work of the day . direct . . when you have ( to spare time ) spoken thus to them , all , take then the persons one by one , and deal with them as far as you can in private , out of the hearing of the rest ; for some cannot speak freely before others , and some will not endure to be questioned before others , because they think that it tendeth to their shame , to have others hear their answers ; and some persons that can make better answers themselves will be ready when they are gone to twattle of what they heard , and to disgrace those that speak not so well as they ; and so people will be discouraged , and backward persons will have pretences to forbear and forsake the work , and say , they wil not come to be made a scorn or a laughing stock . you must therefore be very prudent to prevent all these inconveniences . but the main reason is , as i find by experience , people will better take plain close dealing about their sin and misery and duty when you have them alone then they will before others ; and if you have not opportunity to set it home and deal freely with them , you will frustrate all . if therefore you have convenient place , let the rest stay in one room , while you confer with each person by themselves in another room , only for the necessary avoiding of scandal , we must speak to the women , only in the presence of some others ; and if we do lose some advantage by it of the success of our instructions , there is no remedy : it s better do so , then by giving matter of reproach to the malicious , to destroy all the work . yet we may so contrive it , that though some other be in the room , yet what passages are less fit for others observance , may be spoken submissâ voce that others may be no hearers of it ; and therefore they may be placed at the remotest part of the room . or at least let none be present but the members of the same family , that be more familiar , and not so likely to reproach one another . and then , in your most rouzing examinations and reproofs , deal most with the most ignorant , and secure and vicious , that you may have the clearer ground for your closest dealing , and the hearing of it may awaken the standers by , to whom you seem not so directly to apply it . these small things deserve observance , because they be in order to a work that is not small : and small errors may hinder a great deal of good . direct . . let the beginning of your work be , by taking an account of what they have learned of the words of the catechism ; receiving their answer to each question . and if they are able to recite but a little or none of it , try whether they can rehearse the creed , and the decalogue . direct . . then choose out some of the weightiest points , and try by further questions how they understand them . and therein be careful of these things following . . that you do not begin with less necessary points , but these which themselves may perceive are of nearest concernment to them . as , e. g. [ what do you think becomes of men when they are dead ? [ what shall become of us after the end of this world ? do you believe that you have any sin ? or that you were born with sin ? and what doth every sin deserve ? what remedy hath god provided for the saving of sinful miserable souls ? hath any one suffered for our sins in our stead , or must we suffer for them our selves ? who be they that god will pardon ? and who shall be saved by the blood of christ ? what change must be made on all that shall be saved ? and how is it made ? where is our chief happiness ? and what is it that our hearts must be most set upon ? ] with such like as these . . take heed of asking them nice or needless or doubtful and very difficult questions , though about those matters that are of greatest weight in themselves . specially be very cautelous how you put them upon definitions or descriptions . some self conceited men will be as busie with such questions which they cannot answer themselves , and as censorious of the poor people that cannot answer them , as if life and death did certainly depend on them . you will ask them perhaps what is god ? and how defective an answer must you make your selves ? specially if it be the quid , and not the qualis that you mean. you may tell what he is not , sooner then what he is . if you ask what is faith ? or what is repentance ? how sorrily would many very learned divines answer you ? or else they would not be at so great difference among themselves about them not only disagreeing about the definitions of them , but so widely disagreeing . if you ask them what is forgiveness of sin ? how many ministers may you ask before you have a right answer ? or else they would not be so disagreed in the point ? much more may i say so about justification ( though perhaps the same thing with remission ) so if you ask them what regeneration is ? what sanctification is ? why divines be not agreed , what they are themselves ? but you will say perhaps , if men know not what god is ; what faith , repentance , conversion , sanctification , and pardon of sin , or justification be , how can they be true christians and be saved ? i answer . it 's one thing to know exactly what they be , and another thing to know them in the nature of them in the main , though with a more general , indistinct and undigested knowledge : and it s one thing to know and another thing to tell what this or that is . the very name as commonly used doth signifie to them and express from them the thing without a definition : and they partly understand what that name signifieth , when they cannot tell it you in other words . as they know what it is to believe , to repent , to be forgiven ; by custom of speech they know what these mean , and yet cannot define them , but perhaps put you off with the countrey answer . to repent is , to repent ; and to be forgiven is , to be forgiven , or if they can say , it is to be pardoned , it is fair . yet do i not absolutely disswade you from the use of such questions ; but do it cautelously , in case you suspect some gross ignorance in the point : specially about god him self . and ( which is the next part of this direction . ) . in such a case , so contrive the predicate into your question that they may perceive what you mean , and that it is not a nice definition , but a necessary solution that you expect , and look not after words but things , and there leave them to a bare yea or nay , or the meer elocution of one of the two descriptions which your self shall propound . as e. g. what is god ? is he made of flesh and blood as we are ? or is he an invisible spirit ? is he a man or is he not ? had he any beginning ? can he dye ? what is faith ? is it a believing all the word of god ? what is it to believe in christ ? is it all one as to become a true christian ? or to believe that christ is the saviour of the world , and to accept him for your saviour to pardon , teach , govern and glorifie you ? what is repentance ? is it only to be sorry for sin , or is it , the change of the mind from sin to god , or both ? . and as you must do thus when you come to hard points as definitions or the like , so in all points where you perceive that they understand not the meaning and stress of your question ? there you must first draw out their answer by an equipollent or expository question , or if that will not do , thus frame the answer into your question , and demand but his yea or nay : yea if it be never so easie a point that you are upon , you must do thus at last in case by the first question you have an unsatisfactory answer . e. g. i have oft asked some very ignorant people , how do you think of your sins , so many and great sins shall be pardoned ? and they tell me by their repenting and mending their lives ; and never mention jesus christ . i ask them further , but do you think that your amendment can make god any amendt or satisfaction for the sin that is past ? they will answer we hope so , or else we know not what will ? a man would think now that these men had no knowledge of christ at all , in that they make no mention of him ; and some i find have indeed none and when i tell them over the history of the gospel , and what christ is , did and suffered and why , they stand wondering at it as a strange thing that they had never heard before ; and some say ; they never heard this much before , nor knew it , though they came to church every lords day . but some i perceive do give such answers , because they understand not the scope of my question ; but think that i take christs death as granted , and only ask them what shall make god satisfaction as their part under christ ( though thus also they discover sad ignorance . ) and when i ask them whether their deeds can merit any thing of god ? they say no ; but they hope god will accept them . and if i ask further can you be saved without the death of that ? they say , no ; and if i ask what hath he done or suffered for you ? they will say he dyed for us ; or shed his blood for us : and will profess that they place their confidence in that for salvation . many men have that in their minds , which is not ripe for utterance ; and through ill education and disuse , they are strangers to the expressions of those things which they have some conceptions of . and , by the way you may here see the cause to deal very tenderly with the common people for matter of knowledge and defect of expression ; if they are are teachable , and tractable , and willing to use means , and to live obediently : for many even ancient godly persons cannot speak their minds in any tolerable expressions : no nor cannot learn when expressions are put into their mouths . some of the most pious experienced , approved christians that i know ( aged people ) complain exceedingly to me with tears that they cannot learn the words of the catechism , and when i consider their advantages that they have lived under the most excellent helps , in constant duty , and in the best company for fourty or fifty or sixty years together , it teacheth me what to expect from poor ignorant people that never had such company and converse for one year or week : and not to reject them so hastily as some hot and too high professors would have us do . but this is on the by . . this also must be observed , that if you find them at a loss , and unable to answer your questions , drive them not on too hard or too long with question after question , lest they conceive you intend but to puzzle them and disgrace them : but presently , when you perceive them troubled that they cannot answer , then step in your self and take the burden off them , & make answer to the question your selves ; and then do it throughly and plainly , and make a full explication of the whole business to them , that by your teaching they may be brought to understand it before you leave them . and herein it is comonly necessary that you fetch up the matter ab origine , & take it on in order till you come to the point in question . . and usually with the grosly ignorant , it is flatly necessary that you do run over all the sum of our religion to them in the most familiar way that you can possibly devise : but this must be the next direction . direct . . when you have done what you see cause in the trial of their knowledge , proceed next to instruct them your selves : and this must be according to their several capacities . if it be a professor that understandeth the fundamentals , fall upon somewhat which you perceive that he most needeth , either explaining further some of the mysteries of the gospel , or laying the grounds of some duty which he may doubt of , or shewing the necessity of what he neglecteth , or meeting with his sins or mistakes , as may be most convincing and edifying to him . if it be one that is grosly ignorant , give him a plain familiar recital of the sum of the christian religion in a few words : for though it be in the catechism already yet a more familiar way may better help them to understand it . as thus [ you must know , that from everlasting there was one only god that had no beginning , and can have no end , who is not a body as we are , but a most pure , spiritual being that knoweth all things , and can do all things , and hath all goodness and blessedness in himself . this god is but one , but yet three persons , the father , the son and holy ghost in an incomprehensible manner , above our reach ; yet we have somewhat in our selves and other creatures that may give us some resemblance of it . as in a man , his power and his understanding and will , be but one soul , and yet they are not one faculty , but differ one from another : or as in the sun , the being or power , and the heat and the light , are not all one ; and yet there is but one sun ; so in a more incomprehensible manner it is in god. and you must know that this one god did make all the world by his word ; the heavens he made to be the place of his glory , and made a world of holy angels to serve him , in his glory : but some of these did by pride or other sin fall from god and are become devils that shall be miserable in torments for ever , when he had made the rest of this lower world , he made man , as his noblest creature here , even one man and one woman adam and eve , and he made them perfect without any sin or fault , and put them into the gardan of eden , and forbad them to eat but of one tree in the garden , and told them that if they did , they should dye . but the devil that had first fallen himself did tempt them to sin , and they yielded to his temptation , and by wilful sinning they fell under the curse of gods law , and fell short of the glory of god. but god of his infinite wisdom and mercy did send his own son jesus christ to be their redeemer , who as he was promised in the beginning , so in the fulness of time . years ago was made man , and was born of a virgin by the power of the holy ghost , and lived on earth among the jews about years , and he preached the gospel himself and wrought many miracles to prove his doctrine , and bring men to believe in him , healing the lame , the blind , the sick , and raising the dead by the word of his mouth by his divine power ; & at the end by the malice of the jews , & his own consent he was offered upon the cross , as a sacrifice for our sins , to bear that curse that we should have born ; and when he was buryed , he rose again the third day , and lived on earth forty dayes after : and before his departure he sent his apostles and other ministers to preach the gospel of salvation to the world , and to call home lost sinners by repentance , and to assure them in his name , that if they will but believe in him and take him for their saviour , and unfeignedly lament their former sins , and turn from them to god , and will take everlasting glory for their portion , and be content to resign their carnal interests and desires , he will pardon freely all that is past , and be merciful to them for the time to come , and will lead them up into spiritual communion with god , and bring them to his glory when this life is ended , but for them that make light of their sins and of his mercy , and will not forsake the pleasures of this world for the hopes of another , they shall be condemned to everlasting punishment . this gospel christ hath appointed his ministers to preach to all the world ; and when he had given this in charge to his apostles , he ascended up into heaven before their faces , where he is now in glory with god the father in our nature , ruling all : and at the end of this world , he will come again in that nature , and will call the dead to life again , and set them all before him to be judged : and all that truly repented and believed in him and were renewed by his spirit , and renounced this world for the hopes of a better shall be judged to live with god in glory , and shall be like to his angels , and praise him for ever ; and the rest that repented not , and believed not in him , but lived to the flesh and the world , shall be condemned to everlasting misery . so that you may see by this , that mans happiness is not in this world but in the next , and that all men have lost their hopes of that happiness by sin , and that jesus christ the only son of god and the redeemer of the world hath recovered it for us by the price of his blood shed and hath made a new covenant with us , assuring us of life and salvation , if we repent and believe in him for that life , and mortifie our fleshly desires : to which end he sendeth forth his holy spirit to convert all that shall be saved , and to turn their hearts from this world to god. if ever you mean to be saved , therefore it must be thus with you : your formersins must be the grief of your soul , and you must fly to a crucified christ as your only refuge from the deserved curse , and the spirit of christ must convert you , and dwell in you and make you wholly a new creature : or there is no salvation . ] some such short plain rehearsal of the principles of religion in the most familiar manner that you can devise , with a brief touch of application in the end , will be necessary when you deal with the grosly ignorant : and if you perceive they understand you not , go over it again , and ask them whether they understand it , and seek to leave it fixed in their memories . direct . . whether they begrosly ignorant or not , if you suspect them to be ungodly , fall next upon a prudent enquiry into their states , and the best and least offensive way will be this : to take your occasion from some article of the catechism , as the fifth or seventh ; and then to make way by a word that may demulce their minds , by convincing them of the necessity of it ; as e. g. thus , or to this purpose , you see in the . article proved by scripture , that the holy-ghost doth by the word enlighten mens minds , and soften and open their hearts , and turn them from the power of satan to god by faith in christ , and so makes them a sanctified peculiar people to god ; and that none but these are made partakers of christ and life : now though i have no desire needlesly to pry into any mans secrets , yet because that it is the office of ministers to give advice to a people in the matters of salvation , and because it is so dangerous a matter to be mistaken , where life or death everlasting doth lie upon it , i would intreate you to deal truly and tell me , whether ever you found this great change upon your own heart , or not ? did you ever find the spirit of god by the word , come in upon your understanding , with a new heavenly life , which hath made you a new creature ? the lord that seeth your heart doth know whether it be so or not ? therefore i pray you , see that you speak the truth . if he tell you , that he hopes he is converted ; all are sinners ; but he is sorry for his sins , or the like ; then tell him more particularly in a few words of the plainest notes , or by a short description , what true conversion is , and so renew and enforce the enquiry : as thus : because your salvation or damnation lyeth upon it , i would fain help you a little in this , that you may not be mistaken in a business of such consequence , but may find out the truth before it be too late : for as god will judge us impartially , so we have his word before us , by which we may know , now , how god will judge us , then : for this word tells us most certainly who they be that shall go to heaven , and who to hell . now the scripture tells us that the state of an unconverted man is this ; he seeth no great matter of felicity in the love and communion of god in the life to come , which may draw his heart thither from this present world , but he liveth to his carnal self , or to the flesh , and the main bent of his life is , that it may go well with his body here , and that religion that he hath is but a little on the by , lest he should be damned when he can keep the world no longer ; so that the world and flesh are highest in his esteem , and nearest to his heart , and god and glory stand below them and further off , and all their service of god is but a giving them that which the world and flesh can spare . this is the true case of every unconverted man ; and all that are in this case , are in a state of misery . but he that is truly converted , hath had a light shining into his soul from god , which hath shewed him the greatness of his sin and misery , and made it a heavy load upon his soul , and shewed him what christ is and hath done for sinners , and made him admire at the riches of gods grace in him ! o what glad news is it to him , that yet there is hope for such lost sinners as he ; that so many and so great sins may be pardoned ! and that this is offered to all that will accept it ! how gladly doth he entertain this message and offer ? and for the time to come , he resigneth himself and all that he hath to christ to be wholly his , and disposed of by him , in order to the everlasting glory which he hath promised : he hath now such a sight of the blessed state of the saints in glory , that he despiseth all this world as dross and dung in comparison of it , and there he layeth up his happiness and his hopes , and takes all the matters of this life but as so many helps or hindrances in the way to that : so that the very bent and main care and business of his life is to be happy in the life to come . this is the case of all that are truly converted , and shall be saved . is this your case , or not ? have you found such a change or work as this upon your soul ? if he say , he hopes , he hath , descend to some particulars distinctly . e. g. i pray you then answer me to these two or three questions . . can you truly say , that all the known sins of your life past are the grief of your heart , and that you have felt that everlasting misery is due to you for them , and that in the sense of this heavy burden , you have felt your self a lost man , and have gladly entertained the news of a saviour , and cast your soul upon christ alone for pardon by his blood . . can you truly say , that your heart is so far turned from your former sins , that you hate the sins that formerly you loved , and love that holy life that you had no mind to before , and that you do not now live in the willful practise of any known sin : is there no sin which you be not heartily willing to leave whatever it cost you ? and no duty which you be not willing to perform ? . can you truly say , that you have so far taken the everlasting enjoyments of god for your happiness , that it hath the most of your heart , of your love , desire , and care : and that you are resolved by the strength of grace to let go all that you have in the world rather then hazard it ; and that it is your daily principal business to seek it ? can you truly say , that though you have your failings and sins , yet your main care and the bent of your whole life is to please god and enjoy him for ever , and that you give the world gods leavings , as it were , and not god the worlds leavings , and that your worldly business is but as a travellers seeking for provision in his jorney , and heaven is the place that you take for your home . if he say , yea , to the first and third , tell him how great a thing it is for a mans heart to abhor his sin , and to lay up his happiness unfeignedly in another world , and to live in this world , for another that is out of sight ! and therefore desire him to see that it be so indeed . if he say , yea , to the second question , then turn to the ninth , tenth , eleventh or twelfth articles of the catechism , and read over some of those duties which you most suspect him to omit ; and ask him , whether he do perform such or such a duty : especially prayer ( in a family or private ) and the holy spending of all the lords day : because these are of so great moment ( of which anon . ) direction . when you have either by former discovery of gross ignorance , or by these later enquiries into his spiritual state , discerned an apparent probability that the person is yet in an unconverted state ; your next business is , to fall on with all your skill and power , to bring his heart to the sense of his condition : e. g. truly neighbours , i have no mind , the lord knows , to make your condition worse then it is , nor to put any causless fear or trouble into your mind : but i suppose you would take me but for a flattering enemy , and not a faith ful friend , if i should daub with you , and not tell you the truth : if you sought to a physitian in your sickness , you would have him tell you the truth , though it were the worst : much more here ; for , there the knowledge of your disease may by fears increase it , but here you must know it , or else you can never be recovered from it . i much fear that you are yet a stranger to the new life of all them that christ will save : for if you were a christian indeed and truly converted , your very heart would have been set on god and the life to come , and you would have admired the riches of grace in christ , and you would have made it your business to prepare for everlasting ; and you durst not , you would not , live in any wilful sin , nor in the neglect of such duties ! alas ! what have you done ? how have you spent your time till now ? did you not know , that you had a soul to save or lose ? and that you must live in heaven or hell for ever ! and that you had your life and time in this world for that purpose , to prepare for another ! alas ! what have you been doing all this while that you are so ignorant , or so unprepared for death if it should now find you ? if you had but had as much mind of heaven as of earth , you would have known more of it , and done more of it , and enquired more diligently after it , then you have done ! you can learn how to do your business in the world , and why could you not have learned more of the will of god , if you had but minded it . you have neighbours that could learn more , that have had as much to do in the world as you , and as little time ? do you think that heaven is not worth your labour ? or that its like it can be had without any care or pains ? when you cannot have the trifles of this world without ? and when god hath bid you , first seek his kingdom and the righteousness thereof ? alas neighbour , what if you had dyed before this hour in an unconverted state what had become of you ? and where had you now been ? why you did not know all this while that you should live a day to an end ! o that ever you would be so cruel to your selves as to venture your everlasting state so desperately as you have done ! what did you think of ? did you not all this while know that you must shortly dye , and be judged as you were then found ? had you any greater work to do ? or any greater business to mind then your salvation ? do you think that all that you can get in this world will comfort you at a dying hour , or purchase your salvation , or ease the pains of hell-fire ? set these things home with a more earnest voice then the former part of your conference was managed with . for if you get it not to heart , you do little or nothing and that which affecteth not is soon forgotten . direct . . next this , conclude the whole , with a practical exhortation , which must contain two parts , first , the duty of the heart in order to a closure with christ , and that which is contained in that closure : and secondly , the use of external means for the time to come , and the avoiding of former sins . e. g. [ neighbour , i am heartily sorry to find you in so sad a case ; but i should be more sorry to leave you in it ; and therefore let me intreat you for the lords sake and for your own sake to to regard what i shall say to you , as to the time to come . it is the lords great mercy that he did not cut you off in your unconverted natural state , and that you have yet life and time , and that there is a sufficient remedy provided for your soul in the blood of christ , and he is yet offered with pardon and life to you as well as any others ; god hath not left sinful man to utter desperation for want of a ransom by a redeemer as he hath done the devils ; nor hath he made any exception in the offer or promise of pardon and life against you any more then against any other . if you had yet but a bleeding heart for sin , and could come to christ believingly for recovery , and resign your selves to him as your saviour and lord , and would be a new man for the time to come , the lord will have mercy on you in the pardon of your sins , and the saving of your soul ; and i must tell you , that as it must be the great work of gods grace to give you such a heart , so if ever he mean to pardon and save you , he will make this change upon you that i have before mentioned ; he will make you feel your sin as the heaviest burden in the world , as that which is most odious in it self and hath laid you open to the curse of god ; he will make you see that you are a lost man , and that there is no way but one with you , even everlasting damnation , unless you are pardoned by the blood of christ , and sanctified by his spirit : he will you make you see the need you have of christ , and how much you are beholden to him for his bloodshed , and how all your hope and life is in him he will make you see the vanity of this world and all that it can afford you , and that all your happiness is with god , in that everlasting life , where with saints and angels you may behold his glory and live in his loves and praises , when those that reject him shall be tormented with the devils : and because it is only christ the redeemer that can bring you to that glory , and deliver you from that torment , he will make you look to him as your hope and life , and cast your burdened soul upon him , and give up your selves to be saved and taught and ruled by him ; and he will possess you with the spirit of holyness , that your heart shall set upon god and heaven as your treasure , and the care of your mind and the business of your life shall be to obtain it , and you shall despise this world and deny your fleshly interests and desires , and cast away the sin with abhorrence which you delighted in , and count no pains too great , nor no suffering too dear for the obtaining of that everlasting life with god. let me tell you , that till this work be done upon you , you are a miserable man , and if you dye before it s done , you are lost for ever : now , you have hope and help before you , but then there will be none . let me therefore intreat these two or three things of you , and do not deny them me as you love your soul . first , that you will not rest in this condition that you are in . be not quiet in your mind , till you find a true conversion to be wrought . think when you rise in the morning , o what if this day should be my last , and death should find me in an unrenewed state ? think when you are about your labour , o how much greater a work have i yet to do , to get my soul reconciled to god and possessed of his spirit ! think when you are eating or drinking or looking on any thing that you possess in the world , what good will all this do me , if i live and die an enemy to god , and a stranger to christ and his spirit , and we must perish for ever . let these thoughts be day & night upon your mind till your soul be changed . the second thing that i would intreat of you is , that you would bethink you seriously what a vain thing this world is , and how shortly it will leave you to a cold grave , and to everlasting misery , if you have not a better treasure then this : and bethink you what it is to live in the sight of the face of god , and to reign with christ , and be like the angels ? and that this is the life that christ hath procured you , and is preparing for you and offereth you if you will accept it in and with himself upon his easie reasonable terms ; bethink your self whether it be not madness to slight such an endless glory , and to prefer these fleshly dreams , and earthly shadows before it . use your self to such considerations as these , when you are alone , and let them dwell upon your mind . the third thing that i would intreat of you is , that you will presently without any more delay , accept of this felicity and this saviour : close with the lord jesus that offereth you this eternal life : joyfully and thankfully accept his offer , as the only way to make you happy : and then you may believe that all your sins shall be done away by him . my fourth request to you is , that you will resolve presently against your former sins : find out what hath defiled your heart and life , and cast it up now by the vomit of repentance , as you would do poyson out of your stomach , and abhor the thought of taking it in again . my fifth and last request to you is that you will set your selves close to the use of gods means till this change be wrought , and then continue his means till you are confirmed , and ( at last ) perfected . . because you cannot of your selves make this change upon your heart and life betake your self daily to god for it by prayer , and beg earnestly as for your life that he will pardon all your former sins , and change your heart , and shew you the riches of his grace in christ , and the glory of his kingdom , and draw up your heart to himself . follow god day and night with these requests . . that you will fly from temptations and occasions of sin , and forsake your former evil company , and betake your selves into the company of those that fear god , and will help you in the way to heaven . . that you will specially spend the lords day in holy exercises both publike and private , and lose not one quarter of an hour of any of your time , but specially of that most precious time , which god hath given you purposely that you may set your mind upon him , and be instructed by him and to prepare your self for your latter end . what say you will you do this presently ? at least so much of it as you can do if you will. will you promise me to think of these things that i before mentioned , and to pray daily for a changed heart till you have obtained it , and to change your company and courses , and fall upon the use of gods means in reading or hearing the scriptures , meditating on them , specially on the lords day ? and here be sure if we can , to get their promise , and engage them to amendment , especially to use means , and change their company , and forsake actual sinning , because these are more in their reach , and in this way they may wait for the accomplishing of that change that is not yet wrought . and do this solemnly , remembring them of the presence of god that heareth their promises , and will expect the performance . ( and when you have afterward opportunity , you may remember them of that promise . ) direction . at the dismissing of them do these two things . . again lenifie their minds by a deprecation of offence in a word ; e. g. [ i pray you take it not ill that i have put you to this trouble , or dealt thus freely with you : it s as little pleasure to me as to you , if i did not know these things to be true and necessary , i would have spared this labour to my self and you : but i know that we shall be here together but a little while : we are almost at the world to come already ; and therefore its time for us all to look about us , and see that we be ready when god shall call us . ] . because it is but seldom that we our selves shall have opportunity to speak with the same persons , set them in a way for the perfecting of what is begun . . engage the governor of each family to call all his family to account every lords day before they go to bed , what they can rehearse of the catechism : and so to continue till they have all learned it perfectly : and when they have done so , yet still to continue to hear them recite it , at least once in two or three lords daies , that they may not forget it . for , even to the most judicious it will be an excellent help to have still in memory , a sum of the christian doctrine , for matter , method and words . . as for the rulers of families themselves or those that are under such rulers as will not help them , if they have learnt some small part of the catechism only , engage them either to come again to you ( though before their course ) when they have learnt the rest , or else to go to some able experienced neighbour , and recite it to them , and take their assistance when you cannot have time your self . direction . have all the names of your parishioners by you in a book : and when they come and recite the catechism , note in your book who come and who do not ; and who are so grosly ignorant as to be utterly uncapable of the lords supper and other holy communion , and who not : and as you perceive the necessities of each , so deal with them for the future . but for those , that are utterly obstinate , and will not come to you nor be instructed by you , remember the last article of our agreement , to deal with them as the obstinate despisers of instruction should be deals with , in regard of communion , and the application of sealing and confirming ordinances : which is to avoid them , and not hold holy or familiar communion with them , in the lords supper or other ordinances : and though some reverend brethren are for admitting their children to baptism ( and offended with me for contradicting it ) yet so cannot i be , nor shall i dare to do it upon any pretences of their ancestors faith , or of a dogmatical faith of these rebellious parents , supposing them both to be such as in that article we have mentioned . to these particulars , i add this general . d●rection . through the whole course of your conference with them , see that the manner as well as the matter be suited to the end . and concerning the manner observe these particulars . . that you make a difference according to the difference of the persons that you have to deal with . to the dull and obstinate you must be more earnest and sharp : to the tender and timerous that are already humbled , you must rather insist on direction and confirmation . to the youthful you must lay greater shame on sensual voluptuousness , and shew them the nature and necessity of mortification : to the aged you must do more to disgrace this present world , and make them apprehensive of the nearness of their change , and the aggravations of their sin , if they shall live and dye in ignorance , or impenitency . to inferiors and the younger , you must be more free , to superiors and elders more reverend : to the rich this world must be more disgraced , and the nature and necessity of self-denyal opened , and the damnableness of preferring the present prosperity to the future , with the necessity of improving their talents in well-doing . to the poor we must shew the great riches of glory which is propounded to them in the gospel , and how well the present things may be spared , where the everlasting may be got . also those sins must be most insisted on , which each ones age , or sex , or temperature of body , or calling and employment in the world , doth most encline tehm to . as in females , loquacity , evil speeches , passion , malice , pride , &c. in males , drunkenness , ambition , &c. of all which and abundance more differences , calling to us for different carriage ; see gregor . mag. de officio pastor . . be as condescending , familiar and plain as is possible , with those that are of the weaker capacity . . give them the scripture proof , the light of full evidence and reason of all as you go , that they may see that it is not you only , but god by you that speaketh to them . . be as serious in all , but specially in the applicatory part as you can . i scarce fear any thing more , then least some careless ministers will slubber over the work , and do all superficially and without life , and destroy this as they do all other duties , by turning it into a meer formality : putting a few cold questions to them , and giving them two or three cold words of advice , without any life and feeling in themselves , nor likely to produce any feeling in the hearers : but sure he that valueth souls , and knoweth what an opportunity is before him , will do it accordingly . . to this end , i should think it very necessary that we do both before and in the work , take special pains with our own hearts ; especially to excite and strengthen our belief of the truth of the gospel , and the invisible glory and misery that is to come . i am confident this work will exceedingly try the strength of our belief : for he that is but superficially a christian , and not sound in the faith , will likely feel his zeal quite fail him ( specially when the duty is grown common ) for want of a belief of the things which he is to treat of to keep it alive . an affected fervency and hypocritical stage-action , will not hold up in such kind of duties long : a pulpit shall have more of them , then a conference with poor ignorant souls : for the pulpit is the hypocritical ministers stage : there , and in the press , and in publike acts , where there is room for oftentation , you shall have his best , and almost all . it is other kind of men that must effectually do the work now in hand . . it is therefore very meet that we prepare our selves to it by private prayer ; and if time would permit , and there be many together ; if we did begin and end with a short prayer with our people , it were best . . carry on all ( even the most earnest passages ) in clear demonstrations of love to their souls , and make them feel through the whole , that you aim at nothing but their own salvation ; and avoid all harsh discouraging passages , throughout . . if you have not time to deal so fully with each one particularly as is here directed , then . omit not the most necessary parts . . take several of them together that are friends , and will not seek to divulge each others weaknesses , and speak to them in common as much as concerneth all ; and only the examinations of their knowledge and state , and convictions of misery and special directions , must be used to the individuals alone : but take heed of slubbering it over ( uponan unfaithful laziness , or being too brief ) without a real necessity . direction . lastly , if god enable you , extend your charity to those of the poorest sort , before they part from you : give them somewhat towards their relief , and for the time that is thus taken from their labours : especially for encouragement of them that do best ; and to the rest , promise them so much when they have learned the catechism . i know you cannot give what you have not , but i speak to them that can . and so much shall serve for directions to the younger ministers , in their dealing with the more ignorant or carnal sort of persons , as for them , that are under fears and troubles of mind , who yet give us hopes of the work of saving grace on their souls , though it deserve a full discourse to direct us in dealing with them , yet i shall not meddle with it now . . because i intended this discourse for another end . . because divines being at some variance about the methods of comforting and confirming troubled minds , are many of them so impatient of reading any thing which is not cut out according to their present opinions ; that i perceive it my duty as far as i can , to avoid points controverted . . because i have done so much as i think necessary already in my directions for peace of conscience . chap. viii . sect . . another fort there are , that we may have occasion of conference with , though they will scarce stoop to be catechized ; and that is , opinionative questionists , that being tainted with pride and self-conceitedness , are readyer to teach , then to be taught , and to vent their own conceits , and quarrel with you , as being ignorant or erroneous your selves , then to receive instruction : and if they are tainted with any notable errour or schismatical disposition , they will seek to waste the time in vain janglings , and to dispute , rather then to learn. i am not now directing you what to do with those men at other times ( of that i shall give a touch anon ; ) but only if they come to you at this time , which is appointed for catechizing and edifying instruction : nor is it my thought to presume to direct any but the weaker sort of ministers in this , any more then in the former : it s like you will have some come to you amongst the rest , that when they should give an account of their faith , will fall into a teaching and contentious d●scourse , and one will tell you , that you have no t●ue church , because you have such bad members : another will ask you , by what authority you baptize infant● ? another will ask you , how you can be a true minister , if you had your ordination from prelates ? and another will tell you , that you are no true minister because you had not your ordination from prelates : another will ask you , what scripture you have for praying or singing psalm● in a mixt assembly ? and another will quarrel with you , because you administer not the lords supper to them , in the gesture and manner as they desire , and were ●ont to receive it ; or because you exercise any discipline among them . if any such person should come to you , and thus seek to divert your better discourse , i' should think it best to take this course with them . . let them know that this meeting is appointed for another use ; that is , for the instructing of the people in the principles of religion ; and you think it very unmeet to pe●vert it from that use ; it being a sin to do gods work disorderly , or to be doing a lesser work , when you should be doing a greater : and therefore as you durst not turn gods publike worship on the lords day into vain or contentious disputings , which discompose mens minds , and spoil a greater work ; so neither do you think it lawful to abuse these times to lower uses , which are appointed for higher . . yet let him know , that you do not this to avoid any tryal of the truth : and that he may know so much , you will at any other fit season , when he will come on purpose to that end , endeavour to give him full satisfaction ; or you will as willingly receive instruction from him , if he be able and have the truth , as you desire he should receive instruction from you : and if it must be so , you will yield to his desire before you part , if there be but time when you have dispatcht the greater work : but upon condition only , that he will submit to the greater first . . then desire him first to give you some account of the principles in the catechism : and if he deny it , conuince him before all , of the iniquity of his course . . in that it is the principles that salvation most dependeth on , and therefore being of greatest excellency and necessity , are first to be taken into consideration . . in that it is the appointed business of this day . . it is orderly to begin with the fundamentals , because they bear up the rest , which suppose them , flow from them , and cannot be understood without them . . it is the note of a proud vain-glorious hypocrite , to make a flourish about lesser things , and yet either to be ignorant of the greater , or to scorn to give that account of his knowledge , which the people whom he despiseth , refuse not to give . if he yield to you , ask him only such questions as seem to be of great weight , and yet strain him up a peg higher , then you do the common people ; and especially keep out the predicate usually from your question , and put him most upon defining or distinguishing , or expounding some terms or sentences of scripture , &c. as such questions as these may be put to him , which call for definitions , wherein it s ten to one , but you will find him ignorant . e. g [ what is god ? what is jesus christ ? what is the holy-ghost ? what is person in the trinity ? how many natures hath christ ? was christ a creature before his incarnation , or the creation ? is he called the first-born of all creatures as god , or as man ? is he called , the image of the invisible god , and the express image of the fathers person or subsistence as a creature , or as god ? was adam bound to believe in christ ? was one , or two covenants made with adam before his fall ? did the first covenant of nature make any promise of everlasting celestial glory ? did it threaten hell fire , or only temporal death ? did it threaten eternal torment to the soul only , or to the body also ? should there have been any resurrection of the body , if christ had not come to procure it ? should christ have com , or been our head , or have brought us to glory , if man had not fallen ? what is the first covenant ? what , its conditions ? what the second covenant , and its conditions ? what was the difference between the covenant with adam , and that by moses ? was it a covenant of works , or of grace that was made by moses ? what were the conditions of salvation before christs incarnation ? what is forgiveness of sin ? what is justification ? how are we said to be justified by faith ? how by works ? what is faith ? what repentance ? what sanctification , vocation , regeneration ? is the covenant of works abrogated , or not ? is the covenant of grace made with the elect only ? or with all ? or with whom ? what is freewill ? is there any conversion without the word ? what is the true nature of special grace ? and what is the proper difference of a regenerate man from all others ? what is the catholike church ? how will you know the true church ? how know you the scripture to be the word of god ? what is christs priestly , prophetical , kingly office ? be they three offices , or but one : and be they all ? ] with abundance the like . and if it be sacrament controversies which he raiseth , tell him it is necessary , that you be first agreed , what baptism is ? ( what the lords supper is ? ) before you dispute who should be baptized , &c. and its twenty to one , he is not able truly to tell you what the sacrament it self is . a true definition of baptism or the lords supper is not so commonly given as pretended to be given . . if he discover his ignorance in the cases propounded , endeavour to humble him in the sense of his pride and presumption ; and let him know what it is , and what it signifieth , to go about with a teaching , contentious , proud behaviour , while he is indeed so ignorant in things of greater moment . . but see that you are able to give him better information your selves in the points wherein you find him ignorant . . but specially take care that you discern the spirit of the man : and if he be a setled perverse schismatick , or heretick , so that you see him peremptory and resolved , and quite transported with pride , and have no great hopes of his recovery , then do all this that i have before said openly before all that are present ; that he may be humbled or shamed before all , and the rest may be confirmed . but if you find him godly and temperate , and that there is any hope of his reduction , then see that you do all this privately between him and you only : and let not fall any bitter words , nor that tend to his disparagement . and thus i advise , both because we must be as tender of the reputation of all good men , as fidelity to them and to the truth will permit : we must bear one anothers burdens , and not encrease them , and we must restore those with a spirit of meekness , that fall through infirmity ; remembring that we our selves also may be tempted : and also because there is small hope that you should ever do them good , if once you exasperate them , and dis-affect them towards you . and therefore . see that to such erring persons as you have any hopes of , you carry your selves with as much tenderness and love as will consist with your duty to the church of god. for most of them when they are once tainted this way , are so selfish and high-minded , that they are much more impatient of reproof then many of the prophaner sort of people . this way did musculus take with the anabaptists , visiting them in prison , and relieving them even while they railed at him as antichristian , and so continued without disputing with them , till they were convinced that he loved them , and then they sought to him for advice themselves , & many of them were reclaimed by him . either in the conclusion of your meeting , or at another appointed time , when you come to debate their controversie with them , tell them , that seeing they think you unable to teach them , and think themselves able to teach you , it is your desire to learn ; you suppose disputing ( as tending usually to ex●sperate mens minds , rather then to satisfie them ) is to be used as the last remedy ; therefore you are here ready , if they are able to teach you , to learn of them and desire them to speak their minds : which if they refuse , tell them , you think it the humblest and most christian edifying way for him that hath most knowledge to teach , and the other to learn ; and therefore your purpose is to be either a learner or a teacher , and not be disputant , till they make it to be necessary . when they have declared their minds to you in a teaching way , if it be nothing but the common pleas of the seduced ( as its like it will not till then ) that this is no new thing to you ; it is not the first time that you have heard it , or considered of it , and if you had found a divine evidence in it you had received it long ago : you are truly willing to receive all truth ; but you have received that which is contrarie to this doctrine , with far better evidence then they bring for it , &c. if they desire to hear what your evidence is , tell them if they will hear as learners you shall communicate your evidence in the meetest way you can , which if they promise to do , let them know that this promise obligeth them to impartialitie and an humble free entertainment of the truth , and that they do not turn back in cash carping and contention but take what shall be delivered into sober consideration : which if they promise , . if you are so far vers't in the point in hand as to mannage it well ex tempore , or the person be temperate and fit for such debates , then come in with your evidence in a discoursive way , first shewing your reasons against the grossest imperfections of his own discourse , and then giving him your grounds from scripture ; not many but rather a few of the clearest best improved . and . when you have done ( or without verbal teaching if you find him unfit to learn that way ) give him some book that most effectually defendeth the questioned truth , and tell him , that it is a vain thing to say that over so oft , which is so fully said alreadie , and a man may better consider of what he hath before his eyes , then of that which slideth through his ears , and is mistaken or forgotten : and therefore you desire him as an humble learner to peruse that book with leisurely consideration ; because there are the same things , that you would say to him ; and desire him to bring you in a sober and solid answer to the chief strength of it , if after perusal he judge it to be unsound . but , if it may be , fasten some one of the most sticking evidences on him before you leave him . if he refuse to read the book , endeavour to convince him of his unfaithfulness to the truth and his own soul ? doth he think that gods truth is not worth his study ? or will he venture his soul ( as the ungodly do ) and the churches peace with it , and all to save himself so small a labour ? is it not just with god to give him over to delusion , that will not be at a little pains to be informed , nor afford the truth an equal hearing ? . but above all , before you part , yea or before you debate the controversie , see that you do sum up the precedent truths wherein you are both agreed . . know whether he agree to all that is in the catechism , which you teach the people ? . whether he suppose that you may attain salvation , if you be true to so much as you are agreed in ? . whether they that are so far agreed as you are , should not live in love and peace , as children of the same god , and members of the same christ , and heirs of the same kingdom ? . whether you are not bound , notwithstanding your smaller difference , to be helpers in the main work of the gospel for the conversion and saving of souls ? . whether then they are not bound to mannage the private difference so as they may not hinder the main work , and therefore to let the lesser stoop to the greater ? whether they ought not to hold communion in publike worship , and church-relation , with those that are so far agreed , and walk in the fear of god ? . and whether it be not schism to separate from them , for the sake of that small disagreement , themselves being not necessitated by communion to any actual sin ? i speak all this only of the tolerable differences that are among men , fearing god. and in that case , if the person be sober and understanding , he must needs yield to the affirmative of these questions : which if he do ( or to any of them ) let him subscribe it , or openly averr it : and then let all the standers by be made apprehensive , that none of the great matters that you deal with them about , are questioned , but all yielded unquestionable ; ( and the affixed scripture leaves them so : ) therefore there is no cause for them to receive the least discouragement in their way . i conceive its past doubt , that differing brethren may well joyn in recommending the truths that they are agreed in to the ignorant people ! bishop usher told king james in his sermon at wansted on the churches unity , that he made this motion even to the papists priests themselves that they might joyn in teaching the people of that barbarous nation the common principles that both were agreed in : a motion too christian for sullen factious zeal to entertain . i will repeat his own words , pag. . [ the danger then of this ignorance being by the confession of the most judicious divines of both sides acknowledged to be so great ; the woful estate of the poor countrey wherein i live is much to be lamented , where the people generally are suffered to perish for want of knowledge ( he meant the papists ) the vulgar superstitions of poperie not doing them half that hurt , that the ignorance of those common principles of the faith doth , which all true christians are bound to learn. the consideration whereof hath sometime drawn me to treat with those of the opposite party to move them , that however in other things we did differ one from another , yet we should joyn together in teaching those main points the knowledge whereof was so necessary to salvation , and of the truth whereof there was no controversie betwixt us . but what , for the jealousies which these distractions in matters of religion have bred among us , and what , for other respects , the motion took small effect : and so betwixt us both , the poor people are kept still in miserable ignorance , neither knowing the grounds of the one religion nor of the other . ] so far this learned christian bishop . and what wonder if popish priests refuse this motion , when now among us it is so rare a matter to find any in england , though he differ only in the point of infant-baptism , that will calmly and without fraudalent designs of secret promoting his own opinions by it , entertain and prosecute such a motion for the common good ! as if they had rather , that christianitie were thrust out of the world , or kept under , then infants should be admitted into the church ! well , let any party or person pretend what they will of zeal or holiness , i will ever take the dividatur for an ill sign : the true mother abhorrs the division of the child ; and the true christian doth prefer the common interest of christianity , before the interest of a faction , or an opinion , and would not have the whole building endangered , rather then one peg , should not be driven in as he would have it , he had rather a particular truth ( if we suppose it a truth ) should suffer , then the whole or the main . and having given you this advice what to do with this kind of men in your conference on the occasion now in question , so i shall add a word or two of advice how to carry your self towards them at other times ; for the preservation of the unity and peace of your congregations doth much depend on your right dealing with such as these . for ( alas for grief and shame ) it is most commonly men that profess more then ordinary religiousness they are the dividers of these . . i must premise , that the chief part of your work to preserve the church from such , doth consist in the prevention of their fall , seeing when they are once throughly infected ; be the error what it will , they are but seldom recovered ; but if they be beaten out of the error , which they first fell into ; they go to another , and perhaps thence to another ; but , through a just excecation , they seldom return to the truth . . to which end , it is most desirable that the minister should be of parts above the people so far , as to be able to teach them , and awe them , and manifest their weaknesses to themselves , or to all . the truth is ( for it cannot be hid ) it is much long of the ministers , that our poor people are run into so many factions ! and particularly , the weakness of too many is not the least cause , when a proud seducer shall have a nimble tongue , and a minister be dull or ignorant , so that such a one can baffle him , or play upon him in the ears of others , it brings him into contempt , and overthrows the weak : for they commonly judge him to have the best cause , that hath the most confident , plausible , triumphant tongue . but when a minister is able to open their shame to all , it mightily preserveth the church from their infection . . it is necessary also to this end , that you frequently and throughly possess your people , with the nature , necessity , and daily use of the great unquestionable principles of religion , and of the great sin and danger of a perverse zeal about the lower points before the greater are well laid , and let them be made sensible how it is the principles , and not their smaller controversies that life or death doth depend upon . . make them sensible of the mischiefs of schism , and the great and certain obligations that lie upon us , all to maintain the churches unity and peace . . when a fire is kindled , resist it in the beginning , and make not light of the smallest spark : and therefore go presently to the infected person , and follow him by the means hereafter mentioned , till he be recovered . . specially use a fit diversion : when a small controversie begins to endanger the church , raise a greater your self , which you have better advantage to mannage , and which is not like to make a division . that is ; let them know that there are far greater difficulties then theirs to be first resolved ( such as some of the questions before mentioned ) and so give them a catalogue of them , and set them a work upon them , that they may be matter of avocation from that fore , where the humors begin their conflux , and also that they may be humbled in the sense of their ignorance , and their proud self-conceits may be somewhat abated . . see that you preach to such auditors as these , some higher points , that stall their understandings , and feed them not all with milk , but sometime with stronger meat : for it exceedingly puffs them up with pride , when they hear nothing from ministers but what they know already , or can say themselves : this makes them think themselves as wise as you , and as fit to be teachers ; for they think you know no more then you preach : and this hath set so many of them on preaching , because they hear nothing from others but what they can say themselves ; and ministers do not set them such patterns as may humble them , and deter them from that work . not that i would have you neglect the great fundamental verities , or wrong the weak and ignorant people , while you are dealing with such as these ; but only when the main part of your sermon is as plain as you can speak , let some one small part , be such as shall puzzle these self-conceited men : or else have one sermon in four or five of purpose for them : not by heaping up citations of fathers , nor repeating words of latine or greek ( unless when you are convincing them of the difficulty of a text of scripture ) for they will but deride all this : but take up some profound questions ( such as the schools voluminously agitate ) and let them see that it is edifying that you intend , and therefore desire to make it as plain as you can ; that they may see that it is not your obscure manner of handling , but the matter it self that is too hard for them , and so may see that they are yet but children that have need of milk , and that you would be more upon such higher points , if it were not that their incapacity doth take you off . . see that you preach as little as may be against them in the pulpit , in any direct manner , opposing their sect by name , or by any reproachful titles : for they are exceeding tender , proud , passionate and rash , ordinarily , that are intangled in a schism : & they will but hate you , and fly from you as an enemy , and say you rail . the way therefore is , without naming them , to lay the grounds clearly and soundly , which must subvert their errours ; and then the errour will fall of it self . and when you are necessitated to deal with them directly ; do it not by short unsatisfactory applications , and loathed snatches , or angring reproaches ; but without naming them , take up the controversie , and handle it throughly , peaceably , and convincingly , and so let them alone in publike : yet be not too long upon it neither : but give them your fullest evidence in a few sermons ; not saying all that may be said , but choosing out that which they can have least pretence to quarrel with , and passing over that which they may say more against , or will require more ado to clear and defend . . be sure to keep up some private meetings , and draw them in among you , and mannage them prudently . by this means you may keep them from dividing meetings among themselves , where they may say what they wil behind your back without controle , for most professors are addicted to private meetings , ( and well ordered , they are of great use to their edification ) and if they have not the opportunity of such as they should have , they will gather to such as they should not have . in the mannaging of them ( as to the present purpose ) observe these things . . be sure to be still with them your selves . . let not the main exercises of the meeting be such as tend to contention , or to private mens proud ostentation of their parts , but such as tend to the edification of the people : not for private men to preach or expound scripture , nor ( as some do ) to let every one of them speak to questions of their own propounding ; but to repeat the sermons that you have preacht , & to call upon god , and sing his praise . . yet let there be some opportunity for them to speak , and appear in a learning way . to which purpose , when you have done repeating , let all that are present know , that if they doubt of any thing that was delivered , or would have any thing made plainer to them , or would be resolved in any thing else that concerneth the subject in hand ( or any other in case of need ) you desire them to propound their doubts . and so let them have the liberty of questioning as learners , while you remain the teacher , and resolve all the doubts your selves , and do not set them on disputing , by leaving it to them to make the answer . and if you have not competent abilities ex tempore , to resolve their doubts , you were much better let pass this too : but if you have , it will be of very great use , both for their edification , and the maintaining of order , and their necessary dependance on you . . but if you perceive them so set upon the exercise of their own parts for ostentation , that they are like to divide , if they have not opportunity to do it ; be not too stiff against them ; but mildly let them know , that it is for their good that you dislike it , both because it is an ill sign of a proud heart , that had rather teach , then learn , especially where a teacher by office is in place , and where there is no necessity ; and also because you fear it will not tend to the best edification of the flock , but to vain janglings , or to excite others that are unable to an imitation . desire also to know of them , whether they have any truth of god to reveal to them , that you do not reveal ? if they have not , why should they desire needlesly to tell them what they are daily told by you ? if they have , it is necessary that you know it and consider of it , before you consent that it should be taught to your flock . but if this mild resistance satisfie not , let them take their course a while , rather then seperate from you ( unless they be already perverse and subtile hereticks : ) and when they have done their exercises , tell them that as you give libertie to all , to propound their doubts about what you have delivered , so you must take the like libertie that you give : and so propound , first , whether the underderstandings of people are like to be more edifyed , by such obtusions of variety , or by fastening well upon their memories the things that they have lately heard ? and so whether such exercises or repetitions be more necessary ? and then open the weaknesses of the discourse ; the mis-expounding of scriptures , the errors in matter , in method , and in words and that not in a contemptuous or disgraceful way , but as the points wherein you remain unsatisfied . and by such means as these you will quickly shame them out of their way of ostentation , and make them give it over . . make use of your peoples parts to the utmost as your helpers in their places , in an orderly way , under your guidance ; or else they will make use of them in a disorderly dividing way in opposition to you . it hath been a great cause of schism , when ministers would contemptuously cry down private mens preaching , and withall desire not to make any use of the gifts that god hath given them for their assistance ; but thrust them too far from holy things , as if they were a prophane generation . the work is like to go poorly on , if there be no hands imployed in it , but the ministers . god giveth not any of his gifts to be buryed , but for common use . by a prudent improvement of the gifts of the more able christians , we may receive much help by them , and prevent their abuse ; even as lawful marriage preventeth fornication and the uses you must specially put them to are these . urge them to be diligent in teaching and praying with their own families ; specially catechizing them , and teaching them the meaning of what they learn , and whetting it on their affections : and there if they have a mind to preach to their children and servants , ( so they undertake not more , then they are able to do ) i know no reason , but they may . . urge them to step out now and then to their poor ignorant neighbours , and catechize and instruct them in meekness and patience from day to day , and that will bring them more peace of conscience , then contemning them . . urge them to go oft to the impenitent and scandalous sinners about them , and deal with them with all possible skill and earnestness , yet also with love and patience , for the converting reforming and saving of their souls . . acquaint them with their duty of watching over each other in brotherly love ; and admonishing and exhorting one another daily and if any walk scandalously , to tell them their fault before two or three , after the contempt of private reproof ; and if that prevail not , to tell the officers of the church , that they may be further proceeded with , as christ hath appointed . . at your private meetings and in days of humiliation or thanksgiving in private , imploy them in prayer , and in such learning questions as is aforesaid . . if there be any very ignorant or scandalous sinner that you know of and you cannot possibly have time your selves to speak to them at that season , send some of those that are able and sober to do it in your stead , to instruct the ignorant , and admonish the offenders , as far as a private man , on a message from a minister , and in discharge of his own duty may go . . let some of them be chosen to represent the church : or to see that they have no wrong , and to be their agents to prepare all cases of discipline for publike audience , and to be present with the church officers at appointed meetings to hear the evidences that are brought in against any scandalous impenitent sinners , and to discern how far they are valid and how far the persons are obliged to make satisfaction , and give publike testimony of repentance or to be further proceeded against . let such as are fit , be made subservient officers , i mean deacons : and then they may afford you help in a regular way , and will by their relation discern themselves obliged to maintain the unity of the church and authoritie of the ministrie , as they have some participation of the employment and honour , and so by a complication of interests you will make them firmer to the church : but then see that they be men competently fit for the place . i am perswaded , if ministers had thus made use of the parts of their ablest members , they might have prevented much of the divisions and distractions and apostacie that hath befaln us : for they would have then found work enough upon their hands for higher parts then theirs , without invading the ministrie , and would rather have seen cause to bewail the impefection of their abilities to that work which doth belong to them . experience would have convinced and humbled them more , then our words will do . a man may think he can stir such ablock , or pluck up a tree by the roots , that never tryed ; but when he sets his hands to it , he will come off ashamed . and see that you drive them to diligence in their own works , and let them know what a sin it is to neglect their families , and their ignorant miserable neighbours &c and then they will be kept humble , and have no such mind to be running upon more work , when they feel you , spurring them on to their own , and rebuking them for the neglect ; nor will they have any leisure for schismatical enterprises , because of the constancy and greatness of their employment . . still keep up christian love and familiarity with them , even when they begin to warp and make defection ; and lose not your interest in them , while you have any thoughts of attempting their recovery . . if they do withdraw into separated meetings , follow them , and be among them , if it may be , continually , enter a mild dissent as to the lawfulness of it ; but yet tell them , that you are willing to hear what it is that they have to say , and to be among them for their good , if they will give you leave , for fear lest they run to further evil . and be not easily removed ; but hold on , unless they resolvedly exclude you . for . you may thereby have the opportunity of a moderate gentle opposing their errors , and so in time may manifest the vanity of their course : . and you will prevent much of that impudent reviling , and grosser venting of further error , which they will do more freely where there is no contradicter . they may say any thing when there is none to gainsay them , and make it seem good in the eyes of the weak . . and by this means , if any seducers from abroad come in to confirm them , you will be readie to oppose them : and so at the least you will do much to prevent the increase of their party . it hath been a very great cause of the schisms in england , that ministers have only ( too many ) contemned them , & when they have withdrawn into private separated meetings , have talk't against them to others , or reproved them in the pulpit & in the mean time fled away from the faces of them , or been strangers to them , while they have given seducers opportunity to come among them & be familiar with them without contradiction , and to have the advantages of deceiving them , and even doing what their list . o that the ministrie had been more guiltless of those errors and schisms that they talk against ! but it s easier to chide a sectary in the pulpit , and to subscribe a testimony against them , then to play the skilful physician for their cure , and do the tenth part of the duty that lieth upon us , to prevent and heal such calamitous distempers . i am not finding fault with prudent reprehensions of them in publike , or testimonies against them : but i think too many of us have cause to fear , lest we do but publikely proclaim our own shame in the guilt of our negligence or imprudent weaknesses ; and lest in condemning them and testifying against them , we testifie against and condemn our selves . . if you be not well able to deal with them , do as i before advised : give them the best book on that subject to peruse . . if all this will not do , get the fittest neighbour minister that you know to come over and help you : not in publike , nor as a set disputation , ( without necessity ; ) but let him come as occasionally , and ex improviso , come upon them in one of their private meetings , as desirous to see and hear them , and so take the opportunity to deal with them . and if after that there be any disputations appointed , be sure to observe the old rule , fight with them on their own ground , and keep up the war in their quarters , and let it come as little as you can into your own : and therefore go to their assemblies , but let them not come into yours . for with them , you can lose little , and may gain much : but at home , you can gain little , but it s two to one , will lose some , let the error be never so gross . the sectaries commonly observe this course themselves , and therefore you will have much ado to get their consent to bring your disputations into their own assemblies . . let not the authors of the schism out-do you , or go beyond you in any thing that is good : for , as truth should be more effectual for sanctification , then errour ; so if you give them this advantage , you give them the day ; and all your disputation will do but little good : for the weaker people judge all by the outward appearance , and by the effects , and be not so able to judge of the doctrine in it self : they think that he hath the best cause , whom they take to be the best man. i extend this rule both to doctrine and life e. g. if a libertine preach for free-grace , do you preach it up more effectually , then he : be much upon it , and make it more glorious on right grounds , then he can do on his wrong . if on the like pretences , he magnifie the grace of love , and ( in order to cry down fear , and humiliation ) be all for living in pure love to god : do not contradict him in the assertive , but only in the negative and destructive part ; but out-go him , and preach up the love of god , with its motives and effects , more fully and effectually then he can do , on the corrupt grounds on which he doth proceed : or else you will make all the silly people believe that this is the difference between you , that he is for free-grace and the love of god , and you are against it : for if you dwell not upon it in your preaching as well as he , they will not take notice of a short concession of profession . so if an enthusiast do talk all of the holy-ghost , and the light , and witness , and law within us : fall you upon that subject too , & do that well which they did ill ; and preach up the office of the holy-ghost , his indwelling and operations , and the light , and testimony , and law within us , better then they . this is the most effectual way of setling your people against their seductions . so if you be assaulted by pelagians ; if they make a long story to prove that god is not the author of sin ; do you fall upon the proof of it too : if they plead for free-will , do you plead for that free-will which we have ( the natural liberty , which none deny , consisting in a self-determining power , and supposing actual indetermination ) and deny only that liberty which the will hath not : ( that is , . either a freedom from gods government . . or from the necessary guidance of the intellect , and moral force of the object . . or that true spiritual , ethical freedom from vicious inclinations , which consisteth in the right disposition of the will : though the sanctified indeed have this in part ; and that predominantly . ) so if any pelagian or semi-pelagian , will go about industriously to prove mans power ( or rather impotency ) to will or do evil ; do it as effectually as he : for this is indeed but to prove a man a sinner , under pretence of proving him free , or at least to prove him defectible ( if it be not the ill inclination , but the possibility of sinning that they defend : in which case , we can say more , then they . so if they go about laboriously to prove , that christ dyed for all : i would endeavour to do it as effectually , as they ; that it might appear to the people , that the difference between us is not in this , that they would magnifie the riches of grace above me , or that i would leave sinners hopeless and remediless , and without an object for faith , any more then they : nor that i abuse or reject express scriptures , when they own them in their proper sense : but i would let them know , that the controversie lyeth elsewhere ; viz. whether christ in offering himself a sacrifice for sin , had not a special intention or resolution ( in complyance with his fathers predestinating will ) infallibly and effectually to save his chosen , even such and such by name , in making his blood applyed , effectual to the pardon of all their sins , and to give them his spirit to seal them unto glory : having no such will , intention , resolution , in dying ( no more then his father had in predestinateing ) as to the rest of the world . so if one that is for private mens preaching come and inveigh against ministers for inhibiting them to use the gifts of god for the edification of the church , i would not presently set to thwart him : but i would rather fall a perswading private men to use their gifts , in all the waies that i even now mentioned ; and sharply chide them for using them no more ; and then among my cautions , or reprehensions , meet with his desired abuse in the end . and what i have said by way of instance in these few points , i mean in all others : preaching truth is the most successful way of confuting error : and i would have no seducer to have the glory of out-going us in any good , and so not in befriending or defending any truth . once more e. g. if a socinian should fall a pleading for the churches peace , and for unity upon the antient simplicity of faith , i would labour to out-go him in it : and then would shew that the antient simple faith condemned him . if he would plead reason for scripture or the christian religion , i would endeavour to out-go him in it , and he should not have opportunity to glory that he only had reason for what he held , and i had none . but i would shew that as i have reason to believe the scripture , so that scripture condemneth his errors . if a separatist will plead for the necessity of church-order and discipline , so would i as well as he : and shew him that it is only disorder , and confusion inconsistent with right order and discipline that i dislike in him or those of his way . and so would i do by others in this case . and you should be as loath that they should out-go you in the practise of a holy and righteous life , any more , then in sounder diligent teaching . do any of them express a hatred of sin , and desire of church reformation ? so must we do more . do any of them use to spend their time when they meet together in holy discourse , and not in vain janglings ? let us do so much more : are they unwearied in propagating their opinions ? let us be more so in propagating the truth : will they condescend to the meanest , and creep into houses to lead captive the sillyest of the flock ? let us stoop as low , and be as diligent to do them good . are any of them loving to their party , and contemners of the world ? let us be lovers of all , and specially of all saints ; and do good to all , as we have power ; and specially to all the houshold of faith ; and love an enemy , as well as they can do a friend . let us be more just then they ; and more merciful then they ; and more humble , and meek , and patient then they : for this is the will of god , that by well-doing we may put to silence the ignorance of foolish men . let us excell them in a holy , harmless , righteous , merciful , fruitful , heavenly life , as we do in soundness of doctrine : that by our fruits we may be known , and the weaker sort of our people may see the truth in this reflexion , that cannot see it in itself , and that our light may so shine before men , that they may see our conversation , and glorifie our father which is in heaven , and even they that obey not the word , may without the word be won by the conversation of their teachers , pet. . , . o how happy had england been ; how happy had all the church been , if the ministers of the gospel had taken these courses ! it would have done more against errors and schism , then all our chiding at them hath done , or then all the force can do which we desire from the magistrate . three sorts of persons that we may meet with in our conference , are now over , viz. . the grosly ignorant and unconverted . . the doubting troubled believer . . the cavilling questionist , or seduced schismatick . the fourth that i should speak of in this direction , is , those that by a professed willingness to learn and obey , and by other signs , do give us some probability , that they may have true repentance and faith , and yet by their ignorance , or lukewarmness ( being not noted for any special profession of godliness ) , or by some uneven walking , do make our fears to be as great or greater then our hopes : so that we are between hope and fear of them , doubting the worst of their present safety , though we have not ground to charge them to be unconverted , impenitent , unsanctified persons . i think half that come to me are of this sort : and ten of this sort ( if not ) for one that i dare flatly say are unregenerate . now it may be a great difficulty with some younger ministers what they should do with this sort of people where they have no sufficient ground to determine of them as godly or ungodly , what ever their fears or hopes may be . of these i shall only briefly say this . . the first directions may suffice in the main , for dealing with these : and are as much fitted to these as to the worst . as we may tell a notorions , ungodly man , your case is miserable , you are a child of death : so may we tell these , i much fear your case is sad ; these are ill signs : i wonder how you dare so hazard your salvation ; and so abating of the confidence of our censures according to the several degrees of the hopeful good , that appeareth in them , we may see in the first case , how to deal in this . . and i would advise you to be very cautelous how you pass too hasty or absolute censures on any that you have to do with ; because it is not so easie a matter to discern a man to be certainly graceless that professeth himself a christian , as many do imagine it to be ; and you may do the work in hand as well without such an absolute conclusion as with it , as the former examples ( which will serve all with a little alteration do ) shew . . the general descriptions of the ministerial work , may supply the rest . i shall only add in a word . . keep them close to the use of private and publike means . . be oft with the luke-warm to awaken them rouzingly ; and with the careless to admonish them . . take the opportunity of sickness which will bow their hearts and open their ears . . see that they spend the lords day , and order their families , aright . . draw them from temptations and occasions of sin . . charge them to come and seek help in all great streights and open their temptations and dangers before they are swallowed up . strike at the great radical sins . self-seeking , fleshly mindedness , sensuality , pride , wordliness , infidelitie , &c. . keep them to the reading of scripture and good books , and direct them to those that are likest to awake them . . engage their godly neighbours to have an eye upon them . . keep up discipline to awe them : . maintain the life of grace in your selves that it may appear in all your sermons to them ; that every one that comes cold to the assembly may have warming helps before he depart . i have done my advice , and leave you to the practice . though the proud may receive it with scorn and the selfish and slothful with some distast and indignation ; i doubt not , but god will use it , in despight of the oppositions of sin and satan , to the awakening of many of his servants to their duty , and the promoting of the work of a right reformation : and that his much greater blessing shall accompany the present undertaking , for the saving of many a soul , the peace of you that undertake and perform it , the exciting of his servants through the nation to second you , and to increase purity and the unity of his churches , amen . finis . decemb. . . to the reverend and faithful ministers of christ in the several counties of this land , and the gentlemen and other natives of each county , now inhabiting the city of london . reverend and beloved brethren , the whole design and business of this discourse , being the propagation of the gospel and the saving of mens souls , i have thought it not unmeet to acquaint you with another work to that end , which we have set afoot in this county , and to propound it to your consideration , and humbly invite you to an universal imitation . you know , i doubt not , the great inequality in ministerial abilities , and that many places have ministers that are not qualified with convincing lenity , awakening gifts : some must be tolerated in the necessity of the church , that are not likely to do any great matters towards the conversion of ignorant , sensual , worldly men : and some that are learned , able men , and fitted for controversies , may yet be unfit to deal with those of the lower sort . i suppose if you peruse the whole ministry of a county , you will not find so many , such lively convincing preachers as we could wish . and i take it for granted that you are sensible of the weight of eternal things , and of the worth of souls ; and that you will judge it a very desirable thing that every man should be imployed according to his gifts , and the gospel in its light and power should be made as common as possibly we can : upon these and many the like considerations , the ministers in this county resolved to choose out four of the most lively , yet sober , peaceable , orthodox men , and to desire them once a moneth to leave their own congregations to the assistance of some other , and to bestow their labour in the places where they thought there was most need ; and as we were resolving upon this work , the natives of this county inhabiting the city of london , having a custom of feasting together once a year , and having at their feast collected some moneys by contribution , for the maintaining of a weekly lecture in this county , ( besides other good works ) did ( by their stewards ) desire us to set up the said lecture , and to dispose of the said moneys in order thereto ; and their judgements upon consulation did correspond with our design . so that the said money being sufficient to satisfie another that shall in their absence , preach in their own places , we imploy it accordingly , and have prevailed with some brethren to undertake this work . i propound to your consideration , reverend brethren , and to you , the natives of each county in london , whether the same work may not tend much to the edification of the church , and the welfare of souls , if you will be pleased speedily and effectually to set it afoot through the land ? whether it may not , by gods blessing be a likely means , to illuminate the ignorant and awaken the secure , and countermine seducers , and hinder the ill success of satans itinerants , and win over many souls to christ , and stablish many weak ones in the faith ? and not doubting , but your judgements will approve of the design , i humbly move , that you will please to contribute your faculties to the vvork ; viz that the londoners of each county will be pleased to manifest their benevolence to this end , and commit the moneys to the hands of the most faithful , orthodox ministers , and that they will readily and self-denyingly undertake the work . i hope the gentlemen , natives of this county will be pleased to pardon my publishing their example , seeing my end is only the promoting of mens salvation , and the common good . and that you may fullyer understand the scope of our design ; i shall annex the letters directed to the several ministers of the county , which the lecturers send to the ministers of the place , and receive his answer , before they presume to preach in any congregations . to all the rest of the ministers of the gospel in this county , our reverend and beloved brethren , grace and peace in our lord jesus christ . reverend brethren , the communication of the heavenly evangelical light , for the glory of our redeemer in the conversion , edification and salvation of mens souls , is that which we are bound to by many obligations , as christians , and as ministers of christ for his church , and therefore must needs be solicitous thereof : and it is that which the spirit of grace where it abideth , doth proportionably dispose the heart to desire : by convictions of the excellency and necessity of this work , and of our own duty in order thereto , and by the excitation of undeserved grace , our hearts are carried out , to long after a more general and effectual illumination and saving conversion of the inhabitants of this county in which we live : which while we were but entring upon a consultation to promote , it pleased god ( without our knowledge of it ) to put the same thoughts into the hearts of others . the natives of this country of worcester who dwell in london , meeting at a feast , ( as is their yearly use ) collected a sum of money for the setting of . poor boies to trades and towards the maintaining of a weekly lecture , and have committed the execution of this last to our care : and upon consultation with their stewards , and among our selves , both they and we are satisfied , that a moveable lecture on the lords day , is the likelyest way for the improvement of their charity to the attainment of their ends . for . many people through poverty cannot , and many through negligence will not come to a week day's lecture : experience telleth us , that such are usually attended but little by those that have the greatest need . . and thus the benefit may extend to more , than if it were fixed in one place . we have therefore desired our reverend and dear brethren , mr. andrew tristram minister at clent , mr. henry oasland minister at bewdley , and mr. thomas baldwin minister at wolverley , and mr. joseph treble minister at church-lench , to undertake this work , and that each of them will be pleased every fourth lords day to preach twice in those places , where they shall judge their labours to be most necessary : and as we doubt not but their own congregations will so far consent for the good of others : so do we hereby request of you our brethren , that when any of them shall offer their labours for your congregations , in preaching the said lecture , you will receive them , and to your power further them in the work . for as we have no thoughts of obtruding their help upon you , without your consent ; so we cannot but undoubtedly expect that men fearing god , and desiring their peoples everlasting good , will cheerfully and gratefully entertain such assistance . and we hope that none will think it needless , or take it as an accusing the ministry of insufficiency : for the lord doth variously bestow his gifts : all that are upright are not equally fitted for the work : and many that are learned , judicious , and more able to teach the riper sort , are yet less able to condescend to the ignorant , and so convincingly and fervently to rowze up the secure , as some that are below them in other qualifications : and many that are able in both respects , have a barren people ; and the ablest have found by experience that god hath sometime blest the labours of a stranger to do that which their own hath not done . we beseech you therefore interpret not this as an accusation of any , which proceedeth from the charity of our worthy countrey-men in london , and from the earnest desires of them and us to further the salvation of as many as we can . and that you may have no jealousies of the persons deputed to this work ; we assure you that they are approved men , orthodox , sober , peaceable , and of upright lives , happily qualified for their ministerial work , and zealous and industrious therein ; and so far from being likely to sow any errors or cause divisions , or to draw the hearts of people from their own faithful pastors , that they will be forward to assist you against any such distempers in your flocks . not doubting therefore , but as you serve the same master , and are under the same oblations as we , so as many as are heartily addicted to his service will readily promote so hopeful a work , we commend you and your labours to the blessing of the lord. your brethren and fellow-labourers in the work of the gospel , kederminster . in the name and at the desire of the ministers of this association . richard baxter . john boraston . jarvis bryan . evesham . in the name of the ministers of this association . giles collier . george hopkins . iohn dolphin . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e * if any one about the time of moses , offering sacrifice according to the law , were not instructed in the doctrine of the death of our redeemer , but only believed that god through the means which be knoweth to be most agreeable and convenient , will forgive us ou● trespasses , it were insh●●ss to go about to exclude such a man from salvation . pet. molinaeus de tradition . c. p. , . the idylliums of theocritus with rapin's discourse of pastorals / done into english. theocritus. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the idylliums of theocritus with rapin's discourse of pastorals / done into english. theocritus. rapin, rené, - . treatise de carmine pastorali. creech, thomas, - . [ ], , p. printed by l. lichfield for anthony stephens, oxford : . translator's dedication signed: thomas creech. reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng pastoral poetry -- history and criticism. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - ali jakobson sampled and proofread - ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the idylliums of theocritus with rapin's discourse of pastorals done into english . hic igitur versus , & caetera ludicra pono ; quod verum atque bonum est inquiro , & totus in hoc sum . oxford , printed by l. lichfield , printer to the university , for anthony stephens bookseller near the theatre . to his honoured friend arthvr charlet a.m. fellow of trinity college in oxon . sir , this in its several parts being address'd to my intimate acquaintance , desires a patron of the same rank ; and hath pitch'd on you as the most able to endure , and most ready to oblige by accepting a greater trouble than the rest : it is the defence of the whole that you must be engag'd in , whilst the others singly are charged only with a part : and in this i have followed the example of the antients , who tho they had one of the lares to preside over every little room , yet the whole house was dedicated to some common guardian : this distinction proceeded either from a real inequality of power in the protectors , or from the difference of those benefits which they were suppos'd to have actually bestowed : as to the former consideration , every one that knows my friends will easily allow that each singly is sufficient for the whole , tho , by reason of my imperfections , a great task : but the latter , sir , gives you the preference , and gratitude forceth me to believe his power to be greatest , who hath most often , and most signally exprest it : innumerable private favours i must acknowledge the same way they were bestow'd , and spare your modesty and my own : for otherwise it w●uld seem that i thought there was some thing in my felf worth your notice ; or else i must publickly proclaim , that you ( which tho 't is really your case , yet very few can boast ) are kind and generous without any prospect of return : but those which properly relate to the present occasion i must beg leave to mention , since pliny , and all agree , hath severely noted as the greatest ingratitude not to acknowledge to whom we owe what we have attain'd ; and it would argue stupidity to run wilfully on that censure , which hath been so justly pass'd , and so much applauded . you may remember sir how often , when the publick cares of your well-managed office would permit you to retreat , we have retir'd to a grove , where quiet spreads all around , and a springing verdure , and chequer'd variety to raise the thoughts and recreate the fancy ; whilst soft breezes murmur'd thro the trees , which , like our affections , serv'd only to intermix , but never to shatter or disturb : there i have enjoy'd whatever the poets could imagine , a free innocent , and instructive discourse , such as reform'd my errors , and incourag'd those essays which you was pleas'd to think endeavors after vertue ; till then i envied the happiness of the described swains , and lookt on virgil and theocritus as disturbers of man kind , who elaborately describ'd the most perfect and surprizing beautys , but gave us no hopes either to see or to enjoy . the golden age was their scene , and 't was necessary to look beyond jupiter himself to find any thing innocent or pleasing ; and how tedious such a search must be ; every one may imagine , who considers that 't is very hard to take so large a prospect , especially when there is nothing but a bare contemplation to excite , and reward his diligence . the time sir , i found brought back again by your conversation , and all those difficulties ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) which were so even to a proverb , practically explain'd : so that whatever in this performance is drawn soft , innocent , and pleasing ; is but a copy from you the original : this is the happiness that attends polite learning , it smooths all the natural asperities of humor and passion , and spreads an obligeing tenderness thro the whole man , and where the cause is in so eminent a degree , and the effect too necessary , what can hinder the production ? these are the reasons that have determin'd my acknowledgements for former , and given me encouragement to beg a new obligation , to accept this , and pardon its defects will be a very considerable one to sir , your most humble servant thomas creech . all-souls coll. july . . a treatise de carmine pastorali written by rapin . the first part. to be as short as possible in my discourse upon the present subject , i shall not touch upon the excellency of poetry in general ; nor repeat those high encomiums , ( as that t is the most divine of all human arts , and the like ) which plato in his jone , aristotele in his poetica , and other learned men have copiously insisted on : and this i do that i might more closely and briefly pursue my present design , which , no doubt ▪ will not please every man ; for since i treat of that part of poetry , which ( to use quintilian's words ) by reason of its clownishness , is affraid of the court and city ; some may imagine that i follow nichocaris his humor , who would paint only the most ugly and deform'd , and those too in the meanest and most frightful dress , that real , or fancy'd poverty could put them in . for some think that to be a sheapard is in it self mean , base , and sordid ; and this i think is the first thing that the graver and soberer sort will be ready to object . but if we consider how honorable that employment is , our objectors from that topick will be easily answer'd : for as heroick poems owe their dignity to the quality of heroes , so pastorals to that of sheapards . now to manifest this , i shall not rely on the authority of the fabulous , and heroick ages , tho , in the former , a god fed sheep in thessaly , and in the latter , hercules the prince of heroes , ( as paterculus stiles him ) graz'd on mount aventine : these examples , t is true , are not convinceing , yet they sufficiently shew that the employment of a sheapard was sometime look'd upon to be such , as in those fabulous times was not alltogether unbecomeing the dignity of a heroe , or the divinity of a god : which consideration if it cannot be of force enough to procure excellence , yet certainly it may secure it from the imputation of baseness , since it was sometime lookt upon as fit for the greatest in earth or heaven . but not to insist on the authority of poets , sacred writt tells us that jacob and esau , two great men , were sheapards ; and amos , one of the royal family , asserts the same of himself , for he was among the sheapards of tecua , following that employment : the like by gods own appointment prepared moses for a scepter , as philo intimates in his life , when he tells us , that a sheapards art is a suitable preparation to a kingdome ; the same he mentions in the life of joseph , affirming that the care a sheapard hath over his cattle , very much resembles that which a king hath over his subjects : the same basil in his homily de s. mamm . martyre hath concerning david , who was taken from following the ews great with young ones to feed israel , for he says that the art of feeding and governing are very near akin , and even sisters : and upon this account i suppose t was , that kings amongst the greeks reckoned the name of sheapard one of their greatest titles , for , if we believe varro , amongst the antients , the best and bravest was still a sheapard : every body knows that the romans the worthiest and greatest nation in the world sprang from sheapards : the augury of the twelve vulturs plac't a scepter in romulus's hand which held a crook before ; and at that time , as ovid says , his own small flock each senator did keep . lucretius mentions an extraordinary happiness , and as it were divinity in a sheaperd's life , thro sheapards ease , and their divine retreats . and this is the reason , i suppose , why the solitude of the country , the shady groves , and security of that happy quiet was so grateful to the muses , for thus horace represents them , the muses that the country love. which observation was first made by mnasalce the sicyonian in his epigram upon venus . the rural muse upon the mountains feeds . for sometimes the country is so raveshing and delightful , that t will raise wit and spirit even in the dullest clod , and in truth , amongst so many heats of lust and ambition which usually fire our citys , i cannot see what retreat , what comfort is left for a chast and sober muse . and to speak from the very bottome of my heart , ( not to mention the integrity and innocence of sheapards upon which so many have insisted , and so copiously declaimed ) methinks he is much more happy in a wood , that at ease contemplates this universe , as his own , and in it , the sun and stars , the pleasing meadows , shady groves , green banks , stately trees , flowing springs , and the wanton windings of a river , fit objects for quiet innocence , than he that with fire and sword disturbs the world , and measures his possessions by the wast that lys about him : augustus in the remotest east fights for peace , but how tedious were his voyages ? how troublesome his marches ? how great his disquiets ? what fears and hopes distracted his designs ? whilst tityrus contented with a little , happy in the enjoyment of his love , and at ease under his spreading beech. taught trees to sound his amaryllis name . on the one side melibaeus is forc't to leave his country , and antony on the other ; the one a sheapard , the other a great man , in the common-wealth ; how disagreeable was the event ? the sheapard could endure himself , and sit down contentedly under his misfortunes , whilst lost antony , unable to hold out , and quitting all hopes both for himself and his queen , became his own barbarous executioner : than which sad and deplorable fall i cannot imagine what could be worse , for certainly nothing is so miserable as a wretch made so from a flowrishing & happy man ; by which t is evident how much we ought to prefer before the gaity of a great and shining state , that idol of the crowd , the lowly simplicity of a sheapards life : for what is that but a perfect image of the state of innocence , of that golden age , that blessed time , when sincerity and innocence , peace , ease , and plenty inhabited the plains ? take the poets description here lowly innocence makes a sure retreat , a harmless life , and ignorant of deceit , and free from fears with various sweet's encrease , and all 's or'e spread with the soft wings of peace : here oxen low , here grots , and purling streams , and spreading shades invite to easy dreams . and thus horace . happy the man beyond pretence such was the state of innocence , &c. and from this head i think the dignity of buoolicks is sufficiently cleared , for as much as the golden age is to be preferr'd before the heroick , so much pastorals must excell heroick poems : yet this is so to be understood , that if we look upon the majesty and loftiness of heroick poems , it must be confest that they justly claim the preheminence ; but if the unaffected neatness , elegant , graceful smartness of the expression , or the polite dress of a poem be considered , then they fall short of pastorals : for this sort flows with sweet , elegant , neat and pleasing fancies ; as is too evident to every one that hath tasted the sweeter muses , to need a farther explication : for t is not probable that asinius pollio , cinna , varius , cornelius gallus , men of the neatest wit , and that lived in the most polite age , or that augustus caesar the prince of the roman elegance , as well as of the common wealth , should be so extreamly taken with virgils bucolicks , or that virgil himself a man of such singular prudence , and so correct a judgment , should dedicate his eclogues to those great persons ; unless he had known that there is somewhat more then ordinary elegance in those sort of composures , which the wise perceive , tho far above the understanding of the crowd : nay if ludovicus vives , a very learned man , and admired for politer studies may be believed , there is somewhat more sublime and excellent in those pastorals , than the common sort of grammarians imagine : this i shall discourse of in an other place , and now inquire into the antiquity of pastorals . since linus , orpheus , and eumolpus were famous for their poems , before the trojan wars ; those are certainly mistaken , who date poetry from that time ; i rather incline to their opinion who make it as old as the world it self ; which assertion as it ought to be understood of poetry in general , so especially of pastoral , which , as scaliger delivers , was the most antient kind of poetry , and resulting from the most antient way of liveing : singing first began amongst sheapards as they fed their flocks , either by the impulse of nature , or in imitation of the notes of birds , or the whispering of trees . for since the first men were either sheapards or ploughmen , and sheapards , as may be gathered out of thucydides and varro , were before the others , they were the first that either invited by their leisure , or ( which lucretius thinks more probable ) in imitation of birds , began a tune . thro all the woods they heard the pleasing noise of chirping birds , and try'd to frame their voice , and imitate , thus birds instructed man , and taught them songs before their art began . in short , t is so certain that verses first began in the country that the thing is in it self evident , and this tibullus very plainly signifies , first weary at his plough the labouring hind in certain feet his rustick words did bind : his dry reed first he tun'd at sacred feasts to thank the bounteous gods , and cheer his guests . in certain feet according to bern cylenius of verona his interpretation in set measures : for censorinus tells us , that the antient songs were loose and not ty'd up to any strict numbers , and afterwards by certain laws and acknowledged rules were confin'd to such and such measures : for this is the method of nature in all her works , from imperfect and rude beginnings things take their first rise , and afterwards by fit and apposite additions are polish't , and brought to perfection : such were the verses which heretofore the italian sheapards and plough-men , as virgil says , sported amongst themselves . italian plough-men sprung from antient troy did sport unpolish't rhymes — lucretius in his fifth book de natura rerum , says , that sheapards were first taught by the rushing of soft breezes amongst the canes to blow their reeds , and so by degrees to put their songs in tune . for whilst soft evening gales blew or'e the plains and shook the sounding reeds , they taught the swains , and thus the pipe was fram'd , and tuneful reed , and whilst the flocks did then securely feed , the harmless sheapards tun'd their pipes to love , and amaryllis name fill'd every grove . from all which t is very plain that poetry began in those days , when sheapards took up their employment : to this agrees donatus in his life of virgil , and pontanus in his fifth book of stars , as appears by these verses . here underneath a shade by purling springs the sheapards dance , whilst sweet amyntas sings ; thus first the new found pipe was tun'd to love , and plough-men taught their sweet hearts to the grove , thus the fescennine jests when they sang harvest-home , and then too the grape-gatherers and reapers songs began , an elegant example of which we have in the tenth idyllium of theocritus . from this birth , as it were , of poetry , verse began to grow up to greater matters ; for from the common discourse of plough-men and sheapards , first comedy , that mistress of a private life , next tragedy , and then epick poetry which is lofty and heroical arrose , this maximus tyrius confirms in his twenty first dissetation , where he tells us that plough-men just comeing from their work , and scarce cleansed from the filth of their employment , did use to flurt out some sudden and extempore catches ; and from this beginning plays were produc'd , and the stage erected : thus much concerning the antiquity , next of the original of this sort . about this learned men cannot agree , for who was the first author , is not sufficiently understood ; donatus , t is true , tells us t is proper to the golden age , and therefore must needs be the product of that happy time : but who was the author , where , what time it was first invented hath been a great controversy , and not yet sufficiently determined : epicharmus one of pythagoras his school , in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mentions one diomus a sicilian , who , if we believe athoenoeus was the first that wrote pastorals : those that fed cattle had a peculiar kind of poetry , call'd bucolicks , of which dotimus a sicilian was inventer : diodorus siculus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , seems to make daphnis the son of mercury and a certain nymph , to be the author ; and agreeable to this , theon an old scholiast on theocritus , in his notes upon the first idyllium mentioning daphnis , adds , he was the author of bucolicks , and theocritus himself calls him the muses darling : and to this opinion of diodorus siculus polydore virgil readily assents . b●r mnaseas of patara in a discourse of his conc●●ning europa , speaks thus of a son of pan the god of sheapards : panis filium bubulcum à quo & bucolice canere : now whether mnaseas by that bubulcum , means only a herds-man , or one skilled in bucolicks , is uncertain : but if valla's judgment be good , t is to be taken of the latter : yet aelian was of another mind , for he boldly affirms that stesichorus called himeroeus was the first , and in the same place adds , that daphnis the son of mercury was the first subject of bucolicks . some ascribe the honor to bacchus the president of the nymphs , satyrs , and the other country gods , perhaps because he delighted in the country ; and others attribute it to apollo called nomius the god of sheapards , and that he invented it then when he served admetus in thessaly , and fed his herds : for , t is likely , he to recreate himself , and pass away his time , applied his mind to such songs as were best suitable to his present condition : many think we owe it to pan the god of sheapards , not a few to diana that extreamly delighted in solitude and woods ; and some say mercury himself : of all which whilst grammarians prattle , according to their usual custome they egregiously trifle ; they suffer themselves to be put upon by fables , and resign their judgment up to foolish pretentions , but things and solid truth is that we seek after . as about the author , so concerning the place of its birth there is a great dispute , some say sparta , others peloponesus , but most are for sicily . valla the placentine , a curious searcher into antiquity , thinks this sort of poetry first appear●d amongst the lacedemonians , for when the persians had wasted allmost all greece , the spartans say that they fot fear of the barbarians fled into caves and lurking holes ; and that the country youth then began to apply themselves in songs to diana caryatis , together with the maids , who midst their songs offerd flowers to the goddess : which custome containing somewhat of religion was in those places a long time very scrupulously observed . diomedes the grammarian , in his treatise of measures , declares sicily to be the place : for thus he says , the sicilian sheapards in time of a great pestilence , began to invent new ceremonies to appease incensed diana , whom afterward , for affording her help , and stopping the plague they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : i. e. the freer from their miserys . this grew into custom , and the sheapards used to meet in companies , to sing their deliverer diana's praise , and th●se afterwards passing into italy we●e there nam●d bucoliastoe . pomponius sabinus tells the story thus : when the hymns the virgins us'd to sing in the country to diana were left off , because , by reason of the present wars , the maidens were forc't to keep close within the towns ; the shepherds met , and sang those kind of songs , which are now call'd bucolicks , to diana ; to whom they could not give the usual worship by reason of the wars : but donatus says , that this kind of verses was first sung to diana by orestes , when he wandred about italy ; after he fled from scythia taurica , and had taken away the image of the goddess , and hid it in a bundle of sticks , whence she receiv'd the name of pascelina , or phacelide 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; at whose altar , the very same orestes was afterward expiated by his sister iphigenia : but how can any one rely on such fables , when the inconsiderable authors that propose them disagree so much amongst themselves ? some are of opinion that the shepherds , were wont in solem and set songs about the fields and towns to celebrate the goddess pales ; and beg her to bless their flocks and fields with a plenteous encrease , and that from hence the name , and composure of bucolicks continued . other prying ingenious men make other conjectures , as to this mazing controversy thus vossius delivers himself ; the antients cannot be reconcil'd , but i rather incline to their opinion who think bucolicks were invented either by the sicilians or peloponesians , for both those use the dorick dialect , and all the greek bucolicks are writ in that : as for my self i think , that what horace says of elegies may be apply'd to the present subject . but who soft elegies was the first that wrote grammarians doubt , and cannot end the doubt : for i find nothing certain about this matter , since neither valla a diligent inquirer after , and a go●d judge in such things , nor any of the late writers produce any thing upon which i can safely rely : yet what beginning this kind of poetry had , i think i can pretty well conjecture : for t is likely that first shepherds us'd songs to recreate themselves in their leisure hours whilst they fed their sheep ; and that each man , as his wit served , accommodated his songs to his present circumstances : to this solitude invited , and the extream leisure that attends that employment absolutely requir'd it : for as their retirement gave them leisure , and solitude a fit place for meditation , meditation and invention produc'd a verse , which is nothing else but a speech fit to be sung , and so songs began : thus hesiod was made a poet , for he acknowledges himself that he receiv'd his inspiration ; whilst under helicon he fed his lambs . for either the leisure , or fancy of shepherds seems to have a natural aptitude to verse . and indeed i cannot but agree with lucretius that accurate searcher into nature , who delivers that from that state of innocence the golden age , pastorals continued down to his time , for after he had in his fifth book describ'd that most happy age , he adds , for then the rural muses reign'd . from whence 't is very plain , that as donatus himself observ'd , pastorals were the invention of the simplicity and innocence of that golden age , if there was ever any such , or certainly of that time which succeeded the beginning of the world : for tho the golden age must be acknowledged to be only in the fabulous times , yet 't is certain that the manners of the first men were so plain and simple , that we may easily derive both the innocent imployment of shepherds , and pastorals from them . the second part . now let us inquire into the nature of pastoral , in what its excellencies consist , and how it must be made to be exact : and this must needs be a hard task , since i have no guide , neither aristotle nor horace to direct me , for both they , whatever was the matter , speak not one word of this sort of verse . and i am of opinion that none can treat well and clearly of any kind of poetry if he hath no helps from these two : but since they lay down some general notions of poetry which may be useful in the present case , i shall follow their steps as close as possible i can . not only aristotle but horace too hath defin'd that poetry in general is imitation ; i mention only these two , for tho plato in his second book de rep. and in his timoeus delivers the same thing , i shall not make use of his authority at all : now as comedy according to aristotle is the image and representation of a gentiel and city life , so is pastoral poetry of a county and sheapards life ; for since poetry in general is imitation ; its several species must likewise imitate , take aristotles own words cap. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and these species are differenc't either by the subject matter , when the things to be imitated are quite different , or when the manner in which you imitate , or the mode of imitation is so : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : thus tho of epick poetry and tragedy the subject is the same , and some great illustrious action is to be imitated by both , yet since one by representation , and the other by plain narration imitates , each makes a different species of imitation . and comedy and tragedy , tho they agree in this , that both represent , yet because the matter is different , and tragedy must represent some brave action , and comedy a humor ; these two sorts of imitation are specifically different . and upon the same account , since pastoral chooses the mannes of sheapards for i●s imitation , it takes from its matter a peculiar difference , by which it is distinguish'd frō all others . but here benius in his comments upon aristotle hath started a considerable query : which is this ; whether aristotle , when be reckons up the different species of poetry cap . doth include pastoral , or no ? and about this i find learn'd men cannot at all agree : which certainly benius should have determin'd , or not rais'd : some refer it to that sort which was sung to pipes , for that pastorals were so apuleius intimates , when at the marriage feast of phyche he brings in paniscus singing bucolicks to his pipe : but since they did not seriously enough consider , what aristotle meant by that which he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they trifle , talk idly , and are not to be heeded in this matter ; for suppose some musitian should sing virgils aenoeis to the harp , ( and ant. lullus says it hath been done , ) should we therefore reckon that divine and incomparable master of heroick poetry amongst the lyricks ? others with coesius bassus and isacius tzetzes hold that that distribution of poetry , which aristotle and tully hath left us , is deficient and imperfect ▪ and that only the chief species are reckone● , but the more inconsiderable not mention'd : i shal● not here interest my self in that quarrel of the criti●ks , whether we have all aristotles books of poet●y o● no●● this is a considerable difficulty i c●●fess , fo● laertius who accurately weighs this ●●tte● , says that he wrote two books of poetry , the one l●st , and the other we have , tho mutinensis is of an other mind : but to end this dispute , i must agree wit● vossius , who says the philosopher comp●e●ended these species not expressly mentioned , under a higher and more noble head : and tha● therefore pastoral was contain'd in epick . for these are his o●n words , besides there are epicks of an inferior rank , such as the writers of bucolicks . sincerus , as minturnus quotes him , is of the same mind , for thus he delivers his opinion concerning epick verse : the matters about which these numbers may be employed is various , either mean and low , as in pastorals , great and lofty , as when the subject is divine things , or heroick actions , or of a middle rank , as when we use them to deliver precepts in : and this likewise ●e signifys before , where he sets down three sorts of epicks one of which , says he , is divine , and the most excellent by much in all poetry ; the other the lowest but most pure , in which theocritus excelled , which indeed shews nothing of poetry beside the bare numbers : these points being thus settled , the remaining difficultys will be more easily dispatched . for as in dramatick poetry the dignity and meanness of the persons represented make two diffferent species of imitation the one tragick ▪ ●●ch agrees to none but great and ●lustrious persons , the other comick , which suits with common and gentile humors : so in epick too there may be reckoned two sorts of imitation , one of which b●lon●s to heroes , and that makes the ●eroick ; the other to rusticks and sheapards and that constitutes the pastoral , now as a picture imitates the fe●tu●●s of the face , so poetry doth action , and ●is not a representation of the person but the action . from all which we may gather this definition of pastoral : it is the imitation of the action of a sheapard , or of one taken under that ●haracter : thus virgil's gallus , tho not ●eally a sheapard , for he was a man of great quality in rome , ●et belongs to pastoral , bec●use he is represented like a sheapard : he●ce the ●oet : the goatherd and the heavy heardsmen came , and ask't what rais'd the deadly ●lame . the scene lys amongst sheapards , the swains are brought in , the herdsmen come to see his misery , and the fiction is suited to the real condition of a sheapard ; the same is to be said for his silenus , who tho he seems lofty , and to sound to loud for an oaten reed , yet since what he sings he sings to sheapards , and suits his subject to their apprehensions , his is to be acknowledged pastoral . ●his rule we must stick to , that we might infallibly discern what is stricktly ●astoral in virgil and theocritus , and what not : for in theocritus there are some more lofty thoughts which not having any thing belonging to sheapards for their subject , must by no means be accounted pastoral , but of this more in its proper place . my present inquiry must be what is the subject matter of a pastoral , about which it is not easy to resolve ; since neither from aristotle , nor any of the greeks who have written pastorals , we can receive certain direction . for sometimes they treat of high and sublime things , like epick poets ; what can be loftier than the whole seaventh idyllium of bias in which myrsan urges lycidas the sheapard to sing the loves of deidamia , and achilles . for he begins from helen's rape , and goes on to the revengful fury of the atrides , and shuts up in one pastoral , all that is gre●t and sounding in homers iliad . sparta was fir'd with rage and gather●d greece to prosecute revenge . and theocritus his verses are sometimes as soundin● and his thoughts as high : for upon seri●u● c●●sidera●ion i cannot mind what part of all the heroicks is so strong and sounding as that idyllium on ●ercules 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in which hercules hims●lf tells ●hyleus how he kill'd the lyon whose skin he w●re : for , not to m●●●●on many , what can be greater than this expression . and gaping ●ell received his mighty soul : why shou●d ▪ instance in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which hath no●●n●●●ne below heroick ; the greatness of this is allmost inexpressible . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and some other pieces are as strong as these , such is the panegyrick on ptolemy , helen's epithalamium , and the fight of young hercules and the snakes : now how is it likely that such subjects should be fit for pastorals , of which , in my opinion , the same may be said which ovid doth of his cydippe . cydippe , homer , doth not fit thy muse . for certainly pastorals ought not to rise to the majesty of heroicks : but who on the other side dares reprehend such great and judicious authors , whose very doing it is authority enough ? what shall i say of virgil ? who in his sixth eclogue hath put together allmost all the particulars of the fabulous age ; what is so high to which silenus that master of mysterys doth not soar ? for lo ! he sung the worlds stupendious birth , how scatter'd seeds of sea , of air , and earth , and purer fire thro universal night and empty space did fruitfully unite : from whence th' innumerable race of things by circular successive order springs : and afterward how pyrra's stony race rose from the ground , and saturn reign'd with golden plenty crown'd , how bold prometheus ( whose untam'd desire , rival●d the sun with his own heavenly fire ) now doom'd the scythian vulturs endless prey severely pays for animating clay . so true , so certain 't is , that nothing is so high and lofty to which bucolicks may not successfully aspire . but if this be so , what wi●l becom● of macrobius , georgius valla , julius caliger , vossius , and the whole company of grammarians ? who all affirm that simplicity and meanness is so essential to pastorals that it ought to be confi●'d to the state , manners , apprehension and even common phrases of sheapards : for nothing c●n be said to be pastoral , which is not accommodated to their condition : and for this reason nannius alcmaritanus in my opinion is a trifler , who , in his comments on virgils eclogues , thinks that those sorts of composures may now and then be lofty , and treat of great subjects : where he likewise divides the matter of bucolicks , into low , middle , and high and makes virgil the author of this division , who in his fourth eclogue , ( as he imagines ) divides the matter of bucolicks into three sorts , and intimates this division by these three words : bushes , shrubs and woods . sicilian muse begin a loftier strain , the bushes and the shrubs that shade the plain delight not all ; if i to woods repair my song shall make them worth a consuls care. by woods , as he fancys , as virgil means high and stately trees , so he would have a great and lofty subject to to be implyed , such as he designed for the consul : by bushes , which are almost even with the ground , the meanest and lowest argument ; and by shrubs a subject not so high as the one , nor so low as the other , as the thing it-self is . and therefore these lines if i to woods repair my song shall make them worth a consuls care . are thus to be understood , that if we choose high and sublime arguments , our work will be fit for the patronage of a consul , this is nanniu's interpretation of that place ; too pedantial and subtle i 'me affraid , for 't is not credible that ever virgil thought of reckoning great and lofty things amongst the subjects of bucolicks especially since when his thalia rais'd her bolder voice and kings and battles were her lofty choice , phaebus did twitch his ear , mean thoughts infuse , and with this whisper check't th' inspiring muse : a sheapard , tityrus , his sheep should feed , and choose a subject suited to his reed , this certainly was a serious admonition implyed by the twitching of his ear , and i believe if he had continued in this former humor and not obey'd the smarring admonition . he had still felt it : so far was he from thinking kings and battels fit themes for a sheapards song : and this evidently shows that in virgils opinion , contrary to nanniu's fancy , great things cannot in the least be comprehended within the subject matter of pastorals ; no , it must be low and humble , which theocritus very happily expresseth by this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. as the interpreters explain it , sing humble strains . theefore let pastoral never venture upon a lofty subject , let it not recede one jot from its proper matter , but be employ'd about rustick affairs : such as are mean and humble in themselves ; and such are the affairs of shepherds , especially their loves , but those must be pure and innocent ; not disturb'd by vain suspitious jealousy , nor polluted by rapes ; the rivals must not fight , and their emulations must be without quarrellings : such as vida meant . whilst on his reed he shepherds stifes conveys , and soft complaints in smooth sicilian lays . to these may be added sports , jests , gifts , and presents ; but not costly , such are yellow apples , young stock-doves , milk , flowers , and the like ; all things must appear delightful and easy , nothing vitious and rough : a persidious pimp , a designing jilt , a gripeing usurer , a crafty factious servant must have no room there , but every part must be full of the simplicity of the golden-age , and of that candor which was then eminent : for as juvenal affirms baseness was a great wonder in that age ; sometimes funeral-rites are the subject of an eclogue , where the shepherds scatter flowers on the tomb , and sing rustick songs in honor of the dead : examples of this kind are left us by virgil in his daphnis , and bion in his adonis , and this hath nothing disagreeable to a shepherd : in short whatever , the decorum being still preserv'd , can be done by a sheapard , may be the subject of a pastoral . now there may be more kinds of subjects than servius or donatus allow , for they confine us to that number which virgil hath made use of , tho minturnus in his second book de poetâ declares against this opinion : but as a glorious heroick action must be the subject of an heroick poem , so a pastoral action of a pastoral ; at least it must be so turn'd and wrought , that it might appear to be the action of a shepherd ; which caution is very necessary to be observ'd , to clear a great many difficulties in this matter : for tho as the interpreters assure us ; most of virgils eclogues are about the civil war , planting colonys , the murder of the emperor , and the like , which in themselves are too great and too lofty for humble pastoral to reach , yet because they are accomodated to the genius of shepherds , may be the subject of an eclogue , for that sometimes will admit of gods and heroes so they appear like , and are shrouded under the persons of shepherds : but as for these matters which neither really are , nor are so wrought as to seem the actions of shepherds , such are in moschus's europa , theocritus's epithalamium of helen , and virgil's pollio , to declare my opinion freely , i cannot think them to be fit subjects for bucolicks : and upon this account i suppose 't is that servius in his comments on virgil's bucolicks reckons only seven of virgil's ten eclogues , and onely ten of theocritus's thirty , to be pure pastorals , and salmasius upon solinus says , that amongst theocritus's poems there are some which you may call what you please beside pastorals : and heinsius in his scholia upon theocritus will allow but ten of his idylliums to be bucoliks , . . . . . . . . . . for all the rest are deficient either in matter or form , and from this number of pure pastoral idylliums i am apt to think , that theocritus seems to have made that pipe , on which he tun'd his pastorals and which he consecrated to pan of ten reeds , as salmasius in his notes on theocritus's pipe hath learnedly observed : in which two verses always make one reed of the pipe , therefore all are so unequal , like the unequal reeds of a pipe , that if you put two equals together which make one reed , the whole inequality consists in ten pairs ; when in the common pipes there were usually no more then seven reeds , and this the less curious observers have heedlessly past by some are of opinion that whatever is done in the country , and in one word , every thing that hath nought of the city in it may be treated o● in pastorals ; and that the discourse of fishers , plow-men , reapers , hunters , and the like , belong to this kind of poetry : which according to the rule that i have laid down cannot be true for , as i before hinted nothing but the action of a shepherd can be the subject of a pastoral . i shall not here enquire , tho it may seem proper whether we can decently bring into an eclogue reapers , vine-dressers , gardners , fowlers , hunters , fishers , or the like , whose lives for the most part are taken up with too much business and employment to have any vacant time for songs , and idle chat , which are more agreeable to the leisure of a sheapards life : for in a great many rustick affairs , either the hardship and painful labor will not admit a song , as in plowing , or the solitude as in hunting , fishing , fowling , and the like ; but of this i shall discourse more largely in another place . now 't is not sufficient to make a poem a true pastoral , that the subject of it is the action of a shepherd , for in hesiods 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and virgils georgicks there are a great many things that belong to the employment of a shepherd , yet none fancy they are pastorals ; from whence 't is evident , that beside the matter , which we have defin'd to be the action of a sheapard , there is a peculiar form proper to this kind of poetry by which 't is distinguish'd from all others . of poetry in general socrates , as plato tells us , would have fable to be the form : aristotle imitation : i shall not dispute what difference there is between these two , but only inquire whether imitation be the form of pastoral : 't is certain that epick poetry is differenc't from tragick only by the manner of imitation , for the latter imitates by action , and the former by bare narration : but pastoral is the imitation of a pastoral action either by bare narration , as in virgil ●s alexis , and theocritus's th idyllium , in which the poet speaks all along in his own person : or by action as in virgil's tityrus and the first of theocritus , or by both mixt , as in the second and eleventh idylliums , in which the poe● partly speaks in his own person , and partly makes , others speak , and i think the old scholiast on ●heocritus took an hint from these when he says , that ●astoral is a mixture made up of all sorts , for 't is narrative , dramatick , and mixt , and aristotle , tho obscurely , seems to h●nt in those words , in every one of the mentioned arts there is imitation , in some simple , in some mixt ; now this latter being peculiar to bucolicks makes its very form and essence : and therefore scaliger , in the th chapter of his first book of poetry , reckons up three species of pastorals , the first hath but one person , the second several , which sing alternately ; the third is mixt of both the other : and the same observation is made by heinsius in his notes on theocritus , for thus he very plainly to our purpose , the character of bucolicks is a mixture of all sorts of characters , dramatick , narrative , or mixt : from all which 't is very manif●st that the manner of imitation which is proper to pastorals is the mixt : for in other kinds of poetry 't is one and simple , at least not so manifold ; as in tragedy action : in epick poetry narration . now i shall explain what sort of fable ; manners , thought , expression , which four are necessary to consstitute every kind of poetry , are proper to this sort . concerning the fable which aristotle calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i have but one thing to say : this , as the philosopher hints , as of all other sorts of poetry , so of pastoral is the very soul : and therfore socrates in plato says , that in those verses which he had made there was nothing wanting but the fable : therefore pastorals as other kinds of poetry must have their fable , if they will be poetry : thus in virgil's silenus which contains the stories of allmost the whole fabulous age , two shepherds whom silenus had often promis'd a song , and as often deceiv'd , seize upon him being drunk and asleep , and bind him with wreath'd flowers ; aegle comes in and incourages the timorous youths , and stains his jolly red f●ce with black berries , silenus laughs at their innocent contrivance , and desires to be unbound , and then with a premedi●ated song satisfies the nymph's and boys curiosity ; the incomparable poet sings wonders , the rocks rejoyce , the vales eccho , and happy eurotas as if phoebus himself sang , hears all , and bids the laurels that grow upon his banks listen to , and learn the song . happy eurotas as he flow'd along heard all , and bad the laurels learn the song . thus every eclogue or idyllium must have its fable , which must be the groundwork of the whole design , but it must not be perplext with sudden and unlookt for changes , as in marinus's adonis : for that , tho the fable be of a shepherd , yet by reason of the strange bombast under plots , and wonderful occurences , cannot be accounted pastoral ; for that it might be agreeable to the person it treats of , it must be plain and simple , such as sophocles's ajax , in which there ls not so much as one change of fortune . as for the manners , let that precept , which horace lays down in his epistle to the pisones , be principally observed . let each be grac't with that which suits him best . for this , as 't is a rule relateing to poetry in general , so it respect this kind also of which we are treating ; and against this tasso in his amyntas , bonarellus in his phyllis , guarinus in his pastor fido , marinus in his idylliums , and most of the italians grievously offend , for they make their shepherds too polite , and elegant , and cloth them with all the neatness of the town , and complement of the court , which tho it may seem very pretty , yet amongst good criticks , let veratus say what he will in their excuse , it cannot be allowed : for 't is against minturnus's opinion , who in his second book de poetâ says thus : mean persons are brought in , those in comedy indeed more polite , those in pastorals more unelegant , as suppos'd to lead a rude life in solitude ; and jason denor a doctor of padua takes notice of the same as a very absurd error : aristotle heretofore for a like fault reprehended the megarensians , who observ'd no decorum in their theater , but brought in mean persons with a train fit for a king , and cloath'd a cobler or tinker in a purple robe : invain doth veratus in his dispute against jason denor , to defend those elaborately exquisite discourses , and notable sublime sentences of his pastor fido , bring some lofty idylliums of theocritus , for those are not acknowledged to be pastoral ; theocritus and virgil must be consulted in this matter , the former designdly makes his shepherds discourse in the dorick i. e. the rustick dialect , sometimes scarce true grammar ; & the other studiously affects ignorance in the persons of his shepherds , as servius hath observ'd , and is evident in meliboeus , who makes oaxes to be a river in crete when 't is in mesopotamia : and both of them take this way that the manners may the more exactly suit with the persons they represent , who of themselves are rude and unpolisht : and this proves that they scandalously err , who make their shepherds appear polite and elegant , nor can i imagine what veratus who makes so much ado about the polite manners of the arcadian shepherds , would say to polybius who tells us that the arcadians by reason of the mountainousness of the country and hardness of the weather , are very unsociable and austere . now as too much neatness in pastoral is not to be allow'd , so rusticity ( i do not mean that which plato , in his third book of a common-wealth , mentions which is but a part of a down right honesty ) but clownish stupidity , such as theophrastus , in his character of a rustick , describes ; or that disagreeable unfashionable roughness which horace mentions in his epistle to lollius , must not in my opinion be endur'd : on this side mantuan errs extreamly , and is intolerably absur'd , who makes shepherds blockishly sottish , and insufferably rude : and a certain interpreter blames theocritus for the same thing , who in some mens opinion sometimes keeps too close to the clown , and is rustick and uncouth ; but this may be very well excus'd because the age in which he sang was not as polite as now . but that every part may be suitable to a shepherd , we must consult unstain'd , uncorrupted nature ; so that the manners might not be too clownish nor too caurtly : and this mean may be easily observed if the manners of our shepherds be represented according to the genius of the golden age , in which , if guarinus may be believ'd , every man follow'd that employment : and nannius in the preface to his comments on virgils bucolicks is of the same opinion , for he requires that the manners might represent the golden age : and this was the reason that virgil himself in his pollio describes that age , which he knew very well was proper to bucolicks : for in the whole course of a shepherds life there can be no form more excellent than that which was the practise of the golden age ; and this may serve to moderate and temper the affections that must be exprest in this sort of poetry , and sufficiently declare the whole essence of it , which in short must be taken from the nature of a shepherds life to which a cou●tly dress is not agreeable . that the thought may be commendable , it must be suitable to the manners ; as those must be plain and pure that must be so too : nor must contain any , ●eep , exquisite , or elaborate fancies : and against this the italians offend , who continually hunt after smart witty sayings , very foolishly in my opinion ; for in the country , where all things should be full of plainess and simplicity who would paint or endeavor to be gawdy when such appearan●es would be very disagreeable and offend ? pontanus in this matter hath said very well , the thought must not be to exquisite and witty , the comparisons obvious and common , such as the state of persons and things require : yet tho too scrupulous a curiosity in ornament ought to be rejected , yet lest the thought be cold and flat , it must have some quickness of passion , as in these . cruel alexis can't my verses move ? hast thou no pitty ? i must dye for love. and again , he neither gods , nor yet my verse regards . the sense must not be long , copious , and continued , for pastoral is weak , and not able to hold out ; but of this more when i come to lay down rules for its composure : but tho it ought to imitate comedy in its common way of discourse , yet it must not chose old comedy for its pattern , for that is too impudent , and licentiously abusive : let it be free and modest , honest and ingenuous , and that will make it agreeable to the golden age. let the expression be plain and easy , but elegant and neat , and the purest which the language will afford ; pontanus upon virgils bucolicks gives the very same rule , in bucolicks the expression must be humble , nearer common discourse than otherwise , not very spirituous and vivid , yet such as shows life and strength : t is certain that virgil in his bucolicks useth the same words which tully did in the forum or the senate : and tityrus beneath his shady beech speaks as pure and good latin as augustus in his palace , as modicius in his apology for virgil hath excellently observ'd : this rule , 't is true ; theocritus hath not so strictly follow'd , whose rustick and pastoral muse , as quintilian phraseth it , not only is affraid to appear in the forum , but the city : and for the very same thing an alexandrian flouts the syracucusian weomen in the fifteenth idyllium of theocritus , for when they , being then in the city , spoke the dorick dialect , the delicate citizen could not endure it , and found fault with their distastful , as he thought , pronunciation : and his reflection was very smart . like pidgeons you have mouths from ear to ear. so intolerable did that broad way of pronunciation , tho exactly fit for a clowns discourse , seem to a citizen : and hence probus observes that 't was much harder for the latines to write pastorals , than for the greeks ; because the latines had not some dialects peculiar to the country , and others to the city , as the greeks had ; besides the latine language , as quintilian hath observ'd , is not capable of the neatness which is necessary to bucolicks , no , that is the peculiar priviledge of the greeks : we cannot , says he , be so low , they exceed us in subtlety , and in propriety they are at more certainty than we : and again , in pat and close expressions we cannot reach the greeks . and , if we believe tully , greek is much more fit for ornament than latin , for it hath much more of that neatness , end and ravishing delightfulness , which bucolicks necessarily require . yet of pastoral , with whose nature we are not very well acquainted , what that form is which the greeks call the character , is not very easy to determine ; yet that we may come to some certainty , we must stick to our former observation , viz. that pastoral belongs properly to the golden age : for as tully in his treatise de oratore says , in all our disputes the subject is to be measur'd by the most perfect of that kind , and syncsius in his encomium on baldness hints the very same , when he tells us that poetry fashions its subject as men imagine it should be , and not as really it is : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : now the life of a shepherd , that it might be rais'd to the highest perfection , is to be referr'd to the manners and age of the world whilst yet innocent , and such as the fables have describ'd it : and as simplicity was the principal vertue of that age , so it ought to be the peculiar grace , and as it were character of bucolicks : in which the fable , manners , thought , and expression ought to be full of the most innocent simplicity imaginable : for as innocence in life , so purity and simplicity in discourse was the glory of that age : so as gravity to epicks , sweetness to lyricks , humor to comedy , softness to elegies , and smartness to epigrams , so simplicity to pastorals is proper ; and one upon theocritus says , that the idea of his bucolicks is in every part pure , and in all that belongs to simplicity very happy : such is this of virgil , unwholsome to us singers is the shade of juniper , 't is an unwholsome shade : than which in my opinion nothing can be more simply ; nothing more rustically said ; and this is the reason i suppose why macrobius says that this kind of poetry is creeping and upon mean subjects : and why too virgils tityrus lying under his shady beech displeaseth some ; excellent criticks indeed , whom i wish a little more sense , that they might not really be , what they would not seem to be , ridiculous : theocritus excells virgil in this , of whom modicius says , theocritus deserves tht greatest commendation for his happy imitation of the simplicity of his shepherds , virgil hath mixt allegories , and some other things which contain too much learning , and deepness of thought for persons of so mean a quality : yet here i must obviate their mistake who fancy that this sort of poetry , because in it self low and simple , is the proper work of mean wits , and not the most sublime and excellent perfections : for as i think there be can nothing more elegant than easy naked simplicity , so likewise nothing can require more strength of wit , and greater pains ; and he must be of a great and clear judgment , who attempts pastoral , and comes of with honor : for there is no part of poetry that requires more spirit , for if any part is not close and well compacted the whole fabrick will be ruin'd , and the matter , in it self humble , must creep ; unless it is held up by the strength and vigor of the expression . another qualification and excellence of pastoral is to imitate timanthes's art , of whom pliny writes thus ; timanthes was very ingenious , in all his peices more was to be understood than the colours express'd , and tho his art was very extraordinary yet his fancy exceeded it : in this virgil is peculiarly happy , but others , especially raw unexperienced writers , if they are to describe a rainbow , or a river , pour out their whole stock , and are unable to contain : now t is properly requisite to a pastoral that there should be a great deal coucht in a few words , and every thing it says should be so short , and so close , as if its chiefest excellence was to be spareing in expression : such is that of virgil ; these fields and corn shall a barbarian share ? see the effects of all our civil war. how short is that ? how concise ? and yet how full of sense in the same eclogue . i wonder'd why all thy complaints were made , absent was tityrus : and the like you may every where meet with , as mopsus weds nisa , what may'nt lovers hope ? and in the second eclogue . whom dost thou fly ah frantick ! oft the woods hold gods , and paris equal to the gods. this grace virgil learn'd from theocritus , allmost all whose periods ; especially in the third idyllium have no conjunction to connect them , that the sense might be more close , and the affection vehement and strong : as in this let all things change , let pears the firs adorn now daphnis dyes . and in the third eclogue . but when she saw , how great was the surprize ! &c. and any one may find a great many of the like in theocritus and virgil , if with a leisurely delight he nicely examines their delicate composures : and this i account the greatest grace in pastorals , which in my opinion those that write pastorals do not sufficiently observe : t is true ours ( the french ) and the italian language is to babling to endure it ; this is the rock on which those that write pastorals in their mother tongue are usually split , but the italians are inevitably lost ; who having store of wit , a very subtle invention and flowing fancy , cannot contain ; every thing that comes into their mind must be poured out , nor are they able to endure the least restraint : as is evident from marinus's idylliums , and a great many of that nation who have ventur'd on such composures : for unless there are many and breakings off in the series of a pastoral , it can neither be pleasing nor artificial : and in my opinion virgil excells theocritus in this , for virgil is neither so continued , nor so long as theocritus ; who indulges too much the garrulity of his greek ; nay even in those things which he expresseth he is more close , and more cautiously conceals that part which ought to be dissembled : and this i am sure is a most admirable part of eloquence ; as tully in his epistle to atticus says , t is rare to speak eloquently , but more rare to be eloquently silent : and this unskillful criticks are not acquainted with , and therefore are wont oftner to find fault with that which is not fitly exprest , than commend that which is prudently conceal'd : i could heap up a great many more things to this purpose , but i see no need of such a trouble , since no man can rationally doubt of the goodness of my observation : therefore , in short , let him that writes pastorals think brevity , if it doth not obscure his sense , to be the greatest grace which he can attain . now why bucolicks should require such brevity , and be so essentially sparing in expression , i see no other reason but this ; it loves simplicity so much that it must be averse to that pomp and ostentation which epick poetry must show , for that must be copious and flowing , in every part smooth , and equal to it self : but pastoral must dissemble , and hide even that which it would show , like damon's galatea , who flies then when she most desires to be discovered . and to the bushes flys , yet would be seen . and this doth not proceed from any malitious ill-natur'd coyness , as some imagine , but from an ingenuous modesty and bashfulness , which usually accompanies , and is a proof of simplicity : t is very rare , says pliny , to find a man so exquisitely skillful , as to be able to show those features in a picture which he hides ; and i think it to be so difficult a task , that none but the most excellent wits can attempt it with success : for small wits usually abound with a multitude of words . the third grace of bucolicks is neatness , which contains all the taking prettiness and sweetness of expression , and whatsoever is call'd the delicacies of the more delightful and pleasing muses : this the rural muses bestow'd on virgil , as horace in the tenth satyr of his first book says , and virgils happy muse in eclogues plays , soft and facetious ; which fabius takes to signify the most taking neatness and most exquisite elegance imaginable : for thus he explains this place , in which he agrees with tully , who in his third book de oratore , says , the atticks are facetious i. e. elegant : tho the common interpreters of these words are not of the same mind : but if by facetious horace had meant jesting , and such as is design'd to make men laugh , and apply'd that to virgil , nothing could have been more ridiculous ; 't is the design of comedy to raise laughter , but eclogue should only delight , and charm by its takeing prettiness : all ravishing delicacies of thought , all sweetness of expression , all that salt from which venus , as the poets fable , rose ; are so essential to this kind of poetry , that it cannot endure any thing that is scurillous , malitiously biteing , or ridiculous : there must be nothing in it but hony , milk , roses , violets , and the like sweetness , so that when you read you might think that you are in adonis's gardens , as the greeks speak , i. e. in the most pleasant place imaginable : for since the subject of eclogue must be mean and unsurprizing , unless it maintains purity and neatness of expression , it cannot please . therefore it must do as tully says his friend atticus did , who entertaining his acquaintance with leeks and onions , pleas'd them all very well , because he had them serv'd up in wicker chargers , and clean baskets ; so let an eclogue serve up its fruits and flowers with some , tho no costly imbellishment , such as may answer to the wicker chargers , and baskets ; which may be provided at a cheap rate , and are agreeable to the country : yet , ( and this rule if you aim at exact simplicity , can never be too nicely observ'd , ) you must most carefully avoid all paint and gawdiness of expression , and , ( which of all sorts of elegancies is the most difficult to be avoided ) you must take the greatest care that no scrupulous trimness ; or artificial finessess appear : for , as quintilian teaches , in some cases diligence and care are most troublesomly perverse ; and when things are most sweet they are next to loathsome and many times degenerate : therefore as in weomen a careless dress becomes some extreamly . thus pastoral , that it might not be uncomely , ought sometimes to be negligent , or the finess of its ornaments ought not to appear and lye open to every bodies view : so that it ought to affect a studied carelessness , and design'd negligence : and that this may be , all gawdiness of dress , such as paint and curls , all artificial shining is to be despis'd , but in the mean time care must be taken that the expression be bright and simply clean , not filthy and disgustful , but such as is varnisht with wit and fancy : now to perfect this , nature is chiefly to be lookt upon , ( for nothing that is disagreeable to nature can please ) yet that will hardly prevail naked , by it self , and without the polishing of art. then there are three things in which , as in its parts , the whole character of a pastoral is contain'd : simplicity of thought and expression : shortness of periods full of sense and spirit : and the delicacy of a most elegant ravishing unaffected neatness . next i will enquire into the efficient , and then into the final cause of pastorals . aristotle assigns two efficient causes of poetry , the natural desire of imitation in man whom he calls the most imitative creature ; and pleasure consequent to that imitation : which indeed are the remote causes , but the immediate are art and nature ; now according to the differences of genius's several species of poetry have been introduc'd : for as the philosopher hath observ'd , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thus those that were lofty imitated great and illustrious ; those that were low spirited and groveling mean actions : and every one , according to the various inclination of his nature , follow'd this or that sort of poetry : this the philosopher expresly affirms , and dio chrysostomus says of homer that he received from the gods a nature fit for all sorts of verse : but this is an happiness which none partake but , as he in the same place intimates , godlike minds . not to mention other kinds of poetry , what particular genius is requir'd to pastoral i think , is evident from the foregoing discourse , for as every part of it ought to be full of simple and inartificial neatness , so it requires a wit naturally neat and pleasant , born to delight and ravish , which are the qualifications certainly of a great and most excellent nature : for whatsoever in any kind is delicate and elegant , that is usually most excellent : and such a genius that hath a sprightfulness of nature , and is well instructed by the rules of art , is fit to attempt pastorals . of the end of pastorals t is not so easy to give an account : for as to the end of poetry in general : the enemies of poets run out into a large common place , and loudly tell us that poetry is frivolous and unprofitable . excellent men ! that love profit perchance , but have no regard for honesty and goodness ; who do not know that all excellent arts sprang from poetry at first . which what is honest , base , or just , or good , better than crantor , or chrysippus show'd . for t is poetry that like a chast unspotted virgin , shews men the way , and the means to live happily , who afterward are deprav'd by the immodest precepts of vitiated and impudent philosophy . for every body knows , that the epick sets before us the highest example of the bravest man ; the tragedian regulates the affections of the mind ; the lyrick reforms manners , or sings the praises of gods , and heroes ; so that there 's no part of poetry but hath its proper end , and profits . but grant all this true , pastoral can make no such pretence : if you sing a hero , you excite mens minds to imitate his actions , and notable exploits ; but how can bucolicks apply these or the like advantages to its self ? he that reads heroick poems , learns what is the vertue of a hero ▪ and wishes to be like him ; but he that reads pastorals , neither learns how to feed sheep , nor wishes himself a shepherd : and a great deal more to this purpose you may see in modicius , as pontanus cites him in his notes on virgil's eclogues . but when t is the end of comedy , as jerom in his epistle to furia says , to know the humors of men , and to describe them ; and demea in terence intimates the same thing , to look on all mens lives as in a glass , and take from those examples for our own , so that our humors and conversations may be better'd , and improv'd ; why may not pastoral be allow'd the same priviledge , and be admitted to regulate and improve a shepherd's life by its bucolicks ? for since t is a product of the golden age , it will shew the most innocent manners of the most ancient simplicity , how plain and honest , and how free from all varnish , and dece●t , to more degenerate , and worse times : and certainly for this t is commendable in its kind , since its design in drawing the image of a country and shepherd's life , is to teach honesty , candor , and simplicity , which are the vertues of private men ; as epicks teach the highest fortitude , and prudence , and conduct , which are the vertues of generals , and kings . and t is necessary to government , that as there is one kind of poetry to instruct the citizens , there should be another to fashion the manners of the rusticks : which if pastoral , as it does , did not do , yet would it not be altogether frivolous , and idle , since by its taking prettinesses it can delight , and please . it can scarce be imagin'd , how much the most flourishing times of the roman common-wealth , in which virgil wrote , grew better and brisker by the use of pastoral : with it were augustus , mecaenas , asinius pollio , alphenus varus , cornelius gallus , the most admired wits of that happy age , wonderfully pleas'd ; for whatever is sweet , and ravishing , is contain'd in this sweetest kind of poetry . but if we must slight every thing , from which no profit is to be hop'd , all pleasures of the eye and ear are presently to be laid aside ; and those excellent arts , musick , and painting , with which the best men use to be delighted , are presently to be left off . nor is it indeed credible , that so many excellent wits , as have devoted themselves to poetry , would ever have medled with it , if it had been so empty , idle , and frivolous , as some ridiculously morose imagine ; who forsooth are better pleas'd with the severity of philosophy , and her harsh , deform'd impropriety of expressions . but the judgments of such men are the most contemptible in the world ; for when by poetry mens minds are fashioned to generous humors , kindness , and the like : those must needs be strangers to all those good qualites , who hate , or proclaim poetry to be frivolous , and useless . the third part . rules for writing pastorals . in delivering rules for writing pastorals , i shall not point to the streams , which to look after argues a small creeping genius , but lead you to the fountains . but first i must tell you , how difficult it is to write pastorals , which many seem not sufficiently to understand : for since its matter is low , and humble , it seems to have nothing that is troublesome , and difficult . but this is a great mistake , for , as horace says of comedy , it is by so much the more difficult , by how much the less pardonable are the mistakes committed in its composure : and the same is to be thought of every thing , whose end is to please , and delight . for whatsoever is contriv'd for pleasure , and not necessarily requir'd , unle●s it be exquisite , must be nauseous , and distastful ; as at a supper , scraping musick , thick oyntment , or the like , because the entertainment might have been without all these : for the sweetest things , and most delicious , are most apt to satiate ; for tho the sense may sometimes be pleas'd , yet it presently disgusts that which is luscious , and , as lucretius phraseth it , e'en in the midst and fury of the joys , some thing that 's better riseth , and destroys . beside , since pastoral is of that nature , that it cannot endure too much negligence , nor too scrupulous diligence , it must be very difficult to to be compos'd , especially since the expression must be neat , but not too exquisite , and fine : it must have a simple native beauty , but not too mean : it must have all sorts of delicacies , and surprizing fancies , yet not be flowing , and luxuriant . and certainly , to hit all these excellencies is difficult enough , since wit , whose nature it is to pour it self forth , must rather be restrain'd than indulg'd ; and that force of the mind , which of it self is so ready to run on , must be checkt , and bridled : which cannot be easily perform'd by any , but those who have a very good judgment , and practically skill'd in arts , and sciences : and lastly , a neat , and as it were a happy wit ; not that curious sort , i mean , which petronius allows horace , lest too much art should take off the beauty of the simplicity . and therefore i would not have any one undertake this task , that is not very polite by nature , and very much at leisure . for what is more hard than to be always in the country , and yet never to be clownish ? to sing of mean , and trivial matters , yet not trivially , and meanly ? to pipe on a slender reed , and yet keep the sound from being harsh , and squeaking ? to make every thing sweet , yet never satiate ? . and this i thought necessary to premise , in order to the better laying down of such rules as i design . for the naked simplicity both of the matter and expression of a pastoral , upon bare contemplation , might seem easily to be hit , but upon trial 't will be found a very hard task : nor was the difficulty to be dissembled , lest ignorance should betray some into a rash attempt . now i must come to the very rules ; for as nothing excellent can be brought to perfection without nature , ( for art unassisted by that , is vain , and ineffectual , ) so there is no nature so excellent , and happy , which by its own strength , and without art and vse can make any thing excellent , and great . but t is hard to give rules for that , for which there have been none already given ; for where there are no footsteps nor path to direct , i cannot tell how any one can be certain of his way . yet in this difficulty i will follow aristotle's example , who being to lay down rules concerning epicks , propos'd homer as a pattern , from whom he deduc'd the whole art : so i will gather from theocritus and virgil , those fathers of pastoral , what i shall deliver on this account . for all the rules that are to be given of any art , are to be given of it as excellent , and perfect , and therefore ought to be taken from them in whom it is so . the first rule shall be about the matter , which is either the action of a shepherd , or contriv'd and fitted to the genius of a shepherd ; for tho pastoral is simple , and bashful , yet it will entertain lofty subjects , if it can be permitted to turn and fashion them to its own proper circumstances , and humor : which tho theocritus hath never done , but kept close to pastoral simplicity , yet virgil hath happily attempted ; of whom almost the same character might be given , which quintilian bestow'd ●n stesichorus , who with his harp bore up the most weighty subjects of epick poetry ; for virgil sang great and lofty things to his oaten reed , but yet suited to the humor of a shepherd , for every thing that is nor agreeable to that , cannot belong to pastoral : of its own nature it cannot treat of lofty and great matters . therefore let pastaral be smooth and soft , not noisy and bombast ; lest whilst it raiseth its voice , and opens its mouth , it meet with the same fate that , they say , an italian shepherd did , who having a very large mouth , and a very strong breath , brake his pipe as often as he blow'd it . this is a great fault in one that writes pastorals : for if his words are too sounding , or his sense too strong , he must be absurd , because indecently loud . and this is not the rule of an unskilful impertinent adviser , but rather of a very excellent master in this art ; for phoebus twitcht virgil by the ear , and warn'd him to forbear great subjects : but if it ventures upon such , it may be allow'd to use some short invocations , and , as epicks do , modestly implore the assistance of a muse . this virgil doth in his pollio , which is a composure of an unusual loftiness : sicilian muse begin a loftier strain . so he invocates arethusa , when cornelius gallus proconsul of aegypt and his amours , matters above the common reach of pastoral , are his subject . one labor more o arethusa yield . why he makes his application to aretheusa is easy to conjecture , for she was a nymph of sicily , and so he might hope that she could inspire him with a genius fit for pastorals which first began in that island , thus in the seventh and eighth eclogue , as the matter would bear , he invocates the nymphs and muses : and theocritus does the same , tell goddess , you can tell . from whence 't is evident that in pastoral , tho it never pretends to any greatness , invocations may be allow'd : but whatever subject it chooseth , it must take care to accommodate it to the genius and circumstances of a shepherd . concerning the form , or mode of imitation , i shall not repeat what i have already said , viz. that this is in it self mixt ; for pastoral is either alternate , or hath but one person , or is mixt of both : yet 't is properly and chiefly alternate , as is evident from that of theocritus . sing rural strains , for as we march along we may delight each other with a song . in which the poet shows that alternate singing is proper to a pastoral : but as for the fable , 't is requisite that it should be simple , lest in stead of pastoral it put on the form of a comedy , or tragedy if the fable be great , or intricate : it must be one ; this aristotle thinks necessary in every poem , and horace lays down this general rule , be every fable simple , and but one : for every poem , that is not one , is imperfect , and this vnity is to be taken from the action : for if that is one , the poem will be so too . such is the passion of corydon in virgil's second eclogue , meliboeus's expostulation with tityrus about his fortune ; theocritus's thyrsis , cyclops , and amaryllis , of which perhaps in its proper place i may treat more largely . let the third rule be concerning the expression , which cannot be in this kind excellent unless borrow'd from theocritus's idylliums , or virgil's eclogues ; let it be chiefly simple , and ingenuous : such is that of theocritus , a kid belongs to thee , and kids are good , or that in virgil's seventh eclogue , this pail of milk , these cakes ( priapus ) every year expect ; a little garden is thy care : thou' rt marble now , but if more land i hold , if my flock thrive , thou shalt be made of gold , than which i cannot imagine more simple , and more ingenuous expressions . to which may be added that out of his palemon , and i love phyllis , for her charms excell ; at my departure o what tears there fell ! she sigh'd , farewell dear youth , a long farewell . now , that i call an ingenuous expression which is clear and smooth , that swells with no insolent words , or bold metaphors , but hath something familiar , and as it were obvious in its composure , and not disguis'd by any study'd and affected , dress : all its ornament must be like the corn and fruits in the country , easy to be gotten , and ready at hand , not such as requires care , labor , and cost to be obtain'd : as hermogenes on theocritus observes ; see how easie and unaffected this sounds , pines murmurings , goatherd , are a pleasing sound , and most of his expressions , not to say all , are of the same nature : for the ingenuous simplicity both of thought and expression is the natural characteristick of pastoral . in this theocritus and virgil are admirable , and excellent , the others despicable , and to be pittied : for they being enfeebled by the meaness of their subject , either creep , or fall flat . virgil keeps himself up by his choice and curious words , and tho his matter for the most part ( and pastoral requires it ) is mean , yet his expressions never flag , as is evident from these lines in his alexis : the glossy plums i 'le bring , and juicy pear , such as were once delightful to my dear : i 'le crop the laurel , and the myrtle tree , confus'dly set , because their sweets agree . for since the matter must be low , to avoid being abject , and despicable , you must borrow some light from the expression ; not such as is dazling , but pure , and lambent , such as may shine thro the whole matter , but never flash , and blind . the words of such a stile we are usually taught in our nurses armes , but 't is to be perfected and polished by length of time , frequent use , study , and diligent reading of the most approved authors : for pastoral is apt to be slighted for the meaness of its matter , unless it hath some additional beauty , be pure , polisht , and so made pleasing , and attractive . therefore never let any one , that designs to write pastorals , corrupt himself with foreign manners ; for if he hath once vitiated the healthful habit , as i may say , of expression , which bucolicks necessarily require , 't is impossible he should be fit for that task . yet let him not affect pompous or dazling expressions , for such belong to epicks , or tragedians let his words sometimes tast of the country , not that i mean , of which volusius's annals , upon which catullus hath made that biting epigram , are full ; for though the thought ought to be rustick , and such as is suitable to a shepherd , yet it ought not to be clownish , as is evident in corydon , when he makes mention of his goats . young sportive creatures , and of spotted hue , which suckled twice a day , i keep for you : these thestilis hath beg'd , and beg'd in vain , but now they 're hers , since you my gifts disdain . for what can be more rustical , than to design those goats for alexis , at that very time when he believes thestylis's winning importunity will be able to prevail ? yet there is nothing clownish in the words . in short , bucolicks should deserve that commendation which tully gives crassus , of whose orations he would say , that nothing could be more free from childish painting , and affected finery . so let the expression in pastoral be without gawdy trappings , and all those little fineries of art , which are us'd to set off and varnish a discourse : but let an ingenuous simplicity , and unaffected pleasing neatness appear in every part ; which yet will be flat , if 't is drawn out to any length , if not close , short , and broken , as that in virgil , he that loves bavius verses , hates not thine : and in the same eclogue , — it is not safe to drive too nigh , the bank may fail , the ram is hardly dry : and in corydon , to learn this art what won't amyntas do ? and in theocritus much of the same nature may be seen ; as in his other pastoral idylliums , so chiefly in his fifth . thus battus in the fourth idyllium , complaining for the loss of amaryllis , dear nymph , dear as my goats , you dy'd . and how soft and tender is that in the third idyllium , and she may look on me , she may be won , she may be kind , she is not perfect stone , and in this concise , close way of expression lies the chiefest grace of pastorals : for in my opinion there 's nothing in the whole composition that can delight more than those frequent stops , and breakings off . yet lest in these too it become dull and sluggish , it must be quickned by frequent lively touches of concernment : such as that of the goatherd in the third idyllium , — i see that i must die : or daphnis's despair , which thyrsis sings in the first idyllium , ye wolves , and pards , and mountain bores adieu , the herdsmen now must walk no more with you. how tender are the lines , and yet what passion they contain ! and most of virgil's are of this nature , but there are likewise in him some touches of despairing love , such as is this of alphesiboeus , nor have i any mind to be reliev'd : or that of damon , i 'le dy , yet tell my love e'en whilst i dy : or that of corydon , he lov'd , but could not hope for love again . for tho pastoral doth not admit any violent passions , such as proceed from the greatest extremity , and usually accompany despair ; yet because despairing love is not attended with those frightful and horrible consequences , but looks more like grief to be pittied , and a pleasing madness , than rage and fury , eclogue is so far from refusing , that it rather loves , and passionately requires them . therefore an unfortunate shepherd may be brought in , complaining of his succesless love to the moon , stars , or rocks , or to the woods , and purling streams , mourning the unsupportable anger , the frowns and coyness of his proud phyllis ; singing at his nymphs door , ( which plutarch reckons among the signs of passion ) or doing any of those fooleries , which are familiar to lovers . yet the passion must not rise too high , as polyphemus's , galateas's mad lover , of whom theocritus divinely thus , as almost of every thing else : his was no common flame , nor could he move in the old arts , and beaten paths of love , no flowers nor fruits sent to oblige the fair , his was all rage , and madness : for all violent perturbations are to be diligently avoided by bucolicks , whose nature it is to be soft , and easie : for in small matters , and such must all the strifes and contentions of shepherds be , to make a great deal of adoe , is as unseemly , as to put hercules's vizard and buskins on an infant , as quintilian hath excellently observ'd . for since eclogue is but weak , it seems not capable of those commotions which belong to the theater , and pulpit ; they must be soft , and gentle , and all its passion must seem to flow only , and not break out : as in virgil's gallus , ah , far from home and me you wander o're the alpine snows , the farthest western shore , and frozen rhine . when are we like to meet ? ah gently , gently , lest thy tender feet sharp ice may wound . to these he may sometimes joyn some short interrogations made to inanimate beings , for those spread a strange life and vigor thro the whole composure . thus in daphnis , did not you streams , and hazels , hear the nymphs ? or give the very trees , and fountains sense , as in tityrus , thee ( tityrus ) the pines , and every vale , the fountains , hills , and every shrub did call : for by this the concernment is express'd ; and of the like nature is that of thyrsis , in virgil's melibaeus , when phyllis eomes , my wood will all be green . and this sort of expressions is frequent in theocritus , and virgil , and in these the delicacy of pastoral is principally contain'd , as one of the old interpreters of theocritus hath observ'd on this line , in the eighth idyllium , ye vales , and streams , a race divine : but let them be so , and so seldom us'd , that nothing appear vehement , and bold , for boldness and vehemence destroy the sweetness which peculiarly commends bucolicks , and in those composures a constant care to be soft and easie should be chief : for pastoral bears some resemblance to terence , of whom tully , in that poem which he writes to libo , gives this character , his words are soft , and each expression sweet . in mixing passion in pastorals , that rule of longinus , in his golden treatise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , must be observ'd , never use it , but when the matter requires it , and then too very sparingly . concerning the numbers , in which pastoral should be written , this is my opinion ; the heroick measure , but not so strong and sounding as in epicks , is to be chosen . virgil and theocritus have given us examples ; for tho theocritus hath in one idyllium mixt other numbers , yet that can be of no force against all the rest ; and virgil useth no numbers but heroick , from whence it may be inferr'd , that those are the fittest . pastoral may sometimes admit plain , but not long narrations , such as socrates in plato requires in a poet ; for he chiefly approves those who use a plain narration , and commends that above all other which is short , and fitly expresseth the nature of the thing . some are of opinion that bucolicks cannot endure narrations , especially if they are very long , and imagine there are none in virgil : but they have not been nice enough in their observations , for there are some , as that in silenus : young chromis and mnasylus chanct to stray , where ( sleeping in a cave ) silenus lay , whose constant cups fly fuming to his brain , and always boyl in each extended vein : his trusty flaggon , full of potent juice , was hanging by , worn out with age , and vse , &c. but because narrations are so seldom to be found in theocritus , and virgil , i think they ought not to be often us'd ; yet if the matter will bear it , i believe such as socrates would have , may very fitly be made use of . the composure will be more suitable to the genius of a shepherd , if now and then there are some short turns and digressions from the purpose : such is that concerning pasiphae in silenus , although t is almost too long ; but we may give viogil a little leave , who takes so little liberty himself . concerning descriptions i cannot tell what to lay do●n , for in this matter our guides , virgil , and theocritus ▪ do not very well agree . for he in his first idyllium makes such a long immoderate description of his cup , that criticks find fault with him , but no such description appears in all virgil ; for how sparing is he in his description of melibaeus's be●chen pot , the work of divine alcimedon ? he doth it in five verses , theocritus runs out into thirty , which certainly is an argument of a wit that is very much at leisure , and unable to moderate his force . that shortness which virgil hath prudently made choice of , is in my opinion much better ; for a shepherd , who is naturally incurious , and unobserving , cannot think that t is his duty to be exact in particulars , and describe every thing with an accurate niceness : yet roncardus hath done it , a man of most correct judgment , and , in imitation of theocritus , hath , considering the then poverty of our language , admirably and largely describ'd his cup ; and marinus in his idylliums hath follow'd the same example . he never keeps within compass in his descriptions , for which he is deservedly blam'd ; let those who would be thought accurate , and men of judgment , follow virgil's prudent moderation . nor can the others gain any advantage from m●schus's europa , in which the description of the basket is very long , for that idyllium is not pastoral : yet i confess , that some descriptions of such trivial things , if not minutely accurate , may , if seldom us'd , be decently allow'd a place in the discourses of shepherds . but tho you must be sparing in your descriptions , yet your comparisons must be frequent , and the more often you use them , the better and more graceful will be the composure ; especially if taken from such things , as the shepherds must be familiarly acquainted with : they are frequent in theocritus , but so proper to the country , that none but a shepherd dare use them . thus menalcas in the eighth idyllium : rough storms to trees , to birds the treacherous snare , are frightful evils ; springes to the hare , soft virgins love to man , &c. and damaetas in virgil's palaemon , woolves sheep destroy , winds trees when newly blown , storms corn , and me my amaryllis frown . and that in the eighth eclogue , as clay grows hard , wax soft in the same fire , so daphnis does in one extream desire . and such comparisons are very frequent in him , and very suitable to the genius of a shepherd : as likewise often repetitions , and doublings of some words : which , if they are luckily plac'd , have an unexpressible quaintness , and make the numbers extream sweet , and the turns ravishing and delightful . an instance of this we have in virgil's meliboeus , phyllis the hazel loves ; whilst phyllis loves that tree , myrtles than hazels of less fame shall be . as for the manners of your shepherds , they must be such as theirs who liv'd in the islands of the happy or golden age : they must be candid , simple , and ingenuous ; lovers of goodness , and justice , affable , and kind ; strangers to all fraud , contrivance , and deceit ; in their love modest , and chast , not one suspitious word , no loose expression to be allowed : and in this part theocritus is faulty , virgil never ; and this difference perhaps is to be ascrib'd to their ages , the times in which the latter liv'd being more polite , civil , and gentile . and therefore those who make wanton love-stories the subject of pastorals , are in my opinion very unadvis'd ; for all sort of lewdness or debauchery are directly contrary to the innocence of the golden age. there is another thing in which theocritus is faulty , and that is making his shepherds too sharp , and abusive to one another ; comatas and lacon are ready to fight , and the railing between those two is as bitter as billingsgate : now certainly such raillery cannot be suitable to those sedate times of the happy age. as for sentences , if weighty , and philosophical , common sense tells us they are not fit for a shepherd's mouth . here theocritus cannot be altogether excus'd , but virgil deserves no reprehension but proverbs justly challenge admission into pastorals , nothing being more common in the mouths of countrymen than old sayings . thus much seem'd necessary to be premis'd out of rapin , for the direction and information of the reader . errata , p. . l. . read the wind . p. . l. . read sight . p. . l. . read shoes . p. . l. . read whilst all . p. . l. . read of my love. theocritus idyllium i. called thyrsis , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a goatherd perswades the shepherd thrysis to bewail daphnis who dy'd for love , and gives him a large cup and goat for a reward . the scene sicily , about the river himera . thyrsis . goatherd , that pine-tree's boughs by yonder spring in pleasing murmurs mix , and sweetly sing : and thou doest sweetly pipe , dear charming swain , and well deserv'st the next reward to pan : if he must have a kid , a goat's thy due , if he a goat , a kid belongs to you : and that 's no mean reward , for kids are good , and till they 're milkt the flesh is dainty food . goatherd . and , sheapherd , sweeter notes thy pipe do fill than murmuring springs that roul from yonder hill . when muses claim a sheep , a lamb 's thy due ; when they a lamb , thou shalt receive a ewe . thyrsis . and will you , by the nymphs , grant one desire , will you to neighbouring shady banks retire , and sit and pipe ? come show thy wond'rous skill , i 'le thank thee for 't , and feed thy goats the while . goatherd . i dare not , faith i dare not pipe at noon , affraid of pan , for when his hunting's done , and he lyes down to sleep by purling streams , he 's very touchy if we break his dreams : but thyrsis ( for you know fair daphnis pains , and singst the best of all the tuneful swains ) let 's go and sit beneath you myrtle boughs , where stands priapus , and the nymphs repose , where thy hut's built and many an acorn grows , and there if thou wilt pipe as sweet a lay as when you strove with † crome and wan the day , i le give thee my best goat , a lovely white ; she suckles two , yet fills three pails at night ; besides a cup with sweetest wax o're lay'd , a fine two-handled pot , and newly made : still of the tool it smells , it neatly shines , and round the brim a creeping ivy twines with crocus mixt ; where kids do seem to bronze , the berryes crop , and wanton in the boughs : within a woman sits , a work divine , thro envious vails her daz●ing beauty's shine , and all around neat woers offer love , they strive , they quarrel , but they cannot move : now smiling here , now there she casts her eyes , and now to these , now those her mind applyes : whilst they , their eyes swoln big with watchful pain , still love , still beg , but all , poor hearts , in vain . near these a fisher on white rocks is set , he seems to gather up to cast his net : he stands as labouring , and his limbs appear all stretcht , and in his face mix hope and fear : the nerves in 's neck are swoln , look firm and strong , all-tho he 's old , and fit for one that 's young : next him ripe grapes in blushing clusters twine , and a fair boy sits by to keep the vine : on either side a fox ; one widely gapes , he eyes the vines , and spoils the ripning grapes : the other minds the skrip , resolv'd to seize and rob the fondling of his bread and cheese ; whilst he sets idly busy , neatly tyes soft tender twigs , and frames a net for flyes ; pleas'd with his vain designes , a careless boy , and more than grapes or skrip he minds the toy . round all a creeping woodbine doth aspire , a † curious sight , i 'me sure you must admire : 't was calydons , but when he crost the seas i bought it for a goat , and rammel cheese : it never toucht my lips , unsoild , and new , and this i freely will present to you , * if you will sing how in the shady grove young daphnis pin'd , and how he dy'd for love. i am in earnest , i will love thee long , and surely mind the favour of thy song . thyrsis . pan raise my voice , pan move my learned tongue , begin sweet muse , begin the rural song : 't is thyrsis song , thyrsis from aetna came , † sweet is his voice , and sounding as his fame : where were you nymphs ? where did the nymphs reside , where were you then when daphnis pin'd and dy'd ? on pindus top , or tempe's open plain ? where careless nymphs forgetful of the swain ? for not one nymph by swift asopus stood , nor aetnas cliff , nor acis sacred flood . pan raise my voice , pan move my learned tongue . begin , sweet muse , begin the rural song : for him the woolves , the pards , and tigers moan'd , for him with frightful grief the lions groan'd : pan raise my voice , pan move my learned tongue , begin sweet muse , begin the rural song . a thousand heifers , bulls , and cows , and steers lay round his feet , and melted into tears : pan raise my voice , pan move my learned tongue , begin sweet muse , begin the rural song . first hermes came , and with a gentle touch he rais'd , and and askt him whom he loved so much ? pan raise my voice , pan move my learned tongue , begin sweet muse , begin the rural song . the plowmen , heardsmen , and the sheapherds came , and askt what ill ? and what had rais'd the flame ? priapus came from neighbouring shades , and said , poor daphnis , why dost pine ? why hang thy head ? † mean while they nymph doth o're the fields complain , she calls the woods , and chides the perjured swain ; pan raise my voice , pan move my learned tongue , begin sweet muse , begin the rural song . ah daphnis loose and wanton in thy love ! a heardsman thought , thou dost a goatherd prove ! a goatherd when he sees the kids at rut sits down , and grieves that he 's not born a goat ; thus when you see the virgins dance , you grieve because refus'd , and now disdain to live : pan raise my voice , pan move my learned tongue , begin sweet muse , begin the rural song . all this young daphnis heard , but mute he sate , indulg'd his grief , and hastened to his fate : pan raise my voice , pan move my learned tongue , begin sweet muse , begin the rural song . then venus came , a smile her face possest , a faint half smile ; fierce anger fill'd her breast : and said , well daphnis you could fight with love , with what success the haughty sheapherd strove ! you scorn'd his bow , and you his darts disgrac't ; but daphnis was not love too strong at last ? pan raise my voice , pan move my learned tongue , begin sweet muse , begin the rural song . and thus the youth reply'd , disdainful foe , ah cruel venus , cursed by all below ? the sun hath told , i fall , but still shall prove midst shades below a deadly plague to love : pan raise my voice , pan move my learned tongue , begin sweet muse , begin the rural song : go , go to ida , there , as story goes , are scenes of pleasure , there anchises does : — go venus , there are shades , and cypress bowers , and labouring bees buz o're the riseing flowers : pan raise my voice , pan move my learned tongue , begin sweet muse , begin the rural song : there lives adonis , there the wondrous fair , there feeds his sheep , shoots beasts , and hunts the hare : † pan raise my voice , pan move my learned tongue , begin sweet muse , begin the rural song : go now stout diomed , go soon pursue , go nose him now , and boast , my arts o'rethrew young daphnis , fight , for i 'me a match for you : pan raise my voice , pan move my learned tongue , begin sweet muse , begin the rural song : ye woolves , ye lions , and ye bores adieu , for daphnis walks no more in woods with you ; adieu fair arethuse , fair streams that swell thro thymbrian plains , ye silver streams farewel : pan raise my voice , pan move my learned tongue , begin sweet muse , begin the rural song : that daphnis i that here my oxen fed , that here my bulls and cows to water led : pan raise my voice , pan move my learned tongue , begin sweet muse , begin the rural song : pan , pan , where e're you keep your sylvan court whether on lyce's tops the satyrs sport , or wanton o're the high menalian hill ; we beg thee visit sicily's fair isle , leave helick's cliff , from licon's tomb remove , a tomb to be admir'd by gods above , pan raise my voice , pan move my learned tongue , begin sweet muse , begin the rural song : come mighty king , come pan , and take my pipe well joyn'd with wax , and sitted to my lip , for now 't is useless grown , love stops my breath , i cannot pipe , but must be mute in death : pan raise my voice , pan move my learned tongue , begin sweet muse , begin the rural song : on every shrub and thorn let lillies smile , let privet berries stain the daffadil ; let all things change , the pine tree's lofty head let mellow pears adorn , since daphni's dead , let deer pursue the dogs , on ever● bush let schreech-owls sit , and chatter with the thrush : pan raise my voice no more , pan stop my tongue , end muses , end , end muse , the rural song : this said he dy'd , fair venus rub'd the swain , and idly strove to bring him back again ; for cruel fate had broken every thread and o're the stygian lake young daphni fled : the cruel waves enclos'd the lovely boy the nymphs delight , and muses chiefest joy : pan raise my voice no more , pan stop my tongue , end muses , end , end muse the rural song give me the cup the promis'd goat produce , that i may milk , and offer to my muse ; hail , muses , hail , all hail ye sacred nine , i 'le still improve , and make my song divine . goat-heard , dear thyrsis ! o! may hony drops distil , and hony combs , thy mouth , dear sheaperd , fill ! it fits thy sweetness , youth , for thyrsis sings more sweet than insects bred in flowry springs : here take the cup , view it , how rare the smell ! as sweet as washt in the springs fragrant well : come * browning , milk her ; kids , forbear to skip , the goat is wanton , kids , and he may leap . idyllium ii. or the inchantment . samoetha being forsaken by delphis resolves to try the force of charms to recover his affection ; applyes herself to the moon as a powerful goddess in both those matters , and after she hath sent away her maid , tells the story of her misfortune . to george pitt jun. esquire . maid , where 's my lawrel ? oh my rageing soul ! maid , where 's the potion ? fill the bason full , and crown the narrow brim with purple wool : that i might charm my false , my perjur'd swain , and force him back into my arms again : for cruel he these twelve long days hath fled , and knows not whether i 'me alive or dead : he hath not broke my doors these twelve long days , ah me ! perhaps his varying love decays , or else he dotes upon another face . i 'le run to morrow to the fencing house , and ask him what he means to use me thus : but now i 'le charm him , moon , shine brignt and clear , to thee i will direct my secret prayer ; to thee , and hecate , whom dogs do dread when stain'd with gore , she stalks amidst the dead : hail frightful hecate , assist me still make mine as great as fam'd medea's skill : * jynx restore my false , my perjur'd swain and force him back into my arms again . first burn the flowr , then strew the * other on , strew it . how ? where 's your sense and duty gone ? base thestylis ! and am i so forlorn , and grown so low that i 'me become your scorn ! but strew the * salt , and say in angry tones i scatter delphids , perjur'd delphids bones . jynx restore my false , my perjur'd swain and force him back into my arms again . first delphid injur'd me , he rais'd my flame , and now i burn this bough in delphids name : as this doth blaze , and break away in fume , how soon it takes ! let delphids flesh consume . jynx restore my false , my perjur'd swain , and force him back into my arms again . as this devoted wax melts ore the fire let mindian delphy melt in warm desire , and , venus , as i whirl this brazen bowl , before my doors let perjur'd delphid rowl : jynx restore my false , my perjur'd swain , and force him back into my arms again . now now i strow the flowr , moon you can bow e'en rhadamanth , and all that 's fierce below , hark thestilis our dogs begin to howl , the goddess comes , go beat the brazen bowl . jynx restore my false , m● perjur'd swain , and force him back into my arms again . the sea grows smooth , and ease becalms my wind , but griefs still rage , and toss my troubled mind : i burn for him , for him whose arts betraid and wrought my shame , for i 'me no more a maid . jynx restore my false , my perjur'd swain , and force him back into my arms again . thrice , thrice i pour , and thrice repeat my charms , what ever boy or maid now fills his arms , let dark oblivion spread o're delphids mind , as dark as that , that once did * theseus blind when he at naxos left his love behind . hippomanes a plant arcadia bears , this makes steeds mad , and this excites the mares , and oh that i could see my delphid come from th' oyly feneing house so raveing home . jynx restore my false , my perjur'd swain , and force him back into my arms again . this piece from dear false delphids garment torn i tear again , and am resolv'd to burn , ah cruel love ! ah most relentless god , why like a leech still eager on his food , dost wound my heart , and suck out all my blood ? jynx restore my false , my perjur'd swain , and force him back into my a●ms again . a lizzard squeez'd shall make a powerful bowl to morrow , strong to tame his stubborn soul : now take these poysons , i 'le procure thee more , and strew them at the threshold of his door , that door where violent love hath fixt my mind , tho he regards not ; cruel and vnkind ! strew them , and spitting say in angry tones , i scatter delphids , perjur'd delphids bones . jynx restore my false , my perjur'd swain , and force him back into my arms again . now i 'me alone shall i lament my state ? but where shall i begin ? what wrought my fate ? anaxo eubul's daughter neatly drest begd me to go and see diana's feast , for fame had to●d , wild beasts must there be shown in solem pomp , a lioness was one . tell sacred moon what first did raise thy flame , and whence my pain , and whence my passion came . with hers my nurse , did all her vows unite , and bad me go , for 't would be worth my ●ight , so forc't , and finely drest , in pomp and state i went , attended by an evil fate . tell sacred moon what first did raise my flame and whence my pain , and whence my passion came . near lyco's house break thro the yielding throng , i saw my delphis , vigorous , stout , and young , a golden down spread o re his youthful chin , his breast , bright moon , was brighter far than thine : for spread with glorious oyl he lately came from noble fenceing , and from winning fame : tell sacred moon what first did raise my flame and whence my pain , and whence my passion came . oh when i saw , how did the sight surprize ! my soul took fire , and sparkeld thro my eyes , my color chang'd , regardless of the show i hasted home , but came i know not how ; a burning feavour seiz'd my thoughtful head , and twelve long days and nights i kept my bed , tell sacred moon what first did raise my flame , and whence my pain , and whenc● my passion came my rosy color d'yd into a pale , my eyes grew dim , my hair began to fall , meer skin and bones , i liv'd , i breath'd and prayd , and sought to every cunning man for aid : all charms were try'd , and various figures cast , but ah no help , and time did swiftly wast : tell sacred moon what first did raise my flame , and whence my pain , and whence my passion came . at last i told my maid the naked truth , go thestilis , have pitty on my youth ; go find some cure to ease my rageing smart ; young delphid is the tyrant of my heart : go to the fenceing house , ther 's his delight , for there he walks , and there he loves to sit . tell sacred moon what first did raise my flame , and whence my pain , and whence my passion came . and if alone , give him a gentle nod , and softly tell him that samaetha wou'd ( speak , speak , tho modest fear doth strike thee dumb ) enjoy him here , and beg him he would come . she went , she found , and told him what i said , he gladly heard , and eagerly obey'd . but when he came , how great was the surprize chills shook my soul , and i grew cold as ice : tell sacred moon what first did raise my flame , and whence my pain , and whence my passion came . cold sweat slow'd down my cheeks like driving rain , and when i strove to speak , i strove in vain ; no noise would come , not such as lull●d in rest young infants murmur o're their mothers breast : no sign of life did thro my limbs appear , but i grew stiff , stiff as this gold i wear : tell sacred moon what first did raise my flame , and whence my pain , and whence my passion came . then cruel he sate down , he prest my bed , his eyes were fixt , and as he sate he said , samoetha you do me as far surpass , as i philistus when we ran the race ; too quick for me in this your kind intent , you did my hast , tho not my wish prevent . tell sacred moon what first did raise my flame , and whence my pain , and whence my passion came . for i had come at night , by love t is true , unsent for i had come to wait on you : with apples in my lap , with * poplar crown'd with ivy twin'd , and ribbonds neatly bound : tell sacred moon what first did raise my flame , and whence my pain , and whence my passion came . where if admitted t' had been kindly done for i am thought the beauty of the town ; and tho perhaps i wisht for greater bliss i would have been contented with a kiss ; but if deny'd , or flam'd with dull delay streight fire and force had come , and broke a way : tell sacred moon what first did raise my flame , and whence my pain , and whence my passion came . but now to venus my first thanks are due , the next samoetha must be paid to you , to you samoetha , you , whose gentle hand from raging fires secur'd the flaming brand , and saved poor half-burnt me , for love doth raise fires fierce as those that in hot aetna blaze ; tell sacred moon what first did raise my flame , and whence my pain , and whence my passion came . young tender maids to unknown madness drives , and from warm husbands arms it forces wives : thus he , and heedless i believ'd too soon , he prest my hand in his , and laid me down on the soft bed , when streight lock't arm in arm in strickt embraces both grew gently warm ; our breath was hot and short , we panting lay , we look't , we murmur'd , and we dy'd away : our cheeks did glow , and fainting vertue strove , at last it yielded to the force of love : but what need all this talk ? bright sacred moon , both were well pleas'd , and some strange thing was done : and ever since we lov'd , and liv'd at ease , no sullen minutes broke our happiness ; till ●oon this morning e're the sun could rise , and drive his charriot thro the yielding skies to fetch the rosy morn from waves below , i heard the fatal news , and knew my woe : my maids own mother , she that lives hard by an honest woman , and she scorns to ly ; she came and askt me , is your delphid kind ? and have you firm posession of his mind ? for i am sure , but whether maid or boy i cannot tell , he courts another joy : for he drinks healths , and when those healths are past , he must be gone , and goes away in hast : besides with garlands all his rooms are drest , and he prepares , as for a marriage feast ; this as as she walkt last night she chanc't to view , and told it me , and oh , i fear 't is true ! for he was wont to come twice , thrice a day , he saw me still as he return'd from play ; but now since he was here twelve nights are past , am i forgotten ? am i left at last ? whilst perjur'd he for other beauty burns , my love i 'me sure deserv'd more kind returns , but now i 'le charm , but if he scorns me still i 'le force him down to hell , by fate , i will : such powerful drugs a witch did once impart she taught me such strange charms , such force of art : but now farewel bright moon , turn lovely moon to waves below , and drive thy charriot down , go lovely moon , and wake the sleepy morn : i 'le bear my trouble still , as i have born ; farewel , and you attending stars that wheel round nights black axle-tree , bright stars , farewel . idyllium iii. the goatherd . he repines at the coyness of his mistriss and ends in despair . i go to phyllis , and on yonder rock my goats are fed , and tityrus keeps my flock ; dear tityrus watch , and see the goats be fed , to morning pastures , evening waters led , but ' ware the lybian ridgling's butting head : ah lovely phyllis why so wondrous coy ! why wo'nt you take me to the promis'd joy ? why wo'nt you meet me now in yonder grove lean on my breast , and kiss , and call me love ? dost hate me , phyllis ? do's my nose when near seem hookt , too long my beard , and rough my hair ? am i deform'd ? displeasing to thy eye ! grown ugly now ! i see that i must dye : ten apples i have sent , you show'd the tree , ten more to morrow ; all i pluck for thee ; could i enjoy what e're my wish can crave , i 'de turn that bee that flies into thy cave , there softly thro thy shady garland creep , and steal a kiss when you are fast asleep ; i know what love is now , a cruel god , a tygress bore , and nurst him in a wood ; a cruel god , he shoots thro every vein , and fires my bones , have pitty on my pain : dear , black ey'd sweet , all stone , ah lovely face , be kind again , and grant one kind embrace ; do , clasp thy humble swain , and grant one kiss , e'en empty kisses have a secret bliss . i rave , and i shall tear the crowns i made , of fragrant parsly twin'd , to grace your head ; ah me ! unhappy me ! what pains i bear ? ah me ! undone ! yet you refuse to hear : my jerkin's off , i 'le leap into the flood from you high rock , where olpis often stood to snare his trouts ; and tho i do not drown 't will please thee phyllis , sure , to hear 't was done : all this i knew : when i design'd to prove whether i should be happy in my love , i prest the long-live , but invain did press , it gave no lucky sound of good success : to agrio too i made the same demand , a cunning woman she , i crost her hand ; she turn'd the sieve and sheers , and told me true , that i should love , but not be lov'd by you : i have a pretty goat , a lovely white , she bears two kids , yet fills three pails at night , this tawny bess hath beg'd , and beg'd in vain , but now 't is hers since you my gifts disdain : my right eye itches now , and shall i see my love ? i 'le sit and pipe by yonder tree , and she may look on me , she may be won , she may be kind , she is not perfect stone : when young hippomanes sought the maids embrace , he took the golden fruit , and ran the race . but when she view'd , how strong was the surprize ! her soul took fire , and sparkled thro her eyes , how did her passions , how her fury move ! how soon she leapt into the deepest love ! from aetna's top to pyle melampus drove his tender flock , and met a noble love : wise alphisb's mother opened all her charms to bias eyes , and wanton'd in his arms : adonis liv'd a swain , and yet the boy fir'd venus breast , she prov'd so mad for joy that ir her lap she warm'd his dying head , kisst his cold lips , and would not think him dead : tho young endymion fed ten thousand sheep , i envy nothing but his lasting sleep : i envy jason's happy dreams , my dear , they tasted joys which no prophane must hear , joys too divine for an unhallow'd ear : ah me my head ! but who regards my pain ! i 'le fall , despair , and never pipe again : a prey to woolvs , 't will be a dainty feast , and sweeter far than hony to thy tast . idyllium iv. battus and corydon in a pastoral way discourse of several things . to his good friend mr. e. lyde of horspath . b. whose herds ? philonda's ? tell whose herds they are , c. aegon 's , for aegon gave them to my care , b. do'nt you play false , and sometimes milk a cow , by stealth ? c. no , my old master eyes me so , gives the calves suck , and watches what i do : b. but where is aegon ? where 's the herdsman gone ? c. what ha'nt you heard ? for sure the story 's known , b. not i , i live out of the road of fame : c. milo hath him drawn to th' olympian game : b. and what will he do there , rude artless swain ? c. but yet his strength is fam'd o're all the plain ; as big as hercules , as stout and strong , b. more known for brutal force , than fam'd for song : c. he nere plaid cudgels but he broak a head , stout castor's match i 'me sure my mother said : a score of * sheep he carried , and a spade , b. what will not milo do , that can perswade this clown to leave his wealth , and court a shade ? c. his cows here want him , and mourn o're the plain : b. poor beasts ! and how unhappy in a swain ! c. poor beasts ! they will not eat , but idlely low ; b. ah careless herdsman ! look on yonder cow , poor beast i pitty her , how gastly thin ! her bones are creeping thro the famisht skin : see you may tell her ribs , her entrails view : what , like an insect , doth she feed on dew ? c. no ; and i hope to see her shortly prove , she sometimes doth in latym's shady grove and sometimes o're asaru's pastures stray , and there i feed her at a rack of hay : b. look that red bull is iean , meer skin and bone , may the lampridoe , when they would attone great juno's anger ; meet with such a one ; lean be his aged flesh , corrupt his blood , for they deserv't , ah t is a cursed brood : c. and yet i feed him , by the springs he goes , or in neoetha's plains , where plenty flows , the gilcup cowslip , and the dazy grows : b. ah wretched aegon here thy oxen dye whilst you pursue a foolish victory : thy best new pipe is spoyl'd , t is mouldy grown , alas it must be spoyl'd now thou art gone : c. no fear of that , for when he went away he gave it me , and , battus , i can play : i sing smooth phyrrhus songs , i gain renown to croto , zacynth is a pretty town , lacinius rises proudly to the east , there aegon once eat eighty cakes at least : there did i see him whilst he bravely strove , draw down the bull , and give him to his love , to amaryllis , all with joy were fill'd the women shouted , and the herdsman smil'd : b. ah lovely amaryllis , you alone do still possess my mind , tho dead and gone ; dear as my goats you dy'd , and left me here ah me how hard 's my fate , and how severe ! c. cheer up , dear battus , better days may come to morrow , chance , may bring a milder doom : th● alive may hope , the dead are hopeless , lost ; jove sometimes smiles , and sometimes frowns in frost : b. i do cheer up , but drive your heifers down they spoil my olives , browning , hist , begone : c. hah , colly , to the bank : not stir by jove ? if i come to ye , in faith , i 'le make ye move : see now she runs this way ; a cursed cow ! had i my paddle thou shouldst feel me now : b. look here for god's sake , oh it pricks , it pricks ! i 've caught a thorn , oh me how deep it sticks ! pray pull it out , dost see it ? look 't is there ; pox take the cow , i 'me sure 't was long of her : c. i have it out , 't was this , come , all is well , b. how small the wound , yet what vast courage fell ! c. ne're walk ore mountains , swain , without your shoe , for there are thorns , and there sharp prickles grow : b. but swain , does thy old master still pursue his old sweet-heart , or doth he court a new ; c. his old one still , poor wretch ! in yonder grove i trac'd , and found them in a scene of love : b. oh brave old lusty goat ! thy race may vye with small shank't pan's , or satyr's leachery ! idyllium v. the goatherd comatas , and herdsman laco contend in singing , they lay a wager , and chuse morso judge : the victory is determin'd on the goatherd's side . to owen salisbury esquire . c. fly goats fly laco , fly , and safely feed ; he stole my skin last night , dear goats take heed : l. lambs do'nt you fly the springs ? lambs don't you fear , when he that lately stole my pipe 's so near ? c. thy pipe ! what pipe hadst thou , thou slavish lout , couldst thou and corydon do ought but toot on oaten straws , to please the foolish rout ? l. the pipe that lycon gave , free haughty fool ; but pray what skin was that that laco stole ? what skin comatas ? where couldst thou have one ? thy master wants a skin to sleep upon : c. that spotted skin which , when he kill'd a goat to th' nymphs , dick gave ; which you , you envious sot , then griev'd to see ; and now by knavish theft hast rob'd me of , 't was all that i had left : l. by pan not laco , not calaithis son did steal thy pipe , or know by whom 't was done ; if this be'nt true , may i grow frantick , leap from yonder rocks , and sink into the deep : c. and by the fountain nymphs , ( those nymphs i find my constant friends , still generous and kind ) comatas did not steal thy pipe , believe that this is true , and i thy fault forgive : l. if i believe thee may i bear the pains that daphnis bore , but since you boast your strains , come stake a goat , i 'le pipe when e're you will , till you grow weary , and confess my skill : c. a sow , minerva : i 'me content to lay a kid , you stake a lamb , and then let 's play : l. and how 's that equal ? oh you crafty fool , pray who goats hair did ever shoer for wool ? c. he that 's as sure as you are to excel , ( tho wasps with grasshoppers may strive as well ) but since you think a kid no equal stake , look there 's a full-grown goat , you shan't draw back : l. soft , soft , good sir ; and let us hence remove , there 's better singing in that shady grove ; for there cold water flows , there herbs do spring , and there are grassy beds , and locusts sing : c. i 'me not in hast , but yet i 'me vext to see , that thou shouldst dare at last to strive with me ; with me who when a boy did teach thee strains , are these the kind returns for all my pains ? but breed a woolf , or an ungrateful bear , and he 'l devour thee for thy former care : l. pray when did i , you envious railing sot , e're learn , or hear from you one graceful note ? but pray come hither , here are beds of grass and here wee 'l sing , 't is a convenient place : c. i 'le not go thither , here are cypress bowers , here labouring bees buz o're the riseing flowers ; here two cold streams , and here a fountain flows , and pratling birds do murmur thro the boughs : thy shade's not half so good , here pines do grow , rear lofty heads , and scatter nuts below : l. no rather go with me , and every step shall tread on lamb skins wool more soft than sleep ; in thine are goat skins spread of gastly hue , they smell as rank , nay allmost worse than you : one bowl of milk i to the nymphs will crown , and one of oyl , if that will draw thee on : c. no , go with me , for mine are fairer bowers ; there thou shalt tread upon the sweetest flowers : besides o're all i 'le spread a lovely skin , 't is ten times softer , and as sweet as thine : eight bowls of milk to pan i 'le freely crown , of hony eight , if that will draw thee on : l. come then i 'le go , the doubt at last is clear'd your skins , your shades shall be for once preferr'd ; but who shall judge , and who shall hear us play ? i wish the herdsman licop came this way : c. i don't care much for him , but here 's as good morson the keeper of our master's wood , he makes your faggots , and if you 'l consent wee 'l call him , he shall be our judge , l. content : c. then call him : l. friend , come here , we now contest : which tunes the rural pipe , which sings the best , whose art is greatest must be judg'd by thee , judge right , and neither favor him , nor me : c. no , morson , let desert thy judgement guide , be faire to both , and lean to neither side ; this flock is thurius flock , and these forsooth eumara's goats ; that you may know us both : l. did any ask to whom these flocks belong , to me , or thurius ? oh thou hast a tongue ! c. what ere i say , i me sure , is nought but truth , i scorn to boast ; but you 've a railing mouth : l. sing , sing , but let thy friend return again , alive ; comatas ! oh how sweet a swain ! c. me more than daphnis all the muses love , two kids i lately offer'd in a grove : l. and me apollo loves , a wanton steer i feed to offer , for his feast is near : c. i milk two goats ; a maid in yonder plain : lookt on , and sigh'd , dost milk thy self , poor swain ! l. ha , laco , hah , full twenty fats can fill with cheese , and hath a lovely youth at will : c. the fair calistris , as my goats i drove , with apples pelts me , and still murmurs love : l. and me smooth cratid , when he meets me , fires ; i burn , i rage , and am all wild desires : c. who with the rose , whose flower the bush adorns , compares the meaner beauties of the thorns ? l. and who will sloes with damzen plums compare ? for those are black , and these are lovely fair : c. i 'le give my dear a dove , in yonder woods i 'le climb , and take her down , for there she broods : l. a fleece to make a coat , when first i sheer black rams , i will present unto my dear : c. goats from the olives , come and feed below , by this declineing bank ; there myrtles grow : l. ho , sharp-horn , browning , leave those hurtful weeds ' and come and graze this way , where colly feeds : c. i have a cypress pail , and cup ; 't is new , well wrought , and this , my love , i keep for you : l. i have a sturdy spock , it woolvs will seize , with this my boy may hunt what beasts he please : c. you locusts , you , that o're my fences throng , hurt not my vines too much , for they are young : l. see grasshoppers , see how i nearly touch the goatherd , reapers you provoke as much : c. i hate the brush tail'd fox , he comes at night , eats myco's vines ; and then prepares for flight : l. i hate the beetles , for they always prey on my philonda's figgs ; then whisk away : c. and do'nt you mind , when i — you know the trick — , you wanton'd , la●ght , and clung to yonder stick : l. not that : but when your master us'd to bind and lash you there , i know ; for that i mind : c. he 's angry , morson : art thou frantick swain ? go gather scilla , that will purge thy brain : l. morson , i nettle him , i vex him more , swain thou art mad , go gather helebore : c. with milk himera , and let crathis slow with purple wine ; let figgs on brambles grow : l. let sybaris roul hony , every urn my servant dips with flowing combs return : c. my goats eat thyme , on figgs they freely brouze , they walk on flaggs , and ly on tender boughs : l. my sheep eat parsly , thro the fields they stray , they crop sweet flowers , and dazies all the day : c. i love not alcipp ; ( she i hop'd would prove more kind ) when i presented her a dove , she did not clasp , and kiss , and call me love ; l. i love eumedes much , i gave my pipe , how sweet a kiss he gave ; ah charming lip ! c. thou art contentious , lacon , end thy strains ; pyes should not strive with thrushes , owls with swans : morson . end , shepherd , end thy strains , and dye for shame , for morson says comatas wins the lamb : go offer to the muse , and send a peice to morson , for he claims it as his fees : comatas . i will by pan , my goats all leap for joy : and i 'le frisk too , i 'le leap into the sky : i 'le toot at lacon , i have won the lamb , go foolish shepherd , pine , and dye for shame ▪ frisk , goats , and leap ; in sybaris purling spring i 'le wash you all , and all the while i 'le sing : push not the kids , you goat , till i have done the sacrifice , if you dare push but one , thou shalt — how now ? well , thou shallt smart for this , or may comatas , he that wan the prize , forget his pipe , and loose his flock , be poor ; and basely beg his bread at laco's door . idyllium vi. damaetas and daphnis , meeting at noon , sing ; daphnis applies his song to polyphemus , who was in love with galataea , and damaetas in his person answers . to thomas wyndham of lincolns inn , esquire . damaetas and the herdsman daphnis drove their flocks to feed , and took one shady grove ; the one was bearded , of a charming grace , the other young ; down cloath'd his lovely face ; they sate and wanton'd by a purling spring i' th middays heat ; and thus began to sing ; the lowing herds lay round , and quencht their thirst ; first : daphnis sang , for he had challeng'd first : daphnis . fair galataea from the smiling deep with apples , polyphemus , pelts thy sheep ; ( see from the shore they all with hast remove ) and says a goatherd's an unskilful love : but you poor wretch , ah wretch ! ne're view the maid , but sit , and pipe ; and call to floods for aid : see there again , see how she pelts thy spock , the faithful dog that keeps thy wandring flock ; hah , how he barks ! and in a wild amaze looks o're the flood ! and whilst by shores he strays his shadow in the quiet water plays : ah! call him back , lest when the maid appears he rushes on , and her fair limbs he tears : but there she wantons , she , the charming fair , as down of thistles in the summer air ; and driven still by an unlucky fate flies those that love , and follows those that hate : her ways are foolish , and in vain she trys ; but , polyphem , mean things do oft surprize , for love is magick , and deceives the eys : damaetas . and next damaetas sang ; i chanc't to look , by pan i did , whilst she did pelt my flock ; she could not scape this eye , this single one by which i see , and will , till life is gone ; tho tellemus foretells strange ills to come , oh let him take , and keep his ills at home , and for his children treasure up the doom ! but straightways i , to raise her flame the more , seem not to see her trace the yielding shore ; but can pretend i court another miss ; then how she frets , good god! and how she dys ! oh with what eager hast she leaves the waves ! my folds she searches , and looks o're my caves : besides , my dog , he is at my command , shall bark at her and gently bite her hand : for whilst she was my love , the only she , he fawn'd , and laid his head upon her knee : this if i practise long , shee 'l strive to move , and send a message to declare her love : but i will shut my door , and scorn to heed , unless she swears that she will grant her bed ; for i 'me not ugly , for last night i stood and view'd my figure in a quiet stood ; let men say what they will , my face is fair , my beard is fine , i 'me sure ; and neat my hair , and this one eye , in my opinion , rare : i have a set of teeth , a finer white no parian marble boasts , a lovely sight : but lest she charm me , i have murmur'd thrice , spit thrice for old cotytto taught me this ; she that of late in rich hyppocoon's room sate mids't the reapers , and sang harvest home : thus sang damaetas , and with eager joy young daphnis kisst , and claps't the lovely boy : i gave them gifts that suited with their youth , a pipe , and flute ; and so i pleas'd them both : the jocund heifers wanton'd o're the fields whilst both unconquer'd stand , and neither yields : idyllium . vii . theocritus was entertain'd by phrasidamus and antigones licop's sons , and invited into the country to a feast they then kept : as he was going he meets lycidas the cretan , and each sings of his love. to mr. tho curganven . now ceres feast , was come , the corn was grown , when i , and dear eumedes left the town , amyntas made a third ; we all design'd to pay a visit to a special friend , rich licop's son , for then he kept the feast , and kindly bad me be a welcome guest : rich lycop's son , the glory of the plains , for generous blood runs thro his noble veins ; from chalco down it came , the brave , the bold , and gather'd still fresh honors as it roll'd . from chalco down , that he , by whose command the bourian spring o' reflows the fruitful land , around it dazies grow , and all above tall poplars spread , and make a shady grove : scarce had we gone thro half the neighbouring plain , by brasil's tomb we met a museing swain : his name was lycidas , the gay the young , a cretan born , and fam'd for rural song : soon as we saw him , he by all was known to be a goatherd , for he lookt like one : for o're his shoulders hairy skins were spread , they smelt as newly tand , or newly flead ; a tatter'd mantle o're his breast was cast , and ty'd with an old girdle to his wast ; his right hand with a knotty crab was fill'd ; he lookt on me , and as he lookt , he smil'd : gay , vigorous , sweet , and in the pride of youth , and as he spake a smile sat on his mouth : where , smichidas , where now at burning noon , what urgent business makes thee leave the town ? whilst bleating flocks do seek the shades and cool , and every lizzard creeps into his hole ? what feast invites , or now i view your dress , who treads his grapes , and calls you to the press ? hark how at every step , you walk so fast , the stones resound , and tell you are in hast : and i reply'd ; dear glory of the plains how great , how just a praise commends thy strains ? dear skilful piper , fame does loudly tell that you the reapers , and the swains excel , i 'me glad on 't , tho i think i pipe as well . we go to ceres feast , this way we bend , and make a visit to a special friend , he keeps it now , for she hath throng'd his floor ; and payes the early tributes of his store : but since we walk one way , since time perswades , and we are far remov'd from gloomy shades ; let 's pipe , and wanton as we walk along , for we may please each other with a song : for i can sing , and by our flattering youth i 'me prais'd , and call'd the charming muses mouth ; they say i pipe the best , and would deceive by praise ; but i 'me not easy to believe : my songs are mean , my pipe claims no repute compar'd to sceli's or phileta's flute ; they me , and thus convince the flattering vogue , as locusts tunes excell the croaking frog : thus i designdly ; then he smil'd , and said , what glories , smichidas , adorn thy head ? here take this club , this token of my love , 't is justly thine , thou care of mighty jove : i hate the mason , that , to boast his skill , would raise a house to equal yonder hill : and those that rival the sicilian swain , i hate as much , and think their hopes as vain : but come , let 's sing the song i lately made , my goats fed round , and wanton'd as i play'd ; see if you like it ; it hath pleas'd the swains , and sounds the best and newest of the plains : kind breathing gales to mitylenian shores shall wast my agis , nymphs shall guide his oars ; tho rainy south-winds angry waves do raise , and rough orion steps into the seas ; oh would he ease my pains , give just returns , and love for love , for him the goatherd burns : let halcyons smooth the seas , the storms allay and skim the floods before him all the way : the nymphs lov'd bird , of all that haunt the flood , skim o're the waves , and dive for swimming food : let my dear agis , cut the angry tide , and reach his port , and there securely ride ; for then with violets or with roses crownd i 'le sport a glass , and see his health go round ; i 'le tost my beans , to raise pall'd appetite . make me drink on , and lengthen the delight : whilst strecht on beds i 'le spend my easy hours , and roul , till i have lost my self in flowers : then to his health i 'le sport a lusty bowl , and pour dear agis love into my soul : two swains shall pipe , the best of all the youth , and skillful richards voice shall joyn with both , how herdsman daphnis did for xenea burn , trace o're the woods , complaining of her scorn : how groves , and echoes to his groans reply'd , and smooth himera murmur'd when he dy'd : for he , as snow when summer heats the grove of aetna , melted by the flame of love : and how when force weak innocence opprest , the swain was shut alive into a chest . and how the labouring bees in every plain forsook their flowers , and buz'd about the swain , because the muse had fill'd his charming mouth with nectar , and preserv'd the pious youth : happy comatas , happy thou , the blest and wondrous darling at the muses feast ; full twelve months nourisht by the labouring bee , oh had i then been born and liv'd with thee ! then had i fed thy flock , and heard thy pipe , paid with a tune , and hung upon thy lip ; whilst by a shady tree , or purling spring divine comatas , thou shouldst sit and sing : thus he , then i , dear swain , whilst o're the hill i drove the herds , the muse improv'd my skill , sweet tunes she taught , which same hath rais'd above , and bore on high to please the ears of jove : but this is choicest which i 'le now produce to pleasure thee , thou darling of the muse . love sneez'd on smichid , for he myrto loves as much as goats the spring , or swains the groves : aratus too his dearest friend and joy , his dear aratus deeply loves the boy : and this sweet acis knows , the gay , the young ; acis , a theme for great apollo's song : he knows how dear aratus loves , he knows how great his flame , and how his passion grows : pan , green homala's guardian , move the coy the soft philinus ; and enflame the boy ; grown wanton , gay , and lavish of his charms , uncall'd for let him fly into his arms : ye smileing loves , fair venus soft delight , like ruddy apples pleasing to the sight , leave bybli's fountain , leave her purling streams that scorch the fields with her forbidden flames , and shoot philinus , wound his stubborn mind , shoot ; for he hath no pitty for his friend ; tho soft as parsly , tender as the vine , and oh that he would clasp his arms in mine ! mean while the weomen cry , and shake their heads ah! ah ! philinus , ah thy beauty fades ! but dear aratus let 's endure no more forget our love , and fly the hated door : and when the cock calls forth the morning beams , let broaken slumbers mixt with frighful dreams disturb his thoughts , and by the neighbouring gate ah! let him hang , and none bewail the fate : let us mind rest , and let 's provide a charm to keep us safe , and free from future harm : thes'e songs we sung , and with a cheerful smile his crook he gave me , to reward my skill ; take it , he said , 't is mean , yet do'nt refuse , it is a pledge of friendship from a muse : this said we parted , for invain we prest we could not force him to the promis'd feast : there lycop's son , and all his friends around with sweet amyntas sate with roses crown'd : we lay , we wanton'd on a flowry bed , where fragrant mastick , and where vines were spread , and round us poplars rais'd their shady head : just by a spring with pleasing murmurs flow'd , in every bush , and thicket of the wood sweet insects sang , and sighing turtles coo'd . the labouring bees buz'd round the purling spring , their hony gather'd , and forgot their sting : sweet summers choicest fruits , and autum's pride pears by our head , and apples by our side lay round in heaps ; and loaden plums did stand with bending boughs , to meet the reaching hand : to please us more he pierc't a cask of wine , t was four years old , and from a noble vine ; castalian nymphs , ye nymphs that still reside on steep parnassus , and command his pride , did e're old chiron , did he e're produce for great alcides such rich bowls of juice ? did polyphem the vast sicilian swain , that darted mountains o're the frighted main , drink wine like this , did e're such bowls advance his love-sick thoughts , and raise him to a dance ? as then you gladly mixt to every guest , and poured on cere's altars at her feast ? oh may she often fill the fruitful plain , and may i tread the reeks , and fix the fan ; whilst joyful she with smiles just thanks receives , and holds in either hand full bending sheaves . idyllium viii . daphnis and menalcas sing for a wager , a goatherd is chosen judge , who determines daphnis his song to be the best . to richard hicks of the mid. t. esquire . the heardsman daphnis walking o're the plain the gay menalcas met , a sheapard swain ; both yellow locks adorn'd , and both were young , both rarely pip'd ; and both divinely sung ; then first menalcas rais'd his lovely head , and spake , and smil'd on daphnis as he said ; m. come , heardsman daphnis will you pipe with me , i vow i 'me sure that i can conquer thee ; i 'me sure i can excel thee as i will : d. and daphnis thus reply'd ; you boast your skill menalcas , but i 'me sure you can't excel , for pipe untill you burst i pipe as well : m. and shall we try ? d. yes swain , i know my skill ; m. and will you lay a wager ? d. yes i will : m. what will you lay , what equal to our fame ? d. i 'le stake a calf , you stake a full-grown lamb : m. i cannot stake a lamb , for should i lose , my father 's jealous , and my mother cross ; these watch , they know how many lambs i keep , both count my lambs at night , and one my sheep ; d. what then ? and what shall he that conquers , gain ? m. i have a pipe , 't is new , of sounding cane , waxt at both ends , and tho i 'le stake no prize that is my father's , yet i 'le venture this : d. and i have one , white wax both ends secures it sounds as well , and is as new as yours : for when i made it , as i cleft the reeds one prickt me , look e'en now my finger bleeds ; but since we venture , since such pipes we lay wha● man shall judge , and who shall hear us play ? m. we'el call that goath●rd , look , the swain is near , our dog barks at him , he perhaps will hear : the sheapherds call'd , the goatherd streight obey'd , the goatherd judg'd , and thus the sheapherds play'd : menalcas first , then daphnis tun'd his cane , by turns they sang , menalcas first began : m. ye vales , ye springs that flow from distant seas , if e're the sweet menalcas songs did please , then feed my lambs , if daphnis drives his kine to graze them here , feed his as well as mine : d. ye herbs and flowers , ye glory of the vales , if daphnis songs are sweet as nightingales then feed my herds ; if thro the flowry mead menalcas drives , then let his lambs be fed : m. there pastures flourish , there the duggs do fill , the lambs are suckled , and the sheapherds smile where my boy comes , but when he leaves the place the sheapherd wither's o're the fading grass : d. there sheep , there goats bear twins , there labouring bees do sill their hives , and there rise prouder trees , where milo treads , but when he leaves the place , the herdsman withers , and the herd decays : m. o goat , the white kids husband , stately oaks , o flat-nos'd kids make hast to purling brooks for there he is , go , let the boy be show'd that proteus fed his sea calves , tho a god : d. not pelops land , not heaps of gold refind i wish , nor swiftness to outstrip the wind , but let me fit and sing by yonde● rock , clasp thee my dear , and view my feeding flock : m. rough storms to trees , to birds the treacherous snare , are frightful evils , springes to the hare ; soft virgins love to man ; oh mighty jove , not i alone , but thou hast stoopt to love : thus sang the youths by turns , and pleas'd the swain , and thus menalcas the last part began , m. woolf spare my lambs , and let them safely bleat ▪ for i am little , and my fold is great ; how , white-foot , how so soon , so fast asleep ; is this your care , do you thus watch my sheep ? i faith you shall not sleep when one so young as i , is sheapherd ; and engag'd in song : but feed dear flock , and crop the flowry plain , feed , never fear , the grass will grow again : fill well your duggs , that when night spreads her vail the lambs may suck ; and i may fill my pail : and next fair daphnis sang — d. and as i drove my herd , a lovely maid stood peeping from a cave ; she smild , and said , daphnis is lovely , ah a lovely youth ; what smiles , what graces sit upon his mouth ! i made no sharp returns , but hung my head , and went my way , yet pleas'd with what she said : winds sweetly murmur ; the steer sweetly lows , sweet is the heifers voice , and sweet the cows : t is sweet to ly in shades by purling streams in summer's heat ; dissolv'd in easy dreams : acorns the oaks , and grass commends the plain , fat calves do grace the cows , and cows the swain : thus sang the youths , and thus the goatherd said ; goatherd . sweet is thy voice , and sweet the tunes you plaid fair daphnis , thro my ears thy songs have past sweet to the mind , as hony to the tast : and if you 'l teach me , if instruct the swain , that goat is thine , it shall reward thy pain ; see how her udder swells , it ne're will fail , and every night it fills my largest pail : the boy rejoyc't , he leapt with youthful heat , as sucking colts leap when they swig the teat : the other griev'd , he hung his bashful head as married virgins when first laid to bed : thus daphnis liv'd the glory of the plains , was thought the best , and lov'd by all the swains : and to compleat the happiness of life the lovely nais blest him in a wife . idyllium ix . a sheapherd invites daphnis and menalcas to sing , they pleasure him , and he rewards them both . to his chum tho. lydgould , m.a. of wadham . col● . sing , daphnis , sing ; begin the rural lay , begin sweet daphnis ; next menalcas play : mix calves and heifers , joyn the bulls and cows , and let them feed , and wanton in the boughs . whilst you begin , begin the rural strain , and next menalcas sing , and cheer the swain : d. sweet is the heifers sound , and sweet the ●ine , sweet is the pipe 's , the swain's , and sweet is mine ; by purling streams i have a shady bed , and or'e white heifers skins are neatly spread , ah careless herd ! they from a mountains side ah cruel storm ! were blown , they fell , they dy'd : and there i value summer's burning heats no more than lovers do their father's threats ; their mother 's kind complaints , or friends advice : this daphnis sang , and next menalcas this : m. me aetna bred , to me she kindly gave midst hollow rocks a large and shady cave : i live by pleasant brooks , and purling streams , and have as much as e're you saw in dreams : by me a thousand goats , and flocks are fed , and wool lies round my feet , and round my head : soft chitterlings afford me pleasing food , and when the winter comes i 'me stor'd with wood ; so that i value cold no more , not i , than too●hless men do nuts , when pulse is by : i clapt them both , to both rewards i threw , a club that in my father's meadow grew to daphnis , rude as from the woods it fell , and yet scarce art could shape a thing so well : then next menalcas did a shell receive , the flesh divided was enough for five , caught in th' icarian flood , he took the shell , and smil'd as pleas'd ; and lik'd the present well : hail rural muses , hail , produce the strains , which once i sang , and pleas'd the listning swains : i 'le boldly sing , nor midst my wondrous song shall blisters rise , and gall my boasting tongue ; the hawks to hawks are friends , to ews the ews , to larks the larks are friends , to me the muse ; oh may i hear them still ! the weary sleep , the spring the ploughman , shady plains the sheep , smooth streams , and riseing flowers the labouring bee delight not half so much , as muses me ; on whom they look and smile , secure they prove fam'd circe's cup ; nor fear the force of love. idyllium x. battus not reaping as fast as he was wont , milo asks him the reason , battus confesseth it was love , and sings a song in praise of his sweet-heart . to my chum mr. hody of wadham colledge . milo. ah labouring reaper , wretch ! what ails thee now ! thou canst not reap as thou wert wont to do ; nor yet so fast ; look , he hath rais'd a cock : you lag , as sheep , when prickt , behind the flock : what wilt thou do , poor wretch , before t is noon , what wilt thou do e're shady night comes on since , e're one land is cut , you fail so soon ? b. ah milo ! thou canst hold out all the day , but i 'me grown weak ; ah peice of flinty clay ! didst thou ne're wish for one that was away ? m. not i , for what have i that work for food to do with love ? he is an idle god ; forget thy lazy thoughts , soft cares remove , b. then , milo , did you never wake for love ? m. and may it never , never break my sleep , for dogs , once blooded , always run at sheep : b. but i have lov'd these ten long days , or more ; m. a wealthy man , enjoy thy fancy'd store , i am , and am contented to be poor : b. hence 't is that i 'me o'rerun with lazy ease , my field's neglected , and my ploughs displease , m. but who thus wounds thee ? b. moll , the brisk the gay , she sung our song , and was our queen of may , m. faith rightly serv'd , pursue thy vain delight , how that old fly shall clasp thee all the night ! b. you flout ; not only pluto's eyes are lost ; but vexing love's ; forbear , rude swain , to boast : m. i do not boast , but lay thy handful down , throw by thy hook ▪ unbend thy gather'd frown , and sing , ( for you could sing ) thy slender fair , t will ease thy labour , and divert thy care . battus . with me , sweet muse , the slender maid reherse , for all looks fair that you adorn with verse : bombyce charming , sun-burnt , gastly thin you seem to many eyes , but brown to mine the letter'd daffadil , and vi'let's brown , yet those are chiefest graces of a crown : the goats their thyme , the woolves the goats pursue , the crane the plough ; and i am mad for you : oh had i craesus store , then both should shine , two golden statues fixt in venus shrine ; thy hand should grace an apple , harp , or rose , and me a danceing garb , and gawdy shows , bombyce charming ; oh wouldst thou be kind ! how sweet thy voice ! but who can tell thy mind ? milo. hah , we ne're knew the value of the swain , how well he measures , how he tunes his strain ! hah ! no more sense , and yet thy beard so long ! but stay , and hear the sweet lytersa's song . o fruitful ceres bless this thriving crop , encrease , and make it larger than our hope ; ye reapers bind the sheaves , lest some should say ah lazy drones , they do'nt deserve their pay ; or to the north your cocks , ye reapers rear or to the south , those winds encrease the ear : ye clowns that winnow never sleep at noon for then the chaff is loose , and quickly gone : reapers should rise with larks , and sleep when they to roost retire , but bear the heat all day : frogs lives , my boys , are blest , for midst their pool they never want , their cup is always full : boyl , steward , boyl them whole , such pinching's mean : you 'l cut your hand whilst you divide a bean : such songs should reapers sing that toyl , and sweat , that work at noon , and bear the burning heat , but starveing love should never vex thy head , such tales will bring thee to a bit of bread , tales for thy mother , as she lies a bed . idyllium xi . he writes to a physitian , and tells him that the muses are the only remedy for love , which he proves by the example of polyphemus . to dr. pitt of wadham colledge . in vain , learn'd sir , invain is all your art , there is no physick for a wounded heart ; no herb can ease , no salve the pain remove , there is no cure for the disease of love beside the muses ; those are soft and sweet , and pleasing medcines , but are hard to get : this , sir , you know whose skill is next divine in physick ; you , the darling of the nine : thus polyphem found ease , the gay the young , he cured his rageing passion by a song : no mean degree of love his breast did fire , he was all fury , rage , and wild desire ; this single passion did his mind controul , and was the only business of his soul : oft did his sheep his former chief delight , from pastures fed return alone at night : whilst on the sedgy shore the cyclops lay , and singing galatea pin'd away : from morn till night , for venus powerful dart had gall'd his liver , and had pierc't his heart . and yet he found a cure , on rocks he stood , and thus he sang , as he lookt o're the stood : fair maid , and why dost thou thy love despise ? more white than curds , and pleasing to my eyes ; more soft than lambs , more wanton than a steer , yet harsh as grapes unripe , and as severe : you come when pleasing sleep hath seald my eye , when pleasing sleep unseals you quickly fly , you fly with eager hast , as fearful lambs from ravening woolves run bleating to their dams : i lov'd thee nymph , i lov'd e're since you came . to pluck our flowers , from thence i date my flame : my eye did then my feeble heart betray , i know the minute of the fatal day , my mother led you , and i show'd the way : then when i lookt , and ever since i burn , i must love on despairing a return : the cause of all thy hate , dear nymph , i know , one large wide gap spreads cross my hairy brow from ear to ear , one eye doth singly grace , my nose is flat , and even to my face : yet i , that ugly i , whom you refuse feed thousand goats , and milk ten thousand ews , these give me drink , and cheeses all the year , see round my cave my loaden shelves appear , and bend beneath the weighty heaps they bear . besides , i live the joy of all the plain , no cyclops can pretend so sweet a strain , thee , thee , dear nymph , with thee my self i sing , till midnight's past , and morning spreads her wing : ten cubs , i forc't them from an angry bear , ten does i keep ; and all to please my dear ; come live with me , and i sincerely vow that your condition shan't be worse than now ; forsake the ocean , leave the angry sea , t is better sleeping in my cave with me , there lawrels grow , and there black ivy twines , and blushing clusters load the bended vines : there are cold streams which from the melting snow hot aetna sends , a drink divine , below : there all things are by nature form'd to please , and who before all this would choose the seas ? but grant that i 'me deform'd , unseemly rough , yet i am rich , and i have wood enough , a constant blazeing flame still heats my cave , * tho by this eye , the dearest thing i have , i want no outward heat , the fierce desire that burns my breast , is a sufficient fire ; ah me ! unhappy me , how fate prevails ! oh me ! had i been born with sins and scales , that i might dive to you , cut thro the deep , and kiss your hand , if you refuse your lip ; then would i lillies white , and roses bring , and all the gawdy glories of the spring , with poppies blushing leaves , tho these do grow in summers heat , and those in frost and snow : well , well , i●le learn to swim , next nimble oars that set a seamen on our fruitful shores shall teach me how to dive , that i may know what pleasure 't is you take in waves below : come forth , fair nymph , come forth , and leave the main , and ( as i now ) ne're mind thy home again , but feed the flocks with me , or milk the sheep , or run the cheese , and never mind the deep : my mother's cross , her just complaints pursue , for she ne're spoak of me kind things to you , alltho she knew my grief , saw every day how much i wasted , how i pin'd away : i 'le tell , to fright her , that my head , my thigh are pain'd : that she might grieve as well as i : o cyclops , cyclops , are thy senses flown ! is all thy former wit , and vertue gone ? go wreath thy baskets , cut the tender boughs to feed the lambs , and milk the burdned cows , go mind thy harvest work , for that will prove thy wisdom greater than this whineing love : take those that offer , and the proud despise , the willing love , and scorn the maid that flies : come leave this fooling , leave this dull despair , another virgin thou shallt find as fair ; for many maids invite me still to play , and titter all , as pleas'd , when i obey : sure i am somewhat , they my worth can see , and i my self will now grow proud of me : ' thus polyphemus cur'd his strong disease , his songs tam'd love , and gave more certain ease , than if he had implor'd the doctor 's skill , and with just fees bought your unerring bill . idyllium . xii . a welcome to a friend . to mr. edward eaton . you come dear youth , now three long days are gone , you come ; but lovers do grow old in one ; as much as spring excells the frost and snow , as much as plums are sweeter than a sloe , as much as ews are thicker fleec't than lambs , as much as maids excel thrice marry'd dames : as much as colts are nimbler than a steer , as much as thrushes please the listning ear more than the meaner songsters of the air ; so much thy presence cheers ; behold , i run , as travellers to the shade at burning noon : oh may an equal flame our hearts engage , and let us live in songs thro future age ! two youths were once with mutual bands confin'd , the one was generous , and the other kind : their love was equal ; those were golden men , when he that was belov'd did love agen : grant ye immortal powers , grant mighty jove , grant this once more , encrease these bands of love ; when future ages shall in order flow let some descend , and tell my shade below , thy love , thy lover's kindness , faith and truth , are prais'd by all , but chiefly by the youth : but this i leave to heaven's indulgent care , for heaven can grant , or can reject my prayer . yet thee i 'le sing ; thee sweet , nor midst my song shall tell-tale blisters rise , and gall my tongue : the little pains you rais'd were kindly meant , your healing love did all the smart prevent ; and i departed fraught with good content : brave megarensians fam'd for nimble oars , may peace flow in , and plenty crown your shores , the honors you bestow on diocles , that constant friend and lover , claim no less ; at his fam'd tomb each year the boys contend which kisses softest , which best loves his friend , and he that kisses sweetest wins the praise , and runs to his glad mother crown'd with bays : happy the man that must bestow the prize , thrice happy he that judges of the kiss ! fair ganymed that makes the thunderer bow , whose smiles can calm , and smooth his angry brow , allay his fury and his rage command and stop his lightning in his lifted hand ; had such a lip ( or fame hath often ly'd , and fame errs seldom on the better side ) that like a touch-stone try'd the proffer'd joy , and could discern true gold from base alloy . idyllium xiii . he writes to his friend , a physitian , and tells him that love conquers the greatest heroes , which he proves from the story of hercules and hylas . to mr. william gould m.b. of wadham colledge . love , love , dear friend , what e're we think 't is true , was not design'd for only such as you ; nor do the charms of beauty strike alone us mortals , seen to day , to morrow gone ; but hercules that son of mighty jove , that bore the lion's fury . stoopt to love : tho rough his mind appear'd , tho steel'd to joy he hylas claspt , and lov'd the charming boy : he taught him as a father would a son , to vertuous actions still he led him on : they never parted , nor at noon , nor night , nor when the morn's white horse d●aws forth the light , nor when the callow birds ly down to rest , and careful old ones flutter o're the nest : that still instructing as he once began , he might be wrought into a worthy man : but when stout jason with the youths of greece to colchos sail'd , their prize the golden fleece : when he had gather'd all the sons of fame that could assist , the great alcides came to fair jolcos , argo's chiefest freight ; young hylas too . the ship scarce felt his weight : she , swift as eagles , ply'd her nimble oars , and safely scap't the rough cyanean shores. which us'd to meet , and stave the ships that past , but now are fix't , on firm foundations plac't : when summer came , and when the tender lambs began to feed on grass , and leave their dams , the noble hero's , blest with southern gales , thro hellespont did spread their swelling sails : thro the propontis they did swiftly row , where stout cyanean oxen wear the plow : and landing there as shady night came on and call'd to eat , they sate in order down : soft turfs were rais'd , and each possest his place , the plain was large and gave them beds of grass . the charming hylas , quick as the command , a brazen vessel grac't his lovely hand , ran o're the field to see what springs afford , and fetch some fountain water for his lord ; his lord , and telamon his constant guest , one table always joyn'd them a feast : just by , a murmuring spring crept o're the ground , the banks with vervine , and with parsly crownd , within , the nymphs , the ladies of the plains , the watchful nymphs that dance , and fright the swains : eunica , malis , and their chiefest grace nicoea , spring still opens in her face : this hylas saw , his cup let gently down , well pleas'd that he could serve his lord so soon ; but streight the nymphs , ( for love had div'd below ; their tender hearts did midst the water glow , the boys fair eyes had darted warm desire , and thro the waves had rais'd a fatal fire : ) seiz'd on his hand , he fell , as soret from clouds a falling star shoot's down to under floods : mean-while the boat swain crys , mates spread the sails the wind 's at stern , and we have prosperous gales : the nymphs danc't hylas , kisses dry'd his tears , and comforts were apply'd to ease his fears : but vext alcides , care with anger strove , and tore his breast , resolv'd to find his love , his left hand grac't a bow of fatal ewe , death wing'd and pointed every dart that flew ; his right a knotty club did well command , that constant grace and terrour of his hand ; thrice did he hylas call , and thrice he mourn'd , thrice hylas heard the voice , and thrice return'd : but small the sound which thro the waves did rise , tho near , far off he seem'd ; so weak the crys : as shaggy lions fierce by hunger grown , that hear a kid or lamb kin bleat alone , start from their den , and lash their angry breast , and fiercely run to take their easy feast : so he thro thorny paths did wildly rove , as mad and furious for his perisht love : mean while the ship was rig'd , the winds were fair and sails were spread , but no alcides near ; he far remov'd did rove thro paths untrod for love had gall'd his breast , a cruel god : hence hylas grew a god , and grac't a shrine , his love and beauty made him half divine ; mean while the heroes fir'd with martial rage alcides blam'd as fearful to engage , it argu'd not his love , but prov'd his fear to leave the ship , and so decline the war ; but he on foot to barbarous phasis came , and noble actions soon redeem'd his fame . idyllium xiv . eschines being scorn'd by cunisca , who had a greater kindness for one woolf , resolves to turn souldier ; his friend thynichus advises him to serve king ptolomy . to his friend and tutor mr. balch of wadham coll. e. good morrow thynicus . t. the like to you ; e. but why so late ? t. so late ? what ails thee now ? e. all is not well : t. i see 't , you look so thin , your face not washt , your beard spread o're your chin , now ? your eye-brows thick , last night i chanc't to view ● poor phythagorist , and he lookt like you : ●●●le , barefoot , an athenian , as he said , but , saith , he lookt as if on meal he fed : e. you joque ; but fair cunisca scorns my love , and as her hatred so my flames improve , and th● perhaps i no such heats betray'd yet i 'me wit●in an inch of stareing mad : t. you still were passionate , you still pursue what your perverse desire hath once in view , but preth●e tell me what disturbs anew : e. tom , wil● , an● dick , and i , a jovial crew , not minding fate that did too close pursue , drank at my house , the glass went briskly round , our hearts were merry , and each head was crown'd ; i made them welcome , got the best i cou'd , a sucking pig , two chicken , country food , and , tho i say 't my self , my wine was good : t was four years old , yet mild , i vow t is true , with burrage mixt it drank as well as new : at last we voted each should crown a glass what health he pleas'd , but name whose health it was ; we drank , and halloo'd , she mute all the while and sullen sate , without one word or smile ; how was i vext to find a change so soon ? what mute ? what have you seen a * woolf says one ? at that she slusht , her guilty color rose , that you might light a candle at her nose : there 's woolf , there 's woolf , my neighbour labia's son , tall , slender , and the beauty of the town : for him she burns , and sighs , and sighs again , and this i heard , but loath to find my pain , i let it lye , and grew a man invain : when we were heated well , and slusht with win● , one sang a song of woolf , a curst design , for streight cunisca wept at the surprize , and soon betray'd her passion at her eyes ; she wept as wanton girls that leave their pap , and would be dandled on their mother's lap : then i , you know me , vext at this disdain ; fled at her , strook , and swore , and kickt again ; she rose ; oh mischief ! can i please no more ? have you another sweet-heart ? out you whore ; must you do this now to confirm my fears ? go to him , toy , and court him with your tears : as swift as swallows sweeping o're the plain , to catch their young a fly , with nimble pain , catch one , then feed , and streight return again ; so quick she left her seat , so swift her hast , so soon she thro the hall and parlor past , i scarce could see her move , she went so fast : now twenty days , and ten , and nine , and eight , and one , and two are past ; two months compleat ; yet still we differ , nor in all this space have i shav'd once , regardless of my face : but she is woolf 's , and woolf 's her chief delight , for him she will unlock the gate at night , but i am scorn'd , i can't be lookt upon , sh●e'l scarce vouschase the favor of a f●own : and yet , dear friend , could i but break the chain and hate her once , all would be well again , but as the proverb says , the heedless mouse hath bitten pitch , and how shall he get loose ? what physick can these vexing pains remove ! i know no cure for the disease of love , yet dick , my friend , that equal pains endur'd for betty , travell'd , and was quickly cur'd : and saith i 'le travel too , i scorn to boast my courage , yet i think i 'me stout as most : t. i wish thou hadst enjoy'd thy just desire , and gain'd thy love ; but if thou willt retire serve ptolomy , for he 'l reward thy pain , believ 't , he loves a stout and honest man ; e. what other vertues ! t. oh the greatest mind , the sweetest : temper , generous , and kind , he marks his friend , but more he marks his foe , his hand is allways open to bestow : petition modestly he grants the thing , and freely gives as it becomes a king ; and therefore , lover , if you bravely dare to ty your snapsack on , and go to war , if thou canst keep thy post , and stand thy ground , and throw back on thy foe the comeing wound , to aegypt hast , make hast , e're youth decays , first from our temples age begins her race , thence whitening time creeps softly o're the face : go on whilst youth is green , and strength dost last , for when old age draws nigh , the time is past . idyllium xv. two tatling gossips go to see the pomp at adonis 's feast , prepar'd by arsinoe ptolomy philadelphus 's queen ; the humors of the weomen he hitts exactly ; intermixes some praises of the king , and describes the glory of the pomp to gratify the queen . the persons are gorgo , eunoe , praxinoe , nurse , stranger and mother . to mr. rice williams of wadham coll. g. sweetheart , is my praxinoe at home ? e. she is dear gorgo , but how late you come ? p. i scarce expected you , and sate alone , a chair and cushion , e ready : p. pray sit down : g. ah me , i scarce could get alive along so close the people press , so great the throng ; coaches thro every street , and liveries shine ; beside your dwelling is so far from mine : p. yes , my cross sot must leave his former seat , and on the edge of th' world choose this retreat , more like a filthy cave than like a house , and this he does , kind heart , to separate us , my constant plague , and my continual cross . g. soft words , pray madam , soft , see here 's your son , look how he eyes you , and begins to frown : p. cheer up my child , i did not mean thy dad , n. he understands her , he 's a pretry lad : p. he went last night , ( old faults are all forgot , ) to buy some soap , and what d' ye think he bought ? bay salt , longsided fool , dull booby sot : g. ah me , and mine 's as bad , a squandring fool , last market day he went to cheapen wool , and there five fleeces for five crowns he bought , all coath'd sheep's wool , meer dirt , not worth a groat : but take your hood and scarf , and pray let 's go , let 's hast to court , for there 's a gawdy show : adonis feast , and as i lately heard our royal queen hath glorious sights prepar'd : p. great folks have all things fine , but pray now tell what you , for i saw nought , or nought so well : g. another day , but now the minute calls , we that have nought to do have time for tales : p. maid , water quickly , faith i 'le break your head , go set it down ; these cats so love a bed , drive them away , they 'l spoyl my cloth of state , but first the water , there 's most need of that : see how she speeds ! come pour : but why so soon ? a little more : what makes you wet my gown ? well , now i 'me fairly washt the gods be blest , but bring me streight the key of my great chest : g. this mantoe sits extreamly well , i vow , what prize the stuff ? pray madam let me know : p. it cost me twenty shillings half a crown , t was dear , beside the work was all my own : g. t is rare ; p. your servant , madam , bring my hood , and scarf , and dress me in the newest mode ; dear chuck , you must not go , my dear delight , for there are bugbears , and the horses bite , nay you may cry , peace , peace , dear mother's child , nay cry , but , chuck , i must not have you kill'd : here betty take the boy , and stay at home , call pretty in , and wait here till i come . o jemminy , dear gorgo , here 's a throng , i wonder how we two shall get along : great ptolemy , beside a thousand things in which thou hast excelld the former kings ; how many profits have thy care bestow'd since lagus dy'd and rose into a god ? none now , as heretofore , infest the street , pick pockets , croud , and justle all they meet , what shall we do ? you see we strive invain , ah dear , i wish i was at home again : the kings great horses come , stand farther , friend , dont tread upon me , see he rears an end , look how he bounds , oh whether shall we run ? alas poor soul , he 'l throw his rider down , well , i am glad i did not bring my son : g. cheer up praxinoe , come , the danger 's past , and they are gone before , let 's mend our hast : p. well , now i 'me comeing to my self again , a horse , and a cold serpents winding train ●allways hated ; fy , we move too slow , look there behind what tides of people flow ! g. mother i' st you within ? m. yes child , t is i , g. can we get in pray mother ? m. daughter try : for he that never trys can ne're enjoy ; the greeks by trying , daughter , conquer'd troy : p. she leaves us with a riddle , what she means god knows , but sure she hath some hidden sence . weomen know all below , and all above , e'en how queen juno was betroth'd to jove : but look praxinoe , how the people wait , how great a throng attends the crouded gate : p. a vast one gorgo : come , t is best to joyn , hands round ; here gorgo , clap your hand in mine : take eutick eunoe , that we may not loose each other , come , thrust all , and still keep close : ah me , my veil is rent , pray , why d' ye press ? my gown ! good sir , may heaven conspire to bless , and you be happy sir , as you forbear ; s. i cannot , yet i 'le take the greatest care : p. the croud increaseth , and they thrust like swine , s. come cherr up madam , we are all got in : p. well , may the bounteous gods reward thy pain for helping us , thou art an honest man , poor eunoe's justled still , she 'l lose her hood , thrust eunoe , stoutly thrust , and break the croud ; we are all in , as one ( a story ) said when he had got his mistress fast in bed : g. praxinoe look , what hangings grace the rooms , how fine , how rich , sure wrought in heav'nly looms : oh strange , what hands could these fine things design ? what mortal pencil draw so sweet a line ? how real they appear ? they seem to move , they are alive , i 'me sure they can't be wove : man 's a wise thing , but see on yonder bed adonis lies , down o're his cheeks is spread , lovely adonis , lov'd amongst the dead : s. hist , hist , your tatling silly talk forbear , like turtles you have mouths from ear to ear : g. and who are you ? pray what have you to say if we will talk ? seek those that will obey , would you the syracusian weomen rule ? besides , to tell you more you medling fool , we are corinthians , that 's no great disgrace , b●llerophon himself did boast that race : we speak our language , use the dorick tone , and , sir , the dores , sure , may use their own : p. our husbands are enough , let none pretend to rule beside ; you are a sawcy friend , i 'me ne're beholding t' ye , and there 's an end : g. peace , peace praxinoe , streight in charming lays a maid shall sing the dead adonis praise , more soft than sperchis in a mournful song , hark , she prepar's her voice , it won't be long ▪ great goddess , joy of the idalian grove , to whom high eryx bows , fair queen of love , how charming was thy sweet adonis lead by soft-soot hours from midst the silent dead ? the twelfth month came , when from the shades below restord , what beauty sate upon his brow ? the hours the slowest of the gods , t is true , yet pleasing , for they still bring something new : kind you ( thus story says ) did first remove fair berenice to the seats above , and bath'd the mortal in a cup of love : and now arsinoe , helen's equal face , ●ust return does thy adonis grace with all the fruit the various earth can yeild , the silver basket brings from every field the choicest flowers that please the curious eye : in gold the syrian odors breath , and dye : of flour and hony mixt the sweetest cake that weomen's luxury or art can make : the earth and sea do give a vast supply , and air sends all the various kinds that fly : she raises fresh imaginary groves , and all around do flutter wanton loves , as new-fledgd thrushes whilst the old one sings do leap from bough to bough , and try their wings : o gold ! see there two ivory eagles fly and bear young ganymed thro the yielding sky : see purple tapestry more soft than s●eep , this he 'l confess that feeds milesian sheep : oh happy riches , see , two beds are made , and venus here , there fair adonis laid , a youthful bride-groom , just mature for bliss , no prickly beard makes rough his pleasing kiss : let venus have him , and his sweets embrace , to morrow e're the dew forsakes the grass wee 'l bear him where the waves foam round the shore our hair all loose , our coats let down before , our breasts all bear , and as we march along with mournful voice , begin this funeral song : adonis , of the heroes you alone now come to vs , now go to acheron ; not agamemnon , not stout ajax knew , and none enjoy'd the favor like to you : not hector , fruitful priam's stoutest joy , not pyrrhus comeing from his conquer'd troy : the antient lapithae ducalion's race , or brave pelasgi argo's chiefest grace : kind now adonis , next year kind remain , now welcome , welcome when you come again : g. ah dear praxinoe , these are curious things , o happy creature , oh how well she sings ! but i must go , for should m● husband come , he hath not din'd , and not find me at home , how he would fret , he 's pettish , hates delay , nor when he 's hungry would i come in●s way . farewel adonis , now thy pomp must cease ; but still return , and still our joys encrease . idyllium xvi . he complains that poetry meets not a suitable reward from great men , for that immortality which it bestows upon them . to his very good friend john dryden esquire . this is the muses , this the poets care to sing the gods , and men renown'd for war : the muses goddesses make gods their theme , we men sing men , and raise them vast esteem ? but who that lives below our pains regards ? what open hand doth pour out fit rewards ? who doth receive us when we offer fame ? and send us back more wealthy than we came ? the muses baffled thus turn home again with naked feet , they sigh , they weep , complain , and frown at me , when they have gone invain . deep in the bottom of my empty clest , a place too hollow , and too hard for rest , they sit and mourn ; on their cold knees they lay their bending heads , and sigh , and pine away : for who is brave ? and who regards a wit ? i know not ; few , ah few in praise delight : for great and noble deeds as heretofore ; their captive thoughts are ty'd to baser ore : their covetous hands they in their laps do fold , and scarce will give the rust that eats their gold : they cry , near is my shirt , more near my skin , must i supply the hunger of the nine ? let me grow rich in wealth , and those in sence , a poet is the care of providence : what need of more since homer lives ? he brings no charge upon me , yet 's the best that sings . poor men ! what profits precious ore that lies heap't up within to feed the greedy eyes ? it yeilds a different profit to the wise : some on themselves some part on wits they spend , some part their kinsmen share , and some their friend ; to every man from them some goods accrew , and still the gods receive their sacred due : he 's kind and generous , nobly treats his guests , he never cloys , but pleases with his feasts . but chiefly to the muses sons they give , that after death their lasting fame may live : and that they may not sit and mourn below , as those whose hands are hardned by the plough who sit , and sigh ; and with a sad complaint for ever weep hereditary want : antiochus once kept a kingly board , a thousand menial servants call'd him lord : a thousand heifers fed at scopa's stall , ten thousand horned bulls low'd thro his vale , the kind creondae fed their numerous flocks , their brouzing goats still hung on thousand rocks : yet when their naked souls began to float breath'd out in air , and stow'd in charon's boat , they left their wealth beyond the stygian shore , the crazy vessel could not waft their ore ; and each had lain amidst the vulgar , lost , unheard , untalkt of , like a common ghost , unless his poet with exalted rage had strook his harp , and given them future age. 't is verse that doth with lasting honor's grace the swiftest horse that wins the sacred race : his crowns had wither'd he had lost his name , too slow to keep an equal pace with fame : who had the lycians , who the trojans known ? what fame once-female cycnus glory blown ? unless a poet with immortal song had told their fights , and made their wars so long ? vlysses , he thro various dangers tost for seven long years , that toucht at every coast , that he that saw the stygian shades and liv'd , that scap't the cyclops , had his fame surviv'd ; eumaeus , mingled with the common dead , had lain as nameless as the ox he fed , and wholy vanisht with his parting breath , if homer had not snatcht his name from death : the muses raise men's worth , their fame they spread , whilst heirs consume the riches of the dead : and 't is a task i 'me sure of equal ease to tell how many tempests toss the seas , with what fierce storms the troubled ocean roars , how many waves it rouls to trembling shores , to wash a blackmore white , as to unbind a gripeing niggard's close contracted mind , and force him to be generous and kind : a curse on such , vast heaps of useless ore may those enjoy , and yet still wish for more ; 't was allways so , and 't is my humor still , much more than wealth i value men's good-will : and now i seek what patron i may choose , and where i may be welcome with my muse : for poets find but small returns of love without their muse , thus stands the will of jove : the heaven 's not weary whilst it whirls the sun , and thousand steeds shall draw the charriot on , a man shall rise that shall my songs employ as great as fam'd achilles fought at troy : as great as ajax where smooth simois flow'd , and phrygian ilu's tomb lay drown'd in blood ; the carthaginians dread approaching war , forget their fury , and consent to fear : the syracusian troops spread ore the field , their right-hands grace a spear , their left a shield ; these hiero leads as antient heroes brave , his dreadful crest doth o're his shoulders wave : but oh our guardian jove , revenge our blood , and toss our foes o're the sardinian flood , scatter their force , and send few home to tell the wives and children how their fathers fell : let old inhabitants possess their isle ; and raise new towns where foes did lately spoyl ; the fields be green , and thro the fruitful plain great flocks of sheep grow fat , and bleat again : the labouring oxen bend beneath the plough , and , slowly walking thro the vallies , low : the fields be reapt whilst under every shade the insects sing , and make the reapers glad : the spiders weave in sheilds , all free from fear , and hardly know the very name of war : let riseing poets bear the sounding praise of hiero beyond the scythian seas ; beyond proud babylon extend his fame , and tell to distant worlds his glorious name : i am but one , but more jove's daughters love , more wise than i am , and more apt to move : and these smooth arethusa's streams shall sing , the brave sicilians , and their valiant king : ye goddesses that orchomenium grace the scourge and hatred of the theban race , uncall'd i 'le stay , to those that shall invite my muse shall offer honor and delight : i 'le never leave you ; what will men receive without the graces ? what is fit to give ? o , may i ever with the graces live ! idyllium xvii . a panegerick to king ptolemy . to ambrose brown of — esquire . begin with jove , my muse , and end with jove , if you would sing the greatest god above , but if you would the best of men reherse , let ptolemy's great name adorn your verse ; let him the first , midst , last , your songs employ , the darling of mankind , the common joy : the heroes born of gods , and great in fame , had noble poets to record their name ; and i , well skill'd in song , with lasting lays sing him , e'en gods we do reward with praise : in shady ida , where the woods are thick , the woodman comes , but doubts where first to strike and where shall i ? there croud a thousand things , with which the gods have blest the best of kings : his father lagus , who so bravely great ? so deeply skill'd in all the arts of state ? what age could boast a prince so great so good ? his mind was high , and noble as his blood : him jove doth grace with an immortal throne , and give a golden palace next his own : next alexander sits , the wise , the great , a miter'd god , and checks the persian state : just opposite alcides throne doth shine , of sparkling diamond , the work divine ; and whilst on nectar with the gods he feasts , he smiles too see his race his equal guests : on each great jove repreive from age bestow'd , and call'd immortal , rais'd into a god : when fragrant nectar bowls have rais'd his fires , and from the feast he to his wife retires , his ensigns he delivers to the two one bears his knotty club , and one his bow ; with these they both in decent order move , and thus to beauteous hebe's bed of love their father lead , the great encrease of jove : how berenice shone ! his charming bride , her sexe's glory , and her parents pride ; her venus nurst with a peculiar care , and blest with all the charms that grace the fair ; that e'en bold fame it self scarce dares to tell that any prince e're lov'd his wife so well as generous ptolemy his beauteous queen ; and yet he meets with greater love agen ! he quits his state , and business of his thrones , he leaves his kingdom to his loyal sons , whilst he to her with hasty wishes moves , and goes to play the heroe in his loves : a faithless wife lets all her thoughts and cares on others rove , with easy pains she bears , her house is full , but of the numerous race not one can show the joyful father's face : fair venus chiefest beauty of the sky she liv'd thy care , nor can her honor dye ; your kindness snatcht her from the stygian shore , e're grisly charon came to waft her o're , you gave a shrine , and taught us to adore : just like a falling star thrown down by fate ; you caught , and made her partner of your state ; thence kind to all she gentle cares inspires ; and warms the lovers breasts with pleasing fires : the fair deipale did to peleus bear stout diomed , that mighty son of war , and beauteous thetis to her peleus bore the fam'd achilles on the grecian shore , but berenice hath these births outdone , she brought great ptolemy as great a son ; first coos danc't thee , thee , mankind's delight , she took thee at thy first approach to light , for there thy mother to lucina pray'd to ease her throws , and found a speedy aid ; she came , stood by , and gently loos'd her pain , thy very birth was easy as thy reign : the island took thee in her arms , and smil'd to view the father's image in the child : she shouted , and she said , ah lovely boy , be born , thy father's soul , be born my joy : welcome , on me as great a fame bestow , as delos does to her apollo owe : thus spake the i'sle ; an eagle soar'd above and mixt with clouds ; the bird of mighty jove , with joyful sound thrice clapt auspicious wings , 't was jove's own sign , jove is the guard of kings : but whom he loves as soon as he began , that lives the potent , that the happy man all else must yeild , and o're the sea and land with conquering arms he spread a wide command : a thousand nations boast their fruitful plains , where gentle jove descends in easy rains , but none such crops as sandy egypt shows , where nile with his enriching streams o'reflows , and what the barren clouds deny , bestows : no nation bears , no nation boasts to see so many towns , and men of art as she , full thirty thousand towns enjoy the sway of ptolemy , and eagerly obey : the stout phaenicians too have felt his sword , arabia , syria , lybia call him lord ; the ethiopians , the pamphilian horse , the lycians , carians own his nobler force : the isles ; for where his navy spreads her wings homage to him , and peace to all she brings : so far his scepters reach , and sea , and land and purling streams obey his just command : vast troops of horse and foot well arm'd for war so dreadful gay in graceful ranks appear , that e'en their proudest foes consent to fear : his treasure richer than e're known before , and other kings scarce wish so great a store ; all nations send their customs every day , and their due tribute to his ocean pay : the farmer fearless ploughs his fruitful soil , no hostile navies press the quiet nile ; none leaps a shore , and frights the labouring swains , none robs us of our flocks , and spoyls the plains : thus ptolemy secures his land from harms , so fear'd by all he sits , so great in arms : so careful to preserve his antient right , this shows a king , and for new conquests fight : and yet he doth not hoord his useless ore , as painful ants still turn their bury'd store ; with much the temples of the heroes shine ; his first-fruits , and his gifts sill every shrine , much gold to powerful neighbouring kings he sends , much to his subjects , much to valiant friends : none fam'd for song , none great in arts appears no charming voice can ravish listning ears , but streight he favors , he rewards imparts , and sends them presents equal to their arts : and therefore poets with exalted rage send down their patron 's praise to future age ; at what more noble can the wealthy aim than to secure a fair , and lasting fame ? of great atrides this remains alone , whilst are the stores of wealth he rais'd , are gone : what e're he brought from troy hath scap't the light , and now lies bury'd in eternal night . he first his glorious parents made divine , to both he incense burns , and rears a shrine : how great they stand ! how gems their shrines enfold , and hide the ivory , and the poorer gold ! how great they stand ! what various goods bestow ! supply our wants , and guard frail man below : he stains red altars with a thousand beasts as months roul round , and bring the solem feasts : he and his queen , than whom kind fortune led no fairer woman to a greater bed ; there she with joy the natural ties improves , and both as brother , and as husband loves : this gods approve , thus they themselves are ty'd , and juno lives jove's sister , and his bride ; fair perfum'd iris makes one bed for both , where pleasure 's hightned by eternal youth : hail glorious ptolemy , hail mighty king ; thee equal to the gods my muse shall sing ; and future age shall all my songs approve ; great king , beg vertue , and encrease of jove : idyllium xviii . an epithalamium at the marriage of helena and menelaus . to edward courthope esquire . at sparta's palace twenty beauteous maids , the pride of greece , fresh garlands crown'd their heads with hyacinth and twineing parsly drest , grac't joyful menelaus marriage feast ; when lovely helen great in conquering charms resign'd her willing beauty to his arms : they danc't around , joy flow'd from every tongue , and the vast palace sounded with the song : and why fair bridegroom why so sleepy grown , and why to bed e're shady night comes on ? what have you danct too much ? wine seiz'd your head , or are you drowsy , that you must to bed ? but if you needs must sleep , then sleep alone , but why must helen too your bride be gone ? why must she leave her tender mother thus ? she should sit up , and play , and dance with us , she should sit up till the bright sun should rise , and stars recede less beauteous than her eyes : for , menelaus , she for all thy life for morning , night , and noon must be thy wife : o happy bridegroom ! thee a lucky sneeze to sparta welcom'd , where the youths of greece her chiefest pride , did offer humble love , yet you were chose to be ally'd to jove : a beauty , such as never greece did view , now sleeps between the common sheets with you : o happy bridegroom , what thy bride shall bear if like her self , it must be wondrous fair : two hundred spartan maids , her equalls we , that wrestled , fought , and ran as well as she , and e'en out did the men ; yet none appear a spotless beauty if compar'd to her : just as the morning shows her lovely face , when winter 's gone , and lazy night withdraws , just so doth helen's charming beauties rise , tall , fair and fram'd by nature to surprize : as trees a field , swift steeds a chariot grace , so sparta is adorn'd by helen's face : in all the bride doth easily excell , none spins with so much art , none weaves so well : when she diana or minerva sings , none tunes so soft as she the speaking strings ; that she , whose motions charm , whose looks surprize , and thousand cupids wanton in her eyes : ah fair , ah lovely , of an envy'd life , ah fair , and blest in being made a wife ; but we will run thro yonder spatious mead , and crop flesh flowry crowns to grace thy head ; mindful of helen still , as tender lambs not wean'd as yet when hungry mind their dams : we 'l first low lotus pluck , and crowns compose and to thy honor grace the shady boughs , from silver boxes sweetest oyls shall flow , and press the flowers rhat rise as sweet below , and then inscribe this line , that all may see , pay due obedience , i am helen's tree : all joy fair bride , and happy bridegroom joy , let kind latona give a lovely boy , let venus , goddess venus mutual love , and lasting riches be bestow'd by jove ; that still they may descend , and grace the throne from noble father , to a noble son : sleep in each other arms , and raise desire , let ardent breathings fan your mutual fire , but rise betimes , forget not , we 'l return when first the crowing cock shall wake the morn , when thro his feather'd throat he sends his voice : o hymen , hymen at this feast rejoyce : idyllium xix . on love stung by a bee. when wanton love design'd to theive , and steal the hony from the hive , an impious bee his finger stung , and thus reveng'd the proffer'd wrong ; he blew his fingers vext with pain , he stampt , and star'd but all in vain , at last unable to endure to venus runs , and begs a cure ; complaining that so slight a touch and little thing should wound so much : she smil'd , and said , son , thou art like a bee , little , yet how great wounds are made by thee ! idyllium xx. a shepherd complains of the coyness of a city maid , who refus'd his proffer'd kiss . to his good humor'd friend mr. alexander crook of wadham colledge . evnica flouted me , she scorn'd my kiss and when i proffer'd , answered with a hiss ; begon rough shepherd thou dost ask invain , i faith i am not us'd to kiss a swain , the city lips i press , and only them , thou should not kiss me , no , not in a dream : how odd thy courtship ! and how dull thy jest ! how languishing thy words , and how exprest ! how soft and sweet thy voice ! thy looks how fair ! how smooth thy chin ! what curls adorn thy hair ! thy lips are broken out , and black thy hand , thy smell is rank , b●gon , i shall be stain'd . this said then thrice she spit , and view'd me round from head to foot , and mutter'd still , and frownd , still scornfully she lookt , and mighty proud of her fair face , she sneerd , and laught aloud , my blood began to boyl , my face was flusht , and , like a rose with dew o'recharg'd , i blusht : she left me streight , but i am vext at this that she proud slut should flout , when i would kiss : am i not handsome ? tell me smiling swains , for i was once the beauty of the plains , tell me , have i no charms , no pleasing grace , or hath some god o th' sudden chang'd my face ? for i was handsome once , my cheeks were red , my beard like ivy round an oak was spread , and bushy hair like parsly crown'd my head : my snowy forehead two black eyebrows crost , my eyes as grey as palla's self could boast , my mouth more sweet than curds , my words did slow as smooth as oyl , and soft as falling snow : my songs are charming , whilst my flocks do feed i blow my hougtboy , pipe , or oaten reed , oft have i seen my lambs forsake their grass and listning by with silent wonder gaze ; and all the country maids my face esteem , they kiss , and beg me i would stay with them : are these small charms , that she should these despise ? but i 'me a shepherd swain , for that she flys , for that the city maids refuse a kiss , well , let them scorn , poor fools , they hardly know that beauteous bacchus , fed a herd below , or that fair venus wanton'd with a swain , and fed his cattle in the phrygian plain , with sweet adonis oft she prov'd the joy in groves , in groves she mourn'd the lovely boy : endymion was a swain , he kept a flock , and yet for him the moon her skies forsook , she scorn'd a scepter and embrac't a crook : one cave held both , with him she reapt delight , came down , lay by , and kisst him all the night : e'en rhea mourns a swain , and mighty jove took eagle's wings , and bore a swain above : a swain this proud eunica scorns alone , better than venus , rhea , or the moon : venus , the fault was yours , you taught her pride , may , therefore , thine , thy love be still deny'd ; may you endure an injur'd lover's pain , ne're kiss thy sweet , ne're wanton o're the plain , but lye alone all night , and wish in vain . idyllium xxi . a discourse of two fishermen upon a dream . to mr. tho. dunstar of wadham colledge . 't is poverty , dear friend , improves our arts , it teaches wit , and working thoughts imparts ; for cares chace sleep from his laborious head who sweats to earn , before he eats his bread : if lazy slumbers o're his eyes do creep , streight noisy cares rush in , and break his sleep . two good old fishers slept , their bed was sedge , their roof was straw , their walls a rotten hedge , and round just by lay baskets , hooks , and lines , their wiers , sedgy nets , their rods , and skins , drawn up on some old plank a tatter'd boat , their pillow straw , their rugg a ragged coat , their caps hung by upon a broken oar , these were there tackling , and this all their store . not one small pot upon their shelf was laid , all useless seem'd but what concern'd their trade ; thus blest they liv'd , and happy in content with their companions , poverty and want : no neighbour near , and every riseing tide their hovel reacht , and shook its tottering side : from midst of heaven the moon view'd all below , when dreams of labor wakt the sleeping two ; each with his thumb wip'd rest from off his eyes , and sang , and cheer'd themselves with these replies : a. they lye , dear friend , that say the night decays when summer comes , and jove brings longer days ; for i have seen a thousand dreams to night long tedious dreams , and yet 't is far from light ; b. you blame the summer , but unjustly blame , the hours are still forc't on , their pace the same ; but vexing cares , that in a buisy throng disturb your head , do make night seem so long : a. can you interpret dreams , friend , tell me true , i 've dreamt fine things , which i would tell to you : for that will ease me , and divert my care , as we our fish , so we our dreams will share : b. then tell thy friend . a. if you remember well we suppt too late , and made a spareing meal : on yonder shelving rock methought i stood , and stoopt , intent upon the quiet flood ; i saw the fish , my hook let gently down , and shook my cheating bait to draw them on : a great one bit , ( for fish is still my theme , as dogs of bones , so i of fishes dream ) i strook , and hung him fast , i saw the blood , the weight was great , i 'me sure it bent the rod ; i strove to reach him , for my line was weak , and faith , i fear'd my bending hook would break , dost prick me , for he prickt , i 'le grasp the more , and so at last i drew my prey to shore ; a golden fish , i stood amaz'd , and feard 't was one of neptune's own beloved herd : or one of sea green amphitrite's train , a noble fish , the treasure of the main : i loos'd him gently , and did stricktly look that no small grain stuck round the rugged hook : with cords i drew him , and devoutly swore , that i would venture out to sea no more ; but stay at home , and make my self a king : at this i wakt , do you adjust the thing , pray tell me what you think , for i 'me afraid that i am bound to keep the oath i made : b. fear not , my friend , you did not swear , for why , you found no fish , a vision 's but a lye : and therefore go , and draw the usual streams , seek real fish , no● starve with golden dreams . idyllium xxii . a scorn'd shepherd hangs himself , the cruel fair is kill'd by the statue of cupid . to mr. rily painter to his majesty . an amorous shepherd lov'd a charming boy , as fair thought could frame , or wish enjoy , unlike his soul , illnatur'd and unkind , an angells body with a fury's mind : how great a god love was , he scorn'd to know , how sharp his arrows , and how strong his bow , what rageing wounds he scatters here below . in his address and talk fierce , rude , untame , he gave no comfort to the shepherd's flame : no cherry lips , no rose his cheeks did dye , no pleasing fire did sparkle in his eye , where eager thoughts with fainting vertue strove , no soft discourse , nor kiss to ease his love : but as a lion on the lybian plain looks on his hunters , he beheld the swain : his lips still pouting , and his eyes unkind , his forehead too was rough as was his mind ; his colour gone , and every pleasing grace beset by fury had forsook his face : yet midst his passion , midst his frowns he mov'd , as these were charms he was the more belov'd : but when or'e come he could endure no more , he came and wept before the hated door , he wept and pin'd , he hung his sickly head , the threshold kisst , and thus at last he said : ah cruel fair , and of a tigress born ! ah stony boy , compos'd of frowns and scorn : unworthy of love , this rope receive , the last , and wellcomst present i can give : i 'le never vex thee more , i 'le cease to wo and whether you condem'd freely go , where certain cures for love , as stories tell , where dismal shades , and dark oblivion dwell : yet did i drink the whole forgetful stream , it would not drown my love , nor quench my flame : thy cruel doors i bid my last adieu , know what will come ; and you shall find it true : the day is fair but quickly yields to shades , the lilly white , but when 't is pluck it fades : the violet lovely , but it withers soon , youths beauty charming , but t is quickly gone : the time shall come when you , proud boy , shall prove the heat of passion , and the rage of love : then shall thy soul melt thro thy weeping eye , whilst all shall smile , and you unpitty'd dye . yet grant one kindness , and i ask no more , when you shall see me hanging at the door do not go proudly by , forbear to smile , but stay , sweet boy , and gaze , and weep a while ; then take me down , and whilst some tears are shed , thy own soft garment o're my body spread , and grant one kiss , one kiss when i am dead : nere fear , for you may safely grant me this , ● shan't revive tho you could love , and kiss : then dig a grave , there let my love be laid , and when you part , say thrice , my friend is dead , or else go farther on to please my ghost , and cry , my best , my dearest friend is lost : and on my monument inscribe this rhime , the witness of my love and of thy crime , this shepherd dy'd for love , stay stranger here , and weep , and cry , he lov'd a cruel fair : this said , he roll'd a stone , a mighty stone , fate lent a hand behind , and pusht it on : high by the wall , on this he panting rose , and ty'd , and sitted well the fatal noose : then from the place on which before he stood he slipt , and hung the door 's unhappy load : the boy came forth , and with a scornful meine and smileing look beheld the tragick scene ; hang there said he , but o how i despise so base , so mean a trophy of my eyes ! the proudest kings should fall by my disdain , too noble to be lost upon a swain : this said , he turn'd , and as he turn'd his head his garments were polluted by the dead , thence to the plays and to the baths did move , the bath was sacred to the god of love ; for there he stood in comely majesty smiles on his cheeks , and softness in his eye , that part of th' marble wrought into his breast by power divine was softer than the rest , to show how pitty did exactly suit with love , and was his darling atribute : the god leapt forth , and dasht the boy , the wound let out his soul , and as it fled he groan'd . hail lovers , hail , see here the scornful dyes , a just , and acceptable sacrifice , be kind , and love for mutual love return , for see the god takes vengeance on my scorn . idyllium xxiii . hercules in his cradle kills two serpents which juno sent to destroy him &c. to mr. william latton of wadham colledge . alcides ten months old , a vigorous child , alcmena fed , and laid him on a shield , ( the shield from pterilus amphitryo won a great auspicious cradle for his son ; ) with younger iphiclus of human race , no part of him was drawn from jove's embrace : on either head her tender hands she laid , and with a mother's fondness thus she said ; sleep , sleep , dear children , sleep , be free from pain , rest well to night , to morrow wake again : this said she stopt , and rockt the sounding shield , iphiclus wept , and young alcides smil'd : sleep seiz'd on both : now mid-night's shade came on , the flying bear in hast was tumbling down , and broad orion's shoulder did appear with 's sword , as still pursueing of the bear ; when wily juno full of envious hate drove on two dreadful serpents to the gate , she forc't the doors , and shew'd the open way designing young alcides for their prey : their scaly trains roll'd o're the trembling floor , their fiery eyes shot sulphurous flames before , and from their jaws dropt clods of putrid gore : when near they roll'd , and did the infants touch , e'en sleep it self streight fled at their approach , the children wak't , and , by jove's order , light shot thro the gloomy darkness of the night : iphiclus cry'd as soon as he beheld the snakes twist round , and gapeing o're the shield , he kickt the cloaths , and tost , for flight prepar'd , as if he meant to shun the fate he fear'd : but young alcides stretcht his infant hands , and graspt the rolling snakes with fatal bands , he seiz'd their swelling throats , where stor'd by fate their poyson lies , which e'en the gods do hate : in that death dips her darts , then takes her rounds , and on frail mortals scatters certain wounds : each twisted round the babe a dreadful fold , but still he graspt , and took the firmer hold , the babe , not wean'd as yet , in mind a man , he show'd his race as soon as he began : in 's nurses arms he ne're was heard to cry , no tear e're dropt from his unwilling eye : at last tir'd out they both extended lay , the infants spoyl , his first auspicious prey : alcmena's ears first heard the tender crys , she started first , and said amphytrio , rise ; rise , rise , thy aid a sudden danger calls , do'st hear how loud the younger infant bawls ? do'st see these walls shine with unusual light , for yet the morning hath not chac't the night ; there 's some strange thing , there is , rise , rise my dear , from danger free thy babes , thy wife from fear : she spake , amphitryo rose , such hast he show'd as nimble lightning from a breaking cloud , he snatcht his sword , which o're his valiant head hung allways fastned to the cedar bed , a strong belt held it , tough , and neatly made , he graspt the sheath , and drew the flameing blade ; when streight the light withdrew its wondrous rays , in darkness left him ; and in wild amaze : still startled more , lights slaves , slaves lights , he cryes , lights slaves , deep sleep sat heavy on their eyes : lights maids , they heard , and quick as the command , a flameing torch now shone in every hand , they all rush in ; with troubled hast they come , and buisy throngs streight fill the crouded room : but when they saw two snakes twist round the child they shreikt , and wept ; the young alcides smil'd : held out the snakes , pleas'd with the guilded sight , laught at his own success , and their affright ; disdain'd those foes that with such ease he slew , and at his fathers feet the monsters threw : half dead iphiclus on her tender brest alcmena clapt , and lull'd him into rest : the other babe on skins of slaughter'd sheep amphitryo laid , and then return'd to sleep ; when thrice the cock had crow'd to wake the sun , alcmena starting from her bed of down tiresias call'd , from whom truth always fell , scarce phoebus knew the mind of fate so well : she told the tale , and said , thrice reverend seer explain the meaning , i' me prepar'd to hear : nor yet to pleasure me conceal the doom , or bad or good , what fate hath wove must come : thus spake the queen , and thrice his reverend head tiresias shook , and thus at last he said : hail mighty queen , the pride of person 's blood , happy , and mother of a future god : the time shall come as years bring round the days , when grecian maids shall sing alcmena's praise , and as they weave , or whirl their spindle rou●d from every tongue alcmena's name shall sound ; the grecians goddess thou shalt grace a shrine , so great thy son shall be , and so divine ! a generous hero he shall mount on high , the noblest burthen of the bending sky : to him all monsters , and all men must yield , the tyrant's scourge , and the oppressed's shield ▪ twelve labors pass'd he shall the skies enjoy , when oeta's flames have purg'd the base alloy : be call'd their son in law , appease their hate who rais'd these snakes , and sent them to his fate . then woolves shall see young fawns approach their den , and let them part unhurt , and safe again , so great a scourge he shall to monsters prove , and shed such influence from his seat above : but queen observe , and let a pile be made , green oaks , and ash , and birch in order laid : then cut these snakes , observe the time they came to eat the babe , and burn them o're the flame : at morning peep soon quench the blazeing wood , and scatter all the ashes o're the flood , and thence return , but with a steddy pace , nor look behind on the polluted place : then let pure brimstone purge the rooms , and bring clear fountain water from the sweetest spring ; this mixt with salt , with blooming olives crown'd , spread o're the floor , and purge polluted ground : then kill a bore to jove , that free from harms the child may live , and victory crown his arms. this said , he bow'd , and with a staggering gate for years oppress 't him , reacht his ivory seat. and now the boy , his mother's pride , was grown like riseing oaks , and thought amphitryo's son : in letter's linus did his mind enlarge , a generous hero , watchful of his charge : eumolpus tun'd his manly voice to sing , and taught his hand to strike the tuneful string : eurytus famous for his vast estate to draw the bow , and shoot as sure as fate : to leap , to wrestle and to throw the dart he learn't from fierce autolycus's art , sweet herme's son who when he fought his foe none dar'd , tho distant , to behold his brow : such frightful fierceness did in 's looks appear and shot thro the amaz'd spectators fear : to drive the chariot , and with steddy skill to turn , and yet not break the bending wheel amphitryo kindly did instruct his son ; great in that art , for he himself had won vast pretious prizes on the argive plains , and still the chariot , which he drove , remains , for nought but eating time could break his reins ; to weild his sword , and to assault his foe , to use his shield , and shun the comeing blow , to order battles , and to raise their force , close ambush lay , and lead the furious horse , stout castor taught , when he from argos fled , basely deserted by the force he led , when tydeus arms the fatal conquest won , and forc't the weak adrastus from his throne : few of the heroes equall'd him in fight e're trembling age had put strong youth to flight : thus grew the boy his mother's care and pride , his bed was rais'd by his great father's side , spread with a lion's skin , whose jaws affright the weaker youths , but were this boys delight : when young he often would unsheath their paws , and use his tender hands to break their jaws ; and when one tooth was broke , with smiles would meet , and cast his trophies at his mother's feet : his food was roasted flesh , his loaf was great , as large as e'en a labouring swain could eat : a spareing meal , and unprepar'd at night , his cloaths were made for covering , not delight : thus hardly bred the mighty hero grew , well fitted for the wonders he must do . imperfect in the greek . idyllium xxiv . a dialogue between daphnis and a shepherdess . to thomas powel of wadh. col. esquire . d. paris a herdsman helen stole , t is said , and she that kisst me is as fair a maid : s. pride not thy self , what empty thing 's a kiss ! d. and yet that empty thing is full of bliss ; s. i wash my mouth , and thus thy kiss disdain ; d. dost wash my dear ? then come , let 's kiss again : s. swain thou shouldst kiss thy heifer , not a maid : d. don't scorn , thy youth , like dreams , will quickly fade , s. the grape , when dry , grows raisin , and is priz'd . nor is the rose , tho wither'd , soon despis'd : d. come to these shades , i 've tales ne're told before s. once your sweet tongue deceiv'd , i 'le trust no more . d. go with me to those elms , and here my flute , s. go please thy self , i hate so harsh a note : d. let fear of venus anger seize thy mind , s. a fig for venus , if diana's kind ; d. ah speak not thus lest she should fix her chain , the noose is strong , and you may strive invain . s. ay , let her do 't , i live diana's care , and she shall quickly free me from her snare , hands off rude swain , i vow i 'le scratch , forbear , d. you must not scape , no maid e're scap't loves stroke , s. i 'le scape , by pan , but thou shallt bear his yoke ; d. to meaner swains i fear you will be kind , s. many have woo'd , none yet e're pleas'd my mind : d. and i am one that woo , and would obtain : s. what shall i do ? marriage is full of pain , d. not grief and pain , but joy attends the bed ; s. sure i have heard that wives their husbands dread : d. no , no , they rule , for what should weomen fear ? s. child-birth is hard , and i 'me afraid to bear : d. no fear , o're that thy own diana reigns , and gives a speedy ease to mother's pains : s. yet i 'me affraid , should many births prevail my beauty fades , and then your love may fail : d. yet should you bear fine boys , a happy wife , how would you look into a future life ! s. but come , what joynture , swain , if i should yeild ; d. my flocks , my herds , my woods , and all my field : s. swear then , lest when enjoy'd you false should prove , d. never by pan , if you 'l consent to love : s. will you a bed , a house , and meat provide ? d. all this shall be the dowry of my bride ? look , all these flocks are mine , i 'le still be true , and promise you no more than i can do : s. what shall i say when my old friends shall blame ? d. they 'l like the marriage when they hear my name : s. then tell thy name , for names do often please , d : daphnis , my father's joy , and mother's ease ; his name is lycidas the noble swain , her 's neme , once the beauty of the plain : s. thy race is noble , but yet mine 's as good , d. but no ways better , for in yonder wood menalcas lives , the fountain of thy blood. s. show me thy grove , and where thy sheep-coat lies : d. these are my trees , look how my cypress rise ; s. feed goats , whilst i attend the herdman's love , d. feed bulls , i go to show the maid my grove : s. rude swain , what means your hand upon my breast ? d. the cluster's ripe , and sueing to be presst : those i must pluck ; oh ! with what heat they move ! and how they rise at every touch of love ! s. i quake , pull out your hand , rude swain , forbear ; d. cheer up , no harm , how timerous is my dear ! s. 't is dirty , ah ! look there , t will stain my gown , and tell my jealous friends what i have done : d. i 'le spread my jerkin , 't is a scurvy place but ●'me content to pay for the embrace : s. forbear , we shall be caught , i hear a noise , d. t is nought but trees that murmur at our joys ; s. you● tear my coat , ah me , i am undone . d. i 'le buy a larger , and a better gown : s. you promise all things now , but , when enjoy'd , what willt thou give ? love's gone when lust is cloy'd : you will deceive , you men are all deceit , and we so willing to believe the cheat : d. o , could i give my soul , what oaths can do i le bind ; i must , i cannot but be true : s. i yeild , forgive diana , o forgive , i liv'd thy votary , but no more can live : d. pleas'd , ravisht , o , i 'le kill in yonder grove a steer to venus ; and a bull to love : s. i 'me woman grown that was a maid before , d. a teeming woman , and a maid no more : thus murmuring they did their soft heats improve , and went , and knew the mystery of love : she rose , and smil'd , and banis●t modesty regain'd her seat , and sate upon her eye : yet secret pleasure thro her looks appear'd ; and joyful daphnis went , and fed his herd . idyllium xxv . a short account of the death of pentheus the theban king , whom his mother and aunts tore in pieces for disturbing the solemnities of bacchus . to mr. dring of wadh. col. i no , the fierce autonoe , and the fair agau three thyrsi to the hills did bear , in number three ; they pluckt wild oaks and bays , and in plain fields did twelve green altars raise ; with ivy shaded , and adorn'd with vine , fair semele had three , and bacchus nine , bacchus the weomen's god , and mens delight , these take at day , and those receive at night : from baskets then those sacred gifts they made they gladly took , and on the altar laid , mysterious gifts , to please the wondrous god , and honor him the way that he had show'd : young pentheus lay in shady hills conceal'd , and from the rock the wondrous rites beheld , autonoë spy'd him first , and cry'd aloud , see their the great contemner of the god ; and out she ran , and as she went o'rethrew the sacred rites , which no profane must view : she first grew mad , then all the rest were fir'd , their fury rose as high as rage inspir'd : young pentheus fled when he their madness view'd , they tuckt their coats and eagerly pursu'd : he cry'd , what mean the weomen ? oh forbear ! wretch you shall feel , they answerd , e're you hear : his mother seiz'd , and snatcht his head away , and roar'd , as a fierce tigress o're her prey , ino stampt on his breast , his arm she tore , and fierce autonoe reekt with royal gore : others seiz'd other limbs , each snatcht a part , and every hand reacht forward to his heart : this done they shouted , and ran madly down , and bore the bloody trophies to the town : deserv'd : let none his mighty power offend , lest greater mischiefs , and vast pains attend , let me be good , let me the just approve , for this is pleasing , and the care of jove : for pious fathers on their sons derive sure blessings , which the impious cannot give ; they live themselves still vext with sharp remorse , and leave a long hereditary curse : hail bacchus hail , whom snatcht from destiny great jove secur'd , and foster'd in his thigh : hail semele , and all his sisters hail , whose fame resounds thro every grecian vale : their act was just that did reward the sin , they showd the votary , and put off the kin : take heed profane , by this example showd , for what the gods inspire must needs be good . idyllium xxvi . an advice to a friend to be constant in his love. to charles viner of wadham colledge , esquire . wine , friend , and truth , the proverb says , agree , and now i 'me heated take this truth from me ; the secrets that lay deep and hid before now rais'd by wine swim up , and bubble o're ; then take this riseing truth i ca'nt controul , thou dost not love me , youth , with all thy soul ; i know it , for this half of life i boast i have from you , the other half is lost : when e're you smile i rival gods above , grown perfect , and exalted by thy love ; but when you frown , and when dislike you show , i sink to hell , more curst than all below ; yet how can this with common sense agree to torture one that loves , and dyes for thee ? but youth , could my advice thy thoughts engage , mine who have learn'd experience by my age , the counsell's good , and when a numerous store of blessings crown thee , thou wilt praise me more : on one tree build one nest , and build it strong , where no fierce snake can creep , and seize thy young : now here you stand , and suddenly are gone , you leap from bough to bough , and fix on none . if any views thy beauty , and commends , you streight enroll him midst your antient friends , whilst all your old acquaintance laid aside , dear youth this smells of vanity and pride : love one , your equal , love whilst life remains , this pleases all , and commendation gains , by this your passion will but light appear which conquers all , and all are forc't to bear ; love seizes all ; and doth all minds controul , it melts the stubborn temper of my soul ; but o i must embrace , dear , grant one kiss , and thus reward , and practise my advice . idyllium xxvii . the bore that kill'd adonis is brought before venus . to william kenrick of wadham colledge , esquire . when venus saw adonis dead , his cheeks all pale , and beauty fled , his hair grown stiff with clotted gore , and now to be belov'd no more , she bad her cupids trace the grove , and bring the bore that kill'd her love : they , quick as the command , ran o're the wood , and found the hated bore , they seiz'd , and bound , strong cords they twin'd , some drew before , some drove behind , one twirld his tail to make him go , another lasht him with his bow : the fearful beast went trembling on , as conscious of the deed he done , his hanging looks his guilt betray'd of venus fury much affraid : when come , her rage these words exprest : thou vilest monster of a beast , were these the cruel tusks did tear ? wast thou the ruine of my dear ? the bore , reply'd , by thee , thy love , by all that 's kind , and apt to move , by what i suffer , by these chains , and these that drive me to my pains , i ne're had a design to kill thy fair , it was against my will : but when i saw his naked thigh as white as polisht ivory , how did my flame and fury rise ! how was i fir'd at the surprize ! at last unable to resist ah me ! too furiously i kisst , and this the boys destruction brought , and love betray'd me to a fault : these tusks destroy , and punish these the curst disturbers of thy ease , for why should i have leave to prove these tusks that have no use in love : or if the crime demands no less these lips i offer to appease : these words so moveingly exprest calm'd all the fury of her breast , she soon forgave , releast her foe , and bad her cupids let him go , but he ne're sought woods again , but staid attending on her train ; and to the funeral pile he came , and burnt his tusks in the devouring flame . idyllium xxviii . he presents a distaff to theeugnis his friend nicias his wife . to mr. charles whiteing of wadham colledge . distaff , thou greatest gift on man bestow'd by fair minerva as the chiefest good , whom wise and thrifty weomen still retain , and raise their husband's fortune by their pain , retire with me to nileu's beauteous town , where stately shrines grace venus and her son , for thither , distaff , i am now design'd , and beg of mighty jove a prosperous wind , to be enjoy'd by , and enjoy my friend : nicias , in whom the sweet tongu'd graces rest , learning it self is seated in his breast , there thou of polisht ivory fram'd shalt prove , a grateful present to his dearest love ; from thee shall all her husband's vests be spun , from thee she 'l often draw a flowry gown ; for lambs do loose their fleeces twice a year to fill her baskets , and be wrought by her : so painful is theeugnis , what the wise and thrifty matrons value , she will prize : nor would i send thee to an idle place thou product of our country , and our grace ; for thou wert made where walls stout archias fram'd , the pride of sicily , for valour fam'd : now thou shalt visit him whose wondrous skill can save the men that fate designs to kill , whose herbs can soon restore a life when lost , and by his art bring back the flying ghost : that fair theeugnis may by all be known to have the neatest distaff in the town ; and still of me her friend kind thoughts infuse , of me the chiefest darling of the muse : there some shall see thee , and these words repeat , the present's small , but yet the kindness great , the giver's love doth little gifts commend , and every thing is valued from a friend . idyllium xxix . hercules going to augias meets a herdsman , of whom he asks the usual questions which a stranger makes , and receives satisfaction : and is afterward brought to the king and his son phyleus , who were then in the fields ; by those he is invited to the town , and in the way tells phyleus how he had kill'd the nemean lion. to mr. thomas piggot of wadham colledge . imperfect in the greek . and then the herdsman , from his labouring hand he threw his work , thus answer'd his demand : i 'le gladly tell what e're thy mind desires , this justice craves , and mercury requires ; for he of all the gods resents it most , when we deny a stranger what is just : look , stranger , all the numerous herds around with which the vales are fill'd , and hills are crown'd , king augias owns ; o're thousand plains they spread , in different meads , and various pastures fed , some on the flowry banks of eli stray , and some where smooth alpheus eats his way ; some midst the vines in fair boupraisium go , some here , the vallies tremble when they low : for each of these the king fair stalls hath rear'd , tho numerous , large , and equal to the herd : and here fresh grass still cloaths the fruitful plain , the blades , as soon as cropt , arise again , for springs cut thro the plain , and feed the grass , all fit to fatten oxen , and increase : look , on thy right hand far beyond the flood the stall appears between the shady wood , next where wild olives , and high planes do grow ; apollo's shrine , to whom the herdsmen bow , and own the greatest deity below . next are the farmer 's stalls , whose labors bring whole streams of gain , and much inrich the king , for thrice they plow , thrice sow the teeming soil , which still invites , and still rewards their toil : many large vineyards plant , his vines they dress ▪ and sweaty autum treads the flowing press : for all these gardens , feilds , and plains around till yonder watry hills the compass bound , king augias owns , and here all day we bear the heat and cold , and urge the weighty share : but sir , ( for i no common aaid may prove ) what buisness led you to this happy grove , would you the king , or any servant see , i can direct you , you shall learn from me : for sure you seem , if well i make your face , great in your self , and noble in your race ; how brave you look ! and what a port you bear ! so look the sons of gods when they appear : this said he bow'd , and jove's stout son reply'd , swain , generous , free from savageness or pride , i seek the king whom all these realms obey , buisness with him first drew my feet this way , if midst his subjects now he keeps the town , divideing justice from his equal throne , give me a swain to guide , a master swain , who when i ask can answer me again , for man is made to be a help to man : thus spake alcides , thus the swain reply'd , sir , all the way some god your feet must guide , so luckily things happen , so conspire to please your mind , and answer your desire : last night king augias and his valiant son young phyleus left the hurry of the town , they came to spend some days midst peaceful swains , and view their wondrous riches on the plains , this pains some princes take , they leave their ease , for when they watch themselves their stores encrease : when with heaven's providence they joyn their own , a double guard secures their safer throne , but come , let 's go , and both the prince attend , in yonder stall , he 'l love so great a friend : this said he hastned to conduct his guest , his wonder still at every step encreast ; his lions skin , vast club , his mein and face still hightned , still he wonder'd what he was ; oft he would ask , but yet as oft represt the riseing query in his troubled breast , lest it should seem too rude , and ill design'd , for , o , 't is hard to know another's mind ! whilst yet far off the faithful mastiffs knew the noise and smell of both , and out they flew : from every part they at the hero run with open mouths , resolv'd to tear him down : but round the swain they wagg'd their tails , and play'd ; and in hoarse murmurs savage joy betray'd : he stoopt to take up stones , they stopt their noise , he spoke , they fear'd the thunder of his voice : all silent fled , but yet the swain was glad to see his mastiffs care , and thus he said : what useful creatures are these dogs to man ! how full of care ! how useful to a swain ! had they but reason to know whom to tear , and whom to love , what creature could compare ! but now they 'r bruitish , then he cry'd , begone ; each took his stall ▪ and lay in quiet down : now down the west with a descending ray bright phoebus drove , and bore declineing day : now shades drew on , and full of milk and food ; the sheep came home , and lay and chewd the cud : next these the cows and oxen fill'd the plain , as thick as clouds when jove descends in rain : when watry southwinds bring their treasures forth , or when they 'r hudled by the stormy north : no man can count them , for so fast they rise , and follow one another thro the skies , still new and new the driveing tempest brings , and bears vast burthens on his weary wings : these herds a herdsman drove , the fields , and road were 〈◊〉 the vallies sounded when they low'd : the sta●●● were crouded , and could scarce contain , and s●●●p lay round , and bleated o're the plain : th●●●ousand slaves stood round of every kind , no●e wanted work , all had their tasks assign'd : one shackled starting cows , and whilst they stood he milk'd , and streight the largest pail o'reflow'd : one let the calves to suck , they soon were fill'd with sweetest milk , such stores the cows did yield : some bore the pails , and some did run the cheese hot from the cow , some rais'd the wring to squeeze , and some the bulls apart from heifers drove , they turn'd and bellow'd , eager on their love : the king himself went round to every herd , to see what calves his servants care had rear'd : and whilst thro his vast stores he trac'd the plain , his son and great alcides made his train ; here tho our hero's soul great shows despis'd , was constant , fixt , too brave to be surpriz'd , yet now at last his wonder rose to view , such numerous herds , and scarce could think 't was true , that one such stores should have , that could suffice ten kings , and fill capacious avarice : but this was a peculiar favour shown , a blessing sent by phoebus on his son , his cattle still must thrive , his herds be blest , and heaven secur'd what e're the king possest : his cows ne're cast their calves , and no disease , the herdsman's plague , was e're allow'd to seize : from year to year the numerous herd encreast new calves were rear'd , and still the last were best , three hundred bulls , turn'd horns grace every head , their legs were white , with these two hundred red , all leapt the cows , begot a numerous race , and soon supply'd frail nature's chance-decays , apart from these twelve mighty bulls did run , as white as snow , and sacred to the sun ; each with his shape might tempt the tyrian queen , they fed , were pleas'd , and wanton'd o're the green : and when fierce lions from the woods appear'd they turn'd to fight , and still secur'd the herd , they bellow'd low'd , they tore the trembling ground , and with bent foreheads aim'd a double wound : midst these one bull did far e●cel the rest , call'd phaeton , a stout and mighty beast this name the herdsman gave deduc't from light , for his quick courage , and his strength in fight ; he all excell'd , was stately , valiant , fair , as much as phaeton the meanest star : the lion's skin , that o're the hero spread as soon as first he saw , he bent his head , and ran to push , he quickly shun'd the wound , his left horn grasp't , and pull'd him to the ground , invain he strove , invain he spurn'd the sand , with doubled strength the hero fixt his hand , then urg'd his breast , and forc't the bull to rear on high , and held him beating in the air : the king , his valiant son , and all the plain admir'd his strength , and thought him more than man : the prince and hero now dark shades grew on , the meadows left , and hastned to the town : they took a path which from the distant stall thro vine-yards led , and thro a pleasing vale , t was little beaten , thro a shady grove a soft and cool retreat for happy love , no heavy clowns came there whose weighty tread might spoyl the verdure of the grassy bed : and as they walkt with a majestick look young phyleus turn'd his head , and thus he spoke : sir , if i guess aright , your sounding fame hath reacht my ears , tho 't has not told your name , for one an argive , valiant , stout and young from aelis came , and pleas'd the listning throng he said , whilst he was there , and vow'd 't was true , a valiant greek a furious lion slew , strong , cruel , bloody , that destroy'd the swains , the fierce nemean terror of the plains ; but whether argos his great birth could boast or sparta gave , my memory hath lost ; but yet he said , tho i forget the place , for that i mind , he was of perseus race ; you , sir , i hope are he , the man that fought , this skin proclaims as much , and clears my doubt : but pray inform me , 't will afford delight and please me much if i conjecture right , tell me if you are he , the brave , the bold , of whom the argive's wondrous tale was told ; tell how the lion fell , what strokes he stood , and how he came to the nemean wood , for did you seek it , you would seek invain for such a monster on the grecian plain , she breeds no such , the bear , the woolf , and bore , unlucky beasts , she breeds , and breeds no more ; hence some admire , and some the tale accuse as if contrived to please , and to amuse : this said he bow'd , and stept aside to show the path was large , and wide enough for two ; he beg'd the hero to advance more near , that they might speak with greater ease , and hear , he soon came forward , and whilst side by side they walkt , he to his question thus reply'd brave augias son , what e're the prince hath said is right , and his conjecture duly weigh'd , yet i 'le inform you how the monster fell , and whence it came , for very few can tell ; but most imagine 't was design'dly sent to prove the base pheroneans punishment , neglect of duty had provokt a god : the poor piseans like a headlong flood he ravag'd o're and drown'd their fields in blood : but most the bembinaeans felt his rage , and lingred out a miserable age , this task eurystheus , whom i must obey , impos'd , and hop'd to see me prove the lion's prey : i took my bow , my hollow quiver bore sharp arrows arm'd with the lernean gore , when e're i draw a shaft deaths wait around to guide the dart , and enter at the wound : my left hand graspt my club , strong , knotty , rude , with all its bark , unpolisht from the wood ; it grew on helicon , i pluckt it thence with roots and all , and weild for my defence : approaching to the wood , i bent my bow , my arrow knockt , and wisht to meet my foe , i lookt around , and try'd , prepar'd for fight , to spy the beast , and take advantage of the sight , 't was midday now , and yet no beast appear'd , no track was seen , nor any roaring heard , no herdsman , swain , that might his den declare , all lay at home chain'd up with slavish fear : but still i trac't the groves , thro woods i prest , resolv'd at last to find and fight the beast : for every evening glutted with the blood of slaughter'd beasts he took the shady wood ; his maine was stiff with gore , his grisly beard his long tongue lickt with blood and foam besmear'd ; behind a thicket i impatient lay and wisht each minute was the close of day , that i might see him ; lo at last he came , in look as dreadful as he was in fame ; i drew my bow , and shot , the string did sound , and death stood ready to attend the wound , but from his side the shaft rebounding fell , and prov'd the hardned beast was arm'd too well : the lion roar'd , he rais'd his furious head and lookt to see from whence the arrow fled , his flameing eyes shot fire , unsheath'd his paws , he gap't , and teeth lookt dreadful in his jaws : i knockt another arrow , drew again , inrag'd to see the former shot invain : the breast it strook where life maintains her seat , and labouring lungs still fan the vital heat : but that invain did from his breast rebound , and rais'd his fury only , not a wound : a third i drew , but e're i aim'd aright ; the beast perceiv'd me , and prepar'd for fight : his tail twirl'd round , his neck was swoln with rage , and every limb seem'd eager to engage , his mane stood up , his fiery eyes did glow , and crooked back was bent into a bow : and as when wheelers take a sturdy oak , or elm , and bath it in the glowing smoak , to make a wheel , at first it bends , and stands and then at once leaps from their grasping hands : so leapt the beast at me , such springs as these he made , grown eager and resolv'd to seize : but i receiv'd him , in my left i held my darts , and a thick garment was my shield , my right did weild my club , and aim'd a blow , as he was leaping forward , at his brow , a lucky blow , but on the hardned bones it broke , the lion sigh'd in hollow groans ; some steps retir'd , as if all sense was sled , and stood with shakeing legs , and dizzy'd head : mists seiz'd his eyes , and an amazeing pain ran thro the crazy vessels of his brain : this i observ'd , and now an easy prey i threw my quiver and my shafts away and seiz'd his neck ; and whilst his sense was gone i grip'd him hard , and kept the lion down ; my g●●pes d●●bled , and ●ehind i prest , lest 〈…〉 ●aws should tear my adverse breast , on 's h●nde● 〈◊〉 i 〈◊〉 , and squeez'd his thighs with mine , 〈◊〉 spurn'd invain and strove to rise : at last o'recome when he 〈◊〉 strove invain he lay extended o● the ●a●al plain , i held him breathless , did his force controul , and gapeing hell receiv'd his mighty soul : then next i sought how i might gain the spoyls , and with his pretious skin reward my toyls ; the task was hard , for neither wood , nor stone , nor steel could pierce , and make the skin my own : but then some god did happy thoughts infuse , the paws he shew'd , and taught me those to use : i did , and flead him , and the hide i bear to be my strong security in war : thus fell the beast by which such numbers fell , and fled amidst his slaughter'd heaps to hell. idyllium xxx . the fight between amycus and pollux : this amycus being excellently well skill'd at whirlebats , made a decree that whatever stranger came into his country should fight with him ; after he had slain a great many , pollux at last overcomes him . to mr. robert d' oyly of wadham colledge . fair leda's sons and mighty jove's i sing castor and pollux glories of the ring , none toss their whirlebats with so brave a force , none guide so well the fury of their horse , with trebled songs i sing the glorious two , the great supports and helps of man below , when midst destructive wars swift dangers press , or stormy stars send tempests o're the seas ; they toss the floods , and raise the swelling tide at poop or prow , and dash on either side , or pour into the ship , the planks and masts are torn , nor can the sails endure the blasts , but rent hang useless ; storms of hail and rain from heaven descend , and beat the spatious main : the waters roar , the troubled ocean raves whilst hail and stormy winds do beat the waves yet then you draw the ship from deepest seas , and those that look'd for death are cheer'd with ease ; the clouds all fly and storms strickt silence keep , and a smooth calmness spreads o're all the deep : bright stars appear , and with a beauteous ray presage good voyages , and shew the way : great helps to man , of both my muse must write both skill'd in horses , singing , and in fight , but muse , whose praises must i first reherse ? sing both , first pollux grace thy sounding verse : when argo's sails had scap't the closeing shores , and swept cold pontus with her nimble oars , she toucht bebryca , forc't by prosperous fate , the sons of gods and heroes were her freight : and there they landed ; when they came to land some rais'd grass-beds , and by their lords command some drest their meat upon the naked sand : castor and pollux weary of the floods left all their mates , and trac'd the shady woods : and as they gaz'd , beneath a gloomy cave they saw a spring roul on a purling wave , like silver pure , and round on every part contriv'd by prudent nature's happy art small fountains flow'd , and bubled o're the grass , as clear as chrystal , and as smooth as glass : tall firs and planes , and cypress shade the streams , defending from the fury of the beams , the banks were crown'd with flowers , which nature brings for bees , and to embalm the dying springs : by this a man in shineing armour sate , frightful his look , and terrible as fate : his face was full of knubs , how large his chest ? his shoulders broad and equal to his breast : his flesh like brass , more hard the more he fought , like a colossus on an anvil wrought : and as tall rocks that have long time withstood the numerous whirlings of a rapid flood , at last grow round , but yet unconquer'd stand , so lookt the swelling muscles on his hand ; and o're his shoulders hung a lion's skin claspt by the golden paws beneath his chin ; with some surprize and wonder in his look brave pollux view'd him , and at last he spoke : p. health sir , what nations plough this happy shore ? a. how health , when i see men ne're seen before ? p. fear not , we 're honest , and no danger's near ; a. i do not , nor need you bid me not fear : p. your answer 's rude , your manners are untame , a. what 's that ? sir , as you see me , such i am : but what have you to do to tread these shores , did e're i come to trouble you on yours ? p. sir if you did you should be entertain'd , be grac't with gifts , and treated as a friend : a. talk not of presents thus , thy gifts i scorn , nor have i any ready to return : p. may i not tast the streams that idly flow ? a. if thirst hath scorcht thy bowels thou shalt know : p. here 's gold , i 'le give you any price to gain : a. then you must fight a single man to man : set foot to foot , and steddy eyes advance , and use your greatest skill , nor trust to chance : p. whom must i fight with ? must i beat the air ? a. thy match is ready , and thy equal near : p. and what 's the prize ? what must the conqueror have ? a. the conquer'd , sir , shall be the conquerors slave : p. this is cock's sport , not fit for generous men , where the dull dastard leaves the cackling hen : a. or cock's or lion's , i 'me resolv'd on this : i than my self can stake no worthier prize : this said , amycus , did his trumpet sound , the vallies rung , and eccho'd all around , thro every distant field the noise was heard , and crouds of stout bebrycians soon appear'd : whilst from the ship the thronging heroes press , to view the fight and judge of the success , now were their whirlbats bound , rough thongs embrac't their knotty arms , and ty'd their weapons fast : out they advanc't , and each with fury shook , they breath'd defiance , terror in their look : here was a noble strife of art begun who on his back should gain the setting sun , and pollux gain'd it , the descending rays shone full in mighty amycus's face : inrag'd at this his headlong fury ro●e , and he rusht on , and doubled all his blows , but pollux soust his cheek , it flow'd with gore , he saw his blood , and then he rag'd the more : the fight grew hotter , like a mighty oak he backward bent to take the greater stroke , shouts the bebrycians gave , and rais'd his heat , the heroes cheer'd stout pollux with as great ; for they all fear'd lest forc't to narrow streights pollux should fall beneath the threatned weights : but he with dextrous skill and watchful art still shunn'd the strokes , secure on every part , he ply'd him hard , and did his force controul , tho great his courage , furious was his soul : doz'd with the strokes the nodding hero stood , and from his mouth flow'd streams of clotted blood ▪ the grecians shouted when they view'd the blows , and saw his broken cheeks , and batter'd nose , his eyes contracted in his swelling face , and by their shoutings doubled the disgrace : the prince still eager prest , he ply'd him hard , and with false strokes soon beat him from his guard , and , when he saw him staggering , aim'd a blow , the stroke was sure , and smote his haughty brow , the ball return'd as from a hardned stone , but tore the flesh , and left the naked bone : o're come by this and yielding to the wound the hero fell , and bit the bloody ground ; but rose , and then a fiercer fight began , inraged by his disgrace , and by his pain : both tost their whirlbats , and vast wounds bestow'd , with blood and sweat their labouring bodies flow'd : stout amycus still aim'd at hands and breast , and with redoubled force he bravely prest , but wiser pollux every fatal blow aim'd at his head , and craz'd his nodding brow : his limbs grew less , his color turn'd to pale , and from a mighty giant shrunk to small , but pollux seem'd to grow , he lookt more great , his color better , and increast by heat ; but muse , how pollux did the hero quell what stroke he gave , explain , for you can tell , i sing as you direct , your voice obey , and gladly follow , when you lead the way : designing now to push the combat on he seiz'd on pollux left hand with his own , bending to shun the stroke , and closeing nigh reacht out his right , and graspt his brawny thigh : but he his body bow'd , and broke the lock , and at his temple aim'd a fatal stroke , just where the vital powers their seats maintain , and work new spirits to support the brain , there fell the blow ; wide gap'd the horrid wound to let in fate , and the vast hero groan'd : the blood sprang out , his mouth his left-hand smote and shatter'd teeth fell down his batter'd throat : his cheeks were beaten close , his nose grew flat , and trebled blows still urg'd his hasty fate : the hero fell extended o're the plain , gave o're the fight , nor could he rise again , his hands stretcht out , as , whilst he breath'd his last , he meant to keep off fate that came too fast , here no proud word , and no disdainful eye on thy lost foe did stain thy victory ; but he by his great father neptune swore , that he would never injure strangers more : thus have i pollux sung , and paid my due , my next , great castor , must be grac't by you . castor and pollux had taken away phaebe and talaris the daughters of lucippus , who were betroth'd to lynceus and idas the sons of aphareus : a war ensueing castor kills lynceus , and idas is slain by thunder . now had the valiant sons of mighty jove , grown fierce and too injurious by their love lucippus daughters seiz'd , and forc't away their beauteous prize , and melancholly prey : aphareus sons pursu'd , resolv'd to try their force , and gain their promis'd brides , or dye ; both sides now meet at brave aphareus tomb , which fate design'd the lovers field of doom ; all from their chariots leap , for fight prepare , well arm'd , and well appointed for the war : when lynceus thus beneath his helmet spoke , the vallies echo'd , and the mountains shook : what means this rage , this impious violence , to ravish first , then fight in its defence ? what mean the shields and spears , these iron bands , and naked weapons in your threatning hands ? lucippus daughters are by right our due , betroth'd to us before e're known to you : his oaths confirm'd it , and 't was base by stealth to covet others right , and others wealth ; by gifts to bribe him , and his mind pervert , and win by art , unable by desert : and often i , your base designs to check , have said , tho i can better fight than speak ; unprincely 't is to court another's spouse , and tempt weak innocence to break her vows : sparta and elis breed a numerous race , all perfect beauties both in mind and face : there you may court , and whom you please may have , what parents will refuse the rich and brave ? permit our match , let us our right pursue , and we will joyn to find fit brides for you : these were my words , but these the wanton winds bore to the floods , they never reacht your minds , for both inexorabl● bent appeard , you heard , but ne're regarded what you heard : yet now be just , our promis'd brides restore , for we are kin , and then i ask no more : but if you needs must fight , if war desire , if nought but blood can quench your lustful fire ; let pollux and let idas arms forbear , and never try the hated chance of war ; let ▪ castor , you and i the fight maintain , and see whose courage shows the bravest man : for this will give our friends sufficient proof , and if one fal●s there will be loss enough ; let some survive to chear our drooping friends , and wed the maids , and make them just amends : for this is friendly to restrain our heat , and make the loss but small , when the contention 's great ▪ thus lynceus spoke , to this both sides agree , and jove confirm'd it by his ●ixt decree ; pollux and idas laid there armour by , attending on their brother's victory : lynceus did first within the lists appear beneath his shield he shook his threatning spear , then castor came , strong shields did guard their breasts , and on their helmets nodded dreadful crests ; first with their spears began the noble strife , each sought to find an open pass to life ; but all invain , the shields the strokes endur'd , their spears were blunted , and the men secur'd ; their swords they drew , the blades like lightning shone before the thunderbolt falls swiftly down ; now rose their fury , castor bravely prest , he pierc't his shield and chopt the waveing crest ; and many thrusts the quick-ey'd lynceus made the shield , and crest once felt his furious blade : but castor stepping backward reacht a blow , and strook his wrist , and tam'd his haughty foe , disabled thus , and grown unfit for fight he dropt his weapon , and prepar'd for flight to his great father's tomb , where idas sate , a sad spectator of his brothe●'s fate : but castor soon pursu'd , close thrusts he made , and thro his belly forc't his thundering blade ; out rusht his bowels thro the gapeing wound , and he fell forward on the shakeing ground , cold death came on and did his heart surprize , and sleep eternal sate upon his eyes . nor did his mother valiant idas lead with pious wishes to his marriage bed , for to revenge falln lynceus hasty doom he tore a pillar from the sacred tomb , to dart at castor , dreadfully he stood , the fierce revenger of his brother's blood ; jove interpos'd , and by his strickt command swift lightning strook the marble from his hand , he strove to reach it , but his soul was fir'd , he fell , and in no common destiny expir'd : thus must the brothers still victorious prove , so great in courage , and ally'd to jove . hail leda's sons , still vigorous strength infuse , and still preserve the honor of my muse : you , helen , and the valiant brave that strove at troy for injur'd menelaus love , poets have serv'd , for with exalted rage they tell your fame , and spread thro future age ; homer hath rais'd it with a lofty thought , he writes with the same spirit that you fought ; he sings the grecian fleet , grave nestor's care , and brave achilles , fortress of the war : i bring the tribute of a meaner muse , those humble strains her spareing heats infuse ; yet this is all , the best that i can do , the utmost that my talent will allow : and to the gods , let riches vainly strive , songs are the greatest present men can give . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e the antiquity of pastoral● . the definition of pastoral . notes for div a -e † the name of a sheapherd . † some take 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as relating to the country , and would not have calydon in the next line to be a proper name . * heinsius reads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , right no doubt , but it matters little . † some read , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . † i follow heinsius his comment , which seems to be the best , and most agreeable to the poets design . † this reading seems best , tho against the opinion of several of the criticks . * the name of the goat . * a bird sacred to venus much used in love charms * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * the story ●f theseus and ariadne is known . * this was the custom to wait on their beloved with these love toys , as apples , and garlands to perform their ceremony called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his was to be of poplar as befiting ● wrestler , being a tree sacred to hercules . * for diet and exercise before he wrestled . * i follow heinsius . * alludcing to the common saying . a letter of examination to all who have assumed the place of shepherds, herdsmen, and overseers of the flocks of people of all sorts in christendom : to see if your accounts be ready and what order the flocks be in : with a few lines of good news to the several flocks. edmundson, william, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing e estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a letter of examination to all who have assumed the place of shepherds, herdsmen, and overseers of the flocks of people of all sorts in christendom : to see if your accounts be ready and what order the flocks be in : with a few lines of good news to the several flocks. edmundson, william, - . p. s.n.], [london : . signed and dated: william edmondson, jamaica, the th of the th month . reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng society of friends. -- pastoral letters and charges. pastoral theology. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter of examination , to all you who have assumed the place of shepherds , herdsmen , and overseers of the flocks of people , of all sorts in christendom ; to see if your accounts be ready , and what order the flocks be in . with a few lines of good news to the several flocks . wo be to the shepherds that feed themselves : should not ye shepherds feed the flocks ? ye eat the fat , and ye cloath with the wool , ye kill them that are fed , but ye feed not the flocks . the diseased have ye not strengthened , neither have ye healed that which was sick ; neither have ye bound up that which was broken , neither have ye brought back that which was driven away , neither have ye sought that which was lost ; but with force and cruelty have ye ruled them , and they were scattered , ezek. . , , . jer. . . therefore i come against the shepherds , saith the lord : i will require my sheep at their hands , and cause them to cease from feeding the sheep : neither shall the shepherds feed themselves any more , for i will deliver my sheep from their mouths , ezek. . . printed in the year , . a letter of examination . to all you who have assumed the place of overseers of the flock , &c. come all you ( that have assumed the title of ) shepherds . overseers and herdsmen of the flocks of people of all sorts in christendome , you have had the oversight , herding and ordering of the multitudes of people for a long time ; and the lord hath been as a man in a far country : and now he is coming to call you to account , and he will require the flocks at your hands , and the time is near that you must give account of your charge ; and receive a recompence of reward from him according to your deeds . this is a warning to you all , to have your accounts ready , and see that the flocks be in good order , and that nothing be wanting ; for you will not have any to meddle with the flocks but your selves , so at your hands the lord will require them . have you kept a dilligent watch night and day with carefuln●s for their soules ? have your locks been wet with the dew , and the hairs of your heads with the frosts , to preserve their feet in the way of peace , and from the devourer , and out of all fil thy and unclean wayes ? have you been as good examples before the several flocks in all things , walking before them as good patterns ? have ye led them to the pastures of life , and fed them in due season ? or have yee not played the careless idle shepherds , sitting in your fat places , and lying upon your soft pillows , at your e●●e : feeding with the fat , and sporting your selves in your day and time , whils't the several poor flocks go astray in the by paths , and are scattered in the bar●en wilderness , as sheep wanting a shepheard , and as a people lost their guide ; where their poor soules are starved for want of the bread of life ? have yee led the severa● flocks to the fountain of living mercies and wel-spring of life : and caused them to drink freely , without money , and be refresh●d , wh●reby they all become fruitful , and none barren as the flocks in solomons song chap. . ver . . or are they not dryed up head and tayl for want of the springs of life and so unfruitful in any thing that is good ? and have not you in this condition led , and drove them , by your example , and perswasion ; to the dirty paddles and kennels of sin and uncleanness ? and have not you ( the pretended ) heardsmen of all sorts perswaded the flocks that this is that they must dr●nk and lick up whilst on this side the grave ? and is not your flocks ( as you call them ) by that means fallen into grose disseafes , as rottenness of heart , unsoundness of mind , blindness and deafness , from seeing th●ir salvation , and hearing the voice of the lord jesus ? and are they not fallen into lameness of feet and hands ? and cannot walk upright in the just mans path , which is a shining light , but stumbles at it : nor cannot handle the sword of the spirit , which is the word of god ; by which they should war against the man of sin , and break down his strong holds . and by drinking iniquity , sin and uncleanness , is not all the flocks fallen into grose disseases ? that there is no health in them , and become weak and feeble in the faith that they should resist the devil in , and overcome him : and have lost their tast , smell and savour in the things of god ; and every thing that is seasoned with his spirit and power , become loathsome to their tast , by reason of the diseases and rottenness wanting salt in themselvs to savour withal , by which they should be a sweet savour of a sweet smelling sacrifice to god , and to season the earth . and through want of i● ▪ is not the earth corrupt ? and the creation burde●ed , and grones , and wai●s to be delivered from under that bondage . and see now what you have in your hoc● ( as you call them ) to offer to the lord that may find acc●ptance w●●h him , will he accept of the uncleane , sick , 〈◊〉 or blind ? must no● the church that is presented to god b● wi●hout spo● , wrinkl● or any such thing ? and nothing that is unclean can e●ter into his kingdome . and have you shepherds and heardsmen ( so called ) of all sorts loo●ed ●ar fully to the sever●l flocks , to keep them from the spots of the world ? or are they not run all over from head to tayle with a scab ? as a leyrosy . and have you not played the lazy s●epheards , that looks not 〈◊〉 to the flocks , or else the soph●sters ? for you have said , that you have the care and cure of souls : and that you are the phisitians : and your flocks ( as you call them ) falling into such grose disseases and uncleanness , are not you the careless shepheards , and phisitians of no vallue ? and would not you blame and be angry with the herd●men of your flocks ? and require your flocks at their hands , and throw them into prison till they made satisfaction , that should deal so badly with you , conc●rning your flocks and heards ? and will not the lord do so by you ? and is it not reasonable , just and equal that he require the flocks at your hands ? for you have been well payd , for the looking to them ; as you very well know , and the nations can witness . have you kept one certaine voice ? as the good shepheard doth , that the sh●ep might hear his voice and come together : and not stray and straggle , nor fall into pits . or have not your voices been variable , and changable as the wind , and given an unc●rtain sound ? and your flocks ( as you call them ) never find a certain voice amongst you ; and so are scattered into sects , devisions , and parties , pushing one another with head , horn , arm and shoulder into the pit , and into the m●re : inftead of helping one another out of the mire , and out of the pit. againe , have you been careful to count the flocks morning and evening , as shpeheards ought to do , and usually doth , that none be wanting ? or have you not neglected this duty also , save at fleeceing time ? and is not that like the hire●ing that cares not for the flocks , but for the fleece ? have you kept the flocks that you ( pretend to ) be overseers of well marked with the lambs mark in their foreheads , and in their right hands , that they may be known that they are his ? for if they be not , but marked with another mark , will he not say , depart i know you not ? have you acquainted the flocks wi●h the fold of peace and safety , and to come into it gently , and rest ●n meekness and quietness ? or have you not been negligent , and they grown wild , as the wild goats upon the mountains and as bu●●●●s unaccustomed to the yoak , and as heifers snuffing up the wind . have you not left the office of a shepheard ? and are not many of you turned hunters ; and hunts the lords little flock , whom he hath gathered by his power , into his spirit , and hath put them under the hand of the 〈◊〉 shepheard : that feeds them in due season ? do not you hunt them as a partridge , and make it your game and sport to spoyle and destroy them , as the hook of your prey : and prepare your tongues like bowes , and your words like arrows to destroy and cut them off ? and you know them by the shepheards mark from all the flocks in christendome ( so called . ) and do not you huntter-like , sound your horns of envy and persecution , to awaken and stir up all of the like mind with you , and the like spirit , to hunt and to spoyle the lords little flock , as though they were not worthy to feed , and live upon earth with the rest of the flocks : as though the earth were yours , and not the lords : or as if he might not have as much priviledge as you to have a flock upon earth , as well as you , as though he had no right , but all were yours ? and think you that the lord seeth not this ? and will not this anger him , and kindle his wra●h , and hasten him to call you to account , and to reward you according to your works ? and may not he justly hunt you , who have been the cheife hunters of his : and prepare his bow and his arrows against you , and mark you out , and make you a hissing , and a by-word to the nations ? and is it not just for him to take the flocks from you , who have been careless and neglected your service , and duty ? and now will not let his flock be quiet , but rend and teare them . is it not justice and equity for him to rend the flocks from you , and redeem them from your mouths , who will not suffer his , to receive the law at his mouth whom he hath ordained a priest for ever ; whose lipps preserve knowledge ? will not the just principle in you answer to his justice , that comes upon you with equity to take the flocks from you , and lay you aside like an old alminack , and gather the flocks , and put them under the hand of one shepheard , christ jesus the good shepheard , who will bring them to the fresh pastures of life , and feed them in due season , and cause them to hear his voice , and to know it , and with his , fould , and to ly down in it , in quietness , meekness and patience ; where none shall make them afraid : preserving from the storm , and from the heat , and and will bring them to the well of clean water , and fountain of living mercies , and cause them to wash and be clean , and to drink and be refreshed , that they may no longer be barren in fruits of holiness , but may bring for●h to gods glory ; and will anoint their eyes , with eye salve , and open their blind eyes , and then they will see you to be blind guides , and bless the lord that redeems them from you , and he will give them balsome and pretious oyntment , even virtue that goes out of him , the good phisitian that will cure their spots , scabs and leprosies , which ran all over them whi●st they were under your hands , and will purge their corruptions , and cure the evil disseases of sin and iniquity , by which death hath had dominion , and will give them saving health , and ●eal their backsli●dings , and open the mistery of his kingdom to them , circumcising their hearts , and eares , and causing them to understand those secrets , which are hidden from the wisdom of this world , and bring them out of the many ways , into the one way , christ jesus the way to god , and out of the many sects , devisions and parties , holes , bryars , thorns and thickets , which they are fallen into , and been intangled in , in the cloudy and dark day they have been in , whilst under your hands : and set his name and his fathers name upon them , and give them the seal of the new covenant , that they may know and be known , that they are his , whom he hath purchased with his precious blood , and redeemed , searched and sought out , even as a good shepheard , and bring them to the mountain of the house of the god of jacob , and will teach them of his wayes , isa. d . chap. d. vers . and he will watch over them who sleeps not , nor slumbers not ; and will work a reformation in the nations , and ●ring them to the one true church , which is in god , founded and built upon the sure foundation which god hath laid , and coupled together ; as with the hand of a wise workman , into the fellowship of the one body ; and christ jesus the head , which supplys the whole body , with all things needful , to build them up in their most pretious faith , which gives them victory over the man of sin , and renews into the true worship of god in the spirit and in the truth , and to the uniformity in the spiritual worship , and a true conformity to it , by his law of the spirit written in the heart , where christ is priest according to the promise of the father , minister and bishop of the soul , who ministers life , peace and comfort unto them , and renews his holy and heavenly ordinances in the church , baptizing into one spirit , and into the one faith that works by love , and purifies the heart , giving a white stone , and in it a new name , and the sinceer milk of the word , officiateing the priests offices , in the church of the first borne ; prepareing the alter , and spreading the table with fine white linnen , which is his righteousness , and prepares the bread for his church , and fills their cup with the new wine , that they may all drink of the cup of blessings , which is the communion of his blood , and may all eat of the one bread , which is the communion of his body , and his body is bread indeed , and his blood is drink indeed , and this is that that gives life ; and without it they cannot have life , and this is free without money , which the lords table is furnished with , and is inviting the people , and gathering the nations to it , from your chargable tables , for you have sold them bread , wine and water at a d●ar rate , and he will feed them with all things necessary , as one houshold , of one faith , and as one family , christ jesus , greater then solomon to rule them , as their lord and master , setting up and renewing family duties amongst them , to stand upon their watch , and to resist every appearance of evil , and to pray with the spirit , and with understanding , and to sing with the spirit and with understanding also , and he shall rule whose right it is , and the government is upon his shoulders , whose kingdome is everlasting and of whose government there shall be no end , and the lord will performe this , to reform the nations , to bring them to uniformity , and true conformity to his dear son. william edmondson . iamaica , the th . of the th . month . the end . <?xml-stylesheet href='xml htm.xsl' type='text/xsl'?> <?xml version=' . 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">this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text s in the <ref target="http://estc.bl.uk">english short title catalog</ref> (stc ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with <ref target="http://morphadorner.northwestern.edu/morphadorner/">morphadorner</ref>. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish.</edition> <editor>martin mueller</editor> <respstmt> <resp>incompletely or incorrectly transcribed words were reviewed and in many cases fixed by</resp> <name>madeline burg</name> <name>heejin ro</name> </respstmt> <respstmt> <resp>this text has not been fully proofread</resp> <name/> </respstmt> </editionstmt> <publicationstmt> <publisher>earlyprint project</publisher> <pubplace>evanston il, notre dame in, st.louis, washington mo</pubplace> <date> </date> <availability> <licence target="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/ . /deed.en_us">distributed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial . unported license</licence> </availability> <idno type="shc">a .xml</idno> </publicationstmt> <sourcedesc> <biblfull n="tcp source"> <titlestmt> <title type="_ ">the queenes arcadia. a pastorall trage-comedie presented to her maiestie and her ladies, by the vniuersitie of oxford in christs church, in august last. .</title> <author>daniel, samuel, - .</author> </titlestmt> <extent> dpi tiff g page images</extent> <publicationstmt> <publisher>university of michigan, digital library production service</publisher> <pubplace>ann arbor, michigan</pubplace> <date> january (tcp phase )</date> <idno type="marc"> </idno> <idno type="stc">stc ( nd ed.) .</idno> <idno type="stc">greg, i, .</idno> <idno type="vid"> </idno> <idno type="dlps">a </idno> <availability> <p>this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. searching, reading, printing, or downloading eebo-tcp texts is reserved for the authorized users of these project partner institutions. permission must be granted for subsequent distribution, in print or electronically, of this text, in whole or in part. please contact project staff at eebotcp-info@umich.edu for further information or permissions.</p> </availability> </publicationstmt> </biblfull> <biblfull n="printed source"> <titlestmt> <title type="_ ">the queenes arcadia. a pastorall trage-comedie presented to her maiestie and her ladies, by the vniuersitie of oxford in christs church, in august last. .</title> <author>daniel, samuel, - .</author> </titlestmt> <extent>[ ] p.</extent> <publicationstmt> <publisher>printed by g. eld, for simon waterson,</publisher> <pubplace>at london :</pubplace> <date type="publication_date"> .</date> <date type="creation_date"> </date> </publicationstmt> <notesstmt> <note> <p>anonymous. by samuel daniel.</p> </note> <note> <p>in verse.</p> </note> <note> <p>signatures: a b-k l (-l ).</p> </note> <note> <p>reproduction of the original in the british library.</p> </note> </notesstmt> </biblfull> </sourcedesc> </filedesc> <profiledesc> <textclass> <keywords scheme="lcsh"> <term>pastoral drama, english -- early works to .</term> </keywords> </textclass> </profiledesc> <xenodata type="nuheader"> <ep:epheader xmlns:ep="http://earlyprint.org/ns/ . 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-a- ">of</w> <w lemma="joy" pos="n " xml:id="a - -a- " reg="joy">ioy</w> <pc xml:id="a - -a- " unit="sentence">.</pc> </l> </sp> <trailer xml:id="a -e "> <w lemma="finis" pos="fw-la" xml:id="a - -a- ">finis</w> <pc xml:id="a - -a- " unit="sentence">.</pc> </trailer> <pb facs=" " xml:id="a - -b"/> </div> </div> </div> </body> <back> <div type="machine-generated_castlist"> <head>machine-generated castlist</head> <list n=" -a "> <item xml:id="a -techne" n=" "> <seg type="character_name">a -techne</seg> <seg type="speech_count"> </seg> </item> <item xml:id="a -amarillis" n=" "> <seg type="character_name">a -amarillis</seg> <seg type="speech_count"> </seg> </item> <item xml:id="a -cloris" n=" "> <seg type="character_name">a -cloris</seg> <seg type="speech_count"> </seg> </item> <item xml:id="a -carinus" n=" "> <seg type="character_name">a -carinus</seg> <seg type="speech_count"> </seg> </item> <item xml:id="a -ergastus" n=" "> <seg type="character_name">a -ergastus</seg> <seg type="speech_count"> </seg> </item> <item xml:id="a -silvia" n=" "> <seg type="character_name">a -silvia</seg> <seg type="speech_count"> </seg> </item> <item xml:id="a -colax" n=" "> <seg type="character_name">a -colax</seg> <seg type="speech_count"> </seg> </item> <item xml:id="a -palaemon" n=" "> <seg type="character_name">a -palaemon</seg> <seg type="speech_count"> </seg> </item> <item xml:id="a -alcon" n=" "> <seg type="character_name">a -alcon</seg> <seg type="speech_count"> </seg> </item> <item xml:id="a -melebeus" n=" "> <seg type="character_name">a -melebeus</seg> <seg type="speech_count"> </seg> </item> <item xml:id="a -dorinda" n=" "> <seg type="character_name">a -dorinda</seg> <seg type="speech_count"> </seg> </item> <item xml:id="a -mirtillus" n=" "> <seg type="character_name">a -mirtillus</seg> <seg type="speech_count"> </seg> </item> <item xml:id="a -lincus" n=" "> <seg type="character_name">a -lincus</seg> <seg type="speech_count"> </seg> </item> <item xml:id="a -daphne" n=" "> <seg type="character_name">a -daphne</seg> <seg type="speech_count"> </seg> </item> <item xml:id="a -montanus" n=" "> <seg type="character_name">a -montanus</seg> <seg type="speech_count"> </seg> </item> <item xml:id="a -unassigned" n=" "> <seg type="character_name">a -unassigned</seg> <seg type="speech_count"> </seg> </item> <item xml:id="a -acrysius" n=" "> <seg type="character_name">a -acrysius</seg> <seg type="speech_count"> </seg> </item> <item xml:id="a -pistophoenax" n=" "> <seg type="character_name">a -pistophoenax</seg> <seg type="speech_count"> </seg> </item> <item xml:id="a -missing" n=" "> <seg type="character_name">a -missing</seg> <seg type="speech_count"> </seg> </item> </list> </div> <div type="textual_notes"> <head>textual notes</head> <p>the textual notes below aim at making textual corrections readable in their immediate context and facilitating access to the source text. a five-digit number preceded by 'a' or 'b' represents an eebo-tcp filenumber. a notation like " -b- " means "look for eebo page image of that text, word on the right side of the double-page image." that reference is followed by the corrupt reading. a black dot stands for an unidentified letter, a black square for an unidentified punctuation mark, a diamond for a missing word, and the ellipsis for a short span of undefined length. the corrected reading is displayed as a keyword in context.</p> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>s�btle</sic> <seg>techne . a</seg> <corr>subtle</corr> <seg>wench of corinth .</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>quack����</sic> <seg>alcon , a</seg> <corr>quacksalver</corr> <seg>.</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>a�rysius</sic> <seg/> <corr>aerysius</corr> <seg>, the father of cloris .</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>slote</sic> <seg>vanitie , sees how from errour t'error it doth</seg> <corr>flote</corr> <seg>, as from an vnknowne ocean int' a gulfe</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>amusicke</sic> <seg>first sent is the best in things as these :</seg> <corr>a musicke</corr> <seg>of this nature on this ground ,</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>th�attyre</sic> <seg>transformd , that we discerne not an arcadian by</seg> <corr>th'attyre</corr> <seg>, our ancient pastorall habits are dispisd</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>d�g</sic> <seg>and if she meete but with my</seg> <corr>dog</corr> <seg>, she takes and strokes him on the head</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>fi�st</sic> <seg>, lets fall this daintie nosegay , hauing</seg> <corr>first</corr> <seg>bestowd a kisse thereon , to th' end i might</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>poo�e</sic> <seg>regarde of common courtesie , when such as you</seg> <corr>poore</corr> <seg>, credulous , deuout , and humble soules</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>oredulous</sic> <seg>common courtesie , when such as you poore ,</seg> <corr>credulous</corr> <seg>, deuout , and humble soules , make all</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>chothes</sic> <seg>, be wonne with garded words , and gawdie</seg> <corr>clothes</corr> <seg>.</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>hauemade</sic> <seg>since my late returne from telos court i</seg> <corr>haue made</corr> <seg>twenty of their coyest nimphes turne</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>shepheadrs</sic> <seg>deban'shme�ts of our nimphs and vile deluding of our</seg> <corr>shepheards</corr> <seg>springs : here is a monster , that hath</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>�ustes</sic> <seg>: here is a monster , that hath made his</seg> <corr>lustes</corr> <seg>as wide as is his will , and leaft his will</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>t�eachery</sic> <seg>had done to me , told me of all his wicked</seg> <corr>treachery</corr> <seg>.</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>fal�e</sic> <seg>to day , out of all question , i had shortly</seg> <corr>falne</corr> <seg>, into the melting humour of compassion</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>shall�</sic> <seg>, the paiment for his paine , and that he</seg> <corr>shall:</corr> <seg>: and ought in woman-hood . and as for loue</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>aslayes</sic> <seg>proceed with secrecie , and witte , in all</seg> <corr>assayes</corr> <seg>, perhaps you might thinke one day of the</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>s�ale</sic> <seg>thinkes doth not become you , and besides tis</seg> <corr>stale</corr> <seg>.</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>feeme</sic> <seg>the acquittance of my loue yet did she euer</seg> <corr>seeme</corr> <seg>to intertaine my affections , and my seruices</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>�gsight</sic> <seg>cleane , but also scorn'd to haue me in her</seg> <corr>sight</corr> <seg>. that now i am not for her loue thus ,</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>i�</sic> <seg/> <corr>if</corr> <seg>this be all th'occasion of thy griefe ,</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>whatpart</sic> <seg>heare the historie of my distresse , and</seg> <corr>what part</corr> <seg>i haue shar'd of sad affliction , thou</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>s�ept</sic> <seg>pin'de : as if in euery place her foote had</seg> <corr>stept</corr> <seg>, it had least siluia in a print behind</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>�ide</sic> <seg>thou goo and hide thy face , thou canst not</seg> <corr>hide</corr> <seg>thy shame , and thy disgrace , no secret</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>ye�</sic> <seg>one death , to giue m'a worse ? had it not</seg> <corr>yet</corr> <seg>bene better i had dy'de , by thy vnspotted</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>passage�</sic> <seg>supposd , that had not seene these impious</seg> <corr>passages</corr> <seg>, that euer monstrous wretch could haue</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>open-fac�t</sic> <seg>discreet , of great experience . whereby we see</seg> <corr>open-fac't</corr> <seg>villany without a maske , no mischiefe could</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>saclet</sic> <seg>that makes the breach whereby the world is</seg> <corr>sackt</corr> <seg>, and made a prey to cunning , when we fall</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>circum�ent</sic> <seg>these spirits , combine them in a knot , to</seg> <corr>circumuent</corr> <seg>plaine open honesty ? and what a creature</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>cour�e</sic> <seg>toyes , and new disguises , to reuerse the</seg> <corr>course</corr> <seg>wherein by custome they were bred ? and</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>che�p�n</sic> <seg>trafficke with the secrets of their heart , and</seg> <corr>cheapen</corr> <seg>their affections with faire words . which</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>pa�ras</sic> <seg>others arte ; though you knew me , when i in</seg> <corr>patras</corr> <seg>dwelt , and waited on a poore phisitions</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>cons�umarie</sic> <seg>actions , as els where , no tenures , but a</seg> <corr>coustumarie</corr> <seg>hold of what they haue from their progenitors</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>politi�que</sic> <seg>purchasings , no contracts , no comerse , no</seg> <corr>politicque</corr> <seg>commands , no seruices , no generall assemblies</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>el�</sic> <seg>knowledges . and either i must packe me hence , or</seg> <corr>els</corr> <seg>must labour wholy to dissolue the frame</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>b�ult</sic> <seg>frame , and composition , of their strange</seg> <corr>built</corr> <seg>state . which now i seeke to doe , by drawing</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>in croch</sic> <seg>proprieties of mine and thine and teach them to</seg> <corr>incroch</corr> <seg>and get them states apart , &amp; priuate shares</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>mon�anus</sic> <seg>aptest spirits the country yelds , i know ,</seg> <corr>montanus</corr> <seg>, and acrisius , who are both old , and</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>cholorick�e</sic> <seg>and acrisius , who are both old , and both</seg> <corr>choloricke</corr> <seg>, and both peruerse , and both inclinable</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>bothperuerse</sic> <seg>are both old , and both choloricke , and</seg> <corr>both peruerse</corr> <seg>, and both inclinable to auarice</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>inchnable</sic> <seg>choloricke , and both peruerse , and both</seg> <corr>inclinable</corr> <seg>to auarice and if there quarrell hold ,</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>a�arice</sic> <seg>and both peruerse , and both inclinable to</seg> <corr>auarice</corr> <seg>and if there quarrell hold , as tis begun</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>thereste</sic> <seg>with rocks ; hath had no intertrading with</seg> <corr>the reste</corr> <seg>of men , nor yet will haue , but here</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>haue�</sic> <seg>intertrading with the reste of men , nor yet will</seg> <corr>haue,</corr> <seg>, but here alone , quite out of fortunes</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>tal�e</sic> <seg>where : and we shall sweate , and chafe , and</seg> <corr>talke</corr> <seg>as loud , brawle our selues hoarse , as</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>greate�</sic> <seg>more but that , and one poore pill i vse for</seg> <corr>greater</corr> <seg>cures . but this is onely sweet and delicate</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>right�</sic> <seg>and that is</seg> <corr>right</corr> <seg>my trick , i ouer-whelme my practise too</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>th'l</sic> <seg>certaine hearbe wrapt vp in rowles , from</seg> <corr>th'</corr> <seg>island of nicosia , where it growes : infus'd</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>th'island</sic> <seg>certaine hearbe wrapt vp in rowles , from th'</seg> <corr>island</corr> <seg>of nicosia , where it growes : infus'd i</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>pu�ge</sic> <seg>and this he said a wondrous vertue had , to</seg> <corr>purge</corr> <seg>the head , and cure the great catarre ,</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>cata��e</sic> <seg>, to purge the head , and cure the great</seg> <corr>catarre</corr> <seg>, and to drie vp all other meaner rheumes</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>humeto�s</sic> <seg>would please the foolish people here growne</seg> <corr>humerous</corr> <seg>. and vp i tooke all this commoditie , and</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>in�atiably</sic> <seg>th'exhaust the same how infinite , and how</seg> <corr>insatiably</corr> <seg>, they doe deuoure th'intoxicating fume</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>�elling</sic> <seg>their feastiualls , to passe the time in</seg> <corr>telling</corr> <seg>wittie tales , in questions , riddles ,</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>sla�er</sic> <seg>nothing else , but sit and suck , and spit and</seg> <corr>slauer</corr> <seg>, all the time they sit . that i go by ,</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>patien�</sic> <seg>but alcon peace , here comes a</seg> <corr>patient</corr> <seg>, peace .</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>duphne</sic> <seg>doctorall aspect . this wench i know , tis</seg> <corr>daphne</corr> <seg>who hath wrongd her loue menalcas , and</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>�roth</sic> <seg>aduise me for my health , for i suppose , in</seg> <corr>troth</corr> <seg>, i am not well , me thinkes i should be</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>�hold</sic> <seg>me try your pulse . i cannot blame you ,</seg> <corr>t'hold</corr> <seg>your selfe not well . some thing amisse</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>fai�e</sic> <seg>may be proper for your maladie : it seemes</seg> <corr>faire</corr> <seg>nimph you dreame much in the night .</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>euacua�e</sic> <seg>in the end . and therefore you must first</seg> <corr>euacuate</corr> <seg>all those colaxicall hote humour which disturbe</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>misr�ld</sic> <seg>so learned and so strang ) he said i had</seg> <corr>misruld</corr> <seg>my bodie much , as if he meant that in some</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>oimpious</sic> <seg>freedome prisoner by our dome of breath ?</seg> <corr>o impious</corr> <seg>wretch now nature giues the lie</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>creat�res</sic> <seg>beautie i shall lie with wit . for these faire</seg> <corr>creatures</corr> <seg>, haue such feeble spirits , and are so</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>foo�e</sic> <seg>shall lye , and with her proud disdainefull</seg> <corr>foote</corr> <seg>she may tread on my tombe , and say , loe</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>looso</sic> <seg>eyes . and though i loose my selfe , and</seg> <corr>loose</corr> <seg>my teares , it shall be glory yet that i</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>we�t</sic> <seg>be for louing more , and more . why thou</seg> <corr>wert</corr> <seg>wont to lend me yet an eare , and though</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>que�ch</sic> <seg>alas she knowes no hand but hers can</seg> <corr>quench</corr> <seg>that heat in mee , and therefore doth she</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>see�</sic> <seg>yes something els wil grieue your heart to</seg> <corr>see:</corr> <seg>: but you must be content , and thinke your selfe</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>benedeceiud</sic> <seg>your selfe are not the first , that thus haue</seg> <corr>bene deceiud</corr> <seg>, with fayre appearing out-sides</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>mis�ooke</sic> <seg>deceiud , with fayre appearing out-sides , and</seg> <corr>mistooke</corr> <seg>a wanton heart by a chaste steming looke</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>con�ure</sic> <seg>wanton heart by a chaste steming looke . but i</seg> <corr>coniure</corr> <seg>you by the loue you beare vnto those eyes</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>aslault</sic> <seg>t'expose a maide , vnto the danger of alone</seg> <corr>assault</corr> <seg>, to make her to offend without her fault</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>�ease</sic> <seg>, when skilfull men begin , how good men</seg> <corr>cease</corr> <seg>. and therefore how much better doe we liue</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>trouolesome</sic> <seg>our mindes , and make our health to be as</seg> <corr>troublesome</corr> <seg>as sicknesse , to deuise , that no part</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>islued</sic> <seg>all cure . ah how she blusht when as she</seg> <corr>issued</corr> <seg>forth with her inamor'd mate out of the</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>ma�e</sic> <seg>when as she issued forth with her inamor'd</seg> <corr>mate</corr> <seg>out of the caue ? and well then might she</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>a�lright</sic> <seg>open sight , with terror did her guiltines</seg> <corr>affright</corr> <seg>; and vp she treades the hill with such</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>th�a n�</sic> <seg>euen at thy feete , that thou mightst see</seg> <corr>th'fane</corr> <seg>to expiate , for this iniustice donne ,</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>blo�d</sic> <seg>good she had in life , her honour , and my</seg> <corr>bloud</corr> <seg>.</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>betoucht</sic> <seg>she despised him , and one day yet she may</seg> <corr>be toucht</corr> <seg>with griefe , and that ere long , to thinke</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>cruellmaide</sic> <seg>now i know not where i should find out that</seg> <corr>cruell maide</corr> <seg>, but i must cast about .</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>�' is</sic> <seg/> <corr>tis</corr> <seg>true indeed you say , i am belou'd , sweete</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>a�turnie</sic> <seg>whom i doe confesse , pittie hath bene th'</seg> <corr>atturnie</corr> <seg>euermore that stands and pleades before</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>my steries</sic> <seg>skill and arte : and all experience of loues</seg> <corr>mysteries</corr> <seg>: to whom i must confesse me to haue giuen</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>returne�</sic> <seg>that bath so dangerously begun , or else</seg> <corr>returne t'</corr> <seg>accept mirtillus loue , who will perhaps</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>whil�</sic> <seg>toyle i vexe , and know not what to doe the</seg> <corr>while.</corr> <seg>. and therefore amarillis i thinke sure</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>wourtied</sic> <seg>it , vntill at lenght i saw it euen quite</seg> <corr>wourried</corr> <seg>out of breath , and panting at my feete</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>pleas�d</sic> <seg>thus restor'd ; and i my selfe was greatly</seg> <corr>pleasd</corr> <seg>, me thought , that by my hand so good a</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>s�ack</sic> <seg>thought , at length a little he began to</seg> <corr>slack</corr> <seg>his pace , which i perceiuing , put to all</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>deed�</sic> <seg>hunting day in eremanthus , serue for this good</seg> <corr>deed:</corr> <seg>: and when we meete ( as all of vs shall</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>o��ll</sic> <seg>worse infest , then th' eremanthian boare ,</seg> <corr>or all</corr> <seg>beasts else , which onely spoile our</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>car��us</sic> <seg>amarillis .</seg> <corr>carinus</corr> <seg>.</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>thickers</sic> <seg>thou go follow him , through brakes , and</seg> <corr>thickets</corr> <seg>, ouer cliffes and rockes so long as i had</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>marrstmine</sic> <seg>mistake i doe not marre thy sporte , tis thou</seg> <corr>marrst mine</corr> <seg>, and killst my ioyes with that hard</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>contemmig</sic> <seg>disdayne the worke when you haue don , for in</seg> <corr>contemming</corr> <seg>me you do dispise that power of yours which</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>strange�</sic> <seg>amyntas haue her loue ? that were most</seg> <corr>strange.</corr> <seg>. when he hath gotten that , you shall haue</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>amarilli�</sic> <seg>mirtillus . carinus .</seg> <corr>amarillis</corr> <seg>.</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>titcrus</sic> <seg>will carinus , though i grieue to tell . as</seg> <corr>titerus</corr> <seg>, menaleus , and my selfe were placing of</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>m�nalcas</sic> <seg>, though i grieue to tell . as titerus ,</seg> <corr>menaleus</corr> <seg>, and my selfe were placing of our toyles</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>againe�</sic> <seg>arte must serue to bring him to himselfe</seg> <corr>againe.</corr> <seg>.</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>�</sic> <seg>indeed vrania hath bene knowne</seg> <corr>t'</corr> <seg>haue done most desperate cures , and peraduenture</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>�</sic> <seg>ah amarillis .</seg> <corr>!</corr> <seg>i would that were true . but loe where come</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>m��nes</sic> <seg>would haue made as many rightes , as men had</seg> <corr>meanes</corr> <seg>, or power , or will to purchase them ;</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>dorind�</sic> <seg>palaemon . mirtillus , carinus . siluia .</seg> <corr>dorinda</corr> <seg>. amarillis , daphne . cloris . amyntas</seg> </note> <note target="a - -b- " xml:id="a - -b- -n"> <label>a - -b- </label> <sic>g�t</sic> <seg>how doubt comes in farre easier then it can</seg> <corr>get</corr> <seg>out . and in these miseries of iealousie</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>pullas</sic> <seg>your reuerent dignitie , and thou bright</seg> <corr>pallas</corr> <seg>sou'raigne of at nimphes , the royall mistresse</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>nimphe�</sic> <seg>, and thou bright pallas sou'raigne of at</seg> <corr>nimphes</corr> <seg>, the royall mistresse of our pastorall</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>wood�s</sic> <seg>pastorall muse and thou diana honour of the</seg> <corr>woodes</corr> <seg>to whome i vow my songes , and vow my selfe</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>�rue</sic> <seg>is now prou'd false , and women they are</seg> <corr>true</corr> <seg>,</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>war�ly</sic> <seg>you daphne from henceforth to looke more</seg> <corr>warily</corr> <seg>vnto your feete , which if you doe , no</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>deu��r'd</sic> <seg>rockes , and t'haue your odious carkases</seg> <corr>deuour'd</corr> <seg>by beasts , being worse your selues then</seg> </note> <note target="a - -a- " xml:id="a - -a- -n"> <label>a - -a- </label> <sic>abastardized</sic> <seg>liue , and being our selues corrupted , and</seg> <corr>a bastardized</corr> <seg>thus thinke all lookes ill ,</seg> </note> </div> </back> </text> </tei>