generously made available by the posner memorial collection (http://posner.library.cmu.edu/posner/)) transcriber's note: a few typographical errors have been corrected: they are listed at the end of the text. * * * * * in this version [=e] signifies "e macron"; [)e] "e breve"; and so forth. the "errata et corrigenda" (after the list of plates) have been actioned. voyages of the adventure and beagle. ------ volume i. [illustration: p. p. king t. landseer patagonian. published by henry colburn, great marlborough street, ] * * * * * narrative of the surveying voyages of his majesty's ships adventure and beagle, between the years and , describing their examination of the southern shores of south america, and the beagle's circumnavigation of the globe. ------ in three volumes. vol. i. ------ london: henry colburn, great marlborough street. ------ . * * * * * london: printed by. j. l. cox and sons, , great queen street, lincoln's-inn fields. * * * * * volume i. ------ proceedings of the first expedition, -- , under the command of captain p. parker king, r.n., f.r.s. * * * * * to the right honourable the earl of minto, g.c.b., first lord commissioner of the admiralty. ------ my lord: i have the honour of dedicating to your lordship, as head of the naval service, this narrative of the surveying voyages of the adventure and beagle, between the years and . originated by the board of admiralty, over which viscount melville presided, these voyages have been carried on, since , under his lordship's successors in office. captain king has authorized me to lay the results of the expedition which he commanded, from to , before your lordship, united to those of the beagle's subsequent voyages. i have the honour to be, my lord, your lordship's obedient servant, robert fitz-roy. * * * * * {ix} preface. in this work, the result of nine years' voyaging, partly on coasts little known, an attempt has been made to combine giving general information with the paramount object--that of fulfilling a duty to the admiralty, for the benefit of seamen. details, purely technical, have been avoided in the narrative more than i could have wished; but some are added in the appendix to each volume: and in a nautical memoir, drawn up for the admiralty, those which are here omitted will be found. there are a few words used frequently in the following pages, which may not at first sight be familiar to every reader, therefore i need hardly apologize for saying that, although the great portuguese navigator's name was magalhaens--it is generally pronounced as if written magellan:--that the natives of tierra del fuego are commonly called fuegians;--and that chilóe is thus accented for reasons given in page of the second volume. in the absence of captain king, who has entrusted to me the care of publishing his share of this work, i may have overlooked errors which he would have detected. being hurried, and unwell, while attending to the printing of his volume, i was not able to do it justice. {x} it may be a subject of regret, that no paper on the botany of tierra del fuego is appended to the first volume. captain king took great pains in forming and preserving a botanical collection, aided by a person embarked solely for that purpose. he placed this collection in the british museum, and was led to expect that a first-rate botanist would have examined and described it; but he has been disappointed. in conclusion, i beg to remind the reader, that the work is unavoidably of a rambling and very mixed character; that some parts may be wholly uninteresting to most readers, though, perhaps, not devoid of interest to all; and that its publication arises solely from a sense of duty. robert fitz-roy. london, march . * * * * * {xi} introduction in , the lords commissioners of the admiralty directed two ships to be prepared for a survey of the southern coasts of south america; and in may, of the following year, the adventure and the beagle were lying in plymouth sound, ready to carry the orders of their lordships into execution. these vessels were well provided with every necessary, and every comfort, which the liberality and kindness of the admiralty, navy board, and officers of the dock-yards, could cause to be furnished. on board the adventure, a roomy ship, of tons burthen, without guns,[ ] lightly though strongly rigged, and very strongly built, were-- phillip parker king, commander and surveyor, senior officer of the expedition. j. cooke lieutenant. b. ainsworth master. j. tarn surgeon. {xii} g. rowlett purser. r. h. sholl mate. j. c. wickham mate. j. f. brand mate. t. graves mate and assistant surveyor. g. harrison mate. e. williams second master. j. park assistant surgeon. w. w. wilson midshipman. a. millar master's assistant. a. mellersh volunteer st class. j. russell volunteer d class. g. hodgskin clerk. j. anderson botanical collector. gunner--boatswain--and carpenter. serjeant and fourteen marines; and about forty seamen and boys. in the beagle, a well-built little vessel, of tons, rigged as a barque, and carrying six guns, were-- pringle stokes commander and surveyor. e. hawes lieutenant. w. g. skyring lieut. and assist. surveyor. s. s. flinn master. e. bowen surgeon. j. atrill purser. j. kirke mate. b. bynoe assistant surgeon. j. l. stokes midshipman. r. f. lunie volunteer st class. w. jones volunteer d class. j. macdouall clerk. carpenter. serjeant and nine marines; and about forty seamen and boys. {xiii} in the course of the voyage, several changes occurred among the officers, which it may be well to mention here. in september, , lieutenant hawes invalided: and was succeeded by mr. r. h. sholl, the senior mate in the expedition. in february, , mr. ainsworth was unfortunately drowned; and, in his place, mr. williams acted, until superseded by mr. s. s. flinn, of the beagle. lieutenant cooke invalided in june, ; and was succeeded by mr. j. c. wickham. in the same month mr. graves received information of his promotion to the rank of lieutenant. between may and december, , mr. bowen and mr. atrill invalided; besides messrs. lunie, jones, and macdouall: mr. w. mogg joined the beagle, as acting purser; and mr. d. braily, as volunteer of the second class. mr. bynoe acted as surgeon of the beagle, after mr. bowen left, until december, . in august, , captain stokes's lamented vacancy was temporarily filled by lieutenant skyring; whose place was taken by mr. brand. mr. flinn was then removed to the adventure; and mr. a. millar put into his place. {xiv} in december, , the commander-in-chief of the station (sir robert waller otway) superseded the temporary arrangements of captain king, and appointed a commander, lieutenant, master, and surgeon to the beagle. mr. brand then invalided, and the lists of officers stood thus-- adventure ( - ). phillip parker king, commander and surveyor, senior officer of the expedition. t. graves lieut. and assist. surveyor. j. c. wickham lieutenant. s. s. flinn master. j. tarn surgeon. g. rowlett purser. g. harrison mate. w. w. wilson mate. e. williams second master. j. park assistant surgeon. a. mellersh midshipman. a. millar master's assistant. j. russell volunteer d class. g. hodgskin clerk. j. anderson botanical collector. gunner--boatswain--and carpenter. serjeant and fourteen marines: and about fifty[ ] seamen and boys. beagle ( - ). robert fitz-roy commander and surveyor. w. g. skyring lieut. and assist. surveyor. j. kempe lieutenant. m. murray master. {xv} j. wilson surgeon. w. mogg (acting) purser. j. kirke mate. b. bynoe assistant surgeon. j. l. stokes midshipman. j. may carpenter. d. braily volunteer d class. j. megget clerk. serjeant and nine marines: and about forty seamen and boys. in june, , lieutenant mitchell joined the adventure; and in february, , mr. a. millar died very suddenly:--and very much regretted. the following instructions were given to the senior officer of the expedition. "by the commissioners for executing the office of lord high admiral of the united kingdom of great britain and ireland, &c. "whereas we think fit that an accurate survey should be made of the southern coasts of the peninsula of south america, from the southern entrance of the river plata, round to chilóe; and of tierra del fuego; and whereas we have been induced to repose confidence in you, from your conduct of the surveys in new holland; we have placed you in the command of his majesty's surveying vessel the adventure; and we have directed captain stokes, of his majesty's surveying vessel the beagle, to follow your orders. "both these vessels are provided with all the {xvi} means which are necessary for the complete execution of the object above-mentioned, and for the health and comfort of their ships' companies. you are also furnished with all the information, we at present possess, of the ports which you are to survey; and nine government chronometers have been embarked in the adventure, and three in the beagle, for the better determination of the longitudes. "you are therefore hereby required and directed, as soon as both vessels shall be in all respects ready, to put to sea with them; and on your way to your ulterior destination, you are to make, or call at, the following places, successively; namely; madeira: teneriffe: the northern point of st. antonio, and the anchorage at st. jago; both in the cape verd islands: the island of trinidad, in the southern atlantic: and rio de janeiro: for the purpose of ascertaining the differences of the longitudes of those several places. "at rio de janeiro, you will receive any supplies you may require; and make with the commander-in-chief, on that station, such arrangements as may tend to facilitate your receiving further supplies, in the course of your expedition. "after which, you are to proceed to the entrance of the river plata, to ascertain the longitudes of the cape santa maria, and monte video: you are then to proceed to survey the coasts, islands, and straits; from cape st. antonio, at the south side {xvii} of the river plata, to chilóe; on the west coast of america; in such manner and order, as the state of the season, the information you may have received, or other circumstances, may induce you to adopt. "you are to continue on this service until it shall be completed; taking every opportunity to communicate to our secretary, and the commander-in-chief, your proceedings: and also, whenever you may be able to form any judgment of it, where the commander-in-chief, or our secretary, may be able to communicate with you. "in addition to any arrangements made with the admiral, for recruiting your stores, and provisions; you are, of course, at liberty to take all other means, which may be within your reach, for that essential purpose. "you are to avail yourself of every opportunity of collecting and preserving specimens of such objects of natural history as may be new, rare, or interesting; and you are to instruct captain stokes, and all the other officers, to use their best diligence in increasing the collections in each ship: the whole of which must be understood to belong to the public. "in the event of any irreparable accident happening to either of the two vessels, you are to cause the officers and crew of the disabled vessel to be {xviii} removed into the other, and with her, singly, to proceed in prosecution of the service, or return to england, according as circumstances shall appear to require; understanding that the officers and crews of both vessels are hereby authorized, and required, to continue to perform their duties, according to their respective ranks and stations, on board either vessel to which they may be so removed. should, unfortunately, your own vessel be the one disabled, you are in that case to take the command of the beagle: and, in the event of any fatal accident happening to yourself; captain stokes is hereby authorized to take the command of the expedition; either on board the adventure, or beagle, as he may prefer; placing the officer of the expedition who may then be next in seniority to him, in command of the second vessel: also, in the event of your inability, by sickness or otherwise, at any period of this service, to continue to carry the instructions into execution, you are to transfer them to captain stokes, or to the surviving officer then next in command to you, who is hereby required to execute them, in the best manner he can, for the attainment of the object in view. "when you shall have completed the service, or shall, from any cause, be induced to give it up; you will return to spithead with all convenient expedition; and report your arrival, and proceedings, to our secretary, for our information. {xix} "whilst on the south american station, you are to consider yourself under the command of the admiral of that station; to whom we have expressed our desire that he should not interfere with these orders, except under peculiar necessity. "given under our hands the th of may . (signed) "melville. "g. cockburn. "to phillip p. king, esq., commander of his majesty's surveying vessel adventure, at plymouth. "by command of their lordships. (signed) "j. w. croker." on the d of may, , the adventure and beagle sailed from plymouth; and, in their way to rio de janeiro, called successively at madeira, teneriffe, and st. jago. unfavourable weather prevented a boat being sent ashore at the northern part of san antonio; but observations were made in terrafal bay, on the south-west side of the island: and, after crossing the equator, the trade-wind hung so much to the southward, that trinidad could not be approached without a sacrifice of time, which, it was considered, might be prejudicial to more important objects of the expedition. both ships anchored at rio de janeiro on the {xx} th of august, and remained there until the d of october, when they sailed to the river plata. in maldonado,[ ] their anchors were dropped on the th of the same month; and, till the th of november, each vessel was employed on the north side of the river, between cape st. mary and monte video. * * * * * {xxi} contents volume i. ------ chapter i. page departure from monte video--port santa elena--geological remarks--cape fairweather--non-existence of chalk--natural history--approach to cape virgins, and the strait of magalhaens (or magellan) chapter ii. enter the strait of magalhaens (or magellan), and anchor off cape possession--first narrow--gregory bay--patagonian indians--second narrow--elizabeth island--freshwater bay-- fuegian indians--arrival at port famine chapter iii. prepare the beagle, and a decked boat (the hope) for surveying the strait--beagle sails westward, and the hope towards the south-east--sarmiento's voyage--and description of the colony formed by him at port famine--steamer duck-- large trees--parroquets--mount tarn--barometrical observations--geological character--report of the hope's cruise chapter iv. deer seen--hope sails again--eagle bay--gabriel channel-- 'williwaws'--port waterfall--natives--admiralty sound-- gabriel channel--magdalen channel--hope returns to port famine--san antonio--lomas bay--loss of boat--master and two seamen drowned {xxii} chapter v. lieutenant sholl arrives--beagle returns--loss of the saxe coburg sealer--captain stokes goes to fury harbour to save her crew--beagle's proceedings--bougainville's memorial-- cordova's memorial--beagle's danger--difficulties--captain stokes's boat-cruise--passages--natives--dangerous service-- western entrance of the strait of magalhaens--hope's cruise--prepare to return to monte video chapter vi. trees--leave port famine--patagonians--gregory bay-- bysante--maria--falkner's account of the natives-- indians seen on the borders of the otway water, in -- maria visits the adventure--religious ceremony--patagonian encampment--tomb of a child--women's employment-- children--gratitude of a native--size of patagonians-- former accounts of their gigantic height--character-- articles for barter--fuegians living with patagonians-- ships sail--arrive at monte video and rio de janeiro chapter vii. leave rio de janeiro--santos--sta. catharina--monte video--purchase the adelaide schooner, for a tender to the adventure--leave monte video--beagle goes to port desire--shoals off cape blanco--bellaco rock--cape virgins--possession bay--first narrow--race--gregory bay--view--tomb--traffic with natives--cordial meeting-- maria goes on board--natives intoxicated--laredo bay-- port famine chapter viii. find that the cutter had been burned--anxiety for the beagle--uxbridge sealer--beagle arrives--her cruise-- bellaco rock--san julian--santa cruz--gallegos--adeona-- {xxiii} death of lieutenant sholl--adelaide sails--supposed channel of san antonio--useless bay--natives--port san antonio--humming-birds--fuegians--beagle sails--sarmiento-- roldan--pond--whales--structure--scenery--port gallant chapter ix. detention in port gallant--humming-birds in snow showers-- fuegians--geological remarks--canoes--carving--birds-- fish--shag narrows--glaciers--avalanches--natives-- climate--winter setting in--adelaide loses a boat-- floods--lightning--scurvy--adelaide's survey--bougainville harbour--indians cross the strait, and visit port famine-- sealing vessels sail--scurvy increases--adelaide sent for guanaco meat--return of the beagle--captain stokes very ill--adelaide brings meat from the patagonians--death of captain stokes chapter x. account of the beagle's cruise--borja bay--cape quod-- stuart bay--cape notch--remarks on weather, and errors of chart--evangelists--santa lucia--madre de dios--gulf of trinidad--port henry--puma's track--humming-birds--very bad weather--campana island--dangers--gale--wet--sick-- santa barbara--wager's beam--wigwams--guaineco islands-- cape tres montes--st. paul--port otway--hoppner sound-- cape raper chapter xi. leave port otway--san quintin sound--gulf of peñas--kelly harbour--st. xavier island--death of serjeant lyndsey-- port xavier--ygnacio bay--channel's mouth--bad weather-- perilous situation--lose the yawl--sick list--return to port otway--thence to port famine--gregory bay--natives-- guanaco meat--skunk--condors--brazilians--juanico--captain foster--changes of officers {xxiv} chapter xii. adventure sails from rio de janeiro to the river plata-- gorriti--maldonado--extraordinary pampero--beagle's losses--ganges arrives--another pampero--go up the river for water--gale, and consequent detention--sail from monte video--part from consorts--port desire--tower rock-- skeletons--sea bear bay--fire--guanacoes--port desire inlet--indian graves--vessels separate--captain foster-- chanticleer--cape horn--kater peak--sail from st. martin cove--tribute to captain foster--valparaiso--santiago-- pinto heights--chilóe--aldunate chapter xiii. beagle and adelaide anchor in possession bay--beagle passes the first narrow--fogs--pecket harbour--adelaide arrives with guanaco meat--portuguese seamen--peculiar light--party missing--return--proceed towards port famine--fuegians--lieut. skyring--adelaide sails to survey magdalen and barbara channels--views--lyell sound--kempe harbour--cascade bay--san pedro sound--port gallant-- diet--rain--awnings--boat cruise--warning--jerome channel--blanket bags--otway water--frequent rain-- difficulty in lighting fires chapter xiv. place for a settlement--frost--boats in danger--narrow escape--sudden change--beagle hills--fuegian painting-- tides--medicine--water warmer than the air--jerome channel--mr. stokes returns to the beagle--cape quod-- snowy sound--whale sound--choiseul bay--return to the beagle--adelaide returns--plan of operations--difficulties removed--preparations--wear and tear of clothing--ascend the mountain de la cruz--sail from port gallant--tides-- borja bay--cape quod--gulf of xaultegua--frost and snow-- meet adelaide--part--enter pacific--arrive at chilóe {xxv} chapter xv. extracts from the journals of lieutenants skyring and graves--magdalen channel--keats sound--mount sarmiento-- barrow head--cockburn channel--prevalence of south-west winds--melville sound--ascent of mount skyring--memorial-- cockburn and barbara channels--mass of islets and rocks-- hewett bay--cypress trees useful--adelaide rejoins beagle in port gallant--captain king's narrative resumed--plan of future proceedings--adelaide arrives at chilóe--abstract of lieutenant skyring's account of her proceedings--smyth channel--mount burney--'ancon sin salida'--natives--kirke narrow--guia narrow--peculiar tides--indians in plank canoes--passage to chilóe chapter xvi. chilóe--its probable importance--valdivia founds seven cities; afterwards destroyed by the indians--migration of spanish settlers--province and islands of chilóe--districts and population--government--defence--winds--town-- durability of wooden buildings--cultivation--want of industry--improvement--dress--habits of lower classes-- morality--schools--language--produce--manufactures-- exports and imports--varieties of wood--alerse--roads-- piraguas--ploughs--corn--potatoes--contributions--birds-- shell-fish--medical practitioners--remedies--climate chapter xvii. chilóe the last spanish possession in south america-- freyre's expedition--failure--second expedition under freyre and blanco--quintanilla's capitulation--chilóe taken--aldunate placed in command--chilóe a dependency of chile--beagle sails to sea coast of tierra del fuego-- adelaide repaired--adelaide sails--adventure goes to {xxvi} valparaiso--juan fernandez--fishery--goats--dogs-- geology--botany--shells--spanish accounts--anson's voyage--talcahuano--concepcion--pinoleo--araucanian indians--re-enter the strait of magalhaens--fuegians chapter xviii. adelaide's last cruise--port otway--san quintin--marine islands--unknown river or passage--san tadeo--isthmus of ofqui--san rafael--sufferings and route of wager's party--channel's mouth--byron--cheap--elliot--hamilton-- campbell--indian cacique--passage of the desecho-- osorio--xavier island--jesuit sound--kirke's report-- night tides--guaianeco islands--site of the wager's wreck--bulkely and cummings--speedwell bay--indigenous wild potato--mesier channel--fatal bay--death of mr. millar--fallos channel--lieutenant skyring's illness-- english narrow--fish--wigwams--indians--level bay--brazo ancho--eyre sound--seal--icebergs--walker bay--nature of the country--habits of the natives--scarcity of population chapter xix. sarmiento channel--ancon sin salida--cape earnest--canal of the mountains--termination of the andes--kirke narrow-- easter bay--disappointment bay--obstruction sound--last hope inlet--swans--coots--deer river--lagoon--singular eddies--passage of the narrow--arrival at port famine-- zoological remarks chapter xx. beagle sails from san carlos--enters strait--harbour of mercy--cape pillar--apostles--judges--landfall island-- cape gloucester--dislocation harbour--week islands-- fuegians--latitude bay--boat's crew in distress--petrel-- passages--otway bay--cape tate--fincham islands-- {xxvii} deepwater sound--breaker bay--grafton islands--geological remarks--barbara channel--mount skyring--compasses affected--drawings--provisions--opportunities lost chapter xxi. skyring's chart--noir island--penguins--fuegians-- sarmiento--townshend harbour--horace peaks--cape desolation--boat lost--basket--search in desolation bay-- natives--heavy gale--surprise--seizure--consequences-- return to beagle--sail to stewart harbour--set out again--escape of natives--unavailing search--discomforts-- tides--nature of coast--doris cove--christmas sound-- cook--york-minster--march harbour--build a boat-- treacherous rocks--skirmish with the natives--captives-- boat memory--petrel chapter xxii. mr. murray returns--go to new year sound--see diego ramirez islands from henderson island--weddell's indian cove--sympiesometer--return to christmas sound--beagle sails--passes the ildefonso and diego ramirez islands-- anchors in nassau bay--orange bay--yapoos--mr. murray discovers the beagle channel--numerous natives-- guanacoes--compasses affected--cape horn--specimens-- chanticleer--mistake about st. francis bay--diego ramirez islands--climate--san joachim cove--barnevelt isles-- evouts isle--lennox harbour chapter xxiii. set out in boats--find guanacoes--murray narrow--birch fungus--tide--channel--glaciers--view--mountains-- unbroken chain--passages--steam-vessels--jemmy button-- puma--nest--accident--natives--murray's journal--cape graham--cape kinnaird--spaniard harbour--valentyn bay-- {xxviii} cape good success--natives--lennox island--strait le maire--good success bay--accident--tide race--san vicente--san diego--tides--soundings--north-east coast-- san sebastian--reflections--port desire--monte video-- santa catharina--rio de janeiro chapter xxiv. a few nautical remarks upon the passage round cape horn; and upon that through the strait of magalhaens, or magellan {xxix} directions to the binder for placing the plates. volume i. map of south america loose. strait of magalhaens loose. patagonian frontispiece. monte video to face page distant view of mount sarmiento (with two other views) curious peak--admiralty sound (with other views) patagonian 'toldo' and tomb monte video mole rio de janeiro fuegian wigwams at hope harbour, in the magdalen channel monte video--custom-house corcovado mountain mount sarmiento san carlos de chilóe breast ploughing in chilóe point arena--chilóe (with other views) south west opening of cockburn channel (with views of headlands) wollaston island, near cape horn chart of a part of south america, by captain p. p. king ------ note.--the loose plates are to be folded into pockets in the covers of the volumes. * * * * * errata et corrigenda. ------ page , line from bottom, _for_ lying, _read_ being. , heading, line , _for_ beagle sailed, _read_ beagle sails. , line , _insert_ narrow, _before_ and shoal. , line , _instead of_ the, _read_ our. , line , _for_ cuts, _read_ cut. , line , _for_ have, _read_ had. , (note) line from bottom, _for_ they, _read_ he. , line , _for _was, _read_ were. , line , _after_ day, _insert a_ colon _instead of a_ comma. , line , _after_ as well, _insert_ as. , line , _for_ lieutenants skyring and graves again took with them, _read_ lieutenant skyring again took with him. , line , _dele_ the. , line , _for_ contiue, _read_ continue. , line , _for_ wit, _read_ with. , line , _for_ santa catalina, _read_ santa catharina. , line , _after_ which is, _insert_ a. , bottom line, _for_ . . , _read_ . . . , line , (of positions) _for_ . , _read_ . . ---- bottom line, _for_ . , _read_ . . , line , _for_ northern, _read_ southern. , line from bottom, _for_ . , _read_ . ; and _for_ . , _read_ . . , line , _for_ °, _read_ °. , line , _for_ . , _read_ . . , line , _for_ . . , _read_ . . ; and _for_ . . , _read_ . . . , _for_ variation, _read_ dip. mammalia. , line , _for_ harlau _read_ harlan. , line , _for_ keroda _read_ kerodon. birds. , line , _for_ dumérel, _read_ duméril. ---- line , _for_ miloago, _read_ milvago. ---- line , _for_ sparoerius, _read_ sparverius. , line , _dele_ spix. ---- bottom line, _for_ silvia, _read_ sylvia, and in next page the same. , line , _dele_ fursa, veillot. ---- line from bottom, _for_ smaragdimis, _read_ smaragdinus. , line from bottom, _for_ strutheo, _read_ struthio. ---- line from bottom, for _rinacea_, read _binacea_. , line , _for_ totamus, _read_ totanus. , line , for _subtas_, read _subtus_. ---- lower lines, _where_ hoematopus occurs, _read_ hÆmatopus. , last line, for _meneque_, read _mineque_; and for _pariè_, read _parcè_. , line , _for_ catarrhoctes, _read_ catarrhactes. ---- line from bottom, for _ud_, read _ad_. , line , for _gracillimus_, read _gracillimis_. shells. , last line, for _brachyptera_, read _brachypterus_; for _patachonica_, read _patachonicus_. * * * * * [illustration: c. martens t. landseer monte video. published by henry colburn, great marlborough street, ] * * * * * { } surveying voyages of the adventure and the beagle, - . ------ chapter i. departure from monte video--port santa elena--geological remarks--cape fairweather--non-existence of chalk--natural history--approach to cape virgins, and the strait of magalhaens (or magellan) we sailed from monte video on the th of november ; and, in company with the beagle, quitted the river plata. according to my instructions, the survey was to commence at cape san antonio, the southern limit of the entrance of the plata; but, for the following urgent reasons, i decided to begin with the southern coasts of patagonia, and tierra del fuego, including the straits of magalhaens.[ ] in the first place, they presented a field of great interest and novelty; and secondly, the climate of the higher southern latitudes being so severe and tempestuous, it appeared important to encounter its rigours while the ships were in good condition--while the crews were healthy--and while the charms of a new and difficult enterprize had full force. { } our course was therefore southerly, and in latitude ° south, a few leagues northward of port santa elena, we first saw the coast of patagonia. i intended to visit that port; and, on the th, anchored, and landed there. seamen should remember that a knowledge of the tide is of especial consequence in and near port santa elena. during a calm we were carried by it towards reefs which line the shore, and were obliged to anchor until a breeze sprung up. the coast along which we had passed, from point lobos to the north-east point of port santa elena, appeared to be dry and bare of vegetation. there were no trees; the land seemed to be one long extent of undulating plain, beyond which were high, flat-topped hills of a rocky, precipitous character. the shore was fronted by rocky reefs extending two or three miles from high-water mark, which, as the tide fell, were left dry, and in many places were covered with seals. as soon as we had secured the ships, captain stokes accompanied me on shore to select a place for our observations. we found the spot which the spanish astronomers of malaspina's voyage (in ) used for their observatory, the most convenient for our purpose. it is near a very steep shingle (stony) beach at the back of a conspicuous red-coloured, rocky projection which terminates a small bay, on the western side, at the head of the port. the remains of a wreck, which proved to be that of an american whaler, the decatur of new york, were found upon the extremity of the same point; she had been driven on shore from her anchors during a gale. the sight of the wreck, and the steepness of the shingle beach just described, evidently caused by the frequent action of a heavy sea, did not produce a favourable opinion of the safety of the port: but as it was not the season for easterly gales, to which only the anchorage is exposed, and as appearances indicated a westerly wind, we did not anticipate danger. while we were returning on board, the wind blew so strongly that we had much difficulty in reaching the ships, and the boats were no sooner hoisted up, and every thing { } made snug, than it blew a hard gale from the s.w. the water however, from the wind being off the land, was perfectly smooth, and the ships rode securely through the night: but the following morning the gale increased, and veered to the southward, which threw a heavy sea into the port, placing us, to say the least, in a very uneasy situation. happily it ceased at sunset. in consequence of the unfavourable state of the weather, no attempt was made to land in order to observe an eclipse of the sun; to make which observation was one reason for visiting this port. the day after the gale, while i was employed in making some astronomical observations, a party roamed about in quest of game: but with little success, as they killed only a few wild ducks. the fire which they made for cooking communicated to the dry stubbly grass, and in a few minutes the whole country was in a blaze. the flames continued to spread during our stay, and, in a few days, more than fifteen miles along the coast, and seven or eight miles into the interior were overrun by the fire. the smoke very much impeded our observations, for at times it quite obscured the sun. the geological structure of this part of the country, and a considerable portion of the coast to the north and south, consists of a fine-grained porphyritic clay slate. the summits of the hills near the coast are generally of a rounded form, and are paved, as it were, with small, rounded, siliceous pebbles, imbedded in the soil, and in no instance lying loose or in heaps; but those of the interior are flat-topped, and uniform in height, for many miles in extent. the valleys and lower elevations, notwithstanding the poverty and parched state of the soil, were partially covered with grass and shrubby plants, which afford sustenance to numerous herds of guanacoes. many of these animals were observed feeding near the beach when we were working into the bay, but they took the alarm, so that upon landing we only saw them at a considerable distance. in none of our excursions could we find any water that had not a brackish taste. several wells have been dug in the valleys, both near the sea and at a considerable distance from it, by the { } crews of sealing vessels; but, except in the rainy season, they all contain saltish water. this observation is applicable to nearly the whole extent of the porphyritic country. oyster-shells, three or four inches in diameter, were found, scattered over the hills, to the height of three or four hundred feet above the sea. sir john narborough, in , found oyster-shells at port san julian; but, from a great many which have been lately collected there, we know that they are of a species different from that found at port santa elena. both are fossils. no recent specimen of the genus _ostrea_ was found by us on any part of the patagonian coast. narborough, in noticing those at port san julian, says, "they are the biggest oyster-shells that i ever saw, some six, some seven inches broad, yet not one oyster to be found in the harbour: whence i conclude they were here when the world was formed." the short period of our visit did not enable us to add much to natural history. of quadrupeds we saw guanacoes, foxes, cavies, and the armadillo; but no traces of the puma (_felis concolor_), or south american lion, although it is to be met with in the interior. i mentioned that a herd of guanacoes was feeding near the shore when we arrived. every exertion was made to obtain some of the animals; but, either from their shyness, or our ignorance of the mode of entrapping them, we tried in vain, until the arrival of a small sealing-vessel, which had hastened to our assistance, upon seeing the fires we had accidentally made, but which her crew thought were intended for signals of distress. they shot two, and sent some of the meat on board the adventure. the next day, mr. tarn succeeded in shooting one, a female, which, when skinned and cleaned, weighed lbs. narborough mentions having killed one at port san julian, that weighed, "cleaned in his quarters, lbs." the watchful and wary character of this animal is very remarkable. whenever a herd is feeding, one is posted, like a sentinel, on a height; and, at the approach of danger, gives instant alarm by a loud neigh, when away they all go, at a hand-gallop, to the next eminence, where they quietly resume their feeding, { } until again warned of the approach of danger by their vigilant 'look-out.' another peculiarity of the guanaco is, the habit of resorting to particular spots for natural purposes. this is mentioned in the 'dictionnaire d'histoire naturelle,' in the 'encyclopédie méthodique,' as well as other works. in one place we found the bones of thirty-one guanacoes collected within a space of thirty yards, perhaps the result of an encampment of indians, as evident traces of them were observed; among which were a human jaw-bone, and a piece of agate ingeniously chipped into the shape of a spear-head. the fox, which we did not take, appeared to be small, and similar to a new species afterwards found by us in the strait of magalhaens. the cavia[ ] (or, as it is called by narborough, byron, and wood, the hare, an animal from which it differs both in appearance and habits, as well as flavour), makes a good dish; and so does the armadillo, which our people called the shell-pig.[ ] this little animal is found abundantly about the low land, and lives in burrows underground; several were taken by the seamen, and, when cooked in their shells, were savoury and wholesome. teal were abundant upon the marshy grounds. a few partridges, doves, and snipes, a rail, and some hawks were shot. the few sea-birds that were observed consisted of two species of gulls, a grebe and a penguin (_aptenodytes magellanica_). we found two species of snakes and several kinds of lizards. fish were scarce, as were also insects; of the last, our { } collections consisted only of a few species of _coleoptera_, two or three _lepidoptera_, and two _hymenoptera_. among the sea-shells, the most abundant was the _patella deaurata_, lamk.; this, with three other species of patella, one _chiton_, three species of _mytilus_, three of _murex_, one of _crepidula_, and a _venus_, were all that we collected. about the country, near the sea-shore, there is a small tree, whose stem and roots are highly esteemed for fuel by the crews of sealing-vessels which frequent this coast. they call it 'piccolo.' the leaf was described to me as having a prickle upon it, and the flower as of a yellow colour. a species of berberis also is found, which when ripe may afford a very palatable fruit. our short visit gave us no flattering opinion of the fertility of the country near this port. of the interior we were ignorant; but, from the absence of indians and the scarcity of fresh water, it is probably very bare of pasturage. falkner, the jesuit missionary, says these parts were used by the tehuelhet tribes for burying-places: we saw, however, no graves, nor any traces of bodies, excepting the jaw-bone above-mentioned; but subsequently, at sea bear bay, we found many places on the summits of the hills which had evidently been used for such a purpose, although then containing no remains of bodies. this corresponds with falkner's account, that after a period of twelve months the sepulchres are formally visited by the tribe, when the bones of their relatives and friends are collected and carried to certain places, where the skeletons are arranged in order, and tricked out with all the finery and ornaments they can collect. the ships sailed from port santa elena on the th december, and proceeded to the southward, coasting the shore as far as cape two bays. our object being to proceed with all expedition to the strait of magalhaens, the examination of this part of the coast was reserved for a future opportunity. on the th, we had reached within fifty miles of cape virgins, the headland at the entrance of the strait, but it was directly in the wind's eye { } of us. the wind veering to s.s.w., we made about a west course. at day-light the land was in sight, terminating in a point to the s.w., so exactly like the description of cape virgins and the view of it in alison's voyage, that without considering our place on the chart, or calculating the previous twenty-four hours' run, it was taken for the cape itself, and, no one suspecting a mistake, thought of verifying the ship's position. the point, however, proved to be cape fairweather. it was not a little singular, that the same mistake should have been made on board the beagle, where the error was not discovered for three days.[ ] from the appearance of the weather i was anxious to approach the land in order to anchor, as there seemed to be every likelihood of a gale; and we were not deceived, for at three o'clock, being within seven miles of the cape, a strong wind sprung up from the s.w., and the anchor was dropped. towards evening it blew so hard, that both ships dragged their anchors for a considerable distance. on the charts of this part of the coast the shore is described to be formed of "chalk hills, like the coast of kent." to geologists, therefore, especially, as they were not disposed to believe that such was the fact, this was a question of some interest. from our anchorage the appearance of the land favoured our belief of the existence of chalk. the outline was very level and steep; precipitous cliffs of whitish colour, stratified horizontally, with their upper part occasionally worn into hollows, strongly resembled the chalk cliffs of the english coasts. the gale prevented our landing for three days, when ( th) a few minutes sufficed to discover that the cliffs were composed { } of soft clay, varying in colour and consistence, and disposed in strata running horizontally for many miles without interruption, excepting where water-courses had worn them away. some of the strata were very fine clay, unmixed with any other substance, whilst others were plentifully strewed with round siliceous gravel,[ ] without any vestige of organic remains. the sea beach, from high-water mark to the base of the cliffs, is formed by shingle, with scattered masses of indurated clay of a green colour.[ ] between the high and low tide marks there is a smooth beach of the same green clay as the masses above-mentioned, which appears to have been hardened by the action of the surf to the consistence of stone. generally this beach extends for about one hundred yards farther into the sea, and is succeeded by a soft green mud, over which the water gradually deepens. the outer edge of the clay forms a ledge, extending parallel with the coast, upon the whole length of which the sea breaks, and over it a boat can with difficulty pass at low water. the very few shells we found were dead. strewed about the beach were numbers of fish, some of which had been thrown on shore by the last tide, and were scarcely stiff. they principally belonged to the genus _ophidium_; the largest that we saw measured four feet seven inches in length, and weighed twenty-four pounds. many caught alongside the ship were, in truth, coarse and insipid; yet our people, who fed heartily upon them, called them ling, and thought them palatable. the hook, however, furnished us with a very wholesome and well-flavoured species of cod (_gadus_). attached to the first we found two parasitical animals; one was a _cymothoa_, the other a species of _lernæa_, which had so { } securely attached itself under the skin, as not to be removed without cutting off a piece of the flesh with it. an undescribed species of _muræna_ was also taken. whilst we were on shore, the beagle moved eight or nine miles nearer to the cape, where captain stokes landed to fix positions of remarkable land. one peaked hill, from the circumstance of his seeing a large animal near it, he called tiger mount. mr. bowen shot a guanaco; and being at a distance in shore, unable to procure assistance, he skinned and quartered it with his pocket-knife, and carried it upon his shoulders to the boat. next morning the ships weighed, and proceeded towards cape virgins. when a-breast of cape fairweather, the opening of the river gallegos was very distinctly seen; but the examination of it was deferred to a future opportunity. passing onward, the water shoaled to four fathoms, until we had passed extensive banks, which front the river. our approach to the entrance of the strait, although attended with anxiety, caused sensations of interest and pleasure not easily to be described. though dangers were experienced by some navigators who had passed it, the comparative facility with which others had effected the passage showed that, at times, the difficulties were easily surmounted, and we were willing to suppose that in the former case there might have been some little exaggeration. the most complete, and, probably, the only good account of the navigation of the strait of magalhaens is contained in the narrative of don antonio de cordova, who commanded the spanish frigate santa maria de la cabeza, on a voyage expressly for the purpose of exploring the strait. it was published under the title of 'ultimo viage al estrecho de magallanes.' that voyage was, however, concluded with only the examination of the eastern part, and a subsequent expedition was made, under the command of the same officer, the account of which was appended to the cabeza's voyage; so that cordova's expedition still retained the appellation of 'ultimo { } viage, &c.' it is written in a plain and simple style, gives a most correct account of every thing seen, and should therefore be in the possession of every person who attempts the navigation of the strait. cordova's account of the climate is very uninviting. speaking of the rigours of the summer months (january, february, and march), he says, "seldom was the sky clear, and short were the intervals in which we experienced the sun's warmth: no day passed by without some rain having fallen, and the most usual state of the weather was that of constant rain."[ ] the accounts of wallis and carteret are still more gloomy. the former concludes that part of his narrative with the following dismal and disheartening description: "thus we quitted a dreary and inhospitable region, where we were in almost continual danger of shipwreck for near four months, having entered the strait on the th of december, and quitted it on the th of april : a region where, in the midst of summer, the weather was cold, gloomy, and tempestuous, where the prospects had more the appearance of a chaos than of nature; and where for the most part the valleys were without herbage and the hills without wood." these records of cordova and wallis made me feel not a little apprehensive for the health of the crew, which could not be expected to escape uninjured through the rigours of such a climate. nor were the narratives of byron or bougainville calculated to lessen my anxiety. in an account, however, of a voyage to the strait by m. a. duclos guyot, the following paragraph tended considerably to relieve my mind upon the subject:--"at length, on saturday the d of march, we sailed out of that famous strait, so much dreaded, after having experienced that there, as well as in other places, it was very fine, and very warm, and that for three-fourths of the time the sea was perfectly calm." in every view of the case, our proximity to the principal scene of action occasioned sensations of a peculiar nature, in which, however, those that were most agreeable and hopeful { } preponderated. the officers and crews of both ships were healthy, and elated with the prospect before them; our vessels were in every respect strong and sea-worthy; and we were possessed of every comfort and resource necessary for encountering much greater difficulties than we had any reason to anticipate. * * * * * there has existed much difference of opinion as to the correct mode of spelling the name of the celebrated navigator who discovered this strait. the french and english usually write it magellan, and the spaniards magallanes; but by the portuguese (and he was a native of portugal) it is universally written magalhaens. admiral burney and mr. dalrymple spell it magalhanes, which mode i have elsewhere adopted, but i have since convinced myself of the propriety of following the portuguese orthography for a name which, to this day, is very common both in portugal and brazil. * * * * * { } chapter ii. enter the straits of magalhaens (or magellan), and anchor off cape possession--first narrow--gregory bay--patagonian indians--second narrow--elizabeth island--freshwater bay--fuegian indians--arrival at port famine. a contrary tide and light winds detained us at anchor near cape virgins until four o'clock in the afternoon, when, with the turn of the tide, a light air carried us past dungeness point, aptly named by wallis from its resemblance to that in the english channel. a great number of seals were huddled together upon the bank, above the wash of the tide, whilst others were sporting about in the surf. cape possession was in sight, and with the wind and tide in our favour we proceeded until ten o'clock, when the anchor was dropped. at daylight we found ourselves six miles to the eastward of the cape. the anchor was then weighed, and was again dropped at three miles from the cape until the afternoon, when we made another attempt; but lost ground, and anchored a third time. before night a fourth attempt was made, but the tide prevented our making any advance, and we again anchored. mount aymond[ ] and "his four sons," or (according to the old quaint nomenclature) the asses' ears, had been in sight all day, as well as a small hummock of land on the s.w. horizon, which afterwards proved to be the peaked hillock upon cape orange, at the south side of the entrance to the first narrow. at this anchorage the tide fell thirty feet, but the strength of the current, compared with the rate at which we afterwards found it to run, was inconsiderable. here we first experienced { } the peculiar tides of which former navigators have written. during the first half of the flood[ ] or westward tide, the depth decreased, and then, after a short interval, increased until three hours after the stream of tide had begun to run to the eastward. the following morning ( st) we gained a little ground. our glasses were directed to the shore in search of inhabitants, for it was hereabouts that byron, and wallis, and some of the spanish navigators held communication with the patagonian indians; but we saw none. masses of large sea-weed,[ ] drifting with the tide, floated past the ship. a description of this remarkable plant, although it has often been given before, may not be irrelevant here. it is rooted upon rocks or stones at the bottom of the sea, and rises to the surface, even from great depths. we have found it firmly fixed to the ground more than twenty fathoms under water, yet trailing along the surface for forty or fifty feet. when firmly rooted it shows the set of the tide or current. it has also the advantage of indicating rocky ground: for wherever there are rocks under water, their situation is, as it were, buoyed by a mass of sea-weed[ ] on the surface of the sea, of larger extent than that of the danger below. in many instances perhaps it causes unnecessary alarm, since it often grows in deep water; but it should not be entered without its vicinity having been sounded, especially if seen in masses, with the extremities of the stems trailing along the surface. if there be no tide, or if the wind and tide are the same way, the plant lies smoothly upon the water, but if the wind be against the tide, the leaves curl up and are visible at a distance, giving a rough, rippling appearance to the surface of the water. during the last two days the dredge had furnished us with a few specimens of _infundibulum_ of sowerby (_patella trochi-formis_, lin.), and some dead shells (_murex magellanicus_) were brought up by the sounding-lead. we made another attempt next morning, but again lost { } ground, and the anchor was dropped for the eighth time. the threatening appearances of the clouds, and a considerable fall of the barometer indicating bad weather, captain stokes agreed with me in thinking it advisable to await the spring-tides to pass the first narrow: the ships were therefore made snug for the expected gale, which soon came on, and we remained several days wind-bound, with top-masts struck, in a rapid tide-way, whose stream sometimes ran seven knots. on the th, with some appearance of improving weather, we made an attempt to pass through the narrow. the wind blowing strong, directly against us, and strengthening as we advanced, caused a hollow sea, that repeatedly broke over us. the tide set us through the narrow very rapidly, but the gale was so violent that we could not show more sail than was absolutely necessary to keep the ship under command. wearing every ten minutes, as we approached either shore, lost us a great deal of ground, and as the anchorage we left was at a considerable distance from the entrance of the narrows, the tide was not sufficient to carry us through. at slack water the wind fell, and as the weather became fine, i was induced to search for anchorage near the south shore. the sight of kelp, however, fringing the coast, warned me off, and we were obliged to return to an anchorage in possession bay. the beagle had already anchored in a very favourable berth; but the tide was too strong to permit us to reach the place she occupied, and our anchor was dropped a mile astern of her, in nineteen fathoms. the tide was then running five, and soon afterwards six miles an hour. had the western tide set with equal strength, we should have succeeded in passing the narrow. our failure, however, answered the good purpose of making us more acquainted with the extent of a bank that lines the northern side of possession bay, and with the time of the turn of tide in the narrow; which on this day (new moon) took place within a few minutes of noon. as we passed cape orange, some indians were observed lighting a fire under the lee of the hill to attract our notice; but we were too busily engaged to pay much attention to { } their movements. guanacoes also were seen feeding near the beach, which was the first intimation we had of the existence of that animal southward of the strait of magalhaens. when day broke ( th) it was discovered that the ship had drifted considerably during the night. the anchor was weighed, and with a favourable tide we reached an anchorage a mile in advance of the beagle. we had shoaled rather suddenly to eight fathoms, upon which the anchor was immediately dropped, and on veering cable the depth was eleven fathoms. we had anchored on the edge of a bank, which soon afterwards, by the tide falling, was left dry within one hundred yards of the ship. finding ourselves so near a shoal, preparations were made to prevent the ship from touching it. an anchor was dropped under foot, and others were got ready to lay out, for the depth alongside had decreased from eleven to seven fathoms, and was still falling. fortunately we had brought up to leeward of the bank, and suffered no inconvenience; the flood made, and as soon as possible the ship was shifted to another position, about half a mile to the s.e., in a situation very favourable for our next attempt to pass the narrow. this night the tide fell thirty-six feet, and the stream ran six knots. the ensuing morning we made another attempt to get through the narrow, and, from having anchored so close to its entrance, by which the full benefit of the strength, as well as the whole duration of the tide was obtained, we succeeded in clearing it in two hours, although the distance was more than twenty miles, and the wind directly against us, the sea, as before, breaking repeatedly over the ship. after emerging from the narrow we had to pass through a heavy 'race' before we 'reached' out of the influence of the stream that runs between the first and second narrow, but the tide lasted long enough to carry us to a quiet anchorage. in the evening we weighed again, and reached gregory bay, where the beagle joined us the next morning. since entering the strait, we had not had any communication { } with the beagle on account of the weather, and the strength of the tide; this opportunity was therefore taken to supply her with water, of which she had only enough left for two days. the greater part of this day was spent on shore, examining the country and making observations. large smokes[ ] were noticed to the westward. the shore was strewed with traces of men and horses, and other animals. foxes and ostriches were seen; and bones of guanacoes were lying about the ground. the country in the vicinity of this anchorage seemed open, low, and covered with good pasturage. it extends five or six miles, with a gradual ascent, to the base of a range of flat-topped land, whose summit is about fifteen hundred feet above the level of the sea. not a tree was seen; a few bushes[ ] alone interrupted the uniformity of the view. the grass appeared to have been cropped by horses or guanacoes, and was much interspersed with cranberry plants, bearing a ripe and juicy, though very insipid fruit. next day the wind was too strong and adverse to permit us to proceed. in the early part of the morning an american sealing vessel, returning from the madre de dios archipelago on her way to the falkland islands, anchored near us. mr. cutler, her master, came on board the adventure, passed the day and night with us, and gave me much useful information respecting the nature of the navigation, and anchorages in the strait. he told me there was an englishman in his vessel who was a pilot for the strait, and willing to join the ship. i gladly accepted the offer of his services. in the evening an indian was observed on horseback riding to and fro upon the beach, but the weather prevented my sending a boat until the next morning, when lieutenant cooke went on shore to communicate with him and other indians who appeared, soon after dawn, upon the beach. on landing, he was received by them without the least distrust. they were eight or ten in number, consisting of an old man and his wife, three young men, and the rest children, all mounted on { } good horses. the woman, who appeared to be about fifty years of age, was seated astride upon a pile of skins, hung round with joints of fresh guanaco meat and dried horse-flesh. they were all wrapped in mantles, made chiefly of the skins of guanacoes, sewed together with the sinews of the same animal. these mantles were large enough to cover the whole body. some were made of skins of the 'zorillo,' or skunk, an animal like a pole-cat, but ten times more offensive; and others, of skins of the puma. the tallest of the indians, excepting the old man, who did not dismount, was rather less than six feet in height. all were robust in appearance, and with respect to the head, length of body, and breadth of shoulders, of gigantic size; therefore, when on horseback, or seated in a boat, they appeared to be tall, as well as large men. in proportion to the parts above-mentioned, their extremities were very small and short, so that when standing they seemed but of a moderate size, and their want of proportion was concealed by the mantle, which enveloped the body entirely, the head and feet being the only parts exposed. when mr. cooke landed, he presented some medals[ ] to the oldest man, and the woman; and suspended them round their necks. a friendly feeling being established, the natives dismounted, and even permitted our men to ride their horses, without evincing the least displeasure, at the free advantage taken of their good-nature. mr. cooke rode to the heights, whence he had a distinct view of the second narrow, and elizabeth island, whither, he explained to the indians who accompanied him, we were going. mr. cooke returned to the ship with three natives, whom he had induced to go with us to elizabeth island; the others were to meet them, and provide us with guanaco meat, to which arrangement the elders of the family had, after { } much persuasion, assented. at first they objected to their companions embarking with us, unless we left hostages for their safety; but as this was refused, they did not press the point, and the three young men embarked. they went on board singing; in high glee. while the ship was getting under way, i went ashore to a larger number of indians who were waiting on the beach. when my boat landed they were mounted, and collected in one place. i was surprised to hear the woman accost me in spanish, of which, however, she knew but a few words. having presented medals to each of the party, they dismounted (excepting the elders), and in a few minutes became quite familiar. by this time captain stokes had landed, with several of his officers, who increased our party to nearly double the number of theirs: notwithstanding which they evinced neither fear nor uneasiness. the woman, whose name was maria, wished to be very communicative; she told me that the man was her husband, and that she had five children. one of the young men, whom we afterwards found to be a son of maria, who was a principal person of the tribe, was mounted upon a very fine horse, well groomed, and equipped with a bridle and saddle that would have done credit to a respectable horseman of buenos ayres or monte video. the young man wore heavy brass spurs, like those of the guachos of buenos ayres. the juvenile and feminine appearance of this youth made us think he was maria's daughter, nor was it until a subsequent visit that our mistake was discovered. the absence of whiskers and beard gives all the younger men a very effeminate look, and many cannot be distinguished, in appearance, from the women, but by the mode in which they wrap their mantles around them, and by their hair, which is turned up and confined by a fillet of worsted yarn. the women cross their mantle over the breast like a shawl, and fasten it together with two iron pins or skewers, round which are twisted strings of beads and other ornaments. they also wear their hair divided, and gathered into long tresses or tails, which hang one before each ear; and those who have short hair, wear false tails made of horse-hair. under { } their mantle the women wear a sort of petticoat, and the men a triangular piece of hide instead of breeches. both sexes sit astride, but the women upon a heap of skins and mantles, when riding. the saddles and stirrups used by the men are similar to those of buenos ayres. the bits, also, are generally of steel; but those who cannot procure steel bits have a sort of snaffle, of wood, which must, of course, be frequently renewed. both sexes wear boots, made of the skins of horses' hind legs, of which the parts about the hock joints serve for the heels. for spurs, they use pieces of wood, pointed with iron, projecting backwards two or three inches on each side of the heel, connected behind by a broad strap of hide, and fastened under the foot and over the instep by another strap. the only weapons which we observed with these people were the 'bolas,' or balls, precisely similar to those used by the pampas indians; but they are fitter for hunting than for offence or defence. some are furnished with three balls, but in general there are only two. these balls are made of small bags or purses of hide, moistened, filled with iron pyrites, or some other heavy substance, and then dried. they are about the size of a hen's egg, and attached to the extremities of a thong, three or four yards in length. to use them, one ball is held in the hand, and the other swung several times around the head until both are thrown at the object, which they rarely miss. they wind round it violently, and if it be an animal, throw it down. the bolas, with three balls, similarly connected together, are thrown in the same manner. as more time could not be spared we went on board, reminding the natives, on leaving them, of their promise to bring us some guanaco meat. aided by the tide, the ships worked to windward through the second narrow, and reached an anchorage out of the strength of tide, but in an exposed situation. the wind having been very strong and against the tide, the ship had much motion, which made our patagonian passengers very sick, and heartily sorry for trusting themselves afloat. one of them, with tears in his eyes, begged to be landed, but was soon convinced of the difficulty of compliance, { } and satisfied with our promise of sending him ashore on the morrow. after we anchored, the wind increased to a gale, in which the ship pitched so violently as to injure our windlass. its construction was bad originally, and the violent jerks received in possession bay had done it much damage. while veering cable, the support at one end gave way, and the axle of the barrel was forced out of the socket, by which some of the pawls were injured. fortunately, dangerous consequences were prevented, and a temporary repair was soon applied. the beagle, by her better sailing, had reached a more advanced situation, close to the n.e. end of elizabeth island, but had anchored disadvantageously in deep water, and in the strength of the tide. next morning we made an attempt to pass round elizabeth island, but found the breeze so strong that we were forced to return, and were fortunate enough to find good anchorage northward of the island, out of the tide. the patagonians, during the day, showed much uneasiness at being kept on board so much longer than they expected; but as they seemed to understand the cause of their detention, and as their sickness ceased when we reached smooth water, they gradually recovered their good-humour, and became very communicative. as well as we could understand their pronunciation, their names were 'coigh,' 'coichi,' and 'aighen.' the country behind cape negro they called 'chilpéyo;' the land of tierra del fuego, 'osch[=e]rri;' elizabeth island, 't[)u]rr[)e]tterr;' the island of santa magdalena, 'shr[=e]e-ket-tup;' and cape negro, 'o[=e]rkr[)e]ckur.' the indians of tierra del fuego, with whom they are not on friendly terms, are designated by them 's[)a]p[=a]ll[)i][)o]s.' this name was applied to them in a contemptuous tone. aighen's features were remarkably different from those of his companions. instead of a flat nose, his was aquiline and prominent, and his countenance was full of expression. he proved to be good-tempered, and easily pleased; and whenever a shade of melancholy began to appear, our assurance of { } landing him on the morrow restored his good-humour, which was shown by singing and laughing. the dimensions of coichi's head were as follows:-- from the top of the fore part of the head to the eyes inches. do do to the tip of the nose do do to the mouth do do to the chin width of the head across the temples ½ breadth of the shoulders ½ the head was long and flat, at the top; the forehead broad and high, but covered with hair to within an inch and a half of the eyebrow, which had scarcely any hair. the eyes were small, the nose was short, the mouth wide, and the lips thick. neck short, and shoulders very broad. the arms were short, and wanting in muscle, as were also the thighs and legs. the body was long and large, and the breast broad and expanded. his height was nearly six feet. the next day we rounded elizabeth island, and reached cape negro, where we landed the indians, after making them several useful presents, and sending some trifles by aighen to maria, who, with her tribe, had lighted large fires about the country behind peckett's harbour, to invite us to land. our passengers frequently pointed to them, telling us that they were made by maria, who had brought plenty of guanaco meat for us. our anxiety to reach port famine prevented delay, and, as soon as the boat returned, we proceeded along the coast towards freshwater bay, which we reached early enough in the afternoon to admit of a short visit to the shore. from cape negro the country assumed a very different character. instead of a low coast and open treeless shore, we saw steep hills, covered with lofty trees, and thick underwood. the distant mountains of tierra del fuego, covered with snow, were visible to the southward, some at a distance of sixty or seventy miles. we had now passed all the difficulties of the entrance, and had reached a quiet and secure anchorage. { } the following day was calm, and so warm, that we thought if wallis and cordova were correct in describing the weather they met with, duclos guyot was equally entitled to credit; and we began to hope we had anticipated worse weather than we should experience. but this was an unusually fine day, and many weeks elapsed, afterwards, without its equal. the temperature of the air, in the shade on the beach, was ½°, on the sand ½°; and that of the water °. other observations were made, as well as a plan of the bay, of which there is a description in the sailing directions. here we first noticed the character of the vegetation in the strait, as so different from that of cape gregory and other parts of the patagonian coast, which is mainly attributable to the change of soil; the northern part being a very poor clay, whilst here a schistose sub-soil is covered by a mixture of alluvium, deposited by mountain streams; and decomposed vegetable matter, which, from the thickness of the forests, is in great quantity. two specimens of beech (_fagus betuloides_ and _antarctica_), the former an evergreen,--and the winter's bark (_wintera aromatica_), are the only trees of large size that we found here; but the underwood is very thick, and composed of a great variety of plants, of which _arbutus rigida_, two or three species of _berberis_, and a wild currant (_ribes antarctica_, bankes and solander mss.), at this time in flower, and forming long clustering bunches of young fruit, were the most remarkable. the berberis produces a berry of acidulous taste, that promised to be useful to us. a species of wild celery, also, which grows abundantly near the sea-shore, was valuable as an antiscorbutic. the trees in the immediate vicinity of the shore are small, but the beach was strewed with trunks of large trees, which seemed to have been drifted there by gales and high tides. a river falls into the bay, by a very narrow channel, near its south end; but it is small, and so blocked up by trees as not to be navigable even for the smallest boat: indeed, it is merely a mountain torrent, varying in size according to the state of the weather. { } tracks of foxes were numerous about the beach, and the footsteps of a large quadruped, probably a puma, were observed. some teal and wild ducks were shot; and several geese were seen, but, being very wary, they escaped. upon point st. mary we noticed, for the first time, three or four huts or wigwams made by the fuegian indians, which had been deserted. they were not old, and merely required a slight covering of branches or skins to make them habitable. these wigwams are thus constructed: long slender branches, pointed at the end, are stuck into the ground in a circular or oval figure; their extremities are bent over, so as to form a rounded roof, and secured with ligatures of rush; leaving two apertures, one towards the sea, and the other towards the woods. the fire is made in the middle, and half fills the hut with smoke. there were no indians in the bay when we arrived, but, on the following evening, lieutenant sholl, in walking towards the south end of the bay, suddenly found himself close to a party which had just arrived in two canoes from the southward. approaching them, he found there were nine individuals--three men, and the remainder women and children. one of the women was very old, and so infirm as to require to be lifted out of the canoe and carried to the fire. they seemed to have no weapons of any consequence; but, from our subsequent knowledge of their habits, and disposition, the probability is they had spears, bows, and arrows concealed close at hand. the only implement found amongst them was a sort of hatchet or knife, made of a crooked piece of wood, with part of an iron hoop tied to the end. the men were very slightly clothed, having only the back protected by a seal's skin; but the females wore large guanaco mantles, like those of the patagonian indians, whom our pilot told us they occasionally met for the purpose of barter. some of the party were devouring seal's flesh, and drinking the oil extracted from its blubber, which they carried in bladders. the meat they were eating was probably part of a sea lion (_phoca jubata_); for mr. sholl found amongst them a portion of the neck of one of those animals, which is { } remarkable for the long hair, "like a lion's mane," growing upon it. they appeared to be a most miserable, squalid race, very inferior, in every respect, to the patagonians. they did not evince the least uneasiness at mr. sholl's presence, or at our ships being close to them; neither did they interfere with him, but remained squatting round their fire while he staid near. this seeming indifference, and total want of curiosity, gave us no favourable opinion of their character as intellectual beings; indeed, they appeared to be very little removed from brutes; but our subsequent knowledge of them has convinced us that they are not usually deficient in intellect. this party was perhaps stupified by the unusual size of our ships, for the vessels which frequent this strait are seldom one hundred tons in burthen. we proceeded next morning at an early hour. the indians were already paddling across the bay in a northerly direction. upon coming abreast of them, a thick smoke was perceived to rise suddenly from their canoes; they had probably fed the fire, which they always carry in the middle of their canoe, with green boughs and leaves, for the purpose of attracting our attention, and inviting us to communicate with them. it was remarked that the country begins to be covered with trees at cape negro; but they are stunted, compared with those at freshwater bay. near this place, also, the country assumes a more verdant aspect, becoming also higher, and more varied in appearance. in the neighbourhood of rocky point some conspicuous portions of land were noticed, which, from the regularity of their shape, and the quantity as well as size of the trees growing at the edges, bore the appearance of having been once cleared ground; and our pilot robinson (possessing a most inventive imagination) informed us that they were fields, formerly cleared and cultivated by the spaniards, and that ruins of buildings had been lately discovered near them. for some time his story obtained credit, but it proved to be altogether void of foundation. these apparently cleared tracts were afterwards found to be occasioned by unusual poverty of soil, and by being overrun with thick { } spongy moss, the vivid green colour of which produces, from a distance, an appearance of most luxuriant pasture land. sir john narborough noticed, and thus describes them: "the wood shows in many places as if there were plantations: for there were several clear places in the woods, and grass growing like fenced fields in england, the woods being so even by the sides of it."[ ] the wind, after leaving freshwater bay, increased, with strong squalls from the s.w., at times blowing so hard as to lay the ship almost on her broadside. it was, however, so much in our favour, that we reached the entrance of port famine early, and after some little detention from baffling winds, which always render the approach to that bay somewhat difficult, the ships anchored in the harbour. * * * * * { } chapter iii. prepare the beagle, and our decked boat (the hope) for surveying the strait--beagle sails westward, and the hope towards the south-east-- sarmiento's voyage--and description of the colony formed by him at port famine--steamer-duck--large trees--parroquets--mount tarn--barometrical observations--geological character--report of the hope's cruize. in almost every account published of the strait of magalhaens, so much notice has been taken of port famine, that i had long considered it a suitable place for our purposes; and upon examination i found it offered so many advantages, that i did not hesitate to make it our head-quarters. as soon, therefore, as the ship was moored, tents were pitched, our decked-boat was hoisted out and hauled on shore, to be coppered and equipped for the survey;--and captain stokes received orders to prepare the beagle for examining the western part of the strait; previous to which she required to be partially refitted, and supplied with fuel and water. for several days after our arrival, we had much rain and strong south-westerly wind, with thick clouds, which concealed the high land to the southward; allowing us only now and then a partial glimpse. one evening ( th) the air was unusually clear, and many of the mountains in that direction were distinctly defined. we had assembled to take leave of our friends in the beagle, and were watching the gradual appearance of snow-capped mountains which had previously been concealed, when, bursting upon our view, as if by magic, a lofty mountain appeared towering among them; whose snowy mantle, strongly contrasted with the dark and threatening aspect of the sky, much enhanced the grandeur of the scene. [illustration: the hope, in the strait of magalhaens.] [illustration: the adelaide, in humming bird cove.] [illustration: p. p. king s. bull distant view of mt. sarmiento. published by henry colburn, great marlborough street, ] { } this mountain was the "snowy volcano" (_volcan nevado_) of sarmiento, with whose striking appearance that celebrated navigator seems to have been particularly impressed, so minute and excellent is his description. it is also mentioned in the account of cordova's voyage.[ ] the peculiar shape of its summit as seen from the north would suggest the probability of its being a volcano, but we never observed any indication of its activity. its volcanic form is perhaps accidental, for, seen from the westward, its summit no longer resembles a crater. from the geological character of the surrounding rocks its formation would seem to be of slate. it is in a range of mountains rising generally two or three thousand feet above the sea; but at the n.e. end of the range are some, at least four thousand feet high. the height of the "snowy volcano," or as we have called it, mount sarmiento,[ ] was found, by trigonometrical measurement, to be six thousand eight hundred feet[ ] above the level { } of the sea. it is the highest land that i have seen in tierra del fuego; and to us, indeed, it was an object of considerable interest, because its appearance and disappearance were seldom failing weather guides. in our meteorological diary, a column was ruled for the insertion of its appearances.[ ] this clear state of the atmosphere was followed by a heavy fall of rain, with northerly and easterly winds, which did not, however, last long. in the vicinity of our tents erected on the low land, on the s.w. side of the bay, were several ponds of water, perfectly fit for immediate use; but, perhaps, too much impregnated with vegetable matter to keep good for any length of time. captain stokes, therefore, filled his tanks from the river; but as that water did not keep well, it was probably taken into the boat too near the sea. this, however, was unavoidable, except by risking the boats among a great number of sunken trees in the bed of the river. the beagle sailed on the th, to survey the western entrance of the strait, with orders to return to port famine by the end of march. our decked boat, the hope, being ready, the command of her was given to mr. wickham, who was in every way qualified for the trust. we were, however, much mortified by finding that she leaked so considerably as to oblige us to unload, and again haul her on shore. when ready for sea, she sailed under the direction of my assistant-surveyor, mr. graves, to examine the st. sebastian channel and the deep opening to the s.e. of cape valentyn. her crew consisted of seven men, besides mr. wickham, and mr. rowlett, the purser. having despatched the beagle and the hope, i was at leisure to carry on the survey of the coast in the neighbourhood of port famine, and to make a plan of the port itself. the { } transit, and altitude circle, were set up; but from the very unfavourable state of the weather, and the interference of other occupations, i was only enabled to procure a series of zenith distances of the sun, and stars, for the latitude. port famine, a name well known to all who have interested themselves about the strait of magalhaens, was selected by sarmiento as the most convenient place for the site of an establishment formed, at his suggestion, by philip ii. king of spain. the voyage of sir francis drake through the strait into the pacific, and his successes against the spanish colonies and trade on the western side of the continent of america, induced the viceroy of lima to send an expedition to pursue the "corsair," with orders to fight and take him, dead or alive.[ ] this expedition, commanded by pedro sarmiento de gamboa, who had already been engaged twice with drake, consisted of two ships, containing in all two hundred armed men, sailors and soldiers; a force which was considered sufficient to ensure the capture.[ ] the strait of magalhaens being the most likely place to meet with drake, sarmiento was ordered to proceed through it, and take the opportunity of exploring its coasts. all this he performed in a manner highly creditable, as well for the excellent description handed down in his unpretending journal, as for the enterprising zeal, and steady perseverance, shown among difficulties of no trifling nature. to his accounts of various places there will be frequent occasion to refer. our object, at present, is to give a short account of the colony. sarmiento sailed from peru ( ), and entered the strait from the pacific. after experiencing many serious difficulties, and escaping imminent dangers, in the western part of the strait, where the climate is so rigorous and the country so desolate, it was not surprising that he should become enraptured with the verdant, and picturesque appearance of the shores to the eastward of cape froward, and with the open country in { } the neighbourhood, and to the northward of cape virgins.[ ] after much opposition from the duke of alva[ ] and other powerful people, he succeeded in convincing the king of the expediency of fortifying the shores of the first narrow, and forming several establishments within the strait, to prevent the passage of strange ships, to the prejudice of the king's colonies in chile and peru; for at that time the passage round cape horn was not known. accordingly, an expedition was prepared, consisting of twenty-three vessels, under the joint command of diego florez de valdez and sarmiento; the former being appointed captain-general of the fleet, and of the coast of brazil; and the latter, captain-general of the strait of magalhaens, and governor of all the establishments that should be formed within it. of the twenty-three ships which sailed from spain, five only reached the entrance of the strait; and these, after experiencing many difficulties from bad weather and foul winds, returned to rio de janeiro to refit, where sarmiento met four vessels which had been sent from spain to his succour. his colleague and general in chief, florez, who had deserted the expedition, did all in his power to impede sarmiento, to the latest moment of his stay at the brazils. at last, however, five ships, commanded by ribera, and manned by five hundred and thirty men,[ ] sailed; and, without encountering further loss or detention, arrived off the strait in december ( ), and soon after reached an anchorage, between the first and second narrows. ribera would go no further; but landed about three hundred men, under sarmiento. a city was marked out, and named jesus,[ ] in a valley well provided with water. the { } ships were blown away to sea, leaving the colonists very destitute; fortunately, however, they were enabled to return, but were four times, afterwards, obliged to put to sea, from stress of weather. on the last return, one of the ships, la trinidad, was run on shore. the ardour of ribera being damped by repeated misfortunes, he returned to spain, without the knowledge or consent of sarmiento, leaving, for the use of the colony, only one ship, the maria. while unloading the trinidad, the spaniards were attacked by indians, whom they dispersed. sarmiento, after making the necessary arrangements at jesus, set out by land with one hundred men, to go to point st. anna,[ ] the ship maria being ordered to follow. on the journey, the sufferings of the party were very great, as well from the fatiguing nature of the march, as from their being harassed by the natives, with whom they had an engagement, in which one was killed, and ten men were wounded. a mutiny among his people then broke out, which was quelled by assistance from the ship. at last they reached their destination, and founded, with the usual solemnities, the city of king philip (or san felipe). at the latter end of march, while preparing habitations, the winter set in so suddenly, that for fifteen days it did not cease to snow. sarmiento, then, after quelling a mutiny which had broken out afresh among the soldiers, embarked with thirty men to visit the first encampment at jesus, and to superintend the erection of forts in the narrow; but upon reaching the anchorage, a gale of wind forced him to sea, and, lasting twenty days, obliged him (with his people blinded and frost-bitten) to bear up for rio de janeiro. here his ship was stranded; upon which he chartered a vessel to convey flour to the strait, and went himself to pernambuco, to procure large boats for carrying supplies to his { } colony, and assisting in the recovery of his stranded ship; she had, however, drifted off, and sunk near bahia; and all his boats were destroyed. still sarmiento persevered in his zealous efforts to succour his friends in the strait; and succeeded in procuring a vessel of fifty or sixty tons, which, loaded with arms and whatever he considered useful, sailed, and reached rio de janeiro a month after the departure of the first vessel (january ). he followed, but in the latitude of ° met with a furious gale, which drove him back to rio de janeiro, where the vessel that had preceded him had returned in distress. disappointed in his attempts to carry succour to the colony, he determined to go to spain; but on his voyage thither, to complete the catalogue of his misfortunes, his ship was captured by three english vessels, and taken to england, after which the ill-fated colony in the strait was neglected, if not entirely forgotten. two months after sarmiento's departure from the strait of magalhaens, in the month of august, the middle of the winter of that region, the party belonging to the first establishment at jesus set off by land, and joined that at san felipe, with the unwelcome tidings of their deserted state. but as the provisions at san felipe were insufficient to support all the people, andres de viedma, who, after sarmiento's departure, had assumed the command, detached two hundred soldiers, under the command of juan iniguez, back to jesus, for the purpose of communicating with any ship that might make her appearance, and awaiting the expected return of sarmiento; but the winter and following summer passed by without any relief. in this unhappy state, the colonists were obliged to think only of providing for their safety, and built two boats; in which fifty people embarked, besides viedma, suarez, a franciscan friar named antonio, and five spanish women. they had not proceeded farther than point santa brigida,[ ] { } when one of the boats struck upon a reef, and was lost, but the people were saved. the loss of this boat caused them to give up every hope of saving themselves in that way; and viedma, with suarez, the friar, and twenty soldiers, returned in the remaining boat to san felipe, leaving the rest of the party, consisting of thirty men and five women, to support themselves through the approaching winter as they could. after that season had passed, viedma sent to collect the wanderers; but fifteen men, and three women only, could be found; the rest having died of hunger and disease. the survivors then determined upon going to the first establishment at jesus; on their way to which they passed by the skeletons of the two hundred who had been first detached. travelling onwards, they observed three ships entering the strait, which anchored at a distance to the southward. during the night, viedma and his companions kept up large fires, supposing that the ships belonged to their own nation. next morning a boat was despatched from them; and three of viedma's party obtained permission to go and reconnoitre her. having approached near enough, a signal was made; upon which, the people in the boat pulled towards the beach, and said they were from england, bound to peru, and that if the spaniards wanted a passage, they had better embark. after some hesitation, arising from the fear of trusting themselves in the power of heretics, they consented; and one was permitted to get in, but the other two were left on the beach. in the boat was the enterprizing cavendish[ ] himself, who, on hearing the particulars of their story, sent the other two soldiers to viedma, offering to take him and the residue of his people on board. cavendish returned to his ship; but, without further delay, sailed on to the isla dos patos (santa magdalena island), where he leisurely salted down six casks of penguins; and then proceeded to san felipe, for wood and water; he remained there four days (during which time he destroyed the houses of the spaniards, and embarked six guns); and thence continued his voyage. the person saved { } by cavendish, whose name was tomé hernandez, afterwards escaped from him at quintero, near valparaiso; and, proceeding to peru, gave an account of the fate of this cruelly neglected colony. this was the first, and perhaps will be the last, attempt made to occupy a country, offering no encouragement for a human being; a region, where the soil is swampy, cold, and unfit for cultivation, and whose climate is thoroughly cheerless. the name, san felipe, ceased with the colony; for cavendish called it port famine, in allusion to the fate of the colonists, all of whom, except the man he took away, and one saved two years afterwards (in ), by andrew mericke,[ ] perished from hunger and its attendant diseases; and by this appellation the bay has since been universally known. to commemorate the ill-fated town, a very thickly-wooded mountain at the bottom of the bay, which forms a conspicuous and picturesque object, has been named by us mount san felipe. at this port, sarmiento, on his first voyage through the strait, communicated with a large party of indians, in consequence of which he called it bahia de la gente; and the river, which now bears the name of sedger, he named san juan. of this river sarmiento took formal possession, as well as of the whole strait, for the 'mui poderoso y mui católico señor phelipe segundo,' &c. &c. it was also here that, in consequence of the miraculous preservation of his vessel on many { } occasions, he attempted to change the name of the strait to estrecho de la madre de dios; but it had been too long called magalhaens, for even the influence of sarmiento, backed by the power of philip, to persuade the world to countenance so great an injustice. "magallanes, señor, fué el primer hombre que abriendo este camino le dió nombre." ercilla araucana, cant. i. oct. . during an excursion with mr. tarn to eagle bay,[ ] beyond cape san isidro, we found many wigwams. they were then novelties to us, and we were ignorant of their being such certain indications of very sheltered places, as subsequent experience has shown them to be. we often used them, after they had been well cleaned out: a boat's sail, thrown over the hemispherical roof, was a sufficient protection from rain;--and from wind they are always well defended by their situation. here we saw, for the first time, that most remarkable bird the steamer-duck. before steam-boats were in general use, this bird was denominated, from its swiftness in skimming over the surface of the water, the 'race-horse,' a name which occurs frequently in cook's, byron's, and other voyages. it is a gigantic duck, the largest i have met with. it has the lobated hind-toe, legs placed far backwards, and other characteristics of the oceanic ducks.[ ] the principal peculiarity of this bird is, the shortness and remarkably small size of the wings, which, not having sufficient power to raise the body, serve only to propel it along, rather than through the water, and are used like the paddles of a steam-vessel. aided by these and its strong, broad-webbed feet, it moves with astonishing velocity. { } it would not be an exaggeration to state its speed at from twelve to fifteen miles an hour. the peculiar form of the wing, and the short rigid feathers which cover it, together with the power this bird possesses of remaining a considerable length of time under water, constitute it a striking link between the genera _anas_ and _aptenodytes_. it has been noticed by many former navigators. the largest we found measured forty inches, from the extremity of the bill, to that of the tail, and weighed thirteen pounds; but captain cook mentions, in his second voyage, that the weight of one was twenty-nine pounds.[ ] it is very difficult to kill them, on account of their wariness and thick coat of feathers, which is impenetrable by any thing smaller than swan shot. the flavour of their flesh is so strong and fishy, that at first we killed them solely for specimens. five or six months, however, on salt provisions, taught many to think such food palatable, and the seamen never lost an opportunity of eating them. i have preferred these ducks to salt-beef, but more as a preventive against scurvy, than from liking their taste. i am averse to altering names, particularly in natural history, without very good reason, but in this case i do think the name of 'steamer' much more appropriate, and descriptive of the swift paddling motion of these birds, than that of 'race-horse.' i believe, too, the name of 'steamer' is now generally given to it by those who have visited these regions. many shells[ ] were taken from the bottom by means of a fizgig which mr. tarn found in one of the wigwams: it was a { } rough pole, eight or ten feet long, split crosswise at one end, and opened so as to form four prongs, kept apart by two small pieces of wood. although rudely made, it was excellently adapted for a shell-gatherer, and is used by the indians for collecting sea-eggs, which are found in the strait of very large size, and are doubtless, to them, a great delicacy. during our excursion we ascertained the best place to ascend the snowy mountain, since named 'tarn;' and the surgeon, whose name it bears, set off with a party of officers to make the attempt, in which he succeeded, and obtained such an extensive view as induced me to decide upon ascending it, a few days afterwards, to procure bearings from the summit, and for the purpose of measuring its height with a barometer. in the meantime i visited the sedger river (sarmiento's 'rio de san juan de posesion'), and found some difficulty in entering it, because of several banks which are dry at low water. between them, however, the stream keeps a small channel open, by which we effected our purpose. every gale of wind causes the banks to shift, and between the times of our first, and last, visit to port famine, the river's mouth underwent many changes. the bed of the river is so full of fallen trees, that we could not go, with the boat, more than three miles and a half above the entrance; there it was about fifteen yards wide, bounded on each side by thickly wooded banks, of moderate height. the trees on these banks are large, chiefly the two species of beech before-mentioned, and winter's-bark; there are besides many shrubs, and an impenetrable underwood of arbutus, berberis, and currant bushes. the largest beech-tree that we saw could not have been more than thirty or forty inches in diameter, which was insignificant compared with those noticed by commodore byron. in describing his excursion up this river, he mentions "trees that would supply the british navy with the best masts in the world."[ ] "some of them are of a great height, and more than eight feet in diameter, which is proportionally more than eight yards in { } circumference."[ ] the commodore may have been pleased by the appearance of these trees, but must have fancied their quality and dimensions such as he describes. the largest are generally rotten at the heart, and all are more or less defective. their wood is heavy, and far too brittle for masts: we could not use it even for boat-hook staves. it makes, however, tolerable plank for boat-building, and, when seasoned, might be used in ships. for common purposes, such as houses, or fences, it is very serviceable. we wandered about to examine the country; but, excepting the track of some quadruped, whose foot was small and cloven, rather like a pig's, we saw nothing new. the traces of foxes were numerous every where. we found no fish of any description in the river. geese and wild ducks were numerous, whose young were at this time scarcely fledged, and an easy prey. we also observed here, for the first time, the parroquet, which bougainville described to be common in the strait. he carried specimens home with him; but some naturalists of those days decided that there must have been a mistake, because, as they averred, parroquets did not exist in so high a latitude. bougainville, however, made no mistake, for the species[ ] is very abundant in the neighbourhood of port famine, and has been seen by us in all parts of the strait. it feeds principally upon the seeds of the winter's-bark. the existence of this bird in tierra del fuego is also mentioned by cook and narborough.[ ] { } all accounts of port famine informed us of its abounding in fish, but as yet we had taken none excepting with hook and line, although the seine had been frequently shot. at last, however, in the first week of february, we had a successful haul of mullet and smelts, many of the former weighing eight pounds, and the latter measuring fifteen inches in length. after this we were often very fortunate, and on one occasion caught, at one haul of the seine, sixteen hundred-weight of smelts, some weighing two pounds, and measuring twenty inches in length. a few days previously we had a draught of mullet, which served the crews of both adventure and beagle for three days. geese, wild ducks and teal, snipe, and now and then woodcocks, were to be found by taking a short walk; there were, however, no quadrupeds fit for food which we could take. foxes and wild cats were occasionally seen, and a foot-mark of some large animal of the feline race, probably a puma, was once observed upon the beach. we found many traces of horses, which showed that the patagonian indians sometimes come thus far south. had we been so fortunate as to meet them here, we might have procured, perhaps, a regular supply of guanaco meat. on the th of february, as the weather seemed favourable for ascending mount tarn,[ ] lieutenant cooke, the surgeon, and anderson, the botanical collector, set off in advance to select a convenient place for passing the night, carrying with them a tent and provisions. i followed later in the day, and, while the boat's crew were arranging their loads, made some observations with a barometer on the beach. our way led through thick underwood, and then, with a gradual ascent, among fallen trees, covered with so thick a coating of moss, that at every step we sunk up to the knees { } before firm footing could be found. it was very laborious work, and the ground being saturated, and each tree dripping with moisture, we were soon wet through. we proceeded along the same sort of road up a steep ascent; some one of the party constantly falling into deep holes covered by moss, or stumbling over fallen trunks of trees. as i carried a barometer i was obliged to proceed with caution, and succeeded in emerging from this jungle without accident. after about three quarters of an hour spent in this way, we reached an open space, where we rested, and i set up the barometer. here we found a cypress of very stunted growth. our road hence was rather more varied: always steep, but sometimes free from impediment. here and there we observed the boggy soil was faced with a small plant (_chamitis sp._) of a harsh character, growing so thick and close as to form large tufts, over which we walked as on hard ground. we struggled through several thickets of stunted beech-trees, with a thick jungle of berberis underneath, whose strong and sharp thorns penetrated our clothes at every step; and began to find the fatigue very oppressive: some of my boat's crew suffered much, being unused to such exercise. at last we approached the place where mr. cooke and his party had established themselves, and upon hailing, were invigorated by a cheer in reply. we reached the bivouac in a very way-worn condition, and found, to our great comfort, the tent pitched, and a good fire burning.[ ] the ground was so exceedingly wet, that although we slept upon branches, forming a layer at least a foot thick, we found ourselves, in the night, lying as if in a morass, and suffering from cold, even with a large fire blazing at our feet. at daylight next morning, just as we were starting, a boat was seen sailing round cape san isidro, which, by the aid of a telescope, i made out to be the hope. we resumed the ascent, and passed over, rather than through, thickets of the crumply-leaved beech, which, from { } their exposure to the prevailing winds, rose no higher than twelve or fourteen inches from the ground, with widely-spreading branches, so closely interwoven, as to form a platform that bore our weight in walking. we next traversed an extent of table-land,[ ] much intersected by ponds of water. mr. tarn shot two plovers of a new species (_charadrius rubecola_, zool. jour. vol. iv. p. ), and a snipe. we then ascended three or four hundred feet, and crossed a deep ravine. the bottom of the ravine was clay-slate in a decomposing state, but the surface of the ground was strewed with pebbles of granite. another plain, with many ponds, succeeded; the intervening spaces being covered with tufts of chamitis, and studded here and there with small clusters of dwarf beech; but the ground was so hard, and firm, that we proceeded rapidly, without fatigue, until we attained the height of , feet, when the ascent became very steep. near the summit lay a large mass of snow, rapidly melting away. we reached the highest pinnacle of the mount at seven o'clock (having left our resting-place at four), and immediately set up the instruments. i was obliged to avail myself of mr. tarn's assistance to hold the barometer, whilst two of my boat's crew held the legs of the theodolite-stand, for the wind was blowing very strongly, and the edge of a precipice was close to us, perpendicular for many hundred feet, and thence downwards so steep, that any body going over would fall at least a thousand feet. the theodolite-stand was unavoidably placed within a very few inches of the edge, and i took a round of angles, suffering, however, intense pain from the piercing coldness of the wind, which, heated as we were by the ascent, was much felt, though the temperature was not lower than °. i was lightly clothed, and should have fared badly, had not one of the party lent me his flushing jacket, while he descended under the lee of the mountain-top to make a fire. the barometer stood at , , the temperature of the air being °, and of { } the mercury °.[ ] unfortunately the day was very cloudy, and many squalls of sleet and rain, which obscured the hills, passed whilst i was taking bearings. to the n.e., towards the supposed sebastian channel, the horizon was too hazy to allow much view. a deep inlet was seen in that direction; but whether the land closed round, or whether a channel was at the bottom, we could not distinguish. a considerable body of water was observed to the southward of cape st. valentyn, behind lomas bay, but its extent was screened from our view by the intervention of the lomas hills. it appeared to be a channel, the opposite or eastern side of it being formed by the high ranges previously seen from point st. mary. cordova's ports san antonio and valdez were distinctly made out; but, to the southward, every thing was enveloped in mist. the bearings and observations, which occupied me nearly two hours, being completed, we all adjourned to a sheltered cleft in the rock close to our station, where we soon recovered the use of our fingers.[ ] { } having accomplished our object, we began the descent. in a comparatively mild and agreeable spot, i again set up the theodolite and barometer, while some of the party employed themselves in fruitless attempts to kindle a fire. the height, by the barometer, proved to be , feet above the sea; and the bearings from this station were much better than those i had taken from the exposed summit. we reached our tent at noon, having been absent seven hours. at three we reached the beach, where the barometer stood at , (air .° ,[ ] and mercury ,° ). excepting near the sea, where clay-slate (very similar to that of point st. anna, but with an opposite dip) showed itself, the side of the hill is clothed with trees and underwood, and no rock is visible until one arrives at the ravine. around the summit of mount tarn the ground is bare, but so covered with small decomposed fragments, that the solid rock only appears occasionally: it is very hard, and breaks with a conchoidal fracture: some of the specimens which we detached bore indistinct impressions of organic remains. we also found, projecting from the rock in which they were embedded, nodules, or small rounded masses of stone, in an advanced state of decomposition, mouldering away in laminar forms somewhat resembling the inner leaves of a cabbage. several were brought away carefully, but before we arrived on board they had crumbled to pieces: the nucleus was quite hard, but was surrounded by concentric laminæ, more brittle the nearer they approached to the outer surface. it seemed as if the face of the summit { } above-mentioned was covered with the decomposing fragments of these nodules. the highest parts of the mount form a ridge extending s.e. and n.w., being a succession of strata of slaty rock, dipping to the eastward, at an angle of ° or ° from the horizon. the strata are very narrow, and separated from each other by a vein of quartz, much of which is in a crystallized state. we reached the ship about seven o'clock, and found that the hope and her party had done well. her cruize proved interesting, with regard to the geography of the strait, and a summary of it is subjoined. mr. graves's orders were to survey the sebastian channel; but in the event of his seeing any thing more interesting to the s.e., he was allowed to defer that service to another opportunity. the hope crossed the strait, and anchored in a small bay, formed between the two projecting points of cape valentyn, where some few defects in the vessel were remedied, and a good round of angles obtained from the summit of the cape, whence there was a fine view. the country was low, undulating, and destitute of trees. from a station about two miles overland, to the eastward, a large body of water was observed to the southward, forming a channel, or deep sound, and it was determined to follow up its examination, rather than risk the crew in the deep bay that was supposed to communicate with the san sebastian channel, on board a vessel whose capabilities were unknown. several fire-places and remains of wigwams were seen; the latter were, however, very different, both in shape and material, from those at port famine, for the country being destitute of trees, they were built of driftwood, piled up in a conical form. passing round cape valentyn, the hope hauled to the southward, keeping the land on board. at night she anchored in philip gidley cove, at the bottom of willes bay, where she was weather-bound until the th of january. the shores of willes bay are thickly clothed with wood, growing to the water's edge, except at the s.w. side. the great abundance of muscles and limpets attracts the indians, whose wigwams { } were found standing, and from the green appearance of the branches with which they were formed, seemed to have been lately erected. after leaving willes bay, the hope visited fox bay, and sir edward owen's sound, which, it was thought, would lead into lomas bay, opposite to port famine; but, after running ten miles up, they got into shoal water, and as there was no current, or stream of tide, they landed, and found that a mile and a half farther on, the sound was terminated by low land. another day, while proceeding along the south side of brenton sound, the smoke of indians' fires was noticed near the beach. as this was the first time the natives of this part had been seen, the course was shaped towards them, until the hope anchored. three indians then approached, holding up the skins of some animal, and inviting them to land. the small boat was hoisted out, and messrs. wickham and rowlett, with robinson the pilot, went on shore. the fuegians presented a fox skin to each of the party, who in return gave them some trifles. after a short interview the boat left them, and no further communication was held that night. the following morning a canoe came off to the vessel, containing three young men, two women, and three children, the youngest not more than four months old. they were no sooner alongside than the men went on board, and commenced an active traffic with all the valuables they possessed; and for a few buttons, a glass bottle, or an empty preserved-meat canister, many of their goods were bartered. they had several fox-skins with them, but no other kind of peltry, except their clothing, obtained from the seal or guanaco: and though many of them wore a penguin skin suspended from their girdle, some were without even that covering. this canoe was followed by another, containing an old man, sixty or seventy years of age, with a grey beard; an elderly woman, and two children. before they came alongside they put their dogs on shore. although the visit from these indians did not last very long, they had time enough to pilfer. one of the young men, who was seen going into a canoe, excited, by his manner, a { } suspicion of his having stolen something, and a tin pot was found concealed under his mantle. as there was every probability of their soon separating, and mr. graves feared that punishment would cause a rupture, he only turned him out of the vessel: the rest soon followed him, and landed. having made a fire, the men squatted round it; while the women were despatched to collect shell-fish. as soon as the natives had finished their meal, they embarked, and proceeded eastward. next day they again visited the hope, but in consequence, perhaps, of the occurrence the day before, did not venture alongside, until invited by the words, 'ho-say, ho-say,' which mean, 'come, come.' in a few minutes confidence was restored, and they began to barter. the trade was opened by one of the women making a peace-offering of a shell necklace, in return for which, red caps and medals were given to each of the women and children. the hope went thence to soapsuds cove, where the crew washed their clothes, and replaced a broken spar. in a s.e. direction from this cove there appeared to be a considerable channel leading to the s.e., and to the southward was a deep sound, towards which they were proceeding the next morning; but having advanced about two miles, the land of cape expectation trended suddenly round to the eastward, and a long narrow channel presented itself, which seemed likely to communicate with the strait, to the southward of port san antonio. they proceeded through this channel, which takes a very straight course, and gradually narrows from port waterfall, where it is two miles and a half wide, to passage cove, where it is scarcely three quarters of a mile; and there they anchored. between port waterfall and passage cove, a party of natives was seen; but, being probably the same who were met at indian cove, no attention was paid to their hallooings and fires of invitation.[ ] the hope came into the strait, eastward of an opening then called magdalen sound; her passage { } must therefore have been through sarmiento's 'san gabriel' channel. at night, when between cape froward and port san antonio, a heavy squall from s.w. carried the little vessel rapidly towards cape san isidro, and, at daylight the next morning, she was in the position observed by us, while ascending mount tarn. * * * * * { } chapter iv. deer seen--hope sails again--eagle bay--gabriel channel--'williwaws'-- port waterfall--natives--admiralty sound--gabriel channel--magdalen channel--hope returns to port famine--san antonio--lomas bay--loss of boat--master and two seamen drowned. from mr. graves's report of the appearance of the channel to the s.e. of dawson island, i decided to proceed there as soon as the hope was ready, for she required some alteration, and repairs. a deer having been seen on point st. anna, mr. tarn landed, very early in the morning, eager for the prize, but could only get an ineffectual shot. at another time a few deer were seen by our party, near the river; but instead of returning with the information, they fired their guns, loaded with small shot only, which served but to scare them away. as the animal was new to us, and we had evidence of its being equally new to science, i was anxious to procure a specimen, but never afterwards had an opportunity. here sarmiento saw the only deer which he mentions in his journal. the morning of the th seeming more favourable, i set out in the hope. the heights were covered with snow which had fallen the preceding night, the thermometer had been at freezing point, and much ice had formed; but the appearance of the weather deceived us: we had scarcely left the ship, when it began to rain, and by the time we reached cape san isidro the wind had freshened to a gale, which obliged me to anchor in eagle bay. having landed, a tent was pitched, and a blazing fire made to dry our clothes. in the evening the gale blew with great { } violence from s.w., and the hope, at her anchor, sheered about by the squalls, was occasionally laid over so as to dip her gunwale under water. the following day ( th), although the rain had ceased, the wind was still strong. towards evening it fell, and early on the th we left eagle bay with a fresh breeze from e.n.e., and passed close to port san antonio; but were then delayed by calms and squalls. at noon a westerly wind sprung up, and we proceeded down the gabriel channel, with the wind aft, and the tide in our favour. port waterfall sheltered us for the night. the apparently artificial formation of this channel is very striking. it seems to have been formerly a valley between two ridges of the range, in the direction of the strata (of which there are frequent instances, such as the valley in the lomas range, opposite cape san isidro, the valley of valdez bay, and one immediately to the north of the channel itself, besides many others), and that at some remote period the sea had forced its way through, effecting a communication between the strait and the waters behind dawson island: as if one of those great 'northern waves,' of which we once heard so much, had rolled down the wide reach of the strait (the parallelism of whose shores is also remarkable) from the north-west, towards cape froward; and finding itself opposed by the lomas range, had forced a passage through the valley until stopped by the mountains at fitton bay. having imagined such a wave in motion, the reader may fancy it uniting with another northern roller from cape san valentyn, attacking the hills and carrying all before it, until mount hope, at the bottom of admiralty sound, arrested its course. i have already noticed the remarkably straight direction in which this curious channel trends. at both extremities the width may be from two to three miles; but the shores gradually approach each other midway, and the coast on each side rises abruptly to the height of fifteen hundred feet. the south shore, sheltered from the prevailing and strongest winds, is thickly covered with trees and luxuriant underwood, which, being chiefly evergreen, improve { } the scenery greatly, particularly in the winter season: the north shore is also well wooded for about two-thirds up; but the summit is barren and the outline very much serrated, as is usual in slate formations. on the north shore we noticed some extraordinary effects of the whirlwinds which so frequently occur in tierra del fuego. the crews of sealing vessels call them 'williwaws,' or 'hurricane-squalls,' and they are most violent. the south-west gales, which blow upon the coast with extreme fury, are pent up and impeded in passing over the high lands; when, increasing in power, they rush violently over the edges of precipices, expand, as it were, and descending perpendicularly, destroy every thing moveable. the surface of the water, when struck by these gusts, is so agitated, as to be covered with foam, which is taken up by them, and flies before their fury until dispersed in vapour. ships at anchor under high land are sometimes suddenly thrown over on their beam-ends, and the next moment recover their equilibrium, as if nothing had occurred. again a squall strikes them, perhaps on the other side, and over they heel before its rage: the cable becomes strained, and checks the ship with a jerk, that causes her to start a-head through the water, until again stopped by the cable, or driven astern by another gust of wind. at all these anchorages, under high land, there are some parts more exposed than others; and by watching for those places which are least troubled by these squalls, a more secure, or rather a more quiet, spot may be selected. i do not consider ships so anchored to be in danger if their ground tackle be good; but every thing that offers a stiff resistance must suffer from the fury of these blasts. in many parts of this country trees are torn up by the roots, or rent asunder by the wind; and in the gabriel channel the 'williwaws' bursting over the mountainous ridge, which forms the south side of the channel, descend, and striking against the base of the opposite shore, rush up the steep, and carry all before them. i know of nothing to which i can better compare the bared track left by one of these squalls than to a bad broad road. after { } having made such an opening, the wind frequently sweeping through prevents the growth of vegetation. confused masses of up-rooted trees lie at the lower ends of these bared tracks, and show plainly what power has been exerted. the southern shore of the channel is formed by the base of that range of hills, which extends, from the eastern side of the magdalen channel, towards the e.s.e. it is the highest part of tierra del fuego, and on it are several remarkable mountains, besides sarmiento, towering over all. close to the east end of the gabriel channel is mount buckland, a tall obelisk-like hill, terminating in a sharp needle-point, and lifting its head above a chaotic mass of 'reliquiæ diluvianæ,' covered with perpetual snow, by the melting of which an enormous glacier on the leeward, or north-eastern side, has been gradually formed. this icy domain is twelve or fourteen miles long, and extends from near the end of the channel to port waterfall, feeding, in the intermediate space, many magnificent cascades, which, for number and height, are not perhaps to be exceeded in an equal space of any part of the world. within an extent of nine or ten miles, there are upwards of a hundred and fifty waterfalls, dashing into the channel from a height of fifteen hundred, or two thousand feet. the course of many is concealed, at first, by intervening trees, and, when half-way down the descent, they burst upon the view, leaping, as it were, out of the wood. some unite as they fall, and together are precipitated into the sea, in a cloud of foam; so varied, indeed, are the forms of these cascades, and so great their contrast with the dark foliage of the trees, which thickly cover the sides of the mountain, that it is impossible adequately to describe the scene. i have met with nothing exceeding the picturesque grandeur of this part of the strait. there are several coves on the south shore, but opposite to them there is no shelter until you reach a deep bay in which are several islets; and where, i think, there is a communication with brenton sound, but we did not enter it. port waterfall may easily be known by a large flat-topped bare rock, lying across the summit of the eastern head, and { } by a magnificent cascade formed by the union of two torrents. all the plants of the strait grow here: a sweet-scented callixene (_c. marginata_, lam^k.) filled the air with its odour; and a beautiful flower we had not previously seen, was found by mr. graves: it was pendulous, tubular, about two inches long (class. hexand. monog. cal. pet. . pointed), and of a rich carnation colour. the trees are small and stunted; they are of the usual species, beech and winter's-bark. here we first noticed a large fern,[ ] having a stem two or three feet long, and five or six inches in diameter, very similar to the zamia of new holland. we saw very few birds, and no quadrupeds. among the former was a king-fisher, which at the time was new to us; but it is distributed over a large tract of south america, and i have since seen a specimen said to have been shot at rio de janeiro. fitton harbour is a deep inlet, surrounded on all sides by precipitous land, rising to the height of three, or four thousand feet, and terminated by peaks, of most fantastic shape, covered with ice and snow. between fitton harbour and cape rowlett are high mountains, two of which, more conspicuous than the rest, we called 'mount sherrard,' and 'curious peak.' card point proved to be clay-slate, and i think the projection of cape rowlett, and the mountains, are also of this rock. while crossing over towards cape rowlett, (the south head of a deep sound, trending to the s.e., which it was my intention to examine), we were met by three canoes, containing, together, about twenty-four people, and ten or twelve dogs. mr. wickham recognised them to be the same party who had visited the hope on her last cruize; the thief, however, was not amongst them, fearing probably he might be known. [illustration: port famine (looking northwards).] [illustration: port famine (looking southwards).] [illustration: p. p. king s. bull curious peak, admiralty sound. published by henry colburn, great marlborough street, ] { } these natives conducted themselves very quietly, and, except one of the women, who wished to keep a tin-pot in which some water had been given her, made no attempt to pilfer. one of the party, who seemed more than half an idiot, spit in my face; but as it was not apparently done angrily, and he was reproved by his companions, his uncourteous conduct was forgiven. if possessed of any furs, they had left them, perhaps concealed, near their wigwams: only a few arrows, a necklace of shells, and a fillet for the head, made of ostrich feathers, were obtained by barter. their canoes were paddled by the women, occasionally helped by the men. one or two of the former were young, and well-featured, but the rest were hideous; and all were filthy and most disagreeable, from the quantity of seal-oil and blubber, with which they had covered their bodies. after we had obtained, by barter, all the articles they had to dispose of, i presented them with red caps and medals, of which they were very proud: the latter they requested might have a hole drilled through them, that they might be suspended by a string round their necks. their astonishment was much excited, and they were pleased by hearing a watch tick; but i believe i had very nearly, though unintentionally; given great offence, by cutting off a lock of hair, from the head of one of the men. assuming a grave look, he very carefully wrapped the hair up, and handed it to a woman in the canoe, who, as carefully, stowed it away in a basket, in which she kept her beads and paint: the man then turned round, requesting me, very seriously, to put away the scissors, and my compliance restored him to good-humour. the features of these people bore a great resemblance to those of the patagonian indians, but in person they were considerably shorter and smaller. the elderly people of both sexes had hideous figures; the children, however, and young men, were well-formed; particularly one of the boys, whom they called 'y[=a]l-l[)a]-b[)a],' which, i believe, meant a youth, or a young warrior. the word 'sh[=e]rr[=o]o' was used to denote a canoe, or vessel. they were ill-clothed, with mantles made of guanaco, or otter skins, but not so neatly as those of the patagonians. { } their bodies were smeared over with a mixture of earth, charcoal, or red-ocre, and seal-oil; which, combined with the filth of their persons, produced a most offensive smell. some were partially painted with a white argillaceous earth; others were blackened with charcoal; one of the men was daubed all over with a white pigment. their hair was bound by a fillet of plaited twine, made perhaps with strips of bark, and a few of them had it turned up; but to none did it appear to be an object of attention, except one of the young women, who repeatedly combed and arranged her's with the well-toothed jaw of a porpoise. during a remarkably calm night, we were frequently startled by the loud blowing of whales, between us and the shore. we had noticed several of those monsters on the previous day, but had never heard them blow in so still a place. at dawn, a light air carried us towards some broken land to the s.e. of cape rowlett, between the eastern trend of which, and the projecting point of an island, we found a secure and land-locked harbour, with two entrances, one to the north and the other to the south of high islet. the south side of the port, which i called port cooke,[ ] is a narrow strip of land, forming the head of a deep inlet or sound, called[ ] brook harbour. it seemed to extend to the base of the high mountainous range, and to be separated only by a narrow isthmus from fitton harbour. we had scarcely been at anchor half an hour when the same party of fuegians was seen arriving. the men hastened to us in their canoes, as soon as the women had landed, to cover or thatch the wigwams, which they found standing, and to light fires. we afterwards went ashore, and, sitting down near them, commenced a brisk trade for arrows, skins, necklaces, and other commodities. the furs which covered their backs they parted with, for a few beads, and went quite naked the whole evening. among them was a young man, who appeared to be treated { } with some deference by the others; he was one of the best-looking of the party; and there was a good-natured smile on his countenance during our communication, while the rest frequently manifested displeasure, even about trifles. he was, at least, the master of one of the two families; his wigwam contained his wife, and two children, his, or his wife's father, and mother, as well as the idiot, and his wife, who, from her appearance, must have been a patagonian, or else a woman of unusual size among these people. the old woman was very inquisitive, and the man, in a long speech, described to her all the wonders i had shown him, applying to me, from time to time, to point out to her the articles he was trying to describe. their dexterity with the sling is extraordinary; and, i should think, when used as a weapon of offence, it must be very formidable. upon asking the same man to show us its use, he picked up a pebble, about the size of a pigeon's egg, and placed it in the sling; then intimating that he was going to strike a canoe, he turned his back to the mark, and threw the stone in an opposite direction, against the trunk of a tree, whence it rebounded over his head, and fell close to the canoe. i have seen them strike a cap, placed upon the stump of a tree, fifty or sixty yards off, with a stone from a sling. in using the bow and arrow, also, with which they kill birds, they are very dexterous. the spear is principally for striking porpoises and seals, but is also used in war; and from the nature of the barb, must be an efficient weapon. for close quarters, they use clubs, stones held in the hand, and short wooden daggers, pointed with very sharp-edged quartz, pitch-stone, or flint. the next morning, seeing us underweigh, they came alongside and tried to induce us to anchor again. the young man, of whom i have spoken, was very importunate, and at last offered us his wife, as a bribe, who used all her fancied allurements to second his proposal. so highly did they esteem beads and buttons, that a few of each would have purchased the canoe, the wife, and children, { } their dogs, and all the furniture. seeing us proceed to the southward, with the apparent intention of sailing down the inlet, they motioned to us to go to the north, repeatedly calling out 'sherroo, sherroo,' and pointing to the northward; which we thought intimated that there was no passage in the direction we were taking. at noon, i landed to observe the latitude, and take bearings down the sound to the s.e., at the bottom of which was a hill, standing by itself, as it were, in mid-channel. the view certainly excited hopes of its being a channel; and as we had begun to calculate upon reaching nassau bay in a few days, we named this hill, mount hope. the point on which we landed was at the foot of a high snow-capped hill, called by us mount seymour; whence, had not the indians been near, i should have taken bearings. we sailed south-eastward, close to the south shore, until the evening; when from the summit of some hills, about three hundred feet above the sea, we had a view down the sound, which almost convinced us it would prove to be a channel. the rock at this place differed from any we had seen in the strait. the mountains are high, and evidently of clay-slate; but the point, near which we anchored, is a mass of hard, and very quartzose sand-stone, much resembling the old red sand-stone formation of europe, and precisely like the rock of goulburn island, on the north coast of new holland.[ ] the following morning ( d), we proceeded towards mount hope, while running down to which some squalls passed over, clouding the south shore, and as we passed parry harbour it bore so much the appearance of a channel, that we stood into it; but the clouds clearing away soon exposed the bottom to our view, where there seemed to be two arms or inlets. in the south-eastern arm, the shores were covered with thick ice (like the bottom of ainsworth harbour, to the west of parry harbour, where an immense glacier slopes down to the water's edge). the south-west arm appeared to be well sheltered, and if it affords a moderate depth of water, would be an excellent harbour. { } after satisfying ourselves that there was no channel here, we bore up on our original course; but, before long, found ourselves within two miles of the bottom of the sound; which is shallow, and appears to receive two rivers. the great quantity of ice water, which mingles here with the sea, changed its colour to so pale a blue, that we thought ourselves in fresh water. mount hope proved to be an isolated mass of hills, lying like the rest n.w. and s.e., having low land to the southward, over which nothing was visible except one hill, thirty or forty miles distant, covered with snow, to which the rays of the sun gave the appearance of a sheet of gold. finding ourselves embayed, we hastened out of the scrape, and, after beating for some hours, anchored in parry harbour. our entrance into a little cove in parry harbour disturbed a quantity of ducks, steamers, shags, and geese. their numbers showed that indians had not lately visited it. next day we reached ainsworth harbour, which is of the same character as parry harbour, and affords perfect security for small vessels: by dint of sweeping, we reached a secure anchorage in a cove at the south-east corner. the bottom of the port is formed, as i before said, by an immense glacier, from which, during the night, large masses broke off and fell into the sea with a loud crash,[ ] thus explaining the nocturnal noises we had often heard at port famine, and which at the time were thought to arise from the eruption of volcanoes. such were also, probably, the sounds heard by the spanish officers during their exploration of the straits, whilst in the port of santa monica, where they had taken refuge from a violent gale of wind.[ ] { } the harbour was full of fragments of ice, the succeeding morning, drifting into the sound, where the sea-water, being at a higher temperature than the air, rapidly melted them. since our departure from port waterfall, the weather had been mild, clear, and settled; but as it wanted only three days of the change of the moon, at which period, as well as at the full, it always blew a gale, i wished to reach a place of security in the gabriel channel or magdalen sound. near the islands of ainsworth harbour, three canoes passed us, steering across the sound, each with a seal-skin fixed up in the bow for a sail; and we recognised in them the party left at port cooke, among whom was the indian who had been detected in stealing a tin pot. they did not come along-side; but as we went by, pointed to the north, apparently urging us to go in that direction. we had noticed several wigwams at parry and ainsworth harbours, which shows that they are much frequented by indians, perhaps on their way to the open low country east of mount hope, where numerous herds of guanacoes may be found. porpoises and seal were not scarce in this inlet, and in the entrance there were many whales. the presence of seal and whales made me think it probable there was a channel; but i believe every person with me was satisfied of its being a sound, terminating under mount hope. since my later experience of the deceptive character of some passages in tierra del fuego (the barbara channel, for example), i have felt less certain that there may not be a communication with the low land, behind mount hope, round its northern base. the improbability was, however, so great,--from the bottom of the sound { } being shoal,--from the very slight tide-stream,--and from the information of the natives; who evidently intended to tell us we could not get out to sea,--that we did not consider it worth while to make another examination. i have before observed that the strata of the slate rocks, in the strait, dip to the s.e.; and i found that they dip similarly all the way to the bottom of this inlet, which i named admiralty sound. the north side, like that of the gabriel channel, is steep, without indentations, excepting where there is a break in the hills; but on the south shore there are many coves, and bights, the cause of which is shown in the accompanying imaginary section of the gabriel channel. the same cause operates on the outline of the north shore of the reach of cape froward, westward as far as cape holland, where the rock assumes a still more primitive form. its general character, however, is micaceous slate, with broad veins of quartz; the latter being particularly conspicuous at port gallant. the following slight sketch, intended to represent an imaginary section of such an opening as the gabriel channel, may also serve to give a general idea of many fuegian anchorages;--of deep water passages existing between the almost innumerable islands of tierra del fuego;--and of the effects of those sudden, and violent gusts of wind,--so frequent and dangerous,--commonly called hurricane-squalls,[ ] or williwaws. { } [illustration] the rock, of course, decomposes equally on both sides; but on that exposed to the south wind, it breaks off in flakes parallel to the direction of the strata, and therefore does not make the course of the beach more irregular; while on the other side it moulders away transversely to the direction of the dip, leaving holes, in which water lodges, and hastens decomposition by entering deeply into the interstices. water, air, and frost decompose the rock, and form a soil, which, if not too much exposed to the wind, is soon occupied by vegetation. the rugged faces of the cliffs, on the southern shore, caused by the rock decomposing across the grain, collect sand and mud; and hence it happens that anchorages are frequently found on one side, whilst, on the other, the anchor will not hold, from the steepness of the ground; there being nothing upon the smooth declivity to retain mud and sand before it gets to the bottom; which, in most cases known to me, lies far beyond the reach of the anchor. after a tedious and difficult passage through the gabriel channel, we anchored in a snug harbour within the entrance of magdalen channel, on the west side, under a peaked hill called by sarmiento 'el vernal,'--in our plan, the 'sugar-loaf.' the entrance is about a quarter of a mile wide; but after a few hundred yards the harbour opens, extending in for nearly a mile. it is of easy depth; seven fathoms in the entrance, and four, five, and six fathoms within; so that it is { } very convenient for a small vessel: to us, indeed, it was a most welcome discovery. the land rises, around this cove, to the height of two or three thousand feet. it is covered with beech, and winter's-bark, and near the water is adorned with large groves of fuchsia, berberis, and the common shrubs of port famine, growing so thickly as to form an almost impenetrable jungle; but, notwithstanding the picturesque character of its scenery, the towering height of the hills, which exclude the sun's rays for the whole day, during the greater portion of the year, renders it a gloomy and melancholy spot.[ ] we found a family of fuegians in the inner harbour. three canoes were hauled up on the beach, but their owners were not at first visible. at last, after our repeatedly calling out 'ho-say, ho-say,' they appeared, and, rather reluctantly, invited us, by signs, to land. there seemed to be fourteen or fifteen people, and seven or eight dogs. mr. wickham and mr. tarn went on shore to these natives, who exhibited some timidity, until a hideous old woman began to chatter, and soon made them understand that the young men (l[=a]-[=a]-pas) were absent on a hunting excursion, but were every moment expected to return. there were only three men with the women and children. to inspire them with confidence in our good intentions, mr. wickham gave each man a red cap, and some other trifles. one of them complained of being sick, but i rather imagine his illness was feigned, and the others did not at all seem to like our visit. by degrees their fears subsided, and, restraint being laid aside, an active trade began; in which several otter skins, shell-necklaces, spears, and other trifles, were obtained from them in exchange for beads, buttons, medals, &c. the otters are caught by the help of dogs, on which account, principally, the latter are so valuable. these people were slightly clothed with skins of the seal and otter, but some had pieces of guanaco mantles over their shoulders, whence we supposed that they were either of the same tribe, or at peace, with the indians of admiralty sound: { } unless, indeed, they trade with the patagonian indians; but such is the poverty of the fuegians, they can scarcely possess any thing of value sufficient to exchange with the goods of their northern neighbours, unless it be iron pyrites, which i think is not found in the open country inhabited by the patagonian indians, and, from the facility with which it yields sparks of fire, must be an object of importance. we were not a little amused by the surprise which these natives showed at the things in our possession, and by the effect produced in their countenances when they saw any thing extraordinary: the expression was not that of joy or surprise, but a sort of vacant, stupified, stare at each other. they must have been very suspicious of our intentions, or very much excited by what they had seen during the day, as throughout the night an incessant chattering of voices was heard on shore, interrupted only by the barking of their dogs. looking down the magdalen inlet, we saw two openings, which, while the hills were enveloped in mist, had the appearance of being channels. we proceeded for some distance into the more westerly of the two, but found that it was merely a sound, terminated by high land. the boat was then steered under a steep mass of black mountainous land,[ ] the summit of which is divided into three peaks, which sarmiento called 'el pan de azucar de los boquerones' (the sugar-loaf of the openings). we ran southward, fifteen miles down this sound, and reached the labyrinth islands; but finding there no suitable anchorage, resumed our course towards the bottom of what we thought another sound, terminated by mountains. at noon, the furthest point, on the west shore, which we called cape turn, was within three miles of us, and we should soon have discovered the continuation of the channel (as it has since been proved); but a breeze set in from the s.w., and in a short time it blew so strong as to oblige us to turn back. 'williwaws' and baffling eddy winds kept us seven hours under mount boqueron. these squalls were at first alarming, but by taking in all sail, before they passed, we sustained no injury. at { } sunset we were abreast of hope harbour, in which we purposed taking shelter from the gale. our late neighbours, the indians, had lighted a fire at the entrance to invite our return; but wind and tide were against us, and as we knew of no port to leeward, our only resource was to run out of the sound. furious squalls carried us into the true, or steady, wind, which we found very strong; and as port san antonio was on the lee-bow, we had to carry such a press of sail, that our excellent boat had nearly half the lee side of her deck under water. by daylight we got into smooth water, and, with less wind and better weather, steered for port famine. the smoother water enabled us to light a fire and cook a meal, not an unimportant affair, as we had eaten nothing since six o'clock on the preceding morning. in our absence mr. graves had surveyed lomas bay, and, after his return, mr. ainsworth had crossed the strait with the gig and cutter to survey port san antonio. they were victualled for five days; the gig was manned by my own boat's crew, and the cutter by volunteers: but although they had not come back, we felt no anxiety about their safety, being assured that mr. ainsworth would not run the risk of crossing the strait during bad weather. the tempestuous state of the two following days, however, made us uneasy, and on the third morning, when the wind moderated much, we looked out anxiously for their arrival. in the evening the cutter returned; but, alas! with the melancholy information of the loss of mr. ainsworth, and two seamen, drowned by the upsetting of the gig. one of the latter was my excellent coxswain, john corkhill. the remainder of the gig's crew were only rescued from drowning by the strenuous exertions of those in the cutter. mr. ainsworth, anxious to return to the ship, thought too little of the difficulty and danger of crossing the strait during unsettled weather. he set out from port san antonio under sail, and, while sheltered by the land, did very well; but as soon as they got into the offing, both wind and sea increased so much that the gig was in great danger, although under only a small close-reefed sail. { } the people in the cutter were anxiously watching her labouring movements, when she disappeared! they hastened to the spot--saved three men; but the other two had gone down. poor ainsworth was still clinging to the gig's gunwale when his shipmates eagerly approached; but letting go his hold from extreme exhaustion, and being heavily clothed, he sunk from their sight to rise no more. he had been cheering the drowning crew, and trying to save his companions, till the moment his grasp relaxed. just before ainsworth himself let go, mr. hodgskin lost his hold, exclaiming, ainsworth, save me! when, exhausted as he was, with one hand he rescued his friend, and, directly afterwards, his strength failing, sunk. this addition of three people to the already loaded cutter, made her cargo more than was safe, therefore mr. williams, who commanded her, very prudently bore up for the first convenient landing-place, and happily succeeded in reaching the only part of the beach, between lomas bay and cape valentyn, where a boat could land. the following morning, the weather being more favourable, they crossed under sail to freshwater bay, and thence pulled to port famine. this melancholy disaster was much felt by every one. ainsworth was a deserving officer, and highly esteemed. corkhill was captain of the forecastle, and had served in the polar voyages under sir edward parry. on the sunday following, the colours were hoisted half-mast high, and the funeral service was read after morning prayers: for although to recover the bodies was impossible, their watery grave was before our eyes; and the performance of this last sad duty was a melancholy satisfaction. "ours are the tears, tho' few, sincerely shed, when ocean shrouds and sepulchres our dead." a tablet was subsequently erected, on point st. anna, to record this fatal accident. * * * * * { } chapter v. lieutenant sholl arrives--beagle returns--loss of the saxe cobourg sealer--captain stokes goes to fury harbour to save her crew--beagle's proceedings--bougainville's memorial--cordova's memorial--beagle's danger--difficulties--captain stokes's boat-cruize--passages--natives-- dangerous service--western entrance of the strait of magalhaens--hope's cruize--prepare to return to monte video. the beagle's time of absence had expired on the st of april, and our anxiety, more excited by our recent loss, was becoming painful. i detained the hope from going upon a service for which she was prepared, in case she might be required to search for our consort: but on the th a strange whale-boat was descried pulling towards us from the southward, in which we soon distinguished lieut. sholl. his appearance, under such circumstances, of course raised fears for the beagle's safety; but, on approaching, his gratifying shout, "all's well!" at once removed anxiety. mr. sholl informed me, that the beagle had picked up a boat, belonging to the schooner 'prince of saxe cobourg,' wrecked in fury harbour, at the south entrance of the barbara channel; and that she had put into port gallant, whence captain stokes had gone with the boats to assist the sealers, leaving lieut. skyring on board. the safety of the beagle being established, i despatched mr. graves, in the hope, to examine some openings between the magdalen channel and the dos hermanos of bougainville. several days earlier than i expected, the beagle made her appearance, and captain stokes soon gave me the agreeable intelligence of having succeeded in saving the prince of saxe cobourg's crew. favoured by the weather, though delayed by his guide having forgotten the way, captain stokes reached fury harbour in two days, and embarked the master and { } crew of the wrecked vessel, with all their personal property, and the greater part of the seal-skins which they had cured. he reached port gallant again on the fourth day; sailed immediately in the beagle, and two days afterwards anchored in port famine. the prince of saxe cobourg, belonging to mr. weddel (whose voyage towards the south pole is so well known), and commanded by mr. matthew brisbane, who accompanied weddel on that occasion, sailed from england in the summer of , on a sealing voyage. at south shetland she encountered a continuance of bad weather, was beset by a large body of ice for several days, and received so much damage as to oblige her to run for the fuegian coast, and anchor in fury harbour, at the entrance of the barbara channel. there (december th, ) she was driven on shore by the furious strength of the williwaws, and wrecked. the crew were, however, enabled to save most of the provisions and stores, as well as their three boats. having made tents, and established themselves on shore, they remained in anxious expectation of the arrival of some vessel which might relieve them; day after day however passed, without succour. two boats were despatched to look for any sealing vessel that might be in the vicinity, but after fifteen days' absence they returned unsuccessful. in this interval one of the crew, who had long been sickly, died; and another, in carelessly discharging a musket, exploded twenty pounds of gunpowder, by which he was very much burned. three of the people being mutinous, were punished by being sent, each to a different island, with only a week's provisions. soon afterwards another boat was sent away, which reached hope harbour, but found no vessel there. seven of the people then obtained permission from the master (who kept up a very proper state of discipline), to take the largest whale-boat, and go towards the river negro. previous to their departure they drew up articles of agreement for their general conduct, a breach of which was to be punished by the offender being left upon the coast, wherever they might happen to { } be. the boat eventually arrived safely at the place of her destination, and the crew entered as volunteers on board of the buenos ayrean squadron, at that time engaged in the war with brazil. again a boat was despatched, directed to go westward through the strait in search of vessels. she had only reached as far as playa parda, when the beagle fell in with her (march d, ). while passing through the small channels, before entering the strait, she met several canoes, with indians, who endeavoured to stop her, and shot arrows at the crew; but, happily, without doing any mischief. after the last boat's departure, mr. brisbane began to build a small vessel, and, while so employed, was visited by a party of natives, who conducted themselves very peaceably, and went away. their visit, however, gave the shipwrecked people, now much reduced in number,[ ] reason to apprehend the return of a larger body, who might try to possess themselves of the property which was lying about on the shore; they therefore buried a great deal, and took means to preserve the rest by making preparations to repel attack. when captain stokes appeared with his two boats, the sealers flew to their arms, calling out "the indians, the indians!" but in a very few minutes excess of joy succeeded to their sudden alarm. captain stokes found the vessel lying on the rocks, bilged, and an utter wreck. the master and crew were extremely anxious to get away, he therefore embarked them, with as much of the property as could be carried, and succeeded (after another night in the boats, and a long pull of eighty miles,) in conveying them safely to the beagle. the following is an abstract of captain stokes's journal of his cruise to the western entrance of the strait. the beagle sailed from port famine on the th of january, to explore the strait westward of cape froward, and to fix particularly the positions of cape pillar, the rock called { } westminster hall, and the islands of direction, at the western entrance of the strait. for the first night captain stokes anchored in san nicolas bay, and in the evening examined a harbour[ ] behind nassau island, which bougainville, in the year , visited for the purpose of procuring wood for the french settlement at the falkland islands. on the second night, after a day nearly calm, the beagle was anchored in a cove to the eastward of cape froward, and the next day ( th) passed round the cape, carrying a heavy press of sail against a dead foul wind. captain stokes's account of this day's beat to windward will give the reader an idea of the sort of navigation. "our little bay had screened us so completely from the wind, that though, when (at five a.m.) we weighed, the breeze was so light as scarcely to enable us, with all sail set, to clear its entrance; no sooner were we outside, than we were obliged to treble reef the topsails. we continued to beat to windward under a heavy press of sail; our object being to double cape froward, and secure, if possible, an anchorage ere night-fall under cape holland, six leagues further to the westward. at first we made 'boards' right across the straits to within a third of a mile of each shore, gaining, however, but little. we then tried whether, by confining our tacks to either coast, we could discover a tide by which we might profit; and for that purpose i began with the north shore, for though we were there more exposed to violent squalls which came down the valleys, i thought it advisable to avoid the indraught of various channels intersecting the fuegian coast; but having made several boards without any perceptible advantage, we tried the south shore, with such success that i was induced to keep on that side during the remainder of the day. "and here let me remark, that in consequence of the westerly winds which blow through the western parts of the straits of magalhaens, with almost the constancy (as regards { } direction, not force) of a trade-wind; a current setting to the eastward, commonly at the rate of a knot and three quarters an hour, will be found in mid-channel. the tides exert scarcely any influence, except near either shore; and sometimes appear to set, up one side of the straits, and down the other: the weather tide is generally shown by a rippling.(c) "heavy squalls off cape froward repeatedly obliged us to clew all up. by day their approach is announced, in time for the necessary precautions, by their curling up and covering with foam the surface of the water, and driving the spray in clouds before them. "at last we doubled cape froward. this cape (called by the spaniards el morro de santa agueda), the southernmost point of all america, is a bold promontory, composed of dark coloured slaty rock; its outer face is nearly perpendicular, and whether coming from the eastward or westward, it 'makes' as a high round-topped bluff hill ('morro'). "bougainville observes, that 'cape froward has always been much dreaded by navigators.'[ ] to double it, and gain an anchorage under cape holland, certainly cost the beagle as tough a sixteen hours' beat as i have ever witnessed: we made thirty-one tacks, which, with the squalls, kept us constantly on the alert, and scarcely allowed the crew to have the ropes out of their hands throughout the day. but what there is to inspire a navigator with 'dread' i cannot tell, for the coast on both sides is perfectly clear, and a vessel may work from shore to shore." from cape holland, the beagle proceeded to port gallant, and during her stay there, mr. bowen ascended the mountain de la cruz. upon the summit he found some remains of a glass bottle, and a roll of papers, which proved to be the memorials stated to have been left by don antonio de cordova, { } and a copy of a document that had previously been deposited there by m. de bougainville. with these papers was found a spanish two-rial piece of carlos iii., which had been bent to admit of its being put into the bottle. it was with considerable difficulty that any of the writing could be decyphered, for the papers, having been doubled up, were torn, and the words defaced at the foldings, and edges. bougainville's memorial was in latin. cordova's, besides a document in latin, was accompanied by an account of his voyage, written in four languages, spanish, french, italian, and english. the legible part of the former was as follows:-- viatori benevolo salus ........ ........ que a periculose admodum naviga ...... ........ brasilie bonarve et insularum .......... ............................................ .......... incertis freti magellanici portubus .... ...................... historia astronomia .... .... boug ................................. .... boug .... duclos et de la giranda navium .. .............. primaris .... comerson .... doct med naturalista regio accu .... m. veron astronomo de romainville hidrographio .......... a rege christianissimo demandans .......... landais lavan fontaine navium loco tenentibus et vexillariis ........ ........ itineris locus dd dervi lemoyne .... ............ riouffe voluntariis. ................ vives .......... scriba anno mdcclxvi. the latin inscription of cordova was as follows:-- benevolo navigatori salutem anno domini mdcclxxxviii vir celeberrimus dd antonius de cordova laso de vega navibus duabus (_quarum_ nomina ss casilda et eulalia _erant ad scrutamen_ magellanici freti subsequendum _unâque_ littorum, portuum aliorumque notabilium .................... iter iterum fecit. .... e gadibus classis tertio nonas octobris habenas _immittit_ quarto idus _ejusdem nova_ ...... vidit { } a boreali ad austra ...... _miserium_ postridie kalendæ novembris emigravit. decimo quarto kalendas januarii patagonicis recognitis litoribus ad ostium appulit freti. tandem ingentibus periculis et horroribus tam in mari quam in freto magnanime et constanter super_atis_ et omnibus portubus atque navium _fundamentis_ utriusque litoris correctissime cognitis ad hunc portum divini jose vel galante septimo idu januarii pervenit ubi ad perpetuam rei memoriam in monte sanctissimæ crucis hoc monumentum reliquit. tertio et excelso carolo regnante potente regali jussu facta fuere suo. colocatum fuit nono kalendæ februarii anno mdcclxxxix. together with a list of the officers of both vessels, and enclosing a memorial of cordova's former voyage in the santa maria de la cabeza. the originals are placed in the british museum; but before we finally left the strait, copies were made on vellum, and deposited on the same spot. the beagle left port gallant[ ] with a fair wind, which carried her to swallow harbour. the next stopping place was marian's cove, a very snug anchorage on the north shore, a few miles beyond playa parda. proceeding thence to the westward, with the wind 'in their teeth,' and such bad weather, that they could only see the land of either coast at intervals, and failing in an attempt to find anchorage under cape upright, the beagle was kept under weigh during a squally dark night. in that very place, commodore byron, with the dolphin and tamar, passed the anxious night, which he thus describes:-- "our situation was now very alarming; the storm increased every minute, the weather was extremely thick, and the rain seemed to threaten another deluge; we had a long dark night before us, we were in a narrow channel, and surrounded on { } every side by rocks and breakers."[ ] the beagle was under similar circumstances, but the land being known to be high and bold, her danger was not considered so imminent. eastward of cape upright the water was smooth; but between it and cape providence a heavy breaking sea was caused by the deep swell of the pacific. captain stokes found an anchorage the next night in a bay under cape tamar; and the following evening very nearly reached another under cape phillip; but the darkness of a rainy night, and strong squalls, prevented their attempting to anchor in an unknown place, and the only resource was to bear up for shelter under cape tamar, where the previous night had been passed. even this was a dangerous attempt; they could hardly discern any part of the high land, and when before the wind could not avoid the ship's going much too fast. while running about eight knots, a violent shock--a lift forward--heel over--and downward plunge--electrified every one; but before they could look round, she was scudding along, as before, having fairly leaped over the rock. it was afterwards found that a great part of the gripe and false keel were knocked away. captain stokes's account of this day's beat will give an idea of the difficulties which the beagle's crew encountered, in working out of the strait. january st. "the hands were turned up at daylight up anchor; but the heavy squalls that came off the high land of the harbour, rendered it too hazardous to weigh, until a temporary lull enabled us to make sail, and re-commence beating to the westward against a dead foul wind, much rain, hard squalls, and a turbulent cross sea. "the squalls became more frequent and more violent after noon; but they gave, in daylight, sufficient warning, being preceded by dark clouds gradually expanding upwards, until their upper line attained the altitude of about fifty degrees: then came heavy rain, and perhaps hail; immediately after followed the squall in all its fury, and generally lasted fifteen or twenty minutes. { } "in working to windward we frequently extended our 'boards' to the south shore (not without risk considering the state of the weather), with the hope of making out tuesday bay, or some anchorage thereabout; but the coast was covered with so thick a mist, that not a single point, mentioned by preceding navigators, could be recognised. "about seven in the evening we were assailed by a squall, which burst upon the ship with fury far surpassing all that preceded it; had not sail been shortened in time, not a stick would have been left standing, or she must have capsized. as it was, the squall hove her so much over on her broadside, that the boat which was hanging at the starboard quarter was washed away. i then stood over to the north shore, to look for anchorage under the lee of a cape, about three leagues to the north-west of cape tamar. on closing it, the weather became so thick that at times we could scarcely see two ships' lengths a-head. "these circumstances were not in favour of exploring unknown bays, and to think of passing such a night as was in prospect, under sail in the straits, would have been a desperate risk; i was obliged therefore to yield the hard-gained advantage of this day's beat, and run for the anchorage whence we had started in the morning. "it was nearly dark ere we reached it; and in entering, desirous to keep well up to windward, in order to gain the best anchorage, i went too close to the outer islet, and the ship struck violently on a rocky ledge. however, she did not hang a moment, and was soon anchored in safety." finding so much danger and difficulty, in proceeding with the ship, without first knowing where to run for anchorages, captain stokes left her in tamar bay, under the charge of lieutenant skyring; and, accompanied by mr. flinn, set out in the cutter, with a week's provisions, to examine the south coast. in a very arduous and dangerous cruize he discovered several well-sheltered anchorages, but experienced a "constant heavy gale from w.n.w., with thick weather and incessant drenching rain." { } captain stokes says, "our discomfort in an open boat was very great, since we were all constantly wet to the skin. in trying to double the various headlands, we were repeatedly obliged (after hours of ineffectual struggle against sea and wind) to desist from useless labour, and take refuge in the nearest cove which lay to leeward." from the harbour of mercy, captain stokes attempted to cross the strait, on his return to the beagle; but the sea ran too high, and obliged him to defer his daring purpose until the weather was more favourable. during his absence, lieutenant skyring surveyed tamar bay and its vicinity. again the beagle weighed, and tried hard to make some progress to the westward, but was obliged a third time to return to tamar bay. after another delay she just reached sholl bay, under cape phillip, and remained there one day, to make a plan of the anchorage, and take observations to fix its position. the beagle reached the harbour of mercy (separation harbour of wallis and carteret),[ ] after a thirty days' passage from port famine, on the th, having visited several anchorages on the south shore in her way. but tedious and harassing as her progress had been, the accounts of byron, wallis, carteret, and bougainville show that they found more difficulty, and took more time, in their passages from port famine to the western entrance of the strait. byron, in , was forty-two days; wallis, in , eighty-two; carteret, in the same year, eighty-four; and bougainville, in , forty days, in going that short distance. five days were passed at this place, during which they communicated with a few natives, of whom captain stokes remarks; "as might be expected from the unkindly climate in which they dwell, the personal appearance of these indians does not { } exhibit, either in male or female, any indications of activity or strength. their average height is five feet five inches; their habit of body is spare; the limbs are badly turned, and deficient in muscle; the hair of their head is black, straight, and coarse; their beards, whiskers, and eyebrows, naturally exceedingly scanty, are carefully plucked out; their forehead is low; the nose rather prominent, with dilated nostrils; their eyes are dark, and of a moderate size; the mouth is large, and the under-lip thick; their teeth are small and regular, but of bad colour. they are of a dirty copper colour; their countenance is dull, and devoid of expression. for protection against the rigours of these inclement regions, their clothing is miserably suited; being only the skin of a seal, or sea-otter, thrown over the shoulders, with the hairy side outward. "the two upper corners of this skin are tied together across the breast with a strip of sinew or skin, and a similar thong secures it round the waist; the skirts are brought forward so as to be a partial covering. their comb is a portion of the jaw of a porpoise, and they anoint their hair with seal or whale blubber; for removing the beard and eyebrows they employ a very primitive kind of tweezers, namely, two muscle shells. they daub their bodies with a red earth, like the ruddle used in england for marking sheep. the women, and children, wear necklaces, formed of small shells, neatly attached by a plaiting of the fine fibres of seal's intestines. "the tracts they inhabit are altogether destitute of four-footed animals; they have not domesticated the geese or ducks which abound here; of tillage they are utterly ignorant; and the only vegetable productions they eat are a few wild berries and a kind of sea-weed. their principal food consists of muscles, limpets, and sea-eggs, and, as often as possible, seal, sea-otter, porpoise, and whale: we often found in their deserted dwellings bones of these animals, which had undergone the action of fire. "former voyagers have noticed the avidity with which they swallowed the most offensive offal, such as decaying seal-skins, { } rancid seal, and whale blubber, &c. when on board my ship, they ate or drank greedily whatever was offered to them, salt-beef, salt-pork, preserved meat, pudding, pea-soup, tea, coffee, wine, or brandy--nothing came amiss. one little instance, however, happened, which showed what they preferred. as they were going ashore, a lump of the tallow used for arming the lead was given to them, and received with particular delight. it was scrupulously divided, and placed in the little baskets which they form of rushes, to be reserved for eating last, as the richest treat. "to their dwellings have been given, in various books of voyages, the names of huts, wigwams, &c.; but, with reference to their structure, i think old sir john narborough's term for them will convey the best idea to an english reader; he calls them 'arbours.' they are formed of about a couple of dozen branches, pointed at the larger ends, and stuck into the ground round a circular or elliptical space, about ten feet by six; the upper ends are brought together, and secured by tyers of grass, over which is thrown a thatching of grass and seal-skins, a hole being left at the side as a door, and another at the top as a vent for the smoke. a fire is kept burning within, over which the natives are constantly cowering; hence, when seen abroad, instead of appearing to be hardy savages, inured to wet and cold, you see wretched creatures shivering at every breeze. i never met people so sensible of cold as these fuegian indians. "the nature of their domestic ties we had no opportunity of discovering; their manner towards their children is affectionate and caressing. i often witnessed the tenderness with which they tried to quiet the alarms our presence at first occasioned, and the pleasure which they showed when we bestowed upon the little ones any trifling trinkets. it appeared that they allow their children to possess property, and consult their little whims and wishes, with respect to its disposal; for being in a boat, alongside one of the canoes, bargaining for various articles, spears, arrows, baskets, &c., i took a fancy to a dog lying near one of the women, and offered a price for it; one of my seamen, supposing the bargain concluded, laid { } hands on the dog, at which the woman set up a dismal yell; so bidding him desist, i increased my offers. she declined to part with it, but would give two others. at last, my offers became so considerable, that she called a little boy out of the thick jungle (into which he had fled at our approach), who was the owner of the dog. the goods were shown to him, and all his party urged him to sell it, but the little urchin would not consent. he offered to let me have his necklace, and what he received in exchange was put away in his own little basket. "these people never evinced any thankfulness for our presents. whatever was offered they 'clutched at,' doubtful of getting it, although held out to them; and when in their own hand, it was instantly stowed away, as if they feared it would be recalled. "i sometimes tried to discover whether they preferred any particular colour, and for that purpose held out three strings of beads, black, white, and red; they clutched at all three, in their usual manner, without showing any preference. "their pronunciation is exceedingly harsh and guttural; not more than two words, whose signification was at all ascertained, could be made out, 'sherroo,' a ship, boat, or canoe, and 'peteet,' a child. they have a wonderful aptitude for imitating the sounds of strange languages: let a sentence, of even a dozen words, be distinctly pronounced, and they will repeat it with the utmost precision. "their only articles of traffic, besides such implements and weapons as they use, are seal and otter skins; and i should say that the quantity of peltry to be procured from them would be insignificant towards completing the cargo of a sealing vessel." during the next few days the beagle was employed in the most exposed, the least known, and the most dangerous part of the strait. fortunately, she was favoured by weather, and effected her purpose without injury or loss; but i never reflect upon this piece of service without an inward tribute of admiration to the daring, skill, and seamanship of captain stokes, lieutenant skyring, and mr. flinn. { } in his journal captain stokes says: "incessant rain and thick clouds prevented my completing, until this day ( th), the observations necessary for making an island, just outside the harbour of mercy, the southern end of my base, for the trigonometrical connection of the coasts and islands near the western entrance of this weather-beaten strait. "on the th, i weighed and beat to windward, intending to search for anchorage on the north shore, where i might land and fix the northern end of our base line. in the evening we anchored in an archipelago of islands, the real danger of whose vicinity was much increased to the eye by rocks, scattered in every direction, and high breakers, occasioned doubtless by reefs under water. we observed that most of the larger islands have small banks of sand at their eastern sides, on which anchorage may be found; but for ordinary purposes of navigation, this cluster of islands[ ] need only be pointed out to be avoided. the number and contiguity of the rocks, below as well as above water, render it a most hazardous place for any square-rigged vessel: nothing but the particular duty on which i was ordered would have induced me to venture among them. fore-and-aft vessels might work with far less risk; and as the rocks are frequented by vast numbers of fur seal, a season or two might be profitably passed here by a sealing vessel so rigged. "this morning ( st) i landed on one of the larger islands, with lieutenant skyring, and having ascended an eminence (observation mount) with the necessary instruments, fixed its position, and made it the northern end of our base. "it was a beautiful, and clear day; the isles of direction (or evangelists), as well as every point of importance on the adjacent coast, were seen distinctly during several hours. "my next object was to fix the position of cape victory, and ascertain whether anchorage could be found in its neighbourhood. accordingly, we weighed early next morning ( d,) and after extricating ourselves from this labyrinth (not without much difficulty and danger), we beat to the westward. violent squalls, a heavy sea, and thick weather, which came on about { } noon, obliged me to choose the least evil, and run for the harbour of mercy. "on the d, we went out again, and beat towards the isles of direction, off which we passed a night under sail. "the morning of the th was very fine, and the wind moderate. leaving the beagle to sound about the isles of direction, i set out in my boat, with two days' provisions, towards cape victory. as we rowed along these rocky shores, threading the mazes of the labyrinth of islets which fringe them, we saw vast numbers of black whales, and the rocks were quite covered with fur seal and brant geese. "after pulling, in earnest, for six hours, we landed upon cape victory, the north-western limit of the strait of magalhaens, and there, with a sextant, artificial horizon, and chronometer, ascertained the position of this remarkable promontory. from an eminence, eight hundred feet above the sea, we had a commanding view of the adjacent coasts, as well as of the vast pacific, which enabled us to rectify former material errors. late in the evening we were fortunate enough to get safely on board again, which, considering the usual weather here and the heavy sea, was unexpected success. this night was passed under sail in the pacific, and next morning we commenced our return to port famine. "when within four or five miles of cape pillar, and to the westward of it, a current was found to set southward, at about two knots an hour. as we neared the cape the wind fell, and the beagle was set rapidly towards those dangerous rocks, called the apostles. fortunately, a commanding breeze sprung up, and we extricated ourselves from the difficulty. while passing cape pillar, i landed in a cove near it, and determined its position. by sunset we had arrived near the harbour of mercy; and being becalmed, towed the ship in, with her boats, until an anchor was dropped at the proper place. "on the th, we went to tuesday bay, and on the th crossed the strait, and anchored under cape parker. i have rarely witnessed such a high, cross, and irregular sea as we this day passed through, near the strange mass of rock, called by { } narborough, 'westminster hall.' the coast about our unsafe anchorage was as barren and dismal-looking as any part of this country, which, as the old navigator above-mentioned said, is 'so desolate land to behold.' "next day (march st) we ran down to cape upright, and there remained until the d, collecting the required data for our survey. "while standing towards the bay called playa parda (on the d), a boat under sail was seen making towards us from the southern coast. i fired several guns, to show our position, before we became shut in by the land, and soon after anchoring a whale-boat came alongside, with the second mate and five men belonging to the sealing-vessel prince of saxe cobourg. "anxious not to lose a moment in hastening to the relief of our shipwrecked countrymen, i ran down next day to port gallant, and thence proceeded with two ten-oared boats (on the th) through the barbara channel, and the following evening reached fury harbour." having already given a short account of the saxe cobourg's loss, and the rescue of her crew by captain stokes, i will not repeat the story by extracting more from his journal. mr. graves returned from his cruize in the hope on the th, after suffering much from stormy weather and incessant rain; but having made a survey of the openings in the land to the west of magdalen channel as far as the sugar loaf point, at the west head of lyell sound, which he found to be deep inlets, affording no anchorages of value to navigation. the time having arrived for our return to monte video, preparations were made for sailing, and in the mean time i went to the northward, in the hope, to survey the coast between port famine and elizabeth island, including shoal haven. at the bottom of shoal haven we were stopped by the water shoaling to five feet, so that we were obliged to haul out till we could anchor in more than two fathoms. during the night the wind shifted to n.e., and blew right in, obliging us to weigh, and work under the s.w. end of elizabeth island into a bay close to that shore. from the summit of the s.w. { } point i afterwards took angles, among which the most important gave mount sarmiento bearing s. ½° w. (true). its distance must have been (by recent observations) ninety-four miles. elizabeth island is a long, low strip of land, lying parallel to the shores of the strait, which here take a n.n.e. direction. compared with the land to the southward it is very low, no part being more than two or three hundred feet high. it is composed of narrow ranges of hills, extending in ridges in the direction of its length, over which are strewed boulders of the various rocks, which have been noticed before as forming the shingle beaches of point st. mary and point st. anna; two kinds of rock, greenstone and hornblende, being the most common. the vallies which divide the hilly ridges were well clothed with grass, and in many places were seen hollows, that had contained fresh water, but now were entirely dried up. these spots were marked by a white crust, apparently caused by the saline quality of the soil. geese and wild ducks, and the red-bill (_hæmatopus_), seem to be the only inhabitants of this island. the indians sometimes visit it, for at the s.w. end we found remains of wigwams and shell-fish. perhaps it is a place whence they communicate with the patagonian natives, or they may in the season frequent it for eggs. we anchored in laredo bay, and visited a lake about a mile from the beach, distinguished on the chart by the name of duck lagoon: it is very extensive, and covered with large flights of gulls, ducks, and widgeons. we shot one widgeon, which was a most beautiful bird, and of a species we had not before seen.[ ] here the country begins to be clothed with the deciduous leaved beech tree (_fagus antarctica_), which is stunted in growth, but very convenient for fuel. though the hardiest tree of this region, it is never found of large size, the larger trees being the evergreen beech (_fagus betuloides_). we also met with several small plants common to cape gregory. one { } may consider cape negro to be the boundary of two countries, as entirely different from each other in geological structure and appearance, as they are in climate, to which last difference may be attributed the dissimilarity of their botanical productions. hence we returned to port famine. in our absence, a boat from the beagle had crossed the strait to lomas bay, where a party of natives had kindled fires of invitation. the weather, since the sun crossed the equator, had been unusually fine; and, with the exception of one day's heavy rain, the sky was so clear (the wind being moderate from the n.e.) that all the heights were exposed to our view, and amongst them mount sarmiento stood pre-eminent. our preparations for sailing being nearly completed, the hope was unrigged and hoisted in, and our temporary settlement on shore abandoned. it consisted of a marquee and a large bell tent. in the former was mr. harrison (mate), who had charge of the party, and of the meteorological instruments: the bell tent held the crew. near them were the observatory, a sawpit, and a cooking place, where a cheerful fire was always blazing. the carpenter's shop, cooper's bench, and armourer's forge had each its place, as well as a rope-walk, close to which our rigging was refitted, and the sails were repaired. after working-hours the shore party roamed about the woods with guns, or at low water picked up shell fish,[ ] by which they usually procured a fresh meal twice, but always once, a week. meanwhile the ship was kept carefully clean and in order. the officers not immediately employed in active duty made excursions with their guns; and although the immediate vicinity of our tents was pretty well thinned of game, yet a walk of a few miles was always rewarded by ample sport. when opportunities offered, some of the men were permitted to amuse themselves on shore with their guns, for which many had provided themselves with powder and shot. every sunday, after divine service, which was performed as regularly as possible under our circumstances, such of the ship's company as desired { } permission to land obtained it. on one occasion, however, we had nearly suffered for this indulgence, which was conducive to the men's health, and seldom abused: for one of them having made a fire at a little distance from the tents, the flames spread, and the exertions of all hands, for three hours, only just prevented it from communicating to the tents. on another occasion, two men set out on a shooting excursion, intending to cross the river sedger, against doing which there had been no particular orders, as such a proceeding was scarcely contemplated. having reached the bank near its mouth, and searched for a fordable place unsuccessfully, they launched a log of wood, and sitting astride, without providing themselves with a pole or paddle, pushed off from the shore, supposing it would go across; but, on reaching the middle of the stream, it was soon carried, by the current, out of the river, into the bay. one man, gilly, seeing that the log was still floating away with the ebb tide, plunged in, and just reached the shore south of the river, in a very exhausted state; the other, rix, unable to swim, kept his place, and was carried out to sea on a voyage that might have been fatal, had he not been seen from the ship, and saved by a boat. before leaving port famine we hauled one of our boats ashore, and left her (as we thought) securely hidden among the trees. being now ready to sail, and only waiting for wind, the officers of both ships, twenty-seven in number, dined together on shore. * * * * * { } chapter vi. trees--leave port famine--patagonians--gregory bay--bysante--maria-- falkner's account of the natives--indians seen on the borders of the otway water, in --maria visits the adventure--religious ceremony-- patagonian encampment--tomb of a child--women's employment--children-- gratitude of a native--size of patagonians--former accounts of their gigantic height--character--articles for barter--fuegians living with patagonians--ships sail--arrive at monte video and rio de janeiro. while detained by northerly winds, the carpenter and a party of people were employed in the woods selecting and cutting down trees to be ready for our next visit. after felling thirteen trees, from twenty-four to thirty-six inches in diameter, eight were found to be rotten at the heart; but by afterwards taking the precaution of boring the trees with an augur, while standing, much trouble was saved, and fifteen sound sticks of considerable diameter were cut down. we found one tree, an evergreen beech, too large for any of our saws: it measured twenty-one feet in girth at the base, and from the height of six feet to twenty it was seventeen feet in circumference; above this height, three large arms (each from thirty to forty inches in diameter), branched off from the trunk. it is, perhaps, the very tree described by byron in his account of this place. we only once saw it equalled in size, and that was by a prostrate trunk, very much decayed. in this interval of fine weather and northerly wind, we had the thermometer as high as °, and the barometer ranging between . and . ; but for two days before the wind shifted, the alteration was predicted by a gradual descent of the mercurial column, and a considerable increase of cold. on the th may, as there was some appearance of a change, we got under weigh; but were hardly outside the port, when a northerly wind again set in, and prevented our going farther than { } freshwater bay, where we passed the night. at last, on the th, accompanied by the beagle, we proceeded on our course with a strong south-westerly breeze, which carried us quickly up to cape negro, when it blew so hard that i anchored off laredo bay. at this anchorage we certainly felt the air much colder and sharper than at port famine, arising from our being in a more exposed situation, and from the approach of winter, as well as from the severe south-west gale which was blowing. after the gale had abated, we proceeded with fair weather and a light breeze to the second narrow, when the wind fell; but the tide being in our favour, we passed rapidly through. on a hill near us we observed three or four patagonian indians standing together, and their horses feeding close to them. a fire was soon kindled, to attract our notice, to which signal we replied by showing our colours; and had we not already communicated with these people, we should certainly have thought them giants, for they "loomed very large" as they stood on the summit of the hill. this optical deception must doubtless have been caused by mirage: the haze has always been observed to be very great during fine weather and a hot day arising from rapid evaporation of the moisture so abundantly deposited, on the surface of the ground, in all parts of the strait. as soon as the patagonians found they were noticed, they mounted and rode along the shore abreast of us, being joined by other parties, until the whole number could not have been less than forty. several foals and dogs were with them. having anchored in gregory bay, where i intended remaining for two days to communicate with them, i sent up a rocket, burnt a blue-light, and despatched lieutenant cooke on shore to ask for a large supply of guanaco meat, for which we would pay in knives and beads. the boat returned on board immediately, bringing off four natives, three men and 'maria.' this rather remarkable woman must have been, judging by her appearance, about forty years old: she is said to have been born at assuncion, in paraguay, but i think the place of her birth was nearer buenos ayres. she spoke broken, but { } intelligible, spanish, and stated herself to be sister of bysante, the cacique of a tribe near the santa cruz river, who is an important personage, on account of his size (which maria described to be immense), and his riches. in speaking of him, she said he was _very_ rich; he had many mantles, and also many hides ("_muy_ rico, tiene muchas mantas y tambien muchos cueros"). one of maria's companions, a brother of bysante, was the tallest and largest man of this tribe; and though he only measured six feet in height, his body was large enough for a much taller man. he was in great affliction: his daughter had died only two days before our arrival; but, notwithstanding his sad story, which soon found him friends, it was not long before he became quite intoxicated, and began to sing and roar on the subject of his misfortunes, with a sound more like the bellowing of a bull than the voice of a human being. upon applying to maria, who was not quite so tipsy as her brother, to prevent him from making such hideous noises, she laughed and said, "oh, never mind, he's drunk; poor fellow, his daughter is dead" (es boracho, povrecito, muriò su hija); and then, assuming a serious tone, she looked towards the sky, and muttered in her own language a sort of prayer or invocation to their chief demon, or ruling spirit, whom pigafetta, the companion and historian of magalhaens, called _setebos_, which admiral burney supposes to have been the original of one of shakspeare's names in the "tempest"-- "------------ his art is of such power he would controul my dam's god setebos.[ ]" maria's dress was similar to that of other females of the tribe; but she wore ear-rings, made of medals stamped with a figure of the virgin mary, which, with the brass-pin that secured her mantle across her breast, were given to her by one lewis, who had passed by in an american sealing-vessel, and who, we understood from her, had made them "christians." the jesuit falkner, who lived among them for many years, has written a long and, apparently, a very authentic account { } of the inhabitants of the countries south of the river plata, and he describes those who inhabit the borders of the strait and sea-coast to be, "yacana-cunnees, which signifies foot-people, for they have no horses in their country; to the north they border on the sehuau-cunnees, to the west on the key-yus, or key-yuhues, from whom they are divided by a ridge of mountains; to the east they are bounded by the ocean; and to the south by the islands of tierra del fuego, or the south sea. these indians live near the sea on both sides of the strait, and often make war with one another. they make use of light floats, like those of chilóe, in order to pass the straits, and are sometimes attacked by the huilliches and other tehuelhets, who carry them away for slaves, as they have nothing to lose but their liberty and their lives. they subsist chiefly on fish, which they catch either by diving, or striking them with their darts. they are very nimble afoot, and catch guanacoes and ostriches with their bowls. their stature is much the same as that of the other tehuelhets, rarely exceeding seven feet, and oftentimes not six feet. they are an innocent, harmless people."[ ] to the north of this race, falkner describes "the sehuau-cunnees, the most southern indians who travel on horseback; sehuau signifies in the tehuel dialect a species of black rabbit, about the size of a field rat; and as their country abounds in these animals, their name may be derived from thence: cunnee signifying 'people.'" with the exception of their mode of killing the guanaco by bowls, or balls, the description of the key-yus would apply better to the fuegian indians; and if so, they have been driven across the strait, and confined to the fuegian shores by the sehuau-cunnees, who must be no other than maria's tribe. the key-yus, who are described to inhabit the northern shore of the strait, between peckett's harbour and madre de dios, are probably the tribe found about the south-western islands, and now called alikhoolip; whilst the eastern fuegians, or yacana-cunnees, who have also been turned off the { } continent by their powerful neighbours, are now called tekeenikas. our knowledge of the names of these two tribes, alikhoolip and tekeenika, results from captain fitz-roy's subsequent examination of the outer coast of tierra del fuego in the beagle ( ). a cacique, belonging to the nation of the key-yus, told falkner that he had been in a house made of wood, that travelled on the water. a party of the indians, in four canoes, were met on the borders of the otway water by captain fitz-roy in , whose arms, implements, and every thing they had, were precisely like the fuegian indians, excepting that they had a quiver made from the skin of a deer, and were in form a superior race, being both stronger and stouter. for want of better information upon the subject, we must be content to separate the natives into patagonians and fuegians. the sealing vessels' crews distinguish them as horse indians, and canoe indians. these people have had considerable communication with the sealers who frequent this neighbourhood, bartering their guanaco skins and meat, their mantles, and furs, for beads, knives, brass ornaments, and other articles; but they are equally anxious to get sugar, flour, and, more than all, "aqua ardiente," or spirits. upon the arrival of a boat from any vessel, maria, with as many as she can persuade the boat's crew to take, goes on board, and, if permitted, passes the night. as soon as our boat landed, maria and her friends took their seats as if it had been sent purposely for them. not expecting such a visit, i had given no order to the contrary, and the novelty of such companions overcame the scruples of the officer, who was sent on shore to communicate with them. their noisy behaviour becoming disagreeable, they were soon conducted from below to the deck, where they passed the night. maria slept with her head on the windlass; and was so intoxicated, that the noise and concussion produced by veering eighty fathoms of cable round it did not awake her. the following morning, whilst i was at breakfast, she very unceremoniously introduced herself, with one of her companions, and { } seating herself at table, asked for tea and bread, and made a hearty meal. i took the precaution of having all the knives, and articles that i thought likely to be stolen, removed from the table; but neither then, nor at any time, did i detect maria in trying to steal, although her companions never lost an opportunity of pilfering. after breakfast the indians were landed, and as many of the officers as could be spared went on shore, and passed the whole day with the tribe, during which a very active trade was carried on. there were about one hundred and twenty indians collected together, with horses and dogs. it is probable that, with the exception of five or six individuals left to take care of the encampment, and such as were absent on hunting excursions, the whole of the tribe was mustered on the beach, each family in a separate knot, with all their riches displayed to the best advantage for sale. i accompanied maria to the shore. on landing, she conducted me to the place where her family were seated round their property. they consisted of manuel, her husband, and three children, the eldest being known by the appellation of capitan chico, or "little chief." a skin being spread out for me to sit on, the family and the greater part of the tribe collected around. maria then presented me with several mantles and skins, for which i gave in return a sword, remnants of red baize, knives, scissors, looking-glasses, and beads: of the latter i afterwards distributed bunches to all the children, a present which caused evident satisfaction to the mothers, many of whom also obtained a share. the receivers were selected by maria, who directed me to the youngest children first, then to the elder ones, and lastly to the girls and women. it was curious and amusing, to witness the order with which this scene was conducted, and the remarkable patience of the children, who, with the greatest anxiety to possess their trinkets, neither opened their lips, nor held out a hand, until she pointed to them in succession. having told maria that i had more things to dispose of for guanaco meat she dismissed the tribe from around me, and, { } saying she was going for meat (carne), mounted her horse, and rode off at a brisk pace. upon her departure a most active trade commenced: at first, a mantle was purchased for a string of beads; but as the demand increased, so the indians increased their price, till it rose to a knife, then to tobacco, then to a sword, at last nothing would satisfy them but 'aqua ardiente,' for which they asked repeatedly, saying "bueno es boracho--bueno es--bueno es boracho;"[ ]--but i would not permit spirits to be brought on shore. at marians return with a very small quantity of guanaco meat, her husband told her that i had been very inquisitive about a red baize bundle, which he told me contained "cristo," upon which she said to me "quiere mirar mi cristo" (do you wish to see my christ), and then, upon my nodding assent, called around her a number of the tribe, who immediately obeyed her summons. many of the women, however, remained to take care of their valuables. a ceremony then took place. maria, who, by the lead she took in the proceedings, appeared to be high priestess[ ] as well as cacique of the tribe, began by pulverising some whitish earth in the hollow of her hand, and then taking a mouthful of water, spit from time to time upon it, until she had formed a sort of pigment, which she distributed to the rest, reserving only sufficient to mark her face, eyelids, arms, and hair with the figure of the cross. the manner in which this was done was peculiar. after rubbing the paint in her left hand smooth with the palm of the right, she scored marks across the paint, and again others at right angles, leaving the impression of as many crosses, which she { } stamped upon different parts of her body, rubbing the paint, and marking the crosses afresh, after every stamp was made. the men, after having marked themselves in a similar manner (to do which some stripped to the waist and covered all their body with impressions), proceeded to do the same to the boys, who were not permitted to perform this part of the ceremony themselves. manuel, maria's husband, who seemed to be her chief assistant on the occasion, then took from the folds of the sacred wrapper an awl, and with it pierced either the arms or ears of all the party; each of whom presented in turn, pinched up between the finger and thumb, that portion of flesh which was to be perforated. the object evidently was to lose blood, and those from whom the blood flowed freely showed marks of satisfaction, while some whose wounds bled but little underwent the operation a second time. when manuel had finished, he gave the awl to maria, who pierced his arm, and then, with great solemnity and care, muttering and talking to herself in spanish (not two words of which could i catch, although i knelt down close to her and listened with the greatest attention), she removed two or three wrappers, and exposed to our view a small figure, carved in wood, representing a dead person, stretched out. after exposing the image, to which all paid the greatest attention, and contemplating it for some moments in silence, maria began to descant upon the virtues of her christ, telling us it had a good heart ('buen corazon'), and that it was very fond of tobacco. mucho quiere mi cristo tabaco, da me mas, (my christ loves tobacco very much, give me some). such an appeal, on such an occasion, i could not refuse; and after agreeing with her in praise of the figure, i said i would send on board for some. having gained her point, she began to talk to herself for some minutes, during which she looked up, after repeating the words "muy bueno es mi cristo, muy bueno corazon tiene," and slowly and solemnly packed up the figure, depositing it in the place whence it had been taken. this ceremony ended, the traffic, which had been suspended, recommenced with redoubled activity. { } according to my promise, i sent on board for some tobacco, and my servant brought a larger quantity than i thought necessary for the occasion, which he injudiciously exposed to view. maria, having seen the treasure, made up her mind to have the whole, and upon my selecting three or four pounds of it, and presenting them to her, looked very much disappointed, and grumbled forth her discontent: i taxed her with greediness, and spoke rather sharply, which had a good effect, for she went away and returned with a guanaco mantle, which she presented to me. during this day's barter we procured guanaco meat, sufficient for two days' supply of all hands, for a few pounds of tobacco. it had been killed in the morning, and was brought on horseback cut up into large pieces, for each of which we had to bargain. directly an animal is killed, it is skinned and cut up, or torn asunder, for the convenience of carrying. the operation is done in haste, and therefore the meat looks bad; but it is well tasted, excellent food, and although never fat, yields abundance of gravy, which compensates for its leanness. it improves very much by keeping, and proved to be valuable and wholesome meat. captain stokes, and several of the officers, upon our first reaching the beach, had obtained horses, and rode to their 'toldos,' or principal encampment. on their return, i learned that, at a short distance from the dwellings, they had seen the tomb of the child who had lately died. as soon, therefore, as maria returned, i procured a horse from her, and, accompanied by her husband and brother, the father of the deceased, and herself, visited these toldos, situated in a valley extending north and south between two ridges of hills, through which ran a stream, falling into the strait within the second narrow, about a mile to the westward of cape gregory. we found eight or ten huts arranged in a row; the sides and backs were covered with skins, but the fronts, which faced the east, were open; even these, however, were very much screened from wind by the ridge of hills eastward of the plain. near them the ground was rather bare, but a little { } farther back there was a luxuriant growth of grass, affording rich and plentiful pasture for the horses, among which we observed several mares in foal, and colts feeding and frisking by the side of their dams: the scene was lively and pleasing, and, for the moment, reminded me of distant climes, and days gone by. the 'toldos' are all alike. in form they are rectangular, about ten or twelve feet long, ten deep, seven feet high in front, and six feet in the rear. the frame of the building is formed by poles stuck in the ground, having forked tops to hold cross pieces, on which are laid poles for rafters, to support the covering, which is made of skins of animals sewn together so as to be almost impervious to rain or wind. the posts and rafters, which are not easily procured, are carried from place to place in all their travelling excursions. having reached their bivouac, and marked out a place with due regard to shelter from the wind, they dig holes with an iron bar or piece of pointed hard wood, to receive the posts; and all the frame and cover being ready, it takes but a short time to erect a dwelling. their goods and furniture are placed on horseback under the charge of the females, who are mounted aloft upon them. the men carry nothing but the lasso and bolas, to be ready for the capture of animals, or for defence. maria's toldo was nearly in the middle, and next to it was her brother's. all the huts seemed well stored with skins and provisions, the former being rolled up and placed at the back, and the latter suspended from the supporters of the roof; the greater part was in that state well known in south america by the name of charque (jerked beef); but this was principally horse-flesh, which these people esteem superior to other food. the fresh meat was almost all guanaco. the only vessels they use for carrying water are bladders, and sufficiently disagreeable substitutes for drinking utensils they make: the fuegian basket, although sometimes dirty, is less offensive. about two hundred yards from the village the tomb was erected, to which, while maria was arranging her skins and { } mantles for sale, the father of the deceased conducted me and a few other officers. it was a conical pile of dried twigs and branches of bushes, about ten feet high and twenty-five in circumference at the base, the whole bound round with thongs of hide, and the top covered with a piece of red cloth, ornamented with brass studs, and surmounted by two poles, bearing red flags and a string of bells, which, moved by the wind, kept up a continual tinkling. a ditch, about two feet wide and one foot deep, was dug round the tomb, except at the entrance, which had been filled up with bushes. in front of this entrance stood the stuffed skins of two horses, recently killed, each placed upon four poles for legs. the horses' heads were ornamented with brass studs, similar to those on the top of the tomb; and on the outer margin of the ditch were six poles, each carrying two flags, one over the other. the father, who wept much when he visited the tomb, with the party of officers who first went with him, although now evidently distressed, entered into, what we supposed to be, a long account of the illness of his child, and explained to us that her death was caused by a bad cough. no watch was kept over the tomb; but it was in sight of, and not very far from their toldos, so that the approach of any one could immediately be known. they evidently placed extreme confidence in us, and therefore it would have been as unjust as impolitic to attempt an examination of its contents, or to ascertain what had been done with the body. [illustration: p. p. king t. landseer patagonian 'toldo' and tomb. published by henry colburn, great marlborough street, ] { } the patagonian women are treated far more kindly by their husbands than the fuegian; who are little better than slaves, subject to be beaten, and obliged to perform all the laborious offices of the family. the patagonian females sit at home, grinding paint, drying and stretching skins, making and painting mantles. in travelling, however, they have the baggage and provisions in their charge, and, of course, their children. these women probably have employments of a more laborious nature than what we saw; but they cannot be compared with those of the fuegians, who, excepting in the fight and chace, do every thing. they paddle the canoes, dive for shells and sea-eggs, build their wigwams, and keep up the fire; and if they neglect any of these duties, or incur the displeasure of their husbands in any way, they are struck or kicked most severely. byron, in his narrative of the loss of the wager, describes the brutal conduct of one of these indians, who actually killed his child for a most trifling offence. the patagonians are devotedly attached to their offspring. in infancy they are carried behind the saddle of the mother, within a sort of cradle, in which they are securely fixed. the cradle is made of wicker-work, about four feet long and one foot wide, roofed over with twigs like the frame of a tilted waggon. the child is swaddled up in skins, with the fur inwards or outwards according to the weather. at night, or when it rains, the cradle is covered with a skin that effectually keeps out the cold or rain. seeing one of these cradles near a woman, i began to make a sketch of it, upon which the mother called the father, who watched me most attentively, and held the cradle in the position which i considered most advantageous for my sketch. the completion of the drawing gave them both great pleasure, and during the afternoon the father reminded me repeatedly of having painted his child ("pintado su hijo.") one circumstance deserves to be noticed, as a proof of their good feeling towards us. it will be recollected that three indians, of the party with whom we first communicated, accompanied us as far as cape negro, where they landed. upon our arrival on this occasion, i was met, on landing, by one of them, who asked for my son, to whom they had taken a great fancy; upon my saying he was on board, the native presented me with a bunch of nine ostrich feathers, and then gave a similar present to every one in the boat. he still carried a large quantity under his arm, tied up in bunches, containing nine feathers in each; and soon afterwards, when a boat from the beagle landed with captain stokes and others, he went to meet them; but finding strangers, he withdrew without making them any present. { } in the evening my son landed, when the same indian came down to meet him, appeared delighted to see him, and presented him with a bunch of feathers, of the same size as those which he had distributed in the morning. at this, our second visit, there were about fifty patagonian men assembled, not one of whom looked more than fifty-five years of age. they were generally between five feet ten and six feet in height: one man only exceeded six feet--whose dimensions, measured by captain stokes, were as follows:-- ft. in. height ¾ round the chest - / do. loins ¾ i had before remarked the disproportionate largeness of head, and length of body of these people, as compared with the diminutive size of their extremities; and, on this visit, my opinion was further confirmed, for such appeared to be the general character of the whole tribe; and to this, perhaps, may be attributed the mistakes of some former navigators. magalhaens, or rather pigafetta, was the first who described the inhabitants of the southern extremity of america as giants. he met some at port san julian, of whom one is described to be "so tall, that our heads scarcely came up to his waist, and his voice was like that of a bull." herrera,[ ] however, gives a less extravagant account of them: he says, "the least of the men was larger and taller than the stoutest man of castile;" and maxim. transylvanus says they were "in height ten palms or spans; or seven feet six inches." in loyasa's voyage ( ), herrera mentions an interview with the natives, who came in two canoes, "the sides of which were formed of the ribs of whales." the people in them were of large size "some called them giants; but there is so little conformity between the accounts given concerning them, that i shall be silent on the subject."[ ] as loyasa's voyage was undertaken immediately after the return of magalhaens' expedition, it is probable that, from the { } impressions received from pigafetta's narrative, many thought the indians whom they met must be giants, whilst others, not finding them so large as they expected, spoke more cautiously on the subject; but the people seen by them must have been fuegians, and not those whom we now recognise by the name of patagonians. sir francis drake's fleet put into port san julian, where they found natives 'of large stature;' and the author of the 'world encompassed,' in which the above voyage is detailed, speaking of their size and height, supposes the name given them to have been _pentagones_, to denote a stature of "five cubits, viz. seven feet and a half," and remarks that it described the full height, if not somewhat more, of the tallest of them.[ ] they spoke of the indians whom they met within the strait as small in stature.[ ] the next navigator who passed through the strait was sarmiento; whose narrative says little in proof of the very superior size of the patagonians. he merely calls them "gente grande,"[ ] and "los gigantes;" but this might have originated from the account of magalhaens' voyage. he particularises but one indian, whom they made prisoner, and only says "his limbs are of large size:" ("es crecido de miembros.") this man was a native of the land near cape monmouth, and, therefore, a fuegian. sarmiento was afterwards in the neighbourhood of gregory bay, and had an encounter with the indians, in which he and others were wounded; but he does not speak of them as being unusually tall. after the establishment, called 'jesus,' was formed by sarmiento, in the very spot where 'giants' had been seen, no people of large stature are mentioned, in the account of the colony; but tomé hernandez, when examined before the vice-roy of peru, stated, "that the indians of the plains, who are giants, communicate with the natives of tierra del fuego, who are like them."[ ] anthony knyvet's account[ ] of cavendish's second voyage { } (which is contained in purchas), is not considered credible. he describes the patagonians to be fifteen or sixteen spans in height; and that of these cannibals, there came to them at one time above a thousand! the indians at port famine, in the same narrative, are mentioned as a kind of strange cannibals, short of body, not above five or six spans high, very strong, and thick made.[ ] the natives, who were so inhumanly murdered by oliver van noort, on the island of santa maria (near elizabeth island), were described to be nearly of the same stature as the common people in holland, and were remarked to be broad and high-chested. some captives were taken on board, and one, a boy, informed the crew that there was a tribe living farther in-land, named 'tiremenen,' and their territory 'coin;' that they were "great people, like giants, being from ten to twelve feet high, and that they came to make war against the other tribes,[ ] whom they reproached for being eaters of ostriches!"[ ] spilbergen ( ) says he "saw a man of extraordinary stature, who kept on the higher grounds to observe the ships;" and on an island, near the entrance of the strait, were found the dead bodies of two natives, wrapped in the skins of penguins, and very lightly covered with earth; one of them was of the common human stature, the other, the journal says, was two feet and a half longer.[ ] the gigantic appearance of the man on the hills may perhaps be explained by the optical deception we ourselves experienced. le maire and schouten, whose accounts of the graves of the patagonians agree precisely with what we noticed at sea bear bay, of the body being laid on the ground covered with { } a heap of stones, describe the skeletons as measuring ten or eleven feet in length, "the skulls of which we could put on our heads in the manner of helmets!" the nodales did not see any people on the northern side of the strait; those with whom they communicated were natives of tierra del fuego, of whose form no particular notice is taken. sir john narborough saw indians at port san julian, and describes them as "people of a middling stature: well-shaped. ... mr. wood was taller than any of them." he also had an interview with nineteen natives upon elizabeth island, but they were fuegians. in the year , patagonian indians were seen by bulkley and his companions. they were mounted on horses, or mules, which is the first notice we have of their possessing those animals. duclos de guyot, in the year , had an interview with seven patagonian indians, who were mounted on horses equipped with saddles, bridles, and stirrups. the shortest of the men measured five feet eleven inches and a quarter english. the others were considerably taller. their chief or leader they called 'capitan.' bougainville, in , landed amongst the patagonians. of their size he remarks: "they have a fine shape; among those whom we saw, not one was below five feet ten inches and a quarter (english), nor above six feet two inches and a half in height. their gigantic appearance arises from their prodigiously broad shoulders, the size of their heads, and the thickness of all their limbs. they are robust and well fed: their nerves are braced and their muscles strong, and sufficiently hard, &c." this is an excellent account; but how different is that of commodore byron, who says, "one of them, who afterwards appeared to be chief, came towards me; he was of gigantic stature, and seemed to realise the tales of monsters in a human shape: he had the skin of some wild beast thrown over his shoulders, as a scotch highlander wears his plaid, and was painted so as to make the most hideous appearance i { } ever beheld: round one eye was a large circle of white, a circle of black surrounded the other, and the rest of his body was streaked with paint of different colours. i did not measure him; but if i may judge of his height by the proportion of his stature to my own, it could not be less than seven feet. when this frightful colossus came up, we muttered somewhat to each other as a salutation, &c."[ ] after this he mentions a woman "of most enormous size;" and again, when mr. cumming, the lieutenant, joined him, the commodore says, "before the song was finished, mr. cumming came up with the tobacco, and i could not but smile at the astonishment which i saw expressed in his countenance upon perceiving himself, though six feet two inches high, become at once a pigmy among giants, for these people may, indeed, more properly be called giants than tall men: of the few among us who are full six feet high, scarcely any are broad and muscular, in proportion to their stature, but look rather like men of the common bulk grown up accidentally to an unusual height; and a man who should measure only six feet two inches, and equally exceed a stout well-set man of the common stature in breadth and muscle, would strike us rather as being of a gigantic race, than as an individual accidentally anomalous; our sensations, therefore, upon seeing five hundred people, the shortest of whom were at least four inches taller, and bulky in proportion, may be easily imagined."[ ] this account was published only seven years after the voyage, and the exaggeration, if any, might have been exposed by numbers. there can be no doubt, that among five hundred persons several were of a large size; but that all were four inches taller than six feet must have been a mistake. the commodore says, that he "caused them all to be seated," and in that position, from the length of their bodies, they would certainly appear to be of very large stature.[ ] { } shortly afterwards, wallis, in the neighbourhood of cape virgins, communicated with the same people, and as the story of the patagonian giants had been spread abroad, and was very much discredited, he carried two measuring rods with him; and says, in his narrative, "we went round and measured those that appeared to be the tallest. one was six feet seven inches high, several more were six feet five, and six feet six inches; but the stature of the greatest part of them was from five feet ten to six feet." in the voyage of the santa maria de la cabeza,[ ] , it is related that the height of one or two patagonians, with whom the officers had an interview, was six feet eleven inches and a half (of burgos), which is equal to six feet four inches and a half (english). this man wore a sword, on which was engraved "por el rey carlos iii.," and spoke a few words in spanish, proofs of his having had communication with some of the spanish settlements. it does not, however, appear from the account that there were many others, if any, of that height. of all the above accounts, i think those by bougainville and wallis the most accurate. it is true, that of the number we saw, none measured more than six feet two inches; but it is possible that the preceding generation may have been a larger race of people, for none that we saw could have been alive at the time of wallis's or byron's voyage. the oldest certainly were the tallest; but, without discrediting the accounts of byron, or any other of the modern voyagers, i think it probable that, by a different mode of life, or a mixture by marriage with the southern or fuegian tribes, which we know has taken place, they have degenerated into a smaller race, and have lost all right to the title of giants; yet their bulky, { } muscular forms, and length of body, in some measure bear out the above accounts; for had the present generation proportionate limbs, they might, without any exaggeration, justify the account of commodore byron. the jesuit missionary falkner,[ ] who, from an intercourse of forty years with the indians of south america, must be considered as one of the best authorities, says, speaking of a patagonian named cangapol, "this chief, who was called by the spaniards the cacique bravo,[ ] was tall and well-proportioned; he must have been seven feet and some inches in height, because on tiptoe i could not reach the top of his head: i was very well acquainted with him, and went some journeys in his company: i do not recollect ever to have seen an indian that was above an inch or two taller than cangapol. his brother sausimian was but about six feet high. the patagonians or puelches are a large-bodied people; but i never heard of that gigantic race which others have mentioned, though i have seen persons of all the different tribes of the southern indians." this is an account in , only twenty years before that of bougainville. taking all the evidence together, it may be considered, that the medium height of the males of these southern tribes is about five feet eleven inches. the women are not so tall, but are in proportion broader and stouter: they are generally plain-featured. the head is long, broad and flat, and the forehead low, with the hair growing within an inch of the eyebrows, which are bare. the eyes are often placed obliquely, and have but little expression, the nose is generally rather flat, and turned up; but we noticed several with that feature { } straight, and sometimes aquiline: the mouth is wide, with prominent lips, and the chin is rather large; the jaws are broad, and give the face a square appearance; the neck is short and thick; the shoulders are broad; the chest is broad, and very full; but the arm, particularly the fore-arm, is small, as are also the foot and leg; the body long, large and fat, but not corpulent. such was the appearance of those who came under my observation. as to their character, the patagonians are friendly, without that disposition to quarrel, after the novelty of first acquaintance has worn off, which is so common among savages in general. this probably arises from interested motives, certainly not from fear, unless it be the fear of being avoided instead of visited by the ships which pass by, and from which they procure many useful articles, and many temporary gratifications. swords, long knives, tobacco, paraguay tea, bits, saddles, guns, lead for balls, red cloth, beads (particularly of a sky-blue colour), flour, sugar, and spirits, are much desired in exchange for their peltry and guanaco meat; but they have no idea beyond that of satisfying the wants of the moment. after a few pounds of tobacco had been distributed amongst them, although they are very fond of smoking, it became quite a drug, and it was necessary to produce something new to excite their attention. from maria's influence, and the reference so constantly made to her, it would seem that she was considered as cacique of the tribe; but her apparent superiority may arise from her connexion with bysante, of whom they all spoke as 'el cacique grande,' or from the attention paid to her by ships with whom they communicate. the people of this tribe seemed to live together harmoniously; no bickerings or jealous feelings were observed, and certainly none were expressed by any one of our bulky friends on witnessing another receiving a valuable present, or a good exchange for his property. at sunset our people were ordered to embark, upon which the price of patagonian goods immediately fell, at least, a thousand per cent., though many held back in expectation of { } the next day. maria put into the boat, after my refusal to let her go on board to pass the night, two bags, and asked me to send her flour and sugar. she was most importunate for aqua ardiente, which, however, i refused. her constant cry was "it is very good to be drunk; i like drinking very much; rum is very good.--give me some?" ('muy bueno es boracho, mucho mi gusta, mucho mi gusta de beber, muy bueno es aqua ardiente.--da me no mas?') among them was a fuegian indian; but it did not appear clearly whether he was living with them permanently, or only on a visit. some of us thought we understood the account of one of the patagonians, who seemed to be the most interested about him, to be, that a master of a sealer had left him amongst them. we knew him instantly by his squalid and comparatively diminutive appearance, and were confirmed in our ideas by his recognition of the words 'hosay' and 'sherroo.' the patagonian name for a ship is 'carro grande,' and for a boat 'carro chico,' a mixture of their own and the spanish language. all that i could understand of his history was, that he was cacique of some indian tribes at a distance: he was evidently a great favourite, and although maria spoke generally with much contempt of the fuegian indians, she had patronised this stranger, for he lived in her toldo, and shared all the presents that were made to her. the following morning it rained hard, and blew so fresh a gale, from the westward, that it would have been dangerous to send a boat on shore: and i was obliged to weigh without landing the things which i had promised. after we were under weigh, the weather cleared partially, when we observed maria on the beach, mounted on her white horse, with others watching our departure, and when it was evident that we were really gone, she rode slowly back to her toldo, no doubt considerably vexed. i was very sorry to treat them in this way, for their conduct towards us had been open and friendly. all i could hope to do, to make amends, was to give something of value at my return. [illustration: a. earle t. a. prior monte video, mole. published by henry colburn, great marlborough street, ] { } we steered across the bay of st. philip, accompanied by the beagle,[ ] left the strait of magalhaens with a fair wind, and, after a favourable passage, reached monte video on the th april . from monte video we went to rio de janeiro, to procure stores, and prepare for another voyage to the strait. on our arrival i received the commander-in-chief's leave to apply to the lord high admiral for permission to employ a tender, to facilitate the surveys of the sounds and deep channels, in the neighbourhood of the strait, and the inner sounds on the west coast; for which, neither the adventure, nor the beagle, were adapted; and i thought it best to delay our departure until an answer to my application was received. * * * * * { } chapter vii. leave rio de janeiro--santos--st. catherine's--monte video--purchase the adelaide schooner, for a tender to the adventure--leave monte video-- beagle goes to port desire--shoals off cape blanco--bellaco rock--cape virgins--possession bay--first narrow--race--gregory bay--view--tomb-- traffic with natives--cordial meeting--maria goes on board--natives intoxicated--laredo bay--port famine. we were ready to resume our voyage early in september ( ); but not having received any communication by the packet, from the admiralty, relative to the purchase of a tender, i determined to await the arrival of the next, early in october. i was again disappointed, and very reluctantly left rio de janeiro, on the th, for monte video; but that i might still benefit by the orders which were sure to be in the following packet, i determined upon calling at santos, and st. catherine's, for chronometrical observations; leaving the beagle to wait for letters conveying the decision of his royal highness the lord high admiral. we reached santos on the th, and staid there until the th. in this interval i paid a short visit to st. paul's, for the purpose of making barometrical observations.[ ] at st. catherine's we remained eight days, and during the interval necessary for ascertaining the rates of the chronometers, i obtained magnetic observations. [illustration: a. earle t. hair mole, palace and cathedral, rio de janeiro. published by henry colburn, great marlborough street, ] { } after a tedious voyage of nineteen days from st. catherine's, i arrived at monte video, and there received intelligence that the long-wished permission from the lord high admiral, to procure a tender, had been obtained. i accordingly purchased a schooner, which i named the adelaide, and appointed lieutenant graves to the command. five months' additional provisions for both vessels were purchased, and put into her; and on the d december, after running up the river to complete our water, we sailed out by the southern entrance, passing to the westward of the archimedes' shoal, and proceeded without farther detention to the southward. on the st of january (in latitude ° ' and long. ° '), i was informed that we were close to a rock. upon going on deck, i saw the object; but in a very short time i perceived it was a dead whale, upon whose half-putrid body large flocks of birds were feeding. many on board were, however, sceptical, until, on passing to leeward, the strong odour testified the fact. its appearance certainly was very like the summit of a dark brown rock, covered with weeds and barnacles, and the myriads of birds which surrounded it added to the deception. it could, however, be distinguished by its buoyancy; for the water did not break over it, as of course it would have done had it been a fixed body. such is probably the origin of half the 'vigias' that are found on the charts. whales, when struck by the fishers, frequently escape and perish; the carcass then floats on the surface of the sea, until decomposed or eaten by birds and fishes. a small vessel striking against such a mass, would probably be severely injured; and at night, the { } body, from its buoyancy and the sea not breaking against it, would not be readily seen. on the th, being about one hundred miles to the n.e. of cape blanco, i communicated with captain stokes, and gave him directions to proceed to port desire for chronometrical observations, and then follow me immediately to cape fairweather or cape virgins. we had light winds during the night, so that the beagle made very little progress. in the afternoon, cape blanco, a long level-topped ridge, came in sight, of which good views are given in lord anson's voyage. we steered towards the land, and at six o'clock were in eighteen fathoms, the rocky hill at the extremity of the cape bearing s. ° e. thirteen miles; at seven o'clock, the same hill was six miles and a half off, bearing s. ° e., when we observed a line of rippling water, extending from east to as far as we could see on the south horizon. the depth was seventeen fathoms, but as we proceeded it gradually decreased to twelve and ten, and soon afterwards to seven fathoms, when the beagle was observed to be firing guns; but whether they were intended to warn us of danger, or as signals of her own distress, we could not determine, and i hauled to the wind to cross where the ripple appeared least violent. in passing through it we had not less than seven fathoms, and then it deepened to twelve and fifteen fathoms. we had now leisure to attend to the beagle, and soon saw that her signals were only to warn us, for she had resumed her course under a press of sail. after steering four miles to the s.e., we again found ourselves in the midst of ripplings, in which the water shoaled to six fathoms. it being then dark, and not knowing how to proceed, we shortened sail and brought to the wind, in order that if the ship struck it might be with less force; but happily we passed on without any further decrease of soundings. in going through the ripple, the adelaide, though deeply laden, behaved well. commodore byron passed over these shoals, which he describes as lying at a greater distance from the shore: it was to avoid them that we passed so near the land. { } during the following evening there was a very heavy dew, the never-failing prognostic of a northerly wind; the horizon, also, was very hazy, and the water perfectly smooth. we were not more than ten miles off shore, yet the land was completely distorted in appearance by mirage. next morning we were very close to the position assigned to the bellaco, or st. estevan's shoal, the existence of which has been very much doubted. it was discovered by the nodales, and in the diary of their voyage is thus described: "at five o'clock, or later in the evening, we discovered a rock a-wash ('una baxa que lababa la mar en ella') about five leagues from the shore, more or less. it is a very deceitful rock ('es muy bellaco baxo'), because it is under water, over which, in fine weather and smooth water, the sea breaks. we sounded near it, and found twenty-six fathoms stony bottom. its latitude is ½°, according to our noon observation, and the course and distance we have since run."[ ] the late don felipe bauza, one of the companions of malespina, informed me, that on the voyage of the descubierta and atrevida, their boats were sent to look for it, but were unsuccessful. at noon we were in lat. ° ' s., long. ° ', depth forty-two fathoms, but without any signs of the bellaco. sailing on, the coast was seen in the neighbourhood of beachy head (so named from its resemblance to the well-known promontory). afterwards, cape fairweather came in sight, and on the th cape virgins, which we passed in the evening, and, half an hour afterwards, rounding dungeness, we again entered the strait of magalhaens; and anchored near the northern shore. in possession bay we were detained several days, although repeated attempts to pass the first narrow were anxiously made. one evening, clouds gathered, and the weather assumed such a threatening appearance, that i expected to be obliged to run to sea; but to our surprise, when the cloudy mass seemed on { } the point of bursting over us with a deluge of rain, it suddenly vanished, and was succeeded by a beautifully clear and fine night. this favourable appearance gave us hopes of being able to make good our entrance on the following day; but a fresh gale set in, and kept us at our anchorage. early on the th we made another fruitless attempt to pass the first narrow. as the adelaide sailed under our stern, lieutenant graves informed me that he had lost an anchor, and had only one left, to which he had bent his chain-cable; and that she had shipped so much water in attempting to beat through, that he was on the point of asking permission to bear up when we ourselves gave up the attempt. it blew too hard to give any assistance to the adelaide, but next morning, when the weather was more moderate, i seized an opportunity of sending our two kedge anchors; and in the afternoon we supplied her with some water and other necessaries, so that she was comparatively well off, and my anxiety on her account much relieved. fires on the fuegian side had been kept up since our arrival, but we could not distinguish any inhabitants; on the patagonian shores we saw a great number of guanacoes feeding quietly, a proof of there being no indians near them. on the th, the weather appearing favourable, our anchor was weighed, and, with the adelaide, we soon entered the sluice of the narrow, proceeding rapidly, though the wind blew hard against us. the tide carried us to an anchorage, about four miles beyond the western entrance, and it was slack water when the anchor was dropped; but, no sooner had the stream turned, than we found ourselves in the midst of a 'race,' and during the whole tide, the water broke furiously over the ship. at slack water we got underweigh, but the adelaide not being able (from the strength of the tide), to purchase her anchor, was obliged to slip the cable: it was fortunate that we had supplied her with our kedges, or she would then have been without an anchor. the night was tempestuous, and although we reached a much quieter birth, the adelaide drifted considerably; had she remained at the morning's anchorage, { } in order to save her anchor and cable, we should probably never have seen her again. the succeeding morning, after a hard beat to windward, both vessels anchored in gregory bay. no indians were in the neighbourhood, or we should have seen their fires. in the afternoon the wind moderated, and as there was every appearance of fine weather, i remained to survey the coast. on the summit of the land, about half a mile northward of the extremity of the cape, while lieutenant graves and i were taking bearings, and making observations, two guanacoes came up and stood neighing at us; the observation, however, was of consequence, and as they were not disturbed, they remained watching us for some minutes before they took alarm and fled. lieutenant wickham and mr. tarn made an excursion to the summit of the table land, previously described as extending from the low land behind the second narrow to the n.e., in the direction of mount aymond, and were amply repaid for a fatiguing walk, with the thermometer at °, by a magnificent view: cape possession to the eastward, and to the south the mountains near mount tarn, eighty miles distant, were plainly distinguished. the view to the westward, stretching over a large extent of grassy plains, was bounded by lofty ranges of snow-capped mountains; but to the north it was intercepted by another summit of the mountain upon which they stood. the country they passed over was covered with short grass, through which a mass of granite occasionally protruded. neither trees nor shrubs were observed, excepting a few herbaceous plants, and the berberis; a goose, some ducks, snipe, and plovers were shot; and guanacoes were seen at a distance, but no ostriches, nor did they meet any indians. large fires were, however, kindled on both shores of the strait, in answer to the fire which they made for cooking. in consequence of those on the patagonian coast appearing so close to us, we expected a visit from the natives before night, but none made their appearance. next morning, mr. graves accompanied me in a boat to a { } station three miles within the second narrow on the north side, and in our way we found the geological structure of the cliffs to be of a decomposed clay-slate, arranged in strata, much distorted by the violent action of the water, and dispersed in vertical and inclined directions in very thin laminæ. these cliffs are about one hundred feet high, the soil a sandy alluvium, of a sterile character, scantily covered with a wiry, stunted grass, and here and there a berberis bush, loaded with ripe fruit, which, from the poverty of the soil, was tasteless and dry; the ground was also, in many parts, over-run to a considerable extent with an insipid cranberry, scarcely worth the trouble of gathering. we struck across the country, with the view of examining the place where the indians were residing at our last visit, and the tomb which had then been erected. grass had grown up, and effaced the traces of feet; but the tomb had suffered no farther alteration than the weather might have effected. we found that the place had been recently visited by the natives, for within a few yards of the entrance were strewed the ashes of a large fire, containing vestiges of the former decorations of the tomb, and the end of one of the flag-staffs, with the unburnt corner of one of the banners. amongst the ashes, also, we found calcined bones; but whether they were human or not, we could not ascertain. the discovery of the bones impressed us with the idea that the body had been burnt, and determined me to examine the tomb. the bushes that filled up the entrance appeared to be placed exactly as when we first saw them, and indeed the whole pile seemed to have remained quite undisturbed; but there was no appearance of the brass ornaments, or of the effigies of the horses. having effected an opening in the bushes, we found an inner covering, made of horse-skins. having cut two holes opposite each other, for the admission of light, we saw nothing but two parallel rows of stones, three in each row, probably intended as a bier for the body or a covering for the grave; but the ground around and between them bore no appearance { } of having been disturbed for burial.[ ] as we hourly expected the indians would arrive (the place being in the direct line of their journey to the ships), and were unwilling to let them know we had disturbed the sanctuaries of their dead, we restored the former appearance of the tomb; and it was fortunate we did so, for three women on horseback, carrying their children in cradles, with a quantity of skins, provisions, and other merchandise, evidently the harbingers of the tribe, made their appearance, and immediately began to erect their tents. when we next went on shore we found several indians arrived, and divided into three groups, with mantles, ostrich-feathers, skins, and joints of guanaco meat displayed for sale. as the meat appeared fresh, it is probable that, on seeing us, the women were despatched to place the toldos, while the men set out to provide guanaco meat, for they knew our partiality for this excellent food. when we landed, an active barter began. from the haste and avidity shown in offering their goods, and closing the bargains, it seemed as if they were anxious to monopolize our articles of barter before the rest of their party, or tribe arrived. one old man attempted to cheat; but my interdiction of all farther traffic with him brought him to a sense of his error, and i then made him a present of some tobacco and allowed him to trade, which he afterwards did, with cheerfulness and honesty. one of the party was the fuegian chief, whom i previously noticed, as a squalid, meagre-looking man; but he was now enlarged to patagonian dimensions, by his improved diet and more cheerful mode of life. the appearance of bad weather obliged us to suspend the barter and get on board. after we had reached the ship, successive parties of the tribe arrived, { } and formed the encampment. among them, mounted on her white horse, was maria, who, duly escorted, paraded on the beach to challenge our recognition. in the centre of the encampment, a large flag suspended from a pole was a signal to us, and showed the position of her toldo. the next morning being fine, we landed near the encampment, and were most cordially received. maria was particularly attentive, and embraced me closely, while her companions chaunted in chorus a song of delight at our arrival. when we reached her toldo, a mat was spread out for me to sit on. maria and her family placed themselves in front of me, while the rest sat round. almost the first question was an inquiry for my son philip, whom they called felipe,[ ] and two or three skins were given to me for him. they then asked for our pilot on the former voyage, and were much disappointed to find he had left the ship. after a short conversation i returned the two bags (which i had so unwillingly carried away at our last visit), having filled them with flour and sugar, and then proceeded to deliver our presents. as each article was delivered into her hands, she repeated, in spanish, i'll pay for this; but upon a bit for her horse being presented, a general burst of admiration followed, and it was handed round the tents, whilst each individual, as it passed on, looked, i thought, anxious to be its possessor. maria then began to consider what adequate requital she could possibly make me. the result was, a present of two mantles, one new, of guanaco skin, and the other well worn, of zorillo skin, besides two or three skins of the puma. she then produced a piece of paper, carefully wrapped up in canvas, containing a letter, or memorandum, left by mr. low, master of the uxbridge sealer, addressed to any shipmaster passing through the strait, apprising him "of the friendly disposition of the indians, and impressing him with the necessity of treating them well, and not deceiving them; for they had good memories, and would seriously resent it." the advice, no doubt, was good; but i think the fear of { } forfeiting advantages and comforts to be derived from traffic would induce them to restrain their resentment. i brought no spirits; for which, after a short time, maria asked, complaining that she was very ill, and had sore eyes, and for some time past had nothing but water to drink, and wood to smoke. her illness was evidently assumed, but her eyes seemed highly inflamed; and no wonder, for the upper part of her face was smeared over with an ochrous red pigment, even to the very edge of her eyelids: indeed, the whole tribe had ornamented themselves similarly, in compliment, i suppose, to our visit. as i prepared to return on board, maria's importunity induced me to allow her to accompany me; upon which she began to muster up all her empty bags, old mantles, and skins, and, attended by her husband, her brother-in-law, his wife and daughter, got into the boat. while going on board, the spray washed the painted countenances of our visitors, much to their regret. upon reaching the ship, i ordered them to be regaled with meat and biscuit, of which they partook very sparingly, but took care to put what remained into their bags. some spirits and water, too, which i thought would be soon dispatched, and which had been plentifully diluted to prevent their being made tipsy, they emptied into bottles to take on shore "for the evening," when, as maria said, they would be "very drunk." among various things shown to amuse them was a musical snuff-box, which i had procured for the express purpose of exciting their astonishment; but i was surprised to find, that a penny-whistle produced a ten-fold greater effect upon their senses. this indifference to musical sounds i should not have suspected, because they frequently sing, though certainly in a monotonous manner. as soon as their repast was concluded, the party, except maria and the girls, commenced bartering their mantles and skins, and, by the time their stock was expended, they had amassed a large quantity of biscuit, and a bundle of various { } trifles, some of which they had attempted to get by pilfering. they made themselves so contented, that it was not without much difficulty we could persuade them to go on shore. maria had made her mind up to pass the night on board, and so anxious were they all to remain, that it was only by giving maria two bottles of spirits (which had been well diluted) that they were induced to get into the boat, and accompany me ashore. being a lee-tide, and low water, the boat grounded at a considerable distance from the beach; seeing this, some of the indians rode into the water, and taking us up behind them, conveyed us to the encampment, my place being behind maria, the smell of whose zorillo-skin mantle was hardly bearable; but it was necessary to conceal our dislike of our companions as much as possible, for they are very sensitive, and easily offended. while waiting for the tide, we witnessed a drunken scene at maria's toldo. fifteen persons, seated around her, shared the spirits she had obtained on board, until all were intoxicated. some were screaming, others laughing, some stupified, and some bellowing. the uproar drew all the other indians round the tent, who tendered their assistance to compose their friends, and we returned to the ship. when we visited them the next day, they were quite recovered, and gave us some guanaco meat, which had been brought in that morning. on communicating my intention of proceeding on the voyage, maria wished to know when we should finish our "seal-killing," and come back. i told her "in five moons," upon which she endeavoured to persuade me to return in four, because she would then have plenty of skins to barter. i wrote a few lines to captain stokes, who, i expected, would arrive in a day or two, communicating my desire that he should follow, as soon as possible, to port famine, and committed the letter to maria's care, who promised to deliver it to him; then, taking leave of her and her companions, i embarked, and proceeded through the second narrow to an anchorage off cape negro. our visit to gregory bay, and communication with the { } indians, furnished us with many additions to our zoological collection; among them was a tiger-cat, which seemed, from the description, to be the _felis pajaros_ of the encyclopédie méthodique (the "chat de pampa" of d'azara). maria gave me a very large bezoar stone, that was taken from the stomach of a guanaco. it is used medicinally by the indians, as a remedy for bowel complaints.[ ] whilst we were at the anchorage before cape negro, mr. tarn and mr. wickham visited the lake at the back of laredo bay, and saw two swans, which, from the colour of their plumage, seemed to be the black-necked swan of the river plata and of the falkland islands[ ] (dom pernettey, ii. p. ). they brought on board with them a new species of duck, which is described in the proceedings of the zoological society as _anas specularis_ (nob.), and a small burrowing animal, of the rat tribe, that, from the character of its teeth, is probably of a genus not hitherto noted: it approaches nearest to f. cuvier's _helamys_. we next anchored in port famine, where the tents, &c. were replaced in their former positions, the ship was unrigged and secured for the winter, and all hands set to work, preparing the adelaide for service. * * * * * { } chapter viii. find that the cutter had been burned--anxiety for the beagle--uxbridge sealer--beagle arrives--her cruize--bellaco rock--san julian--santa cruz--gallegos--adeona--death of lieutenant sholl--adelaide sails-- supposed channel of san sebastian--useless bay--natives--port san antonio--humming-birds--fuegians--beagle sails--sarmiento--roldan-- pond--whales--structure--scenery--port gallant. port famine bore evident marks of having been visited in our absence by the indians, for a large fire, apparently recent, had over-run the grass, and burned the trees upon point santa anna, particularly in that part where our boat had been so carefully concealed. eager to know whether she had escaped the fire, i lost no time in hastening to the spot, directly after the adventure anchored, and found, as our fears had anticipated, that she had been completely destroyed, scarcely a vestige of her wood remaining, and most of the iron-work having been carried away; for which, doubtless, the indians had set her on fire. the sheds for the cooper and armourer, which had been erected with some pains, were also entirely consumed, and every thing portable had been carried away. those things which were of no use to them were either broken or burnt; but some of our station poles on point santa anna were left uninjured; as well as the tablet erected to the memory of mr. ainsworth and the boat's crew; which was singular, because it was secured by iron hoops--of great value, in their eyes. from the fresh traces of horses in the neighbourhood, we at first suspected the conflagration to have been caused by the patagonians; but we soon found we owed our loss to the fuegians, for in two new wigwams were strewed some remains of our boat. the last winter appeared to have been milder than that preceding it, for last january, mount sarmiento and the hills to { } the southward, over fitton bay, were so covered with snow, that not a particle of the rock could be seen; but this year many bare spots were visible. every thing else, however, indicated a bad season, and the berberis bushes and arbutus shrubs had scarcely any show of fruit; which was rather a disappointment, as the berries of the former plant proved an agreeable addition to our food last year. however, there was no scarcity of birds, and with the seine we procured plenty of fish. the beagle's long and unexpected absence caused us much uneasiness, and some apprehension for her safety. her visit to port desire ought not to have occupied more than three days, and her superior sailing should have enabled captain stokes to rejoin us in the entrance of the strait. people were sent daily to look out for her, and every succeeding day increased our anxiety. a long succession of blowing and rainy weather much impeded our progress with the adelaide; but the hope was hoisted out, and prepared for service. before daylight on the th i was informed that the beagle was seen in the offing. blue lights were burnt, and lanterns immediately shown to guide her to the anchorage; but our disappointment was great when the stranger proved to be mr. w. low's schooner, the uxbridge. he had been sealing since november in the neighbourhood of noir island, near the outer entrance of the barbara channel, and was on his way to cape gregory to meet his elder brother, who had been collecting sea-elephant oil at south shetland. the uxbridge had entered the strait from the pacific, by the magdalen 'channel,' which last year we thought a sound, and had attempted to explore in the hope, but had been deceived by the abrupt change in the direction of the channel at cape turn. at last (on the th), after the beagle's absence had been protracted to more than a month beyond the time intended, we were relieved from painful anxiety, and much rejoiced, by mr. tarn's telling us he had just seen her, and in two hours afterwards she arrived. captain stokes, to my great surprise, told me that he had { } been examining the whole coast between port desire and cape virgins, and for the last ten days had been detained in the gallegos river by heavy gales of wind. he had sounded round, and fixed the position of the bellaco rock, or st. estevan's shoal, the existence of which had been so long doubted. he had also visited and partially surveyed, the harbours of port san julian and santa cruz, besides coy bay, and had made almost a complete survey of the river gallegos, which he found to be a large and rapid river, whose entrance forms a spacious port: instead of being blocked up by a mound of shingle four or five feet above the level of the sea, and having so small a stream as to escape the notice of mr. weddell as he walked along the beach.[ ] cape fairweather is so remarkable, and so correctly placed upon the chart, that mr. weddell, in his search for the river, must have very much deceived himself. i should think he must have mistaken the ravine described upon my former visit, since that is the only part which answers his description: it could not be coy bay, because that opening, although of minor importance, has a broad boat communication with the sea. captain stokes described the tide at the anchorage, within the mouth of the gallegos, as running at the rate of five knots, and rising forty-six feet. from mr. weddell's account, he was on the point of passing by without examining it; but the weather being fine, he determined to go in his boat and ascertain the truth of that description. it was soon evident that the river was large, and, returning to his ship, he lost no time in anchoring her within the entrance, where she rode out a heavy gale from s.w. the beagle left the gallegos on the d, and reached port famine on the th, a very short passage, since she remained for a night and the greater part of a day at gregory bay, to communicate with the natives. when approaching the first narrow, captain stokes observed a brig, apparently at anchor, under cape orange, and supposing her either to have found a good anchorage, or to be in distress, steered towards her. { } before he had reached within two miles of her, the beagle touched the ground, but was extricated from the danger most fortunately, because it was nearly high water; and had she remained a-ground during the tide, the consequences might have been serious--at least, she could not have been got off without lightening her considerably. the brig proved to be the adeona (mr. low's vessel), on her way to meet the uxbridge. in attempting to enter the narrow, she grounded on the shoals, and had been left dry. the following tide again floated her, and she was on the point of getting underweigh, when the beagle hove in sight. captain stokes finding that the adeona had received no damage, proceeded to gregory bay. by the beagle's arrival we were informed of the death of lieutenant robert h. sholl, after an illness of ten days. his remains were interred at port san julian, where a tablet was erected to his memory. this excellent young man's death was sincerely regretted by all his friends, and by none more than by me. he was appointed to the expedition, as a midshipman, solely on account of his high character. during our voyage from england, he made himself conspicuously useful in saving the cargo of a vessel, which was stranded in port praya; and on our arrival at rio de janeiro, the commander-in-chief appointed him to a vacant lieutenantcy on board the beagle: an appointment which, up to the period of his lamented death, he filled zealously and most creditably.[ ] on the st of march we were surprised by the appearance of three europeans, walking round point st. anna. a boat { } was sent for them, and we found they were deserters from the uxbridge, who had come to volunteer for our ships. the following day the adeona and uxbridge arrived, on their way to port san antonio, to boil their oil; but i recommended bougainville, or (as the sealers call it) jack's harbour, as more convenient for their purpose, and more secure from storms, as well as from troublesome visits of the natives. upon my offering to restore the three deserters to the uxbridge, mr. low requested me to keep them, and another, also, who was anxious to join the adventure, to which i consented, as the adelaide wanted men. a few days after mr. low's departure, he returned in a whale-boat to ask assistance in repairing the uxbridge's rudder. by our help it was soon made serviceable, and she was enabled to prosecute her voyage, which could not otherwise have been continued. the adelaide being ready for sea: her first service was to be an examination of the st. sebastian channel, which, from its delineation on the old charts, would seem to penetrate through the large eastern island of tierra del fuego. in the voyage of the nodales (in the year ), an opening on the eastern coast, supposed to be the mouth of a channel, communicating with the strait of magalhaens, was discovered. after describing the coast to the south of cape espiritu santo, the journal of that voyage states: "we found, in the channel of st. sebastian, twenty fathoms clear ground. the north shore is a beach of white sand, five leagues in extent, stretching out from the high land that terminates at cape espiritu santo, and giving the coast here the appearance of a deep bay; but, on a nearer approach, a projecting tract of low shore is observed. the south extremity of this low beach is a sandy point, round which the channel trends; the mouth is a league and a half wide. the south shore is higher than the land to the northward, and in the middle of the bay the depth is from fifteen to twenty fathoms clear ground, and a good bottom; but from mid-channel to the south shore the bottom is stony, and the water, of little depth, there being only six and seven fathoms. from { } hence the channel shows itself, and continues, as far as we could see, of the same breadth. it seemed to be a large sea. the latitude was observed to be ° '."[ ] from the above account, and from the chart that accompanies it, in which this inlet is made to communicate with the strait of magalhaens by the opening round cape monmouth, our knowledge of the supposed st. sebastian channel was derived. that there is a deep bay, in the latitude of ° ', not only appears from the account of the nodales, who were within the heads, although it seems they did not proceed beyond the stony ground on the south side of the entrance; but also from the accounts of vessels who have lately seen it; and of one ship-master who was deterred from entering, by the formidable notice on our charts of its being "only navigable for small vessels," whence he conjectured that the tides would be very strong, and the channel occasionally narrow, as well as narrow, and shoal. sarmiento, narborough, byron, wallis, bougainville, and cordova, have severally noticed an opening, which corresponds to this supposed channel, namely, that between capes monmouth and valentyn; but the object of those voyagers having been to make the passage through the known strait, to explore this opening was, in all probability, considered a waste of time; yet, that such a channel was supposed to exist, we must conclude from the conspicuous figure it makes in the charts of tierra del fuego. had there been a knowledge of its affording any communication with the sea, surely sarmiento and narborough, as well as the nodales, who navigated the strait from west to east, would have been induced to attempt to pass through; and avoid the dangers, as well as difficulties, of the channels to the northward. anxious to set the question at rest, i gave captain stokes orders to proceed to survey the western coasts, between the strait of magalhaens and latitude ° south, or as much of { } those dangerous and exposed shores as he could examine, with the means at his disposal, and sailed myself, in the adelaide, to explore the supposed st. sebastian channel. every discretionary power was given to captain stokes to act as he pleased, for the benefit of the service; but he had strict orders to return to port famine by the th of july, when i hoped to move the adventure to some other part of the strait, and to recommence operations with the earliest days of spring, if the winter should be unfit for our work. having crossed over to the southward of point boqueron, we proceeded, on the th of march, to the n.e. (in which direction the opening trended), at no great distance from the northern shore; behind which the country seemed to rise gradually to the summit of a long ridge of table-land, terminating near the first narrow, and appearing like that in the neighbourhood of cape gregory. it was inhabited; for here and there we observed the smoke of fires, perhaps intended as invitations for us to land. the south side of the opening seemed (after forming a small bay under nose peak) to extend in a direction parallel to the northern coast of the bay, for three or four leagues, when it dipped beneath the horizon. neither shore had any opening or indenture in its coast line, of sufficient size to shelter even a boat; so that a vessel caught here, with a south-westerly gale, would have little chance of escape; unless a channel should exist, of which, from the stillness of the water and the total absence of tide, we had very little hope. the soundings were variable between twenty and thirty fathoms, and the bottom seemed to be of shells, probably covering a substratum of clay or sand. as we stood on, a small rocky lump came in sight, which appeared to be the termination of the northern shore, and again we flattered ourselves with the expectation of finding a passage; but in less than half an hour afterwards, the bay was distinctly seen to be closed by low land, and the rocky lump proved to be an isolated mass of rock, about two miles inland. as every person on board was then satisfied of the non-existence of any channel, we put about to return, and { } by bearings of mount tarn, crossed by angles from mount graves, nose peak, and point boqueron, our position, and the extent of this bay, were determined. as it affords neither anchorage nor shelter, nor any other advantage for the navigator, we have named it useless bay. it was too much exposed to the prevailing winds to allow of our landing to examine the country, and its productions, or to communicate with the indians; and as there was not much likelihood of finding anything of novel character, we lost no time in retreating from so exposed a place. abreast of point boqueron the patent log gave for our run twenty-six miles, precisely the same distance which it had given in the morning; so that from five o'clock in the morning until ten, and from ten o'clock until four in the afternoon, we had not experienced the least tide, which of itself is a fact confirmatory of the non-existence of a channel. from the fires of the natives in this part having been noticed at a distance from the beach, it would seem that they derive their subsistence from hunting rather than fishing; and as there are guanacoes on the south shore of the first narrow, it is probable the people's habits resemble those of the patagonians, rather than the fuegians; but as they have no horses, the chase of so shy and swift an animal as the guanaco must be fatiguing and very precarious.[ ] sarmiento is the only person on record who has communicated with the natives in the neighbourhood of cape monmouth. he calls them in his narrative a large race (gente grande). there it was that he was attacked by the indians, whom he repulsed, and one of whom he made prisoner. we remained a night in port famine, and again set out in the adelaide to survey some of the western parts of the strait. { } bad weather forced us into port san antonio; of which cordova gives so favourable an account, that we were surprised to find it small and inconvenient, even for the adelaide. he describes the port to be a mile and a half long, and three quarters of a mile broad: we found the length a mile and a quarter, and the mean breadth scarcely a quarter of a mile. it possesses no one advantage that is not common to almost every other harbour and cove in the strait; and for a ship, or square-rigged vessel of any kind, it is both difficult to enter, and dangerous to leave. besides the local disadvantages of port san antonio, the weather in it is seldom fair, even when the day is fine elsewhere. it lies at the base of the lomas range, which rises almost perpendicularly to the height of three thousand feet, fronting the great western channel of the strait, whence it receives upon its cold surface the western winds, and is covered by the vapour, which is condensed from them, while in all other parts the sun may be shining brightly. this port is formed by a channel, a quarter of a mile wide, separating two islands from the shore. the best anchorage is off a picturesque little bay on the south island, which is thickly wooded to the water's edge with the holly leaved berberis,[ ] fuchsia, and veronica, growing to the height of twenty feet; over-topped and sheltered by large beech, and winter's-bark trees, rooted under a thick mossy carpet, through which a narrow indian path winds between arbutus and currant bushes, and round prostrate stems of dead trees, leading to the seaward side of the island. upon the beach, just within the bushes, and sheltered by a large and wide-spreading fuchsia bush, in full flower, stood two indian wigwams, which, apparently, had not been inhabited since the visit of poor ainsworth. he had occupied these very wigwams for two days, having covered them over with the boat's sail; and remains of the ropeyarns that tied it down were still there: a melancholy memento. [illustration: p. p. king s. bull fuegian wigwams at hope harbour in the magdalen channel. published by henry colburn, great marlborough street, ] { } in no part of the strait did we find the vegetation so luxuriant as in this little cove. some of the winter's-bark and currant trees had shoots more than five feet long, and many of the winter's-bark trees were two feet in diameter. the veronica (i believe _v. decussata_) grows in the sheltered parts to the height of twenty feet, with a stem six inches in diameter. it was found too on the windward side of the island in abundance, and of large size, rooted in the very wash of the sea-beach, and exposed to the full force of the cold winds and hail-storms, which rush down the wide western reach of the strait. the fuchsia also grows to a large size; but it is a more delicate plant than the veronica, and thrives only in sheltered places. many were observed six inches in diameter; the stems of the two last plants were used by us, during our stay, for fuel. the day after our arrival, the gale subsided, and the weather became very fine indeed. the stillness of the air may be imagined, when the chirping of humming-birds, and buzzing of large bees, were heard at a considerable distance. a humming-bird had been seen at port gallant last year, and was brought to me by captain stokes, since which none had been noticed. here, however, we saw, and procured several; but of only one species.[ ] it is the same as that found on the western coast, as high as lima; so that it has a range of ° of latitude, the southern limit being ½°, if not farther south. the islets, at the north part of the port, were well stocked with geese and other birds, which supplied our people with fresh meals. the steamer duck we found difficult to shoot, from its excessive wariness, and power of remaining, for a great length of time, under water. our fine weather lasted but a few hours, and (no unusual occurrence in these regions) was succeeded by a week's rain and wind, during which we were confined to the small space { } of the adelaide; and for some days had three anchors down, owing to the violent squalls. farenheit's thermometer ranged between thirty-six and forty-six degrees, and we had several snow storms, but the snow did not lie on the low grounds. on the th the gale began to subside, and there was a change for the better; but we were again disappointed, and not until the st could we effect our departure from this dreary and confined little place. the day before we sailed, three canoes, containing in all sixteen persons, of whom six only were men, came alongside. for about an hour they had hesitated to approach; but when once near us, very little invitation was necessary to induce them to come on board. one was clothed in a duck shirt, which was recognised by one of our people, who had joined us from the uxbridge, as having been given to them a few weeks before, when that vessel passed through magdalen channel: another wore a red flannel shirt, and in the canoe we observed an european boarding-pike, painted green, and a part of the iron-work of the cutter, burned at port famine during our absence; also some relics of the boat in which mr. ainsworth was drowned, which last they had doubtless found thrown up on the beach. upon our inquiring how they became possessed of the iron-work, they pointed towards fort famine; and i have no doubt they were concerned in the fire; but as we could not explain to them the mischief they had occasioned, it was thought better not to notice the affair, and the articles were returned to them. they could have had no idea of our being the owners of the boat, or they would have concealed all that belonged to her. they conducted themselves very quietly during their stay on board, with the exception of one, who tried to pick my pocket of a handkerchief; the offender was ordered out of the vessel, and there was no further attempt to pilfer. they wished to go below; but this was not permitted, because the odour of their oily persons was scarcely tolerable, even in the open air. as to food, tallow-candles, biscuit, beef, plumb-pudding, were { } equally liked, and swallowed most voraciously. one of them was discovered taking the tallow out of the end of the deep sea lead and eating it, although mixed with sand and dirt. before sunset their canoes were despatched on shore to prepare the wigwams, during which operation three of the men remained on board; and as soon as the preparations were made they called for a canoe and went on shore. we obtained several spears, baskets, necklaces, bows and arrows from them in barter; but they seemed to have very few skins. perhaps those they possessed were hidden in the bushes, because they had no wish to part with them. one woman was covered with a guanaco mantle; another merely wore a seal-skin over her back and shoulders, which, while she crouched in the canoe, was sufficient to cover her person. one had a black stripe down the nose, but she was the only female among them who was so painted. next morning the indians visited us with a fresh assortment of bows and arrows, in the manufacture of which they had evidently passed the night, for every one was quite new; the bows were of green wood, and the arrows not even pointed. they found, however, a ready sale. one of the party was a man who had been turned out of our vessel the preceding evening, for picking my pocket; but he was daubed over with a whitish pigment to deceive us, and would probably have escaped detection, but for the unusual ugliness of his person, which was not so easily disguised. he was much disconcerted by our recognition; and our refusal to barter with him made him angry and sullen. the women had daubed their faces all over with bright red ochre; to add to their beauty, no doubt. we sailed out of the port by the northern passage, and standing across the strait, anchored in san nicolas bay. mr. graves went to bougainville harbour, to communicate with the adeona, and take letters from me to lieutenant wickham. he brought back an account of all being well at port famine, and of the beagle having sailed on the th. when we left port famine my intention was to examine { } the magdalen channel; but, upon leaving san nicolas bay ( st april), the weather was so favourable for our proceeding to the westward, that i changed my mind and steered round cape froward in order to get to port gallant, whence, with a westerly wind, we might more easily survey the coast in returning. an easterly breeze carried us near cape holland, into wood's bay, where we anchored, and obtained a bearing of mount sarmiento, which, being clear of clouds, was a conspicuous, and even splendid object; for the sun's setting rays, shining upon the projecting snowy ridges on its western side, gave it the appearance of a mass of streaky gold. it had been in sight the whole day, as well as the preceding evening, when its bearings were taken from the islet in san nicolas bay. the next day was so calm that we only reached an anchorage in bradley cove, on the west side of bell bay, of which a plan was made; an extensive set of bearings was also taken on the west point of the bay, evidently that called by sarmiento tinquichisgua.[ ] the conspicuous mountain at the back of the bay, on its south-eastern side, is particularly noticed by him, and, according to his opinion, is the "campana de roldan" of magalhaens.[ ] between bradley cove and point tinquichisgua are two coves, over which a high double-peaked mountain forms a conspicuous object upon rounding cape froward; and they were named in compliment to mr. pond, the late astronomer royal. while at point tinquichisgua we were discovered by some natives to the westward, who immediately got into their canoes, and paddled towards us; but, as we had no arms in the boat, i did not think it prudent to await their arrival; and therefore, after taking the requisite angles, embarked and returned to the adelaide, examining the inlets under mount pond on our way. nothing more was seen of the indians until the following morning, when, as we sailed out of the bay, they made their appearance, but we did not communicate { } with them. they were as vociferous as usual, and pointed to the shore, inviting us to land. one of them, who stood up in the canoe while we passed, was ornamented about the hair and body with white feathers. this part of the strait teems with whales, seals, and porpoises. while we were in bradley cove, a remarkable appearance of the water spouted by whales was observed; it hung in the air like a bright silvery mist, and was visible to the naked eye, at the distance of four miles, for one minute and thirty-five seconds before it disappeared. a glance at the chart of this part of the strait will show the difference of geological structure in the opposite coasts. the north shore, from cape froward to port gallant, forms a straight line, with scarcely a projection or bight; but on the opposite side there is a succession of inlets, surrounded by precipitous mountains, which are separated by ravines. the northern shore is of slate; but the other is principally of greenstone, and its mountains, instead of running up into sharp peaks, and narrow serrated ridges, are generally round-topped. the vegetation on both sides is almost equally abundant, but the trees on the south shore are much smaller. the smooth-leaved beech (_fagus betuloides_) and winter's-bark are the principal trees; but here and there a small tree was observed, like a cypress, which does not grow to the eastward, excepting on the sides of mount tarn, where it only reaches the height of three or four feet. the scenery of this part of the strait, instead of being as cordova describes it, "horrible," is at this season exceedingly striking and picturesque. the highest mountains certainly are bare of vegetation; but their sharp peaks and snow-covered summits afford a pleasing contrast to the lower hills, thickly clothed with trees quite to the water's side, which is bordered by masses of bare rock, studded with ferns and moss, and backed by the rich dark-green foliage of the berberis and arbutus shrubs, with here and there a beech-tree, just beginning to assume its autumnal tints. in working into the narrow entrance of port gallant, the { } schooner grounded upon a bank that extends off the mouth of the river; but the water being perfectly smooth, no damage was caused. as a secure cove, port gallant is the best in the strait of magalhaens; from the stillness of its waters, it is a perfect wet dock, and from its position it is invaluable. there are many coves as safe and convenient when once entered; but the prevailing steepness of the shores, as well as the great depth of water, are obstacles of serious importance. here, however, is an exception: the bottom is even and the depth moderate; besides, fortescue bay, close by, is an excellent roadstead or stopping-place, to await an opportunity of entering. for repairing a ship, port famine is more convenient, on account of the quantity and size of well-seasoned timber lying about the beach, and also from the open character of the country. at port gallant the trees are much stunted, and unfit for present use, while the shore, as is the case around almost every cove to the westward of cape froward, is covered with shrubs and brushwood, quite to the high-water mark; so that there is no possibility of walking easily to any distance from the sea-side. a shingle, or sandy beach, twenty or thirty yards in length, occasionally intervenes, but is scarcely preferable to a vessel's deck, for a walk. * * * * * { } chapter ix. detention in port san antonio--humming-birds in snow showers--fuegians-- geological remarks--canoes--carving--birds--fish--shag narrows-- glaciers--avalanches--natives--climate--winter setting in--adelaide loses a boat--floods--lightning--scurvy--adelaide's survey--bougainville harbour--indians cross the strait, and visit port famine--sealing vessels sail--scurvy increases--adelaide sent for guanaco meat--return of the beagle--captain stokes very ill--adelaide brings meat from the patagonians--death of captain stokes. our stay at this port was prolonged beyond my intention by thick snowy weather and hard gales, which cut off our communication with the shore; for notwithstanding we were in so sheltered a place, and the vessel had three anchors down, we did not consider her quite secure against the violent squalls. we had been fortunate in procuring observations, and took advantage of our detention to lay down the operations of the preceding days on paper. muscles were found in great abundance on the mud flats. there are three varieties, one of which has a bitter, disagreeable taste, but the others are exceedingly good and wholesome. one of the latter is of large size (_mytilus magellanicus_ of the ency. méth.) the other is of a more globose form than the bitter sort, and has a very obtuse hinge and margin. the bitter kind contains pearls, which are valueless, because small, and of a bad colour. at first there were plenty of sea-birds[ ] in the cove, which took refuge at the head of the bay; till after two days, they deserted us altogether. there appeared to be an abundance of fish; but as we had not provided ourselves with a seine, and they { } would not take bait, we were confined for refreshments principally to shell-fish. no traces of quadrupeds, excepting an indian dog, were noticed. here wallis's people saw a large cloven-footed animal, which they described to be as "big as a jack-ass." it was probably a deer, one or two of which had occasionally appeared at port famine.(e) it has been mentioned that we found many humming-birds at port san antonio, which we attributed to the sheltered situation of the place, and the luxuriant growth of fuchsias and other plants, upon the sweets of whose flowers they feed. here, however, one of the same species was seen sporting about in a most exposed place and during the falling of a snow shower, a proof of the hardy character of this little bird, which, if it does migrate upon the approach of winter to a warmer clime, lingers, at least, as long as it possibly can. this was the middle of april, the winter had, in fact, already commenced, and all the mountains around us were clothed with snow, while the ground was also coated with the same dazzling covering. mr. graves intended to ascend the mountain de la cruz; but a heavy fall of snow prevented the attempt, and we lost the opportunity of obtaining a round of angles from that elevation, which would have materially assisted our operations. we should also have obtained a bird's-eye view of the barbara channel and the sounds on the opposite side of the strait, whose extent and nature we did not know; for cordova's notice of san simon's bay, and a deep inlet which exists to the westward of it, is very unsatisfactory. there were no signs of a recent visit from the fuegians, though at the entrance of the cove we found three or four wigwams in good repair; whence it seems probable, that the place is one of their frequent haunts. when the beagle came here last year, some station staves were left standing; but, before her return, every one had been removed; and when captain stokes went down the barbara channel, to the relief { } of the saxe cobourg's crew, those staves were seen in the possession of the indians. a fine morning ( th) induced us to leave this quiet anchorage, to examine the openings of the south shore; and in the afternoon, the anchor was dropped in a convenient place, on the west side of the western inlet, named by us warrington cove. while crossing the bay from point elvira, the north extremity of cayetano island, several 'smokes' were observed on the low land, at the bottom of the inlet; and after we anchored two canoes visited us, containing six men, four women, and two or three children. they approached very cautiously, and could not be induced to come alongside. at last the men landed, and invited us to communicate with them. i therefore went on shore with two or three officers, and remained with them half an hour, during which they gradually lost the distrust they had at first evinced; but each man still carried a number of pebbles in the corner of his wrapper, ready to repel any attack we might make upon them; from the knowledge we have since obtained of their character, i think it probable that they had lately committed some act of aggression on a sealing-vessel, and were afraid of retaliation. our conduct tended to assure them of our friendship; and, shortly after we left the shore, they came alongside in their canoes, and were very familiar, eagerly bartering their necklaces and baskets. in their way to us they had probably landed their more valuable goods, such as otter and seal-skins, as well as their weapons and dogs, without which they never go far. the natives of this part are considered by the sealers to be the most mischievously inclined of any in the strait, or tierra del fuego. the appearance of our visitors was certainly against them; but they did not commit themselves during our two or three days' communication, by any act which could make us complain, or cause suspicion of their honesty and friendship. we, however, kept too good a look-out, to enable them to take advantage of our seeming good-nature. among bushes behind the high beach were three wigwams, but the indians had no intention of remaining with us for the { } night. they went away, to our great satisfaction, at an early hour, and returned to the bottom of the sound, where a large party of their countrymen was assembled. their departure enabled us to look round, in the vicinity of our anchorage, and examine its productions, which differed in no way from those of other parts of the coast. its geological structure is, however, different: the rocks are greenstone, or granite, without slate. mount maxwell, rising immediately over the cove, is the termination of a rocky mountain range, whose summits are crowned with snow. the verdant sides of the hill, interspersed at intervals with large masses of bare rock, produced, from a distance, rather a pleasing effect; but, upon examination, the verdure was found to consist principally of moss, or a stunted vegetation, covering a soft and swampy soil. the upper portions of the mount are so precipitous as not to be easily reached; and, indeed, many parts rise with a perpendicular ascent for more than a hundred feet. on the south side of mount maxwell is smyth inlet, which contains anchorage on the north shore, particularly one in earle cove; but in the centre the water is deep, and on that account, it is not an inviting place for a ship. during mr. graves's absence in smyth harbour, i examined the coast as far as cape edgeworth, where i obtained an extensive set of bearings. the afternoon was particularly favourable for the purpose, the snow-capped mountains of the north shore were perfectly distinct; and among them was a very high one, shaped like a highland target, the peak of the mountain answering to the central spike of the shield. we never afterwards saw it, nor could i, on this occasion, fix its position better, than by estimating its distance. the rock is chiefly greenstone, accompanied by considerable masses of granite. a little islet, off dighton cove, is composed of granite, of a lamelliform structure. mr. graves brought me a specimen of lamelliform granite attached to a mass of greenstone. the indians visited us every day, their number being generally from twelve to sixteen, of which five or six only were men, the rest were women, and children of all ages. one of the latter could not have been more than three weeks old; yet the { } mother, apparently about sixteen years of age, was always occupied in the laborious employment of paddling the canoes. the child was secured in the mother's lap, with its head on her bosom, by a mantle, which was drawn tightly round both mother and child. their canoes were similar to those of the eastern parts of the strait, about ten feet long, holding four or five grown persons and two or three children, besides their dogs, implements, and weapons: they are formed of bark, and kept in shape by wooden cross supports secured to the gunwale, which is lined by a long, slender pole. they are divided into three compartments, the foremost occupying about one-third of the length, contains the spears, placed ready for immediate use; in the second are the grown persons, with the fire-place between them, the men sitting between the fire-place and the spears, to be ready to use them upon the approach of seals or porpoises; on the opposite side of the fire-place are seated the women who paddle the canoe, in which the men sometimes assist, when great expedition is necessary. behind the women, in the third division, are the elder children and the dogs, the younger children being generally stowed away in the women's laps, for the sake of mutual warmth. the fire is made upon a layer of clay, several inches thick, at the bottom of the canoe; and above the fire, across the gunwales, are laid several pieces of half-burnt wood, for fuel. during our communications with these visitors they conducted themselves peaceably, and made no attempt to pilfer, although there was some little roguery displayed by them in barter. one of the men having parted with all his disposable property, tendered one of his daughters, a fine girl of fourteen or fifteen years of age, for some mere trifle, and, being refused, became very pressing and importunate to close the bargain for the price that was jestingly offered; nor was it without difficulty that he was convinced we were not in earnest. they were as poor as the rest of their countrymen, very badly clothed, and possessing few skins to barter. two of them exchanged their otter skin mantles for cotton shirts, which they continued to wear without complaining of cold. { } as their visits lasted all day they always brought their food, consisting of the blubber of seals and porpoises. the method used by them in cutting it up is nearly similar to that adopted by the esquimaux indians, as described by sir edward parry in his second voyage, and also resembles the process of the natives of king george's sound, which i have described in the account of my survey of australia (vol. ii. p. ): a piece of blubber being held in the left hand, a corner of it is taken between the teeth, and it is then cut by a knife, held underhanded, into strips backward and forward, without passing the instrument entirely through: so that when the operation is finished the piece draws out into a long band, about an inch thick, formed by the connected strips. the whole affair from first to last is most offensive to the sight; and the countenance of the carver is beyond description, for his eyes being directed to the blubber, squint shockingly, and give his ugly face a hideous appearance. the strip of blubber is next divided among the party, each of whom proceeds to extract its oily juices by drawing it through his teeth and sucking it, after which it is warmed in the fire to facilitate its division into small pieces, which are swallowed or bolted without mastication. morsels of this dainty food were given not only to the elder children, but even to infants at the breast. on the th, while preparing to weigh, the indians came on board and helped to heave in the cable, but without rendering us much real assistance. when the sails were loosed, the women in the canoes began to chatter and scream for fear we should carry off their friends, and their alarm was no sooner given than the deck was cleared of our visitors, who seemed to be quite as much frightened for their safety as the women were. in a few minutes afterwards we were proceeding to the southward, and first tried to anchor in a bay on the south side of smyth harbour, but finding the depth too great, i sent lieut. graves to sound behind an islet where there were indications of a place of shelter, but he returned unsuccessful. during his absence i went to a very narrow passage, which he had discovered, leading to a large channel or sound; but finding it { } intricate, i deferred trying to enter with the vessel until a more favourable opportunity should offer, and we returned to the place south of warrington cove, called dighton bay, where we anchored off a sandy beach in twenty fathoms, and secured the vessel by laying the kedge on the shore. this sandy beach was the first we had found in the eastern part of the strait. the sand is quartzose, of a white colour, and being a novelty, rendered the place interesting. a stream, supplied by the ravines of mount maxwell, runs over the beach into the sea, and from it an abundant supply of excellent water may be obtained without difficulty. we observed no quadrupeds; but, of the feathered tribe, we found woodpeckers, kingfishers, and woodcocks, and in the sheltered nooks several humming-birds were darting about the flowery underwood of berberis, fuchsia, and arbutus. in the tide-way, at the narrow passage, the sea teemed with fish; over which hovered corvorants and other sea-fowl, preying upon the small fry that were trying to elude their voracious enemies, the porpoises and seals, thousands of which were seen sporting about as we proceeded on our way. whales were also numerous in the vicinity, probably because of an abundance of the small red shrimp, which constitutes their principal food. i went again to examine the passage, and the tide being against us, we were obliged to pull close to the western shore to benefit by the partial eddies, otherwise we could not have proceeded until the turn of the tide. these narrows, named 'shag' narrows, from the quantity of birds there so called by seamen, are not a hundred yards wide. the south end is fronted by an island, from whose summit, about four hundred feet high, i hoped to obtain a good view southward, and after passing the narrows we landed and reached the summit. while looking around at the view, and preparing the theodolite, a woodcock started up from the long grass and walked away so leisurely, that mr. tarn nearly succeeded in striking it with a stick. this bird afforded us a name for the station, which we found to be at the northern side of a large basin, ten miles wide, and six long, terminated at { } its south end by a channel leading to the open sea, but crowded with islands and rocks. a deep inlet or chasm in the land, at the n.w. corner of this basin, was filled with masses of floating ice, broken from an enormous glacier. after obtaining all the bearings and embarking, we pulled three miles to the westward, and took a round of angles at point cairncross, the south-west point of field's bay, and again another set at the south head of icy sound, near dinner cove, where we found a very convenient anchorage for small vessels. through icy sound we found some difficulty in penetrating, as the channel was much obstructed by ice. three miles within this sound the rocky shore became more precipitous, and at two miles farther, where the width across was not more than one hundred and fifty yards, the rocks rise perpendicularly on each side to the height of seven or eight hundred feet. beyond this remarkable part the channel opens out to a basin about half a mile in diameter, bounded by a sloping glacier, from which immense masses of ice broke off frequently, and falling with a noise like the discharge of a ship's broadside, threw up the foaming water with terrific violence. as we entered the basin, we were startled by a sudden roar, occasioned by the fall of one of these avalanches, followed by echoes which reverberated round the basin and among the mountains. we remained for half an hour afterwards waiting for another fall, but were not gratified. several were heard at a distance, probably high up the sides of the glacier. the examination of icy sound occupied us until dark, when we returned to the schooner. during our absence, indians had again visited the adelaide, the greater number of whom were strangers. we had also seen a party in a canoe close to mount woodcock, who were striking seal, and too intent upon their object to pay much attention to any thing else. on the th, the term of our absence having expired, we left dighton bay on our return: at night we anchored in st. nicholas bay, and the day after arrived at port famine. { } natives had discovered and visited the ship while i was away, but lieut. wickham did not encourage them to remain; and two or three attempts to pilfer being detected, they were treated with very little ceremony; so finding their company was not desired, they went across the strait to lomas bay, where for several days afterwards the smoke of their fires was seen. they were the same indians whom we had met at port san antonio. that these indians should be received so coolly, may seem to have been impolitic on our side, when it is considered that our smaller vessels and boats might be met with, and their crews ill-treated by way of retaliation. it was, however, time that they should know our superiority; for, of late, several very treacherous attacks had been made by them on sealing vessels, and this party was the most forward and insolent we had seen. one of them was teazing several of the men to box, an accomplishment he had probably learnt from the crews of sealing vessels; among others, he fixed upon the serjeant of marines, who very unceremoniously pushed him over the side, and made him return to his canoe, which he resented by pushing off from the ship's side, and throwing a stone at the serjeant, who was standing at the gangway. as it missed him, and did no harm, no notice was taken of his mischief. we afterwards heard that the same party had visited bougainville harbour, where the adeona was at anchor; but as mr. low neither gave them encouragement to remain, nor permitted them to go on board his brig, they very soon went away. the difference between the climates of the western and eastern portions of the strait was very striking. to the westward the country, being principally clothed with evergreens, such as the smooth-leaved beech, and winter's-bark, with an underwood of arbutus and berberis, seems to possess a constant verdure, nor until the snow covers all, does it assume any thing like the appearance of winter. to the eastward, evergreens are less common, their place being occupied by the beech (_fagus antarctica_), whose leaves fall very early. snow had also begun to cover the lower grounds, giving signs of winter. april { } terminated with finer weather than we had experienced for some weeks, but may set in with north-easterly winds and much rain, succeeded by a heavy fall of snow. "tristis hyems montes niveo velamine vestit." as yet the thermometer had not been very low. on one or two occasions it had fallen during the night to °, but generally it ranged between ° and °. the adelaide was again despatched on the th april, to carry on an examination of the openings on each side of cayetano island; but she returned on the st of may, with the disagreeable intelligence of having had her only serviceable boat stolen by the indians. this was a serious loss, not only on account of so much time being thrown away, but also because we had no other boat to substitute for her. to prevent delay, i sent to mr. low, at bougainville harbour, requesting that he would sell one of his boats; but he was himself so badly off, from similar losses, that he could only assist us by lending one for a few weeks, and as it was the only boat he possessed, it could not be spared to go far from his vessel. i, therefore, despatched mr. graves, in the adelaide, to bougainville harbour, to employ himself in examining the coast thence to cape froward, and in the mean time began to build a whale-boat, to be ready for the adelaide's use as soon as winter had passed over; for, from mr. graves's report of the state of the climate to the westward, very little could be done during the winter months. the following is lieut. graves's account of the loss of his boat:--upon leaving port famine he proceeded at once to port gallant, and surveyed cordes bay; after which he crossed the strait to st. simon's bay, and anchored in millar cove, on its western side, immediately to the north of port langara, from which it is only separated by a narrow neck of land. the adelaide remained there at anchor while mr. graves visited the different parts of the bay. her presence had attracted a large party of indians, who, occupying several wigwams near the entrance of the cove, paid daily visits to { } our people, and were apparently very familiar and well-disposed. but they had cast a longing eye on the whale-boat, which, when equipped for service, contained many things very useful to them, and they laid a plan to carry her off, which succeeded. one evening she was prepared for going away at an early hour the following day, and, to save time, every thing that might be required was placed in her, and she was made fast for the night. two or three indians were then on board, and observing what was done, laid their plan, and at sunset took their leave as usual. the night was pitchy dark, and at nine o'clock the boat was missed from alongside. the alarm was given, and instant search made at the wigwams of the indians, who had all decamped, without leaving the least trace of themselves or the boat. the 'painter,' or rope by which she had been fastened to the vessel, had been cut through with some sharp instrument, most probably a knife, which our people had sharpened for them on the grindstone that very day. every possible search was made next morning, but without success; the boat that was left was one which could not be used with any advantage, and mr. graves returned to port famine. vexatious as the accident was, i could not blame him for what had occurred, for no one had suspicions of such conduct from the indians, who, on all other occasions, had kept at a distance from us after night-fall. the boat was properly secured alongside, and the night was so cold that no person would have thought the indians would expose themselves to such a temperature ( °); for they must have swum alongside to cut her adrift, and then must have towed her away very gradually, to prevent the theft being discovered, for there were two persons walking the deck at the time. mr. tarn, who accompanied mr. graves on this occasion, brought me a very fine sea-eagle (_polyborus novæ zealandiæ_), and some other birds, and a specimen from a shrub which we had not before observed, a species of _desfontanea_. in order to prevent a similar loss in future, the adelaide { } was forthwith fitted with cranks outside, for hoisting up her boats when in harbour. winter advanced rapidly; the ground was constantly covered with snow, from one to two feet deep, and every night more fell. in the early part of june we had a gale of wind from the n.w., which flooded the low ground upon which our tents stood; but fortunately the large tent had been accidentally placed on a higher part, and escaped. this flood filled, and, of course, spoiled the water in all the ponds about the tents; and we had afterwards to procure our supplies from a considerable distance. on the th of june much lightning was observed to the northward, and repeated rumbling noises were heard, which continued for long periods; one lasted distinctly for the space of twenty minutes. at first, they were thought to be eruptions of some distant volcano; but, from the frequent lightning, they were probably echoes of thunder, reverberating through the deep ravines that intersect the rocky ridges of the cordillera, from which we were distant at least one hundred and fifty miles. a succession of bad weather followed, during which the barometer fluctuated rapidly. on the th, the mercury fell to . . inches, after which it gradually rose, with fine settled weather, until it reached . ., when bad weather again set in. the people at the tents experienced another inundation. had the water risen six inches more, it would have carried every thing away; and as the wind was blowing dead upon the shore, while a heavy surf was beating upon the beach, we could have rendered them very little assistance from the ship. the severity of the weather brought a most disagreeable accompaniment. scurvy appeared, and increased; while the accidental death of a seaman, occasioned by falling down a hatchway, followed by the decease of two others, and also of mr. low, of the adeona, whose body was brought to me for burial, tended to create a despondency amongst the crew that i could in no way check. the monotony of their occupations, the chilling and gloomy appearance of the country, and the severity of the climate, all tended to increase the number of the { } sick, as well as the unfavourable symptoms of their disease. the beagle's term of absence was, however, drawing to a close, and i caused a rumour to be spread, that upon her appearance we should quit port famine. to give a semblance of reality to this report, the topmasts were ordered to be fidded, and the ship otherwise prepared for sea, which had a manifest effect upon the scorbutic, of whom several were in a bad stage of that horrid disease, and many others were just attacked. we found ourselves now, too, thrown on our own resources for fresh food: scarcely a fish was taken with the hook, and the seine, although frequently shot, never caught anything. of birds, only a few hawks and small finches were procured, which were all reserved for the sick, the greater number of whom lived on shore, at the tents, where they might walk about, and amuse themselves as they pleased. the adelaide returned from bougainville harbour on the th of june, having succeeded in the object for which she was sent. the extremity of cape froward, a bluff head, over which is a round-topped hill (precisely the french 'morre') is what sarmiento called the morro de santa agueda. any name given by this excellent old navigator is too classical and valuable to be omitted; therefore, while the extremity itself may retain the modern appellation of cape froward, the mountain by which it is formed may still be allowed to keep his distinction. behind it, the land rises to a higher ridge, the edge of which is remarkably serrated, and probably of a slaty character. the specimens procured from the cape were clay-slate, much intermixed with iron pyrites, and crossed by small veins of white quartz. of the anchorages examined by mr. graves, bougainville harbour, better known to sealers by the name of jack's cove, or harbour, is the most sheltered. it is surrounded on all sides by high precipitous hills, thickly clothed with trees. the depth is moderate, and the water so beautifully clear, that the anchors, and even shells and stones, were distinctly seen upon the bottom. it was here that bougainville procured wood for the use of the settlement { } at the falkland islands. captain stokes says of this place: "after seeing the abundant supplies of timber which freshwater bay and port famine afford, i had shared in the surprise which byron expresses, that any one should have come so far up the strait to get it; but on examining the spot, i found that a happier selection could not have been made. it is a little cove, just round the eastern point of the bay of san nicolas, about a hundred yards wide and three times as long. here, moored to the shore, a ship may lie in eight fathoms, perfectly sheltered from any wind, the water as smooth as in a wet-dock. shapely trees, of all dimensions, are growing within a few yards of the shore; and the wood, when felled, may be hoisted on board from the beach, by tackles from the yard-arms. here, too, with very little trouble, a supply of water may be got from the many streams that make their way through the underwood which skirts the cove. as we pulled up this sequestered nook, the unusual sound of our oars and voices put to flight multitudes of birds, and the surface of the water was broken by the jumping of fine fish. some very eatable geese were shot. our stay was too short to admit of hauling the seine; but my boat's crew contrived to half-fill the boat with excellent muscles and limpets, which are found here in great plenty." the geological character of the coast between cape st. isidro and san nicolas bay is clay-slate; near the beach, however, this rock is not visible, since it is there covered with a kind of breccia of rounded pebbles, in an indurated sandy rock, of green colour. the pebbles are principally of slate; but some were found to be of granite and other quartzose rock, perhaps greenstone. one of the headlands, called by m. bougainville cape remarquable, was examined by mr. graves for fossil shells, of which the french navigator speaks. half the rock was beaten to pieces, without detecting anything like organic remains. living shells were in the greatest abundance about the base of the cape, but that is the case every where. the species generally found are limpets and muscles, but with little variety and no novelty. { } on the st of june, after a heavy north-east gale, we had an unusually fine day. the hills at the bottom of magdalen channel were more distinct than we had ever noticed them, and mount sarmiento was particularly clear; indeed its outline was so sharply defined, that the distance did not appear to be more than ten miles. this extraordinary transparency of the air was at first considered a presage of wet weather; yet the clear and sharp appearance of the distant land was unlike that which usually precedes a fall of rain. the long series of rainy weather we had experienced made us look for a good result from such an unusual atmosphere, and we were not deceived. the following day our hopes were still further confirmed by seeing three indian canoes, coming across the strait, towards us, from lomas bay, which they would not have attempted had they not been sure of its continuing fine; for their canoes are ill adapted to encounter the short cross sea found during bad weather in mid-channel of the strait. although the presence of the natives did not in general please me, because it naturally put a stop to all work; yet, on this occasion it was agreeable, as it tended in some measure to enliven the monotonous manner in which we passed our days. upon reaching the bay, the indians did not approach the ship, but paddled into the coves under point santa anna, where our boat was employed watering. mr. graves went to them, to prevent mischief, and found they were the same party who had before visited us. when our boats returned, they paddled over to the wigwam at the head of the port, about a quarter of a mile beyond our tents, and began to repair it, and by sunset were housed and sheltered for the night. we had, however, so lately experienced their treacherous disposition, that no confidence was placed in appearances. sentinels were posted at the tents, to give the alarm, should any of them approach; and at eight o'clock a volley of musketry was fired, by way of intimidation, and to impress them with the idea that we kept a watch upon their movements, and were prepared. while the wigwams were repairing, a few of the indians visited our tents; but were not allowed to pass within a rope { } that, by my orders, was stretched around our property, a restriction which they did not attempt to evade. at sunset all were told to go away, and they immediately, as well as cheerfully, complied. the next morning, and indeed throughout the whole day, the neighbourhood of the wigwams exhibited the appearance of a fair. i visited them, and found that they had not only repaired an old wigwam, but erected another. both together contained the whole party, consisting of twenty-six individuals, among whom were an old man, and two old women. they had brought over a collection of baskets, bows and arrows, stone heads of knives, &c. to sell to our people, who had always shown eagerness to possess these curiosities. the knife-heads were made generally of pitch-stone; but the greater number were of broken glass bottles, which they had collected when they visited us last year. a few strings of beads purchased all their riches; after which they sold their dogs, and mr. graves procured one of them for a knife and a string of beads. it was a remarkably fine animal, and showed great reluctance to be handled by our people, several of whom were bitten in their attempts to take him to the boat. at night one of the canoes was despatched to collect shell-fish, probably sea-eggs, from the reef of rocky bay. the following morning all their goods were embarked, and then they paddled their canoes to the beach, near the tents, where some of their men landed. they had nothing to offer in exchange for several things which tempted them, and were beginning to grow troublesome. one of them, the individual who threw a stone at the sergeant, persisting to pass the boundary that was marked upon the ground, which no one of them had before presumed to do, was pushed back by the sentinel; upon which he ran to his canoe and took out several spears, doubtless intending to try to force a passage; but the appearance of two or three muskets brought him to his senses, and the spears were returned to the canoe; after which he became familiar, and apparently friendly. this affair, however, was soon followed by their departure, which gave me much { } satisfaction. they went southward, landing for the night in voces bay, and the following day went to the adeona, in bougainville harbour, where they remained some days. the day after the indians left us, a boat came from the adeona, to acquaint us that, in a day or two, she and her companions, the uxbridge and mercury, intended to leave the strait for the falkland islands; upon which i prepared letters for england, and a report of my proceedings for the secretary of the admiralty. the ships passed by on the th, and took my letters. this last month (june) set in with snow or rain, which continued until the th, when the weather assumed a very threatening appearance. on the th the barometer fell to . , and the wind blew a hard gale from n.e.; but in the afternoon it veered round to s.w., and the mercury rose rapidly. a gale from s.w. followed, and then to the end of the month we had a series of moderate weather, but much snow. the mean temperature for june was °, the range being between °, and °, . july commenced with an unusually low temperature and a high barometer; the former, on the th was °, , and the latter, at the same time, at , inches, having risen since the th of june . of an inch. after this we had a few mild and fine days, but paid dearly for them; a northerly gale set in, bringing with it unwholesome damp weather, in which the temperature rose to between ° and °, and melted much of the snow that had covered the ground, quite to the water's edge, during the last two months. our sick-list, particularly of cases of scurvy, increased so much, during this damp, trying weather, that i determined upon sending the adelaide to the northward, to procure a supply of fresh meat from the patagonians; and, at the same time, to survey that part of the strait lying between cape negro and the second narrow. lieutenants graves and wickham, and mr. tarn, went upon this service, the latter being most anxious to procure some change of diet for the sick under his care, for some of whom he was much alarmed. the appearance and severity of this { } disease, although every precaution had been used, and subsequent attention paid to their diet, are not easy to account for: fresh provisions, bread baked on board, pickles, cranberries, large quantities of wild celery, preserved meats and soups, had been abundantly supplied; the decks were kept well-aired, dry, and warm, but all to no purpose; these precautions, perhaps, checked the disease for a time; but did not prevent it, as had been fully expected. the adelaide sailed on the th of july, with every prospect of fine weather. the same evening, an american sealing schooner anchored near us, on her way to staten land. she had entered the straits by cutler and smyth channels, and in forty-eight hours arrived at port famine. after obtaining some trifling assistance from our forge, she sailed. on the th, three new cases of scurvy appeared, one being the assistant-surgeon, which increased our sick-list to fourteen. feeling the necessity of doing something, i ordered the hands to be turned up, 'prepare ship for sea!' no sooner had the words escaped the boatswain's lips, than all was life, energy, and delight. the preliminary preparations were made, and every one looked forward with pleasure to the change, except myself. i had hoped to pass the twelve months at port famine, with the intention of completing a meteorological journal, for which this place afforded peculiar advantages. my plan was, on the beagle's return, to despatch her and the schooner along the west coast, and join them in the adventure at chilóe. as our departure was now supposed to depend on the beagle's arrival, every eye was on the stretch to watch for her, and every morning some one of our party ascended the heights, to look out. on the th she was seen, beating up from the southward; but as the wind was contrary, she did not anchor in the bay until the evening. her return was greeted with three most hearty cheers; but on passing under our stern, lieutenant skyring informed me that captain stokes was confined to his cabin by illness, and could not wait on me. i therefore went to the beagle, and found captain stokes looking very ill, and in low spirits. he expressed himself much distressed by the { } hardships the officers and crew under him had suffered; and i was alarmed at the desponding tone of his conversation. he told me that the beagle had been up the western coast as high as cape tres montes, in latitude °, had surveyed the gulf of peñas and other portions of the coast, particularly port henry, at cape three points, the entrance of the gulf of trinidad, and port santa barbara, at the north end of campana island. during the survey of the gulf of peñas they had experienced very severe weather, both stormy and wet, during which the beagle's crew were incessantly employed, and had consequently suffered greatly. captain stokes seemed not to have spared himself. he appeared much gratified by my visiting him, and before we parted he was for a time restored to his usual energy, detailing the circumstances of the voyage, and conversing upon the plan of our future operations with considerable animation. the return of the beagle cheered our ship's company, and on the th the adelaide came back, with a large quantity of guanaco meat, which had been procured from the patagonian indians at peckett's harbour. when the adelaide anchored there, about thirty natives appeared on the shore. mr. tarn landed, and communicated our wants, saying that he would give tobacco and knives for as much guanaco meat as they could procure; with them was the fuegian, who seemed to be a leading man, and to have become one of the most active of the party. he was the principal spokesman, and upon commencing the hunt he pointed to the snow upon the ground, and called it 'bueno' (good), because it would show the traces of the animals, and the direction they had taken. mr. wickham thus described to me the manner in which they hunted: two men ascended a hill, placed themselves one at each end of its summit, and stood motionless for some time, on the look-out. as soon as guanacoes were seen, their position and movements were communicated, by signs, to the men in the valley, who were thus enabled to approach their game unawares. the guanacoes are taken with the bolas, which entangle their legs and throw them down. as soon as they are killed, { } they are skinned and cut up. the first night seven hundred pounds of meat were brought, and two thousand and forty-six pounds were obtained in a few days. this ample change of diet inspired me with the hope that our sick, at least those affected by scurvy, would recover, and that after another large supply, which we now knew how to obtain, we might be enabled to prosecute our voyage as was first intended. all hands were therefore allowed fresh meat for a week, and the residue was placed at the disposal of the surgeon, for the use of the sick, but all ineffectually; the list still increased, and lieutenant wickham, with a violent cold, and mr. rowlett, with scurvy, were added to it. the assistant-surgeon's became the worst case of scurvy on board; and our people, finding that the preparations for quitting the place were not going on, began to despond again. captain stokes was anxious to prepare his vessel for another cruize, being very averse to giving up our plans and returning to monte video, since he thought the crews, from utter disgust at the privations and hardships they had endured, would not be persuaded to go on another voyage; but that if they were to go to chilóe or valparaiso, to refresh, they might recover their strength and spirits, and be willing to renew the survey; which, however, he himself seemed to dread, for he never mentioned the subject without a shudder. he was evidently much excited, and suspicions arose in my mind that all was not quite right with him. i endeavoured to prevail on him to give his people a longer rest, but he was the more anxious to make preparations. on the st july he sent an application for provisions, and in the evening i received a note from him, which was written in his former usual flow of spirits. the officers, however, knew more of the diseased state of his mind than i did; and it was owing to a hint given to me, that i desired mr. tarn to communicate with mr. bynoe, and report to me whether captain stokes's health was sufficiently restored to enable him to commence another cruize. this was on the st of august. the provisions had been sent, in compliance with his application, and the surgeons were on board the adventure, { } considering upon their report, which was, as i afterwards found, very unfavourable, when a boat came from the beagle, with the dreadful intelligence that captain stokes, in a momentary fit of despondency, had shot himself. the surgeons instantly repaired on board, and finding him alive, had recourse to every means in their power, but without hope of saving his life. during the delirium that ensued, and lasted four days, his mind wandered to many of the circumstances, and hair-breadth escapes, of the beagle's cruize. the following three days he recovered so much as to be able to see me frequently; and hopes were entertained by himself, but by no one else, that he would recover. he then became gradually worse, and after lingering in most intense pain, expired on the morning of the th. thus shockingly and prematurely perished an active, intelligent, and most energetic officer, in the prime of life. the severe hardships of the cruize, the dreadful weather experienced, and the dangerous situations in which they were so constantly exposed--caused, as i was afterwards informed, such intense anxiety in his excitable mind, that it became at times so disordered, as to cause the greatest apprehension for the consequences. on the return of the beagle he got better; and the officers were so sanguine in hoping for his complete restoration to health, on account of his progressive recovery, that nothing which had transpired was communicated to me until after his decease. his remains were interred at our burial-ground, with the honours due to his rank, and a tablet was subsequently erected to his memory. * * * * * { } chapter x. account of the beagle's cruize--borja bay--cape quod--stuart bay--cape notch--remarks on weather, and errors of chart--evangelists--santa lucia--madre de dios--gulf of trinidad--port henry--puma's track-- humming-birds--very bad weather--campana island--dangers--gale--wet-- sick--santa barbara--wager's beam--wigwams--guaianeco islands--cape tres montes--st. paul's--port otway--hoppner sound--cape raper. the following account of the beagle's cruize is drawn up from captain stokes's unfinished journal, and from detached memoranda, which were found amongst his papers. it will be recollected that, on my departure from port famine, in the adelaide, in the month of march, to survey portions of the southern side of the strait, i left instructions with captain stokes to proceed in the execution of his orders as soon as the beagle was ready. the details of those orders it is unnecessary to repeat here, as they were performed to my entire satisfaction; it will be merely requisite, as briefly as possible, to follow him through a most arduous and distressing service. it is the sequel that embitters the record. "on the th of march, i sailed from port famine, and next day reached port gallant. "on the d, we anchored in the little cove called borja bay, which, though very confined, and rather difficult of access, suited our purpose extremely well. (see sailing directions). while there we measured the height of one of the principal hills in the neighbourhood, and found it , feet. "bad weather detained us until the th, when we passed cape quod, and reached stuart bay. many places were left unexamined, because my object was to hasten westward before the year was farther advanced. "( th.) we left stuart bay, and continued our progress to the westward, with westerly winds, thick weather, and rain. { } the shores of the straits were seldom visible to us, from a thick mist with which they were clouded: it is, however, a bold coast on each side, otherwise the strait would be utterly unnavigable in such weather. near cape notch the mountains spire up into peaks of great height, singularly serrated, and connected by barren ridges. about their bases there are generally some green patches of jungle; but, upon the whole, nothing can be more sterile and repulsive than the view. this afternoon we passed playa parda, and in the evening anchored in marian cove. "in the course of the next day the wind freshened to a strong and squally gale from the w.n.w., with much rain; the weather was so thick that we could scarcely make out the coast. in this kind of weather, the lower parts of the shore are screened from view by mist, and the upper ones are seen looming through it in lofty masses, in a manner which would lead a stranger to believe that the ship was completely environed with islands. "in the evening we anchored in the little cove called half port bay, and next morning resumed our daily struggle against wind, tide, and weather. "we crossed the mouth of a deep sound on the north shore,[ ] where no tide or current was remarked: the delineation of the coast about this point is particularly defective in the old charts; fortunately, however, for the navigator, he has here to deal with shores where the omission of a whole island, or even the addition of a few that do not exist, is of less consequence to his safety than the exact limit of one sand-bank in other parts of the world. this night we anchored in upright bay, which, though affording excellent shelter from the prevailing winds, is bad with a southerly one; as, from the steepness of the bottom requiring a vessel to anchor close to the shore, sufficient scope is not left for veering cable. "sheltered by the high land under which we were anchored, { } with the exception of occasional gusts down the ravines and sounds, we had the wind light at w.s.w.; but the rapid travelling of the scud over-head showed that the usual weather prevailed. we weighed early next morning ( th), and by noon had reached so far to the westward that the easternmost of the round islands in cape tamar bight bore north about two miles. by nightfall we were off cape cortado; but the weather seeming settled and the wind drawing to the southward, i resolved to keep under weigh, and try to get out to sea that night. circumstances favoured us; the weather was fine, the moon remained unclouded, and the wind held at s.s.w. an hour after midnight cape pillar bore w.s.w., distant about two miles, and thence we shaped our course for the evangelists, which we passed at the distance of a mile. "the evangelists, as they are called by the early spanish voyagers, or as they were afterwards named ( ) by sir john narborough, the isles of direction,[ ] are a group of four rocky islets, and some detached rocks and breakers, occupying altogether a space of three miles; they are exceedingly rugged and barren, and suited only to afford a resting-place for seals and oceanic birds. from the heavy sea prevalent there, and the raging surf that generally breaks around, landing on them can be rarely practicable; yet sealers effect it. the mate of a sealing vessel told me that he had landed on the largest in a whale-boat, and killed several thousand seals. the evangelists are of sufficient height to be seen in clear weather from a ship's deck, at the distance of six or seven leagues, but the superior elevation of the coast on both sides will usually render it visible, before these islands can be observed. "immediately on rounding the evangelists a cape was distinguished, appearing to terminate the northern coast line, which we made out to be 'cape isabel' of the spanish charts. it is a steep, rocky promontory of great height, having at its base some detached columnar masses of rock, and at its summit a peak, and a serrated ridge; off it is a steep-sided island, { } which proved to be that (beagle island) of which lieut. skyring and i took the bearing last year, when we were on the summit of cape victory. "northward of cape victory the land forms a deep bight, of which cape santa lucia is the north-eastern headland. the coast in the interval is exceedingly rugged and mountainous. cape santa lucia may be distinguished by a portion of flat table-land, about one-third of the altitude of the mountain from which it proceeds, and terminating at its outer face with a perpendicular precipice. "the coast between capes isabel and santa lucia is dangerous to approach nearer than ten miles, for there are within that distance many sunken rocks, on which the sea only occasionally breaks. some of these breakers were seen to seaward of us, as we proceeded along the coast, at the distance of five or six miles. when off santa lucia, whales were very numerous around us. "the general aspect of this portion of the coast is similar to that of the most dreary parts of the magalhaenic regions: bare, rugged, rocky, and mountainous, intersected by inlets, and bordered by islets, rocks, and breakers. "the information we possessed respecting the prevalent winds on this coast was very scanty; yet, since all we could procure represented them as prevailing from the northward and north-westward, i considered it advisable to take advantage of the present southerly wind to proceed to the northern part of the coast assigned for our survey, instead of stopping to explore the bight between cape isabel and cape santa lucia. "from the bearings at sunset,[ ] we ran along the land with bright moonlight, sounding every hour; and at daylight were about ten miles from the island of madre de dios. "we closed the land and proceeded to the northward, keeping at a distance of about three miles off shore, sounding { } between twenty-eight and thirty-three fathoms, sandy bottom. the weather was clear and fine, and we were enabled to make observations, and take the bearings and angles, necessary for laying down the coast satisfactorily. "at noon we were in latitude ° ' south, and in the meridian of cape tres puntas, between which and a cape bearing from us n. ° e. (magnetic), distant eight miles, there was evidently an inlet: this cape is marked on the chart as cape william. the character of the land is the same with that which we had hitherto passed, bare, rugged, rocky mountains, with peaks, and sharply serrated ridges. from daylight to noon we had run twenty-one miles along the coast; in that interval only one inlet was seen, which was in the latitude of ° ' south, agreeing well with the 'west channel' of the spanish chart. it was four miles wide at its mouth, and appeared to follow a winding course to the eastward. the land of cape tres puntas curved in to the eastward, until it closed with cape william; at dusk we were abreast of cape william, and two leagues off shore, where we lay-to till daylight, as i wished to examine the inlet between it and cape tres puntas, which subsequently proved to be sarmiento's gulf of trinidad. the old navigator thus describes its discovery: "'at daylight, th of march, , in the name of the most holy trinity, we saw land, bearing e.s.e., ten leagues distant, towards which we steered to explore it. at mid-day, being near the land, we observed the latitude ½°, but hernando alonzo made it ° '. in approaching the shore we saw a great bay and gulf, which trended deeply into the land towards some snowy mountains. to the south there was a high mountain, with three peaks, wherefore pedro sarmiento named the bay 'golfo de la sanctisima trenidad.' the highest land of the three peaks was named 'cabo de tres puntas ó montes.' this island is bare of vegetation, and at the water-side is low and rugged, and lined with breakers; on the summit are many white, grey, and black-coloured portions of ground, or rock. six leagues to the north of cape tres puntas is the opposite side of the gulf, where it forms a large high mountain, backed { } to the north by low land, and fronted by many islands. this high mountain, which appears to be an island from the offing, was called 'cabo primero.''[ ] "the following night was clear, and the wind moderate from s.e., but in the course of next morning it shifted to n.e., with squalls, rain, and thick weather; we worked into the inlet notwithstanding, and by noon had reached three miles within its s.w. head-land, cape william, and were abreast of a bay, into which i sent a boat to look for anchorage. on her return we stood into it, and anchored in the excellent harbour, afterwards named port henry, where we remained from the d to the th of april, employed in making a correct survey of the harbour and its adjacencies, and determining the latitude and longitude.[ ] "the inner harbour, distinguished in the plan by the name of 'aid basin,' is perfectly land-locked, and sufficiently spacious to contain a numerous squadron of the largest ships in twenty fathoms water, over a mud bottom, and as completely sheltered from the effects of wind and sea as in wet-docks. at the south-west side of the basin is a fresh-water lake, which discharges itself by a small stream, whence casks might be conveniently filled by means of canvas hoses, and the shores around have wood for fuel in abundance; but, from the lofty surrounding mountains, some rising almost perpendicularly to an elevation of two thousand feet, the thick clouds with which this basin was generally overhung, and the dense exhalations that arose from it during the rare intervals of sunshine, together with the exceeding prevalence of heavy rain on this coast, this place must be disagreeable and unhealthy. such objections do not apply to the outer harbour, for while its shores afford shelter, they do not obstruct a free circulation of air. it is sufficiently large to afford convenient and secure anchorage for five or six frigates. "we hauled the seine with very poor success, as a few smelt only were taken; we had no better luck with our fishing-lines; { } but the trial might have been more profitable at another season, judging from the number of seals we saw on the rocks off the port, which live principally upon fish. muscles, limpets, and sea-eggs abound here, and are good and wholesome of their kind. birds are few in number, and of the species most common in these regions. no quadruped of any kind was seen; but the purser told me that he had observed, near the sandy beach, traces of a four-footed animal, resembling those of a tiger: he followed them to a cavern, and thence to the jungle. he also said that he had seen several humming-birds. "with the exception of wild celery and the arbutus berry, i know not of any useful vegetable production that this place affords, unless the 'winter's-bark tree' may be mentioned. some coarse grass, fit perhaps for animals, may be there procured. the only signs of inhabitants were some wigwams on the western point, which seemed to have been long forsaken: in their construction they were precisely similar to those erected by the migratory tribes in the straits of magalhaens: and the shells of muscles, limpets, and sea-eggs, within and about them, showed that the former tenants of these hovels drew, like the magalhaenic tribes, a principal part of their subsistence from shell-fish. "around the harbour are granite mountains, perfectly bare at their summits and north-western sides, but the lower parts are thickly covered in sheltered places and ravines, partly with trees, and partly with brushwood: among the trees growing here we observed, as usual, two kinds of beech, a tree like the cypress, but of small size, and the winter's-bark. the underwood is composed of all the various shrubs we had met with in the straits of magalhaens; and this brushwood is so thickly spread over the lower parts of the shores of the harbour, that it is only by crawling over it that the distance of a few yards from the rocks can be gained; and being generally of insufficient strength to support a man's weight, it frequently gives way beneath him, and he is so completely buried, as to make it difficult for him to extricate himself. "scarcely any of the trees attain a size to render them fit { } for any thing but firewood; of those we felled there was scarcely one that was not more or less rotten at the heart, a defect probably caused by the extreme humidity of the climate. "during our stay, the master, accompanied by our boatswain's mate,(f) an experienced sealer, went to take seal on the rocks, and returned in a few hours with some of the inferior sort, called 'hair seal,' which were numerous; but the surf was in most places too heavy to allow them to land without much risk. the fry of the young seals we thought extremely good, not exceeded even by the finest lamb's fry. "on the morning of the th we worked to the westward, to clear the land on each side of the inlet; and at sunset, capo tres puntas bore n.b.w. ½ w., distant two leagues. the northerly breeze, which we had worked with since leaving port henry, increased rapidly to a hard gale, and by p.m. we were reduced to the close-reefed main-topsail and reefed foresail. the gale continued with unabated violence during the th, th, and th, from the north, n.w., and s.w., with a confused mountainous sea. our decks were constantly flooded, and we could rarely show more than the close-reefed main-topsail and reefed foresail. only two accidents occurred: the little boat which we carried astern was washed away by a heavy sea that broke over us, while hoisting her in-board; and the marine barometer was broken by the violent motion of the vessel. at noon, on the th, cape corso bore from us, by account, s.e. (true), distant fifty-five miles. i had tried to gain a wide offing to get a less turbulent sea, and because not even an outline of the sea-coast of campana island was drawn in the chart. we had not, during these three days, a glimpse of the sun or of a star, for it blew a constant gale, accompanied by squalls, thick weather, and rain. according to the time of year, the season of winter had not arrived, but the weather seemed to say it was already come-- sullen and sad, with all it's rising train of vapours, clouds, and storms. { } "the wind abated at daylight on the th, and drew to the southward, and thence to the s.e. (the fair weather quarter of this coast). we bore up to make the land, and at about a.m. the 'loom' of it was seen from the mast-head. at noon, high mountains were visible from the deck; our latitude, by observation, was ° ', and our longitude, by chronometer, ° ' west of port henry. no soundings were obtained with one hundred and ten fathoms of line. hence we steered east (magnetic) towards a remarkable mountain, which, from our being nearly in the parallel of it at noon, has been marked in the chart as parallel peak. the coast we were upon was that of the island 'campana,' and, in its general appearance, did not differ from that of madre de dios. it was late before we got very close to the land; but, for a couple of leagues to the northward, and about a league to the southward of the parallel of our latitude at noon, we could distinguish rocks and breakers skirting the coast to a distance of two leagues from the shore. "at dusk we hauled off for the night; but instead of being able to resume the examination of the coast next morning, we had to encounter another gale of wind from the n.w., which, before noon, reduced us to close-reefed main-topsail and reefed foresail. this gale suddenly subsided in the western quarter, which was singular; for those we have experienced generally commenced at north, thence drew round to the westward, from which point to s.w. they blew with the greatest fury, and hauling to the southward, usually abated to the eastward of south. "during the afternoon, we again made the land near parallel peak, but could not close it. next morning ( th), with fine weather, and a fresh breeze at s.w.b.w., we once more saw the land about parallel peak; and when distant from the shore about eight miles, steered n.b.e. along the coast. at noon our latitude was ° '. "throughout our run along the coast this day, we skirted a number of rocky islets, rocks, and breakers, lying off shore at the distance of three or four miles. some of the islets were elevated several feet above the surface of the sea; others were { } a-wash, and there were breakers that showed themselves only occasionally. along this line the surf beat very heavily, and, outside, a long rolling sea prevailed, in which the ship was very uneasy. "this line of dangers is not altogether continuous; for there is an opening about two miles wide, abreast of parallel peak, to the southward of which is a bight, where possibly a harbour may exist; but, considering the prevalence of heavy westerly gales and thick weather, if there be one, few vessels would venture to run for it; and this line must, i should think, be considered as a barrier that they ought not pass. as seal are found on the rocks, vessels engaged in that trade might not, perhaps, be deterred by these dangers, but every other would give all this extent of coast a wide berth. we ran past the breakers at the distance of about a mile, having rocky soundings, from thirty to twenty-three fathoms. "the termination of the coast line northward was a high, rugged island, with a small peak at the north end. the extremity of the main land was rather a high bluff cape, whence the coast extends southward, with craggy, mountainous peaks and ridges, as far as parallel peak. at sunset, the n.w. end of campana bore north (magnetic), distant three leagues, and from the mast-head i could see very distinctly the belt of rocks and breakers extending uninterruptedly to the northward, as far as the end of campana. "we hauled off for the night, and had light variable airs, or calms, until a.m. of the th, when a breeze from the northward sprung up, and freshened so rapidly, that by noon we were again reduced to a close-reefed main-topsail and foresail. the gale was accompanied, as usual, by incessant rain and thick weather, and a heavy confused sea kept our decks always flooded. "the effect of this wet and miserable weather, of which we had had so much since leaving port famine, was too manifest by the state of the sick list, on which were now many patients with catarrhal, pulmonary, and rheumatic complaints. the gale continued undiminished until the morning of the th, { } when, having moderated, we bore up and steered n.e. to close the land. at noon a good meridional altitude gave our latitude ° ' south, and about the same time we saw the land bearing n.e.b.e., which we soon made out to be parallel peak. after allowing amply for heave of sea, and lee-way, we were considerably southward of our reckoning, which indicates a southerly current; but under such circumstances of wind and weather its exact direction, or strength, could not be ascertained. "we proceeded along the land, taking angles and bearings for the survey, and at sunset the n.w. end of campana bore from us north (magnetic), distant five leagues. being now off the n.w. end of the island of campana, which forms the south-western headland of the gulf of peñas, i considered that, before i proceeded to examine its inlets, i ought to look for the harbour of santa barbara, which has been placed on the old charts in this neighbourhood. accordingly we lay-to during the night, and at a.m. bore up to close the land; at daylight the extremes of it were seen indistinctly through a very cloudy and hazy atmosphere, from n. ° e. to s. ° e. about noon the weather cleared off, and we got the meridian altitude of the sun, which gave our latitude ° ' south.[ ] we directed the course for our dundee rock, and when abreast of it, steered n.e. (compass) for an opening in the low part of the coast ahead, backed by very high mountains, which we found was the entrance of port santa barbara. the coast to the southward was lined with rocky islets, rocks, and breakers, extending a league to seaward, and there were others to the northward. we were in a channel half a mile wide, through which we continued our course, sounding from fifteen to eleven fathoms, and in the evening anchored near the entrance of the harbour. { } "as our present situation was completely exposed to westerly winds, i went to examine a deep bight in the southern shore, which proved to be a good harbour, perfectly sheltered from all winds, with a depth of three and a half fathoms over a fine sandy bottom. in the afternoon we weighed anchor and warped into a berth in the inner harbour, where we moored in three fathoms. i found lying, just above high-water mark, half buried in sand, the beam of a large vessel.[ ] we immediately conjectured that it had formed part of the ill-fated wager, one of lord anson's squadron (of whose loss the tale is so well told in the narratives of byron and bulkeley): the dimensions seemed to correspond with her size, and the conjecture was strengthened by the circumstance that one of the knees that attached it to the ship's side had been cut, which occurred in her case, when her decks were scuttled to get at the provisions; all the bolts were much corroded; but the wood, with the exception of the outside being worm-eaten, was perfectly sound. our carpenter pronounced it to be english oak. "the land about this harbour is similar to that about port henry. its shores are rocky, with some patches of sandy beach, but every where covered with trees, or an impervious jungle, composed of dwarfish trees and shrubs. the land, in most places, rises abruptly from the shore to mountains, some of which attain an altitude of more than two thousand feet, and are quite bare at their summits and on their sides, except in sheltered ravines, where a thick growth of trees is found. these mountains, or at least their bases, where we could break off specimens, were of basalt, with large masses of quartz imbedded in it; but on some parts of the shores the rocks were of very coarse granite. "as in the vicinity of port henry, the thickness of the jungle prevented our going far inland; the greatest distance was gained by lieut. skyring, who, with his wonted zeal to prosecute the survey, ascended some of the mountains for the { } purpose of obtaining bearings of remote points: he remarked to me, 'that many miles were passed over in ascending even moderate heights; the land was very high and very irregular; the mountains seemed not to lie in any uniform direction, and the longest chain that was observed did not exceed five miles. the flat land between the heights was never two miles in extent: the ground was always swampy, and generally there were small lakes receiving the drainage of mountain-streams. indeed the whole country appeared broken and unconnected.' "some of the mountains were ascertained to be , feet high, but the general height was about , feet. a large island, on the northern side of the harbour, is an excellent watering-place, at which casks may be conveniently filled in the boat. it is also an object of great natural beauty: the hill, which forms its western side, rises to seven or eight hundred feet, almost perpendicularly, and when viewed from its base in a boat, seems stupendous: it is clothed with trees, among which the light-green leaves of the winter's-bark tree, and the red flowers of the fuchsia, unite their tints with the darker foliage of other trees. this perpendicular part extends to the northward till it is met by the body of the mountain, which is arched into a spacious cavern, fifty yards wide and a hundred feet high, whose sides are clothed with a rich growth of shrubs; and before it a cascade descends down the steep face of the mountain. "on the shore we found two indian wigwams and the remains of a third; but they had evidently been long deserted, for the grass had grown up both around and within them to the height of more than a foot. these wigwams were exactly similar to those in the strait of magalhaens: one was larger than any i had met with, being eighteen feet in diameter. the only land birds i saw were two owls, which passed by us after dusk with a screeching noise. "on the patches of sandy beach, in the inner harbour, we hauled the seine, but unsuccessfully; we expected to find fish plentiful here, from seeing many seals on the rocks outside, and from finding the water quite red with the spawn of { } crayfish. muscles and limpets were pretty abundant, and the shells (_concholepas peruviana_) used by the magalhaenic tribes as drinking cups, were found adhering to the rocks in great numbers. "nothing; could be worse than the weather we had during nine days' stay here; the wind, in whatever quarter it stood, brought thick heavy clouds, which precipitated themselves in torrents, or in drizzling rain. we were well sheltered from the regular winds; but many troublesome eddies were caused by the surrounding heights, while the passing clouds showed that strong and squally north-west winds were prevalent. "on the morning of the th, we put to sea with a southerly breeze. the extent of coast from the eastern part of port santa barbara to the outer of the guaianeco islands presents several inlets running deep into the land; but it is completely bound by rocks and rocky islets, which, with its being generally a lee-shore, renders it extremely unsafe to approach. observing an opening between some islets, of which we had taken the bearing at noon, we stood in to see whether it afforded anchorage; and approaching the extremity of the larger island, proceeded along it at the distance of only half a mile, when, after running two miles through a labyrinth of rocks and kelp, we were compelled to haul out, and in doing so scarcely weathered, by a ship's length, the outer islet. deeming it useless to expend further time in the examination of this dangerous portion of the gulf, we proceeded towards cape tres montes, its north-western headland. "at sunset cape tres montes bore n. ° w., distant eighteen miles. in this point of view the cape makes very high and bold; to the eastward of it, land was seen uninterruptedly as far as the eye could reach. we stood in shore next morning, and were then at a loss to know, precisely, which was the cape. the highest mountain was the southern projection, and has been marked on the chart as cape tres montes: but none of the heights, from any point in which we saw them, ever appeared as 'three mounts.' the land, though mountainous, seemed more wooded, and had a less { } rugged outline than that we had been hitherto coasting, since leaving the strait. we steered along the western coast of the land near cape tres montes, and at noon, being three miles from the shore, observed, in latitude ° . south, the cape, bearing n. ° e. (mag.), distant seven miles. the northernmost cape in sight n. ° w., distant ten miles, soundings ninety-seven fathoms. shortly afterwards another cape opened at n. ° w. (mag.). "the parallel of forty-seven degrees, the limit assigned for our survey, being already passed, i did not venture to follow the coast further, although we were strongly tempted to do so by seeing it trend so differently from what is delineated on the old charts. an indentation in the coast presenting itself between mountainous projections on each side of low land (of which the northernmost was the cape set at noon), we hauled in to look for an anchorage; but it proved to be a mere unsheltered bight, at the bottom of which was a furious surf. we then stood to the southward, along the land of cape tres montes, with the view of examining the north side of the gulf of peñas. "the following morning was fine: cape tres montes bore n.e., distant about three leagues. we lay off and on during the day, while the master went in the whale-boat, to examine a sandy bay (of which cape tres montes was the easternmost point) for anchorage: he returned about sunset, and reported that it did afford anchorage; but was quite unsheltered from wind, and exposed to a great swell. the boat's crew had fallen in with a number of seals, and the quantity of young seal's fry they brought on board afforded a welcome regale to their mess-mates and themselves. "at daylight ( th) we were four leagues from cape tres montes, bearing n. ° w. (magnetic) a remarkable peak, marked in the chart the 'sugar loaf,' n. ° e., distant twenty-four miles, and our soundings were sixty-eight fathoms. this peak resembled in appearance, the sugar loaf at rio de janeiro: it rises from a cluster of high and thickly-wooded islands, forming apparently the eastern shore of an inlet, of which { } the land of cape tres montes is the western head. further to the n.e. stands a lofty and remarkable mountain, marked in our chart as 'the dome of saint paul's.' it is seen above the adjacent high land. the height of the sugar loaf is , feet, and that of the dome of saint paul's, , feet. "during the day we worked up towards the land, eastward of cape tres montes, and at night succeeded in anchoring in a sandy bay, nine miles from the cape, where our depth of water was twelve fathoms, at the distance of a cable and a half off shore. we lay at this anchorage until noon the following day, while lieut. skyring landed on some low rocks detached from the shore, where he was able to take some advantageous angles; and on his return we weighed and worked up the gulf, between the eastern land of cape tres montes, and high, well wooded islands. the shores of the main land, as well as of the islands, are bold, and the channel between them has no dangers: the land is in all parts luxuriantly wooded. about a mile and a half to the northward of the sandy beach which we had left, lies another, more extensive; and a mile further, a considerable opening in the main land, about half a mile wide, presented itself, having at its mouth two small thickly-wooded islands, for which we steered, to ascertain whether there was a harbour. the water was deep at its mouth, from thirty-eight to thirty-four fathoms; but the comparative lowness of the shores at its s.w. end, and the appearance of two sandy beaches, induced us to expect a moderate depth within. as we advanced, a long white streak was observed on the water, and was reported from the mast-head as a shoal; but it was soon ascertained to be foam brought down by the tide, and we had the satisfaction of anchoring in sixteen fathoms over a sandy bottom, in a very excellent port, which we named port otway, as a tribute of respect to the commander-in-chief of the south american station, rear admiral sir robert waller otway, k.c.b." * * * * * a deficiency here occurs in captain stokes's journal, which the beagle's log barely remedies. from the th of april to { } the th of may there was a succession of stormy weather, accompanied by almost incessant and heavy rain, which prevented the ship being moved; but proved, in one respect, advantageous, by affording a very seasonable cessation from work to the fatigued crew, and obliging captain stokes to take some little rest, which he so much required; but regretted allowing himself, and submitted to most reluctantly. he continues his journal on the th of may, stating that, "among the advantages which this admirable port presents to shipping, a capital one seems to be the rich growth of stout and shapely timber, with which its shores, even down to the margin of the sea, are closely furnished, and from which a frigate of the largest size might obtain spars large enough to replace a topmast, topsail-yard, or even a lower-yard. in order to try what would be the quality of the timber, if, in case of emergency, it were used in an unseasoned state, i sent the carpenter and his crew to cut two spars for a topgallant-mast and yard. those they brought on board were of beech-wood; the larger being thirteen inches in diameter, and thirty feet in length. "on the th, the weather having improved, the beagle was moved to the head of the inlet, to an anchorage in hoppner sound, and on the th i went with lieut. skyring to examine the opening, off which we were anchored. "on each side of it we found coves, so perfectly sheltered, and with such inexhaustible supplies of fresh water and fuel, that we lamented their not being in a part of the world where such advantages could benefit navigation. the depth of water in mid-channel was generally forty fathoms; in the bights, or coves, it varied from sixteen to twenty-five fathoms, with always a sandy bottom. we saw a great many hair seals, shoals of pie-bald porpoises, and birds of the usual kinds in considerable numbers. on several points of the shores were parts of the skeletons of whales; but we no where saw a four-footed animal, or the slightest trace of a human habitation. the unusual fineness of the morning, the smoothness of the water, and the proximity of the adjacent lofty mountains, clothed almost to their summits by the fullest foliage, with every { } leaf at rest, combined with the stillness around to give the scene a singular air of undisturbed repose. we reached the extremity of the inlet, which we found was about six miles from its mouth; and thinking that it was the inner shore of an isthmus, of no great width, curiosity prompted us to endeavour to see its outer shore: so we secured the boat, and accompanied by five of the boat's crew, with hatchets and knives to cut their way, and mark the trees to guide us on our way back, we plunged into the forest, which was scarcely pervious on account of its entangled growth, and the obstructions presented by trunks and branches of fallen trees. "our only guide was an occasional glimpse, from the top of a tree, of the ranges of mountains, by which we steered our course. however, two hours of this sort of work were rewarded by finding ourselves in sight of the great south sea. it would be vain to attempt describing adequately the contrast to the late quiet scene exhibited by the view we had on emerging from this dark wood. the inlet where we left our boat resembled a calm and sequestered mountain lake, without a ripple on its waters: the shore on which we now stood was that of a horrid rock-bound coast, lashed by the awful surf of a boundless ocean, impelled by almost unceasing west winds. "our view of the coast was limited on each side by rocky mountainous promontories: off the northernmost, which i called cape raper, were rocks and breakers, extending nearly a mile to seaward. having taken the few bearings our situation enabled us to obtain, we retraced our steps to the boat, and by aid of the marks we had left on the trees, reached her in an hour and forty-three minutes. "some of the beech-trees of this wood were fifteen feet in circumference; but i noticed none differing in their kind from those already observed about port otway. a few wrens were the only living creatures we saw; not even an insect was found in our walk. in the beds of some of the streams intersecting the woods was a singularly sparkling sand, which had so much the appearance of gold, that some of our party carried { } a bag-full on board to be tested. the shining substance proved to be, as i had supposed, the micaceous particles of disintegrated granite. it was not our good fortune to discover streams similar to those sung of by the poet, "whose foam is amber, and whose gravel gold." * * * * * { } chapter xi. leave port otway--san quintin's sound--gulf of peñas--kelly harbour--st. xavier island--death of serjeant lindsey--port xavier--ygnacio bay-- channel's mouth--bad weather--perilous situation--lose the yawl--sick list--return to port otway--thence to port famine--gregory bay--natives-- guanaco meat--skunk--condors--brazilians--juanico--captain foster-- changes of officers. the beagle returned to port otway the following day, and in an interval of better weather obtained the observations necessary for ascertaining the latitude and longitude of the port, and for rating the chronometers. captain stokes's journal continues on the th of may: "we left port otway, and as soon as we had cleared its entrance, steered e.n.e. across the gulf; leaving to the northward all that cluster of islands, distinguished in the chart as the 'marine islands,' and went to within a mile from the eastern shore. thence we ran four miles and a half parallel with the direction of coast e.s.e. (mag.), at the mean distance of a mile off shore. the aspect of the eastern and western portions of this gulf is very different, and the comparison is much to the disadvantage of the eastern. ranges of bare, rugged, rocky mountains now presented themselves, and where wood was seen, it was always stunted and distorted. a long swell rolled in upon the shore, and every thing seemed to indicate a stormy and inclement coast. there are a few bays and coves, in which is anchorage depth, with a pretty good bottom of dark coarse sand: but rock-weed in large patches, seen in some of them, denoted foul ground; and they are all more or less exposed, and extremely unsafe. as night advanced, the weather became rainy and thick; so having reached a bight which seemed less insecure than others that we passed, i hauled in, and at about seven p.m., guided only by the gradual decrease of our soundings, from { } fourteen to eight fathoms, and the noise of the surf, came to an anchor. "next morning ( th) we found that we had anchored in a small bay, at about half a mile from a shingle beach, on which a furious surf was breaking so heavily as to prevent our landing any where. we were completely exposed to s.w. winds, with a heavy rolling sea; and the surf on all points cut off communication with the shore. a breeze from the s.w. would have rendered it difficult to get out, and would have exposed us to imminent hazard. it is called on the chart bad bay. we left it eagerly, and proceeded to trace the coast to the e.s.e., until we were nearly abreast of a moderately high and thickly-wooded island, called purcell island. we passed to the northward of purcell island, leaving on the left a rock only a few feet above the surface of the sea, which lies about midway between that island and the main land. as we advanced to the eastward, a large and very remarkable field of ice was seen lying on the low part of the coast, which, at a distance, we took for a dense fog hanging over it, as nothing of the kind was observable in any other part. when nearly abreast of san xavier island, a deep sound was observed to the left, or north, which we concluded was the san quintin sound of the spanish chart: it seemed to be about five-miles in breadth, and following a westerly direction. we kept sight of the sugar loaf, and other points we had fixed, until more could be established, which enabled us to chart the coast as we went along. my next object was to trace the sound of san quintin to its termination, and at nightfall we succeeded in getting an anchorage at the entrance. "on the st we proceeded up the sound, passing to the northward of dead tree island. our soundings, until abreast of it, were from sixteen to ten fathoms, on a mud bottom; it then shoaled to four fathoms, and after running about three miles in that depth, we came to an anchor at the distance of a mile from the north shore of the sound, in four fathoms. "exceedingly bad weather detained us at this anchorage. from the time of our arrival, on the evening of the st, { } until midnight of the d, it rained in torrents, without the intermission of a single minute, the wind being strong and squally at w., w.n.w., and n.w. "when the weather improved, on the d, we weighed, and made sail along the northern side of the sound, for the purpose of ascertaining whether it admitted of a passage to the northward. we kept within a mile of the shore, sounding from eight to fifteen fathoms, generally on a sandy bottom; and a run of seven miles brought us within three miles of the bottom of the inlet, the depth of water being four fathoms, on sand. the termination of this sound is continuous low land, with patches of sandy beach, over which, in the distance, among mountains of great height, we were again able to make out and take the bearing of that remarkable one, named the 'dome of st. paul's.' the shores of this inlet are thickly wooded; the land near them is, for the most part, low, but rises into mountains, or rather hills, from twelve to fifteen hundred feet in height, from which many streams of water descend. as soon as a ship has passed dead tree island, she becomes land-locked; and as in all parts of the sound there is anchorage depth, with a muddy or sandy bottom, the advantages offered to shipping would be of great consequence in parts of the world more frequented than the gulf of peñas. "whales were numerous, and seals were seen in this inlet, now called the gulf of san estevan. "hence we went to kelly harbour, at the north-eastern side of the gulf of peñas, four miles n.e. of xavier island. the land around it is rocky and mountainous, but by no means bare of wood. near the entrance it is low, as compared with the adjacent land; but in the interior are lofty snow-capped mountains. "a large field of ice, lying on the low land near kelly harbour, was remarkable. there was none on the low grounds at the other (southern) side of the port, though it was almost the winter solstice at the time of our visit. "another day and night of incessant rain. in the morning of the th we had some showers of hail, and at daylight found { } that a crust of ice, about the thickness of a dollar, had been formed in all parts of the harbour. the water at our anchorage being fresh at half-tide, was, no doubt, in favour of this rapid congelation. lieutenant skyring having completed the examination of the harbour, we left it and steered between st. xavier island and the mainland, through a fine bold channel, nearly four miles wide, with a depth of more than thirty fathoms. the land on both sides is closely wooded, and rises into high mountains. about dusk we stood into port xavier, a little bight, with a sandy beach, on the eastern side of the island; and, at a distance of two cables' length from the beach, anchored for the night in seventeen fathoms. "( th). this sandy beach extended about half a mile between the points of the bay, and, at fifty yards from the water, was bounded by thick woodland, which rose with a rapid ascent to the height of a thousand feet. the trees were like those in the neighbourhood of port otway, and were stout and well-grown. a tree, large enough for a frigate's topmast, might be selected close to the shore. the winter's-bark tree attains here a greater size than i had before seen. one, which was felled by our wood-cutters, measured eighty-seven feet in length, and was three feet five inches in circumference. all the trees were in full foliage and verdure, though the season corresponded to the latter part of november in our northern latitudes. at the south end of the sandy beach was a stream of fresh water, several yards in width, and various waterfalls descended from the mountains. the shore to the southward was composed of fragments of granite, lying at the base of a lead-coloured clay cliff, at least three hundred feet in height. in this cliff the mountain-torrents had formed deep chasms, and strewed the beach with its débris, and with uprooted timber. the only living creatures seen were steamer-ducks, king-fishers, and turkey-buzzards. "while on shore, i received a melancholy message, announcing the death of serjeant lindsey, of the royal marines. during the last few days he had suffered from inflammation of the bowels, which brought his existence to a close. { } "the following day ( th) a grave was dug, and we discharged the last sad duties to our departed shipmate. a wooden cross was erected at the head of his grave, on which was an inscription to his memory: we also named the south point of the bay after him. about noon we left port xavier, and coasted the island, at the mean distance of a mile, examining it for anchorages, until, after a run of eight miles, we reached its south point. for the first four or five miles of that distance, the coast of the island consisted of a high steep cliff, having at its base a narrow beach, composed of various-sized masses of rock. in the interior there were heights, rising twelve or fourteen hundred feet, wooded nearly to the summits, with many streams of water descending from them; but for the remainder of the distance the coast was low, and the wood stunted and scanty. all along the shore rolled a heavy surf, that would have rendered any attempt to land exceedingly hazardous; there was no place fit for anchorage, except a small bight, near the extreme south point, into which we stood, and with some difficulty succeeded in anchoring at a cable's length from the shore. the bay proved to be that called by the spanish missionary voyagers 'ygnacio bay.' over the south point,--a narrow tongue of land, about five hundred yards across, with rocks and breakers stretching off shore, to the distance of two miles,--we took bearings and angles to various fixed points in the northern part of the gulf. the latitude, chronometric differences of longitude, and magnetic variation, were determined on shore at this southern point. "our observations being completed, we left this anchorage; and as it is little likely to be visited again, it will be enough to say that it is exceedingly dangerous. nothing would have induced me to enter it, but the duty of examining the coast for anchorage, and the danger of remaining under sail close to an unexplored shore. "under an impression that the island of st. xavier[ ] was the { } scene of the wager's wreck, i wished to examine its western side; but a strong n.n.e. wind did not permit my doing so, without risking the loss of more time than could be spared for an object of mere curiosity. i steered, therefore, to the south-eastward for an inlet, which proved to be the channel's mouth of the spanish charts, and reached it, after running seventeen miles from the south end of xavier island. we got no soundings with ninety fathoms of line, when at its entrance; but making no doubt that we should get anchorage within, we left, at the distance of half a mile, the islets of the northern point; passed between two others distant apart only one-fifth of a mile, and shortly after anchored in twenty fathoms, sheltered by an island to the westward, but with rocky islets around us in all directions, except the s.e., some of which were less than a cable's length from us.[ ] here we were detained until the th of june by the worst weather i ever experienced: we rode with three anchors down and the topmasts struck; and though we lay within a couple of hundred yards of the islands and rocks, and less than half a mile from the shores of the inlet, such a furious surf broke on them all, that it was but rarely a boat could land, even in the least exposed situations the inlet afforded. the evening of our arrival was fine, and we put up the observatory tent, on the island to the westward of us; but the weather was so bad, during the next day, that we could effect no landing to remove it, although we anticipated the result that followed, namely, its being washed away. "in the short intervals of the horrible weather that prevailed, boats were sent to the northern shore of the inlet, for the purpose of procuring water and fuel; but though they sometimes succeeded, by dint of great perseverance, in landing through a raging surf, it was but seldom they could embark the small casks (barecas) which had been filled, or the wood they had cut. "upon this shore the master observed remains of some indian wigwams, that seemed to have been long forsaken, and { } he described them to be exactly like those we had hitherto met to the southward. "this was the northernmost point at which we noticed traces of human beings. "finding the boats' crews suffer much from their unavoidable exposure during continually wet weather, i ordered some canvas to be given to each man for a frock and trowsers, to be painted at the first opportunity, as a protection against rain and spray. "nothing could be more dreary than the scene around us. the lofty, bleak, and barren heights that surround the inhospitable shores of this inlet, were covered, even low down their sides, with dense clouds, upon which the fierce squalls that assailed us beat, without causing any change: they seemed as immovable as the mountains where they rested. "around us, and some of them distant no more than two-thirds of a cable's length, were rocky islets, lashed by a tremendous surf; and, as if to complete the dreariness and utter desolation of the scene, even birds seemed to shun its neighbourhood. the weather was that in which (as thompson emphatically says) 'the soul of man dies in him.' "in the course of our service since we left england, we have often been compelled to take up anchorages, exposed to great risk and danger. but the beagle's present situation i deemed by far the most perilous to which she had been exposed: her three anchors were down in twenty-three fathoms of water, on a bad bottom of sand, with patches of rock. the squalls were terrifically violent, and astern of her, distant only half a cable's length, were rocks and low rocky islets, upon which a furious surf raged. "i might use bulkeley's words in describing the weather in this neighbourhood, and nearly at this season: 'showers of rain and hail, which beat with such violence against a man's face, that he can hardly withstand it.' "on the th, the wind being moderate, and the weather better, preparations were made to quit this horrid place. we put to sea, with a moderate breeze from n.b.w., which { } increased rapidly to a strong gale; and scarcely were we fairly freed from the channel, than we found ourselves in a heavy confused sea. anxious to clear the entrance, i had not waited to hoist in the yawl, with which we had weighed one of our anchors, expecting to find smooth water as we went out; but the sea we met made it unsafe to tow her, and while hauling up to hoist her in, she was so badly stove by blows received from the violent motion of the ship, that we were obliged to cut her adrift. this was a heavy loss. she was a beautiful boat, twenty-eight feet in length,--pulled and sailed well, and was roomy, light, and buoyant; her loss was second only to that of the ship. "we endeavoured to clear the guaianeco islands, by carrying a heavy press of sail, but soon after midnight were obliged to furl the reefed mainsail. before daylight the wind shifted suddenly to w.b.n., taking us aback by a violent squall, with much vivid lightning and heavy rain. our admirable little vessel paid off without sustaining any damage; but for a minute her situation was critical. at daylight, the land of cape tres montes bore w. ½ n. (magnetic), distant four leagues. the violence of the gale we had just had put it out of our power to clear the gulf; and, from the state to which we were reduced by the loss of our yawl, both gigs being in bad condition, and our cutter so much stove as to be useless, i considered that it would not be justifiable to attempt proceeding in a lone ship to an unknown and most stormy coast, without a single efficient boat; so i resolved to hasten to port otway, and put the boats into an effective state. we had baffling winds all day; but in the evening succeeded in reaching the harbour, and anchoring nearly in our old berth. on the th and th, we had a continued hard gale, with the usual accompaniment of heavy rain. the carpenters were, however, kept constantly at work to render the cutter effective. on the th, the state of the sick list caused me to require from the surgeon, his opinion as to the 'necessity of a temporary cessation of surveying operations.' mr. bynoe's reply stated 'that in consequence of great exposure to a long-continued succession of { } incessant and heavy rain, accompanied by strong gales, the health of the ship's company had been seriously affected, particularly with pulmonic complaints, catarrhal, and rheumatic affections; and that, as a recurrence of them would probably prove fatal in many instances, a temporary cessation would be of the greatest advantage to the crew, by affording an opportunity of recruiting their health.' "on receiving the above communication from the surgeon, i ordered the yards and topmasts to be struck, and the ship covered over with sails. precaution was used to prevent the people from being subjected to frequent exposure, by not employing any of them in boats, except once a day in procuring muscles, and every thing was avoided that could in the least interfere with the recovery of their health: but this place is exceedingly ill adapted for the winter quarters of a ship's company, as the woods that surround it, down even to the water's edge, allow no space for exercise on shore, and there is neither game nor fish to be procured, except shell-fish; of which, fortunately (muscles and clams), we found an abundance, and they proved useful in removing symptoms of scurvy, besides affording a change of diet. the place being destitute of inhabitants, is without that source of recreation, which intercourse with any people, however uncivilized, would afford a ship's company after a laborious and disagreeable cruise in these dreary solitudes. every port along this coast is alike ill suited for a winter's residence, and it was only our peculiar situation that induced me to determine on making a short stay at this place." * * * * * here poor captain stokes's remarks and notes end. those who have been exposed to one of such trials as his, upon an unknown lee shore, during the worst description of weather, will understand and appreciate some of those feelings which wrought too powerfully upon his excitable mind. the beagle remained quiet until the th of june, when the surgeon reported "the crew sufficiently healthy to perform their duties without any material injury to their constitutions." { } leaving port otway, she steered along the coast with, strange to say, easterly winds and fine weather, which enabled lieut. skyring to add much to the survey of the coast of madre de dios. captain stokes now began to show symptoms of a malady, that had evidently been brought on by the dreadful state of anxiety he had gone through during the survey of the gulf of peñas. he shut himself up in his cabin, becoming quite listless, and inattentive to what was going on; and after entering the strait of magalhaens, on his return to port famine, he delayed at several places without any apparent reason; conduct quite opposite to what his would naturally have been, had he then been of sound mind. at last, want of provisions obliged him to hasten to port famine; and the day on which he arrived every article of food was expended. the fatal event, which had cast an additional gloom over every one, decided our quitting the strait. both ships were immediately prepared, and we sailed on the th august; but previously, i appointed lieutenant skyring to act as commander of the beagle; mr. flinn to be master of the adventure; and mr. millar, second master of the adventure, to act as master of the beagle. the day we sailed, mr. flinn was taken ill; and, lieutenant wickham being on the sick list, i was the only commissioned officer able to keep the deck. as the wind was from the n.w., we were obliged to beat to windward all night, and the next morning were off sandy point; but it blew so very strong from the westward, and the weather was so thick from snow-squalls, which passed in rapid succession, that we bore up, and anchored in freshwater bay, where the ships were detained by northerly winds until the st, when we proceeded; the wind, however, again opposing, we anchored about half a mile from the shore, in a bight, seven miles southward of sandy point. the following day we were underweigh early, and reached gregory bay. when off elizabeth island, i despatched the beagle to pecket's harbour to recall the adelaide, in which lieutenant graves had been sent to procure guanaco meat. the beagle worked through, between elizabeth island and cape negro, and was seen by { } us at anchor off pecket's harbour before we entered the second narrow. upon our anchoring under cape gregory, two or three patagonians were seen on the beach, and before half an hour had elapsed others joined them. by sunset several toldos, or tents, were erected, and a large party had arrived. when the adelaide first went to pecket's harbour, mr. tarn told the indians that the adventure would be at gregory bay in twenty-five days, and, accidentally, we arrived punctually to the time. the patagonians must have been on their way to meet us, for they could not have travelled from pecket's harbour in the short space of time that we were in sight. to their great mortification, however, we held no communication with them that evening, and the next day the weather was so bad we could not even lower a boat. at noon the wind blew harder than i had ever witnessed; but since we were on good holding-ground, and the water was smooth, no danger was anticipated. as the snow-squalls cleared off, we looked towards the patagonians, with the full expectation of seeing their huts blown down:--to our astonishment, they had withstood the storm, although placed in a very exposed situation. we counted twelve or fourteen of them, and judging by our former experience of the number belonging to each, there must have been, at least, one hundred and fifty persons collected. during the gale they kept close; and it was only now and then that a solitary individual was observed to go from one toldo to another. the weather having moderated, the beagle and adelaide joined us on the following day. they rode the gale out, without accident, off the entrance of pecket's harbour. the next morning being fine, we prepared to proceed; but previous to weighing i landed, and communicated with our old acquaintances. maria was with them, and, if possible, dirtier, and more avaricious than ever. we collected the guanaco meat they had brought for us; distributed a few parting presents, and then returned on board. the adelaide brought sixteen hundred pounds of meat, which, with what was first obtained, amounted to four thousand { } pounds weight; and cost altogether ten pounds of tobacco, forty biscuits, and six pocket-knives. at first a biscuit was considered equivalent to forty or fifty pounds of meat; but as the demand increased, the price rose four or five hundred per cent. with the patagonians were two of mr. low's crew, who had left him. they were portuguese, in a miserable state, and appeared to be thoroughly ashamed of being the companions of such a dirty set: they could not speak english, and could give us very little information. they had not then assumed the indian garb, although, from the state of their clothes, they would very soon be obliged to adopt it. at pecket's harbour a few words of the native language were collected, which are very different from those given by falkner, in his description of the patagonian natives: he says himself, that the language of the northern indians differs materially from that of the 'yacana cunnees.' during lieutenant graves's communication with the natives, at pecket's harbour, he obtained some interesting information respecting these indians, which will be given in a subsequent part of the work. the adelaide brought me a few very gratifying additions to my zoological collection, among which was the zorillo, or skunk, of the pampas; differing in no way whatever from the species found about the river plata, in such numbers as to impregnate the air with their disagreeable odour for many miles around. i have frequently found the scent of this offensive little animal distinctly perceptible when i was on board the adventure, lying at anchor about two miles from monte video, with the wind blowing from the land.[ ] { } a very large condor was shot by one of the adelaide's party, which measured, in length, four feet three inches and a half, and nine feet two inches between the extremities of the wings. it was presented to the british museum. many exaggerated accounts of this bird have been given by old voyagers; but the largest dimensions stated, of whose accuracy there exists no doubt, are those of one that was preserved in the leverian museum, which measured thirteen feet one inch, from wing to wing. this, however, must have been an old bird; for the one we killed is larger than the usual size of specimens which have been obtained. molina states, in his account of this bird, vol. i. p. , that the largest he ever saw measured fourteen feet and some inches (spanish measure), from the tip of one wing to that of the other. m. humboldt also gives a detailed description. it is with the condor, says this celebrated voyager, "as with the patagonian, and many other objects of natural history; the more they are examined, the more they diminish in size." they inhabit the highest mountains of the andes, and only descend to the plains when pressed by hunger. frequently, in troops, they attack cattle, deer, guanacoes, and even the puma, and always succeed in killing them; but their principal food is carrion, of which, in a country so abundantly stocked with quadrupeds, there is probably no want. our departure from the strait was attended with beautiful weather; the moon was full, and the wind fair and moderate. { } cape virgins was passed soon after sunset, and we proceeded on our course with rapidity. the timely supply of guanaco meat had certainly checked the scurvy, for we had no new cases added to the number of the sick, now amounting to twenty. the beagle was not so sickly; but, during the last cruise, upwards of forty cases, principally pulmonic, had occurred, and several were not yet recovered. on the passage, a man fell overboard from the beagle, at night, and was drowned. in latitude ° s. we were delayed three days, by northerly winds and damp foggy weather, after which a fresh s.w. gale carried us into the river plata. having obtained good chronometer sights in the afternoon, we steered on through the night, intending to pass to the westward of the archimedes shoal; which would have been rather a rash step, had we not been well assured of the correctness of our chronometrical reckoning. at this time brazil and buenos ayres were at war, and some of the blockading squadron of the former were generally to be met with in the mouth of the river; but we saw none, until half-past two in the morning, when several vessels were observed at anchor to leeward, and we were soon close to a squadron of brigs and schooners, whose number was evident by a confusion of lights, rockets, and musketry, on board every vessel. i bore down to pass within hail of the nearest, which proved to be the commodore's, the marañao of eighteen guns; and on approaching, explained who and what we were; but they were so confused, i could not even make myself understood. the breeze, at the time, had fallen so light, that, fearing to get foul of the brig, the ship was hove up in the wind, and the anchor ordered to be let go. unluckily a stopper was foul, and before another bower could drop, the brazilians had fired several muskets into us, happily without doing any mischief; and threatened us, if we did not immediately anchor, with a broadside, which, in their utter confusion, i am astonished they did not fire. [illustration: a. earle t. a. prior monte video.--custom house. published by henry colburn, great marlborough street, ] { } having anchored, and lowered the topsails, i sent a boat to inform the brazilian who we were, and to request, that in consequence of the number of our sick (we had only ten serviceable men on deck), we might not be detained, as even a few hours might prove of serious consequence; but all i could urge was unavailing, and we were detained until daylight with trifling excuses. we were so situated, that unless the brig veered her cable, or dropped out of our way, we could not move without getting foul of her, else i should have proceeded without permission. after daylight, the brig gave us room, by tripping her anchor; and upon an officer coming on board to release us, i told him my opinion of the affair, and said i should report the captain's conduct to his admiral. this report was afterwards made, in a very spirited manner, by captain henry dundas, of h.m.s. sapphire; but the admiral defended the conduct of his officer by saying that he had merely acted, "magna componere parvis," as an english blockading squadron would have done in a similar case. whether the act was borne out, or not, by the law or custom of blockade, it was very uncivil; and one for which, after the explanation given, and the proofs offered, there could not be the slightest occasion. owing to this detention, we did not reach the anchorage at monte video until too late in the day to procure refreshments for the sick. we found, to our sorrow, that fresh provisions were so extremely scarce, owing to the war, that none could be procured for our ships' companies; and had it not been for the kindness of señor juanico, a well-known, and highly esteemed resident at monte video, who supplied us plentifully with bitter (seville) oranges, we might have been much distressed. the free use, however, of this fruit alone caused a rapid change in the health of those affected by scurvy, and in less than a week every man was at his duty. a few days after our arrival, through the intervention of the british minister, a peace was concluded between the belligerents, in which buenos ayres gained all it had contended for, and brazil gave up what she had so imperiously demanded. i was extremely gratified by meeting, at this port, the late captain henry foster, in h.m.s. chanticleer, on his pendulum voyage. he was established at an observatory on a small island, called rat, or rabbit island, whither i lost no { } time in proceeding, and found him deeply engaged in that series of observations which has reflected so much honour upon his memory. before he sailed, i made an arrangement to meet the chanticleer, either at staten land or cape horn, for the purpose of supplying her with provisions, to enable him to proceed thence to the cape of good hope, without returning to monte video. on the th of october, we sailed for rio de janeiro to procure some stores, which had been sent from england for our use, and to be caulked and refitted. the beagle remained at monte video, to prepare for our next cruise. before we were ready to leave rio de janeiro, the commander-in-chief, sir robert otway, arrived from bahia, in his flag-ship, the ganges. sir robert acquainted me, that he considered it necessary for the beagle to be hove down and repaired;--that he intended to supersede lieutenant skyring; and had sent the requisite orders to monte video. when the beagle arrived, lieutenant robert fitz roy, flag lieutenant of the ganges, was appointed as commander; mr. j. kempe, mate, as lieutenant; and mr. m. murray, second master of the ganges, as master. although this arrangement was undoubtedly the prerogative of the commander-in-chief, and i had no reason to complain of the selection he had made to fill the vacancies, yet it seemed hard that lieutenant skyring, who had in every way so well earned his promotion, should be deprived of an appointment to which he very naturally considered himself entitled. the conduct of lieutenant skyring, throughout the whole of his service in the beagle,--especially during the survey of the gulf of peñas, and the melancholy illness of his captain,--deserved the highest praise and consideration; but he was obliged to return to his former station as assistant surveyor: and, to his honour be it said, with an equanimity and good-will, which showed his thorough zeal for the service. captain fitzroy was considered qualified to command the beagle: and although i could not but feel much for the bitterness of lieutenant skyring's disappointment, i had no other cause for dissatisfaction. [illustration: a. earle s. bull corcovado mountain, rio de janeiro. published by henry colburn, great marlborough street, ] * * * * * { } chapter xii. adventure sails from rio de janeiro to the river plata--gorriti-- maldonado--extraordinary pampero--beagle's losses--ganges arrives-- another pampero--go up the river for water--gale, and consequent detention--sail from monte video--part from our consorts--port desire-- tower rock--skeletons--sea bear bay--fire--guanacoes--port desire inlet-- indian graves--vessels separate--captain foster chanticleer--cape horn--kater's peak--sail from st. martin cove--tribute to captain foster--valparaiso--santiago--pinto--heights--chilóe--aldunate. the adventure sailed from rio de janeiro on the th of december , leaving the beagle to complete her repairs, and follow to the river plata. the day before our arrival at maldonado, we were overtaken by the commander-in-chief, in h.m.s. ganges, and entered the river in company. the ganges proceeded to monte video; but we went into maldonado bay, where i had determined to wait for the beagle. since our last visit to this place, the island of gorriti had been occupied by brazilian troops, who, before going away, set fire to the buildings, and destroyed all the wood-work. as one object of my stay was to obtain observations for the latitude and longitude, i erected our portable observatory, and set up an azimuth altitude instrument. on the th of january, after some intensely hot and sultry weather, we experienced a very severe 'pampero.' it was preceded by the barometer falling to . , and by a strong n.w. wind, which suddenly veered round to s.w., when the pampero burst upon us. our ship and boats fortunately escaped any bad effects from the violence of the squall, which was so strong as to lay the former, at anchor, upon her broadside; but on shore our tent was blown down, and a boat that had been lately built, and fresh painted, on the island gorriti, was completely destroyed. the part above the thwarts, was torn away from the bottom of the boat, and carried, by the violence of the wind, for two hundred yards along the beach. a boat, also, { } on the opposite shore, was blown to atoms. when the squall commenced, one of our boats was coming off from the island; the officer being quite unconscious of the approaching hurricane, and as she was overloaded with people, i felt very uneasy until after the squall cleared away, when i observed her beached on the opposite shore, many yards above high water mark, to which position she had been driven by the force of the wind. the violence of this pampero, during the twenty minutes it lasted, was terrific. old inhabitants of maldonado declared, that they had experienced nothing like it for the last twenty years. the spray was carried up by whirlwinds, threatening complete destruction to every thing that opposed them. in less than half an hour it had diminished to a strong s.w. gale, which lasted during the night. just before the pampero commenced, l'aréthuse, french frigate, was observed over the point of land under all sail; but not being seen after the squall cleared off, we were much alarmed for her safety. at daylight, however, the next morning, she was seen at anchor under lobos island, and near her was our consort, the beagle, of whose approach we had known nothing; but she appeared to be lying quietly, with topmasts struck, under the lee of the island. l'aréthuse slipped her cable in the afternoon, and ran out to sea. on the st of february the wind moderated, and enabled the beagle to join us, when we found that she had been nearly capsized by the pampero; and had suffered a considerable loss of sails and masts, besides injury to her boats. both topmasts, and jib-boom, with all the small spars, were carried away; and her jib and topsails, although furled, were blown to pieces. the vessel was on her beam ends for some time; but letting go both anchors brought her head to wind and righted her, which prevented the necessity of cutting away the lower masts. to add to their misfortune, two men were blown overboard, from aloft, and drowned. these severe losses caused considerable detention; but, fortunately, the ganges arrived, and rendered every assistance in repairing and replacing the beagle's damages. { } on the night of the d of february we experienced another very severe pampero, during which one of the beagle's boats, hauled up on shore, was blown to atoms. the barometer had previously fallen to . . on the th of february, we went to monte video, and on the th ran up the north side of the river for water; but did not find it fresh until we were within four miles of cape 'jesus maria.' the wind was against our return, so that we had to beat down the river, in doing which the adelaide grounded, but without receiving any injury. we anchored twice in our passage out, and, at the second anchorage,[ ] experienced a very heavy westerly gale. in attempting to weigh at its commencement, our windlass was so much injured, that we were obliged to ride the gale out, which we did by veering to one hundred and ten fathoms of chain cable; and the beagle, to one hundred and fifty fathoms. owing to a short heavy sea, in which the adventure frequently pitched her bowsprit and stern alternately under water, her jolly-boat was washed away. this loss we could ill afford, as we were already three boats short of our establishment, and wants; and as the adelaide had suffered severely, by losing her topmast and jib-boom, and carrying away the head of her bowsprit, we were obliged to return, very reluctantly, after the gale had subsided, to monte video; whence we finally sailed on the st of march. on the th a s.s.e. gale separated us from our consorts, our course, therefore, was directed for the first rendezvous, at port desire. when off cape blanco, the high land of espinosa, in the interior, was clearly distinguished at a distance of sixty miles, and might probably be seen twenty miles further; so that its height must be, at least, four thousand feet. this range is of irregular form, and has several peaked summits, so very different from the general features of this coast, where the heights are either flat-topped, or of an undulating outline, that i suppose the rock to be of a character unlike that of the porphyry hills common hereabouts. { } on anchoring off port desire ( th), we found that the beagle had arrived, but had not met the adelaide. the following afternoon i landed to examine the tower rock, a very conspicuous object, on the south side of this harbour, having the appearance of an enormous dead tree with its branches lopped off. on our way to it we passed over an undulating plain, composed of a sandy light soil, lying on a rocky basis, which in many parts protruded. the soil was so poor, as only to produce a few tufts of grass, and here and there a straggling bush of berberis, or piccoli, a dwarf woody shrub, which is much esteemed as firewood by the sealers who frequent the coast. sir john narborough, in describing this place, says, "the soil is gravelly and sandy, with tufts of dry seared grass growing on it;" again: "from the tops of the hills i could see a great way into the land, which is all hills and downs, like cornwall, toilsome travelling to those who were not used to it." the tower rock is evidently the remains of what was once probably a considerable rocky mass, which has either been partially destroyed by some convulsion, or, more probably, has been gradually worn away by the effect of weather. like all the débris around, it is of a fine-grained red porphyritic claystone, much decomposed, but very hard, and difficult to break.[ ] it stands erect at the summit of a mound or heap of broken stones, of all sizes, some being very large blocks, from ten to twenty, or thirty tons weight. it is about forty feet high, and twelve in diameter, having its upper portion cleft, as it were, for about one-third down the middle, which gives it a resemblance to the forked branch of an immense tree. it is covered with moss and lichen, and, from its peculiar shape and prominent situation, presents a very remarkable object. near it we observed traces of an indian visit, among which was a horse's skull. from the sterility of the soil and absence of fresh water, it is probable that it is but little frequented by them. port desire is celebrated as being the place where { } schouten, the dutch navigator, is said to have found skeletons measuring eleven or twelve feet in length! captain fitz roy informed me that he had not seen the adelaide since we separated. the beagle had lost another boat in the gale; the eleventh we had lost in the expedition since leaving england. as the adelaide did not make her appearance, i determined upon proceeding in the adventure to sea bear bay, a few miles to the southward of port desire, to await her arrival with the beagle. while standing into the bay, we were amused by a chase of a novel description: a guanaco was observed following a fox, which had much difficulty in keeping his pursuer at a distance. as the guanaco is not carnivorous, it may have been in playfulness: reynard, however, by his speed, and anxiety to escape, did not seem to think it an amusement. how the chase terminated we did not see, for they disappeared in a valley. while the ship was being moored, i landed to examine some wells near the outer point, which have been said to afford some tuns of good water. i found them to be deep holes in the solid rock, within the wash of a heavy surf, and large enough to contain two hundred gallons of water; but in one only was the water fresh, the sea having broken into the others, and, of course, spoiled their contents. they receive the rain from the ravines, and are much depended upon by sealing vessels which frequent this coast. sea bear bay was discovered in the voyage of the nodales, in the year ; they describe the place, but give it, as it deserves, a very poor character. "the port," they say, "for a short stay, is not bad, since it affords a good depth of water and a clear bottom; but otherwise it possesses nothing to make it worth a ship visiting it, for there is neither wood nor water, which are what ships most require." nodales called the bay 'sea lion,' from the multitude of sea-lions (_phoca jubata_) found on penguin island. why it has been changed to sea bear bay i cannot determine. in one of mr. tarn's excursions into the country, he observed a sail in the offing, which he thought was a whale-boat; and { } supposing it might be in distress, if not one of the adelaide's, kindled a fire to attract attention. as the grass was very dry, it blazed furiously, and spread rapidly around, yet without exciting fear that it could do us any injury; but the next morning flames being observed on the crest of the hills, behind the valley in which our tent had been erected, a boat was sent to save it, and remove the instruments. our men had just left the ship, when, fanned by a land breeze which rose with the sun, the flames flew on with rapidity, descended the valley, and before the boat reached the shore, had consumed every vestige of the tent, and several articles of minor consequence. the sextant and artificial horizon, lying on the ground, escaped destruction, and the dipping-needle had fortunately been taken on board. before the fire burned itself out, the whole country for fifteen or twenty miles around was completely over-run, so that all hope of procuring guanacoes was destroyed. previous to the fire, mr. tarn had shot one; but being young, the carcase only weighed one hundred pounds, and was scarcely worth the trouble of sending fifteen miles for; however, as an amusement to the people, i sent a party to bring it on board, and it proved sufficient to furnish the ship's company with a fresh meal. we had seen several herds within four miles of the ship before the conflagration; but the country was so very level and open, that these shy animals were always warned of the approach of our people by their vigilant scouts. so watchful and attentive is the look-out at his post, that he never drops his head even to feed, and it is only with the greatest cunning and care a man can get near the herd. the best way is, to lie concealed near the water holes, and await their coming to drink. a small stream of fresh water trickled over the beach into the bay, fringed by a patch of grass which the fire had spared, at which having once observed a guanaco drinking, we set a watch; but whether the animals were aware of it or not, none came until the morning we sailed, when a small herd walked down to the place quite unconcernedly, having no doubt first ascertained that there was no danger. { } the little vessel mr. tarn saw was an american sealer, which anchored in the bay next morning. besides the guanacoes, and fox, above-mentioned, we saw no quadrupeds, although two or three sorts of cavia and the puma are common in this neighbourhood. of birds, nothing interesting was seen, except a plover (_totanus fuscus_?), oyster-catcher (_hæmatopus niger, rostro rubro, pedibus albis_), and one of the night bitterns, very much resembling the young of the european bird;[ ] but these three species had previously been found at port famine. several lizards were taken, and preserved. this extremely sterile and barren country is very unfavourable for animals of any kind. the soil is like that already described about port desire. the rock is of the same character as at port st. elena and port desire: red porphyritic claystone.[ ] on the d of march, a week having passed since we came to port desire, my anxiety for the adelaide's safety was much increased; especially as both wind and weather had been favourable for her approach to this rendezvous. i therefore despatched lieut. wickham overland to port desire to order the beagle to join us, and proceed with us to the other points of rendezvous, port san julian and cape fairweather. lieut. wickham reached port desire after a fatiguing walk, and early next morning the beagle was beating into sea bear bay against a very strong wind which increased, and detained us. i seized this opportunity of completing our consort's provisions to five months. captain fitz roy informed me that he had taken advantage of his stay at port desire, to ascend the inlet to the head. it extended for thirty miles, and the water was salt to its very extremity; but, from the height of the old banks on each side, it appeared likely that at times there may be considerable freshes. at the head of the river he lighted a fire, { } which spread, and soon joined that which mr. tarn had made. their union probably burned many square leagues of country. on the th, we were still detained by a southerly gale. captain fitz roy accompanied me in search of indian graves, which are described to be on the summits of the hills. we found the remains of two, one of which had been recently disturbed, but the other had been opened a considerable time. no vestiges of bones were left. it is said that the corpse is extended in an east and west direction, on the top of the highest pinnacle of the hill, and then covered over with large stones until secure from beasts of prey. decomposition takes place, or the flesh is consumed by small animals or insects, without the bones being removed, so that complete skeletons are formed. according to falkner, the bones are collected at a certain period, and removed to some general cemetery, where the skeletons are set up, and tricked out with all the finery the indians can collect. the avidity they evince for beads and other ornamental trifles is, perhaps, caused by this desire of adorning the remains of their ancestors. the next morning we left sea bear bay and proceeded to san julian, off which we anchored for a few hours, while captain fitz roy entered the port to look for the adelaide, or for some vestige of lieutenant graves's visit. finding nothing in the port, nor any tracks upon the shore, we went on towards cape fairweather, and in our way met the adelaide. after parting from us during the gale in which all her sails were split, she went to port desire, where she arrived first, and, not seeing us, proceeded to the two other places of rendezvous, and had been lying at anchor eight days off cape fairweather. finding we were not there, she was returning to port san julian, when we met her. the weather being calm, so good an opportunity of supplying the adelaide with provisions was not lost, and she was completed to six months. on the st of april we were off cape virgins, and parted from the beagle and adelaide; captain fitz roy having previously received orders from me to proceed through the strait of magalhaens, and despatch the adelaide to survey the { } magdalen and barbara channels, while he was to survey part of the south shore of the strait and the jerome channel, and then proceed, in company with the adelaide, to chilóe. the adventure then proceeded along the coast of tierra del fuego towards staten land, for the purpose of communicating with the chanticleer, or obtaining some intelligence of her. the appointed rendezvous was new year's harbour, and the day on which i had promised to be there was past. it was so foggy that no part of the coast of tierra del fuego could be seen; but as any detention might cause captain foster inconvenience, i did not wait for fair weather, but went at once to the place appointed. when crossing strait le maire, we were very nearly drifted through by the tide, which, however, changed just in time to admit of our keeping on the north side of staten land. with a strong squally breeze we entered new year's harbour, and seeing nothing of the chanticleer, should have sailed without further investigation, had we not observed a cleared white space on one of the islands, which being near the place where i had requested captain foster to leave a document, i concluded was intended to attract our attention. the anchor was therefore dropped in twenty-five fathoms (the island bearing from n. to n.w. ¼ w.), nearly in the spot where captain cook anchored, and a boat was sent to the white mark, near which a flag-staff was observed, at whose foot was a tin canister, containing a letter from captain foster, which informed me of his having been obliged, in consequence of a longer detention here than he had anticipated, to alter his arrangements, and requesting me to meet him at st. martin's cove, near cape horn, about this day. we therefore lost no time in getting under weigh, but in doing so, broke an anchor. we passed round cape st. john, and with a fair wind made rapid progress to the westward. at noon, the next day, being seventy-five miles from cape horn, bearing w. by s., the high mountains on the s.e. end of tierra del fuego came in sight, among which the 'sugar loaf'(g) was a conspicuous object. { } by an angular measurement of its altitude, and the distance given by the chart, its height must be nearly five thousand feet, and the average height of its neighbouring mountains full three thousand. a south-west gale now set in, and delayed our reaching cape horn until the th, when we anchored off the entrance of st. martin's cove and found the chanticleer moored within. a boat soon after came with the welcome information of all being well on board her. we were not able to warp into the cove until next day, and in doing so found much difficulty, owing to the violence of the squalls, which repeatedly obliged us to slacken the hawsers quickly, else we should have carried them away. the adventure was moored in seventeen fathoms, about a cable's length within the low green point on the south side: and the chanticleer lay in ten fathoms near the head of the cove. the summit of cape horn being in a line with the south point of entrance, we were quite land-locked, and perfectly sheltered from all winds, excepting the williwaws, or furious gusts from off the high land, which sometimes suddenly struck the ship, and threw her on her broadside; but being as momentary in duration as they were sudden in approach, we found them more disagreeable than dangerous. during our stay here i made a partial survey of the bay of st. francis, which has since been completed by captain fitz roy. st. joachim's cove, to the southward of st. martin's cove, is more exposed than the latter, but is of easier depth. these coves are separated from each other by a steep and precipitous mass of hills of greenstone, which in many parts appear to be stratified, the dip being to the westward, at an angle of °. i landed at the point, and ascended the hill, which i found more difficult to do than i supposed, the whole surface being covered with stunted beech bushes, so thickly matted or interwoven together, that i was obliged to walk or crawl over their tops. among them were occasionally seen the berberis ilicifolia and veronica, the latter of very small size. another day, lieutenant kendall, of the chanticleer, accompanied me { } to weddel's port maxwell, which is evidently st. bernard's cove of d'arquistade.(h) port maxwell is contained between jerdan island, saddle island, and a third island, forming a triangle. it has four entrances, the principal one being to the north of jerdan island, and affords tolerable anchorage in the centre, in nineteen and twenty fathoms, sand;[ ] nearer the shores of the island the depth is more moderate, but the bottom is very rocky. the summit of saddle island, which i ascended for bearings, is composed of large blocks of greenstone rock, on one of which the compass (kater's azimuth, without a stand) was placed; but the needle was found to be so much influenced by the ferruginous nature of the rock, composed of quartz and feldspar, thickly studded with large crystals of hornblende, that the poles of the needle became exactly reversed. an experiment was then made, by taking bearings of a very distant object, at several stations around, about fifty yards from the magnetic rock, when the extreme difference of the results amounted to °. the block upon which the compass stood, in the first instance, is now conspicuously placed in the museum of the geological society.[ ] saddle island, like the others near it, is clothed with low stunted brushwood of beech, berberis, and arbutus, and the ground is covered with a species of chamitis, and other mountain plants. while mr. kendall and i were absent from the boat, the crew caught several kelp fish, which are very delicate and wholesome food. on the following day, while going with mr. kendall to wollaston island, we passed a great many whales, leaping and tumbling in the water. a blow from one { } of them would have destroyed our boat, and i was glad to cross the sound without getting within their reach. we returned by the west side of jerdan island, where there are bights which might afford shelter to a small vessel. the sound that separates wollaston island from the bay of st. francis, i named after sir john franklin, and the harbour to the east of the point on which we landed, after lieutenant kendall, who was one of sir john franklin's companions in his last journey to the north-west coast of america. on the west point of kendall harbour, i observed a magnetic property in the rock, which is of the same character as that on saddle island. weddel noticed the same at st. martin's cove; but i placed the compass in various parts of that cove, without observing any difference from the correct bearing. this was, perhaps, owing to the rock being much covered with soil; for, being of the same character with that of the places above-mentioned, it should cause a similar effect. the next day s.w. gales and thick weather set in, and confined us almost to the ship. taking advantage of a short interval of more moderate weather, i ascended the highest peak on the south side of the cove, immediately over the anchorage, taking two barometers, one of the englefield construction, and the other a syphon barometer, on m. gay lussac's plan, made by bunten, of paris. mr. harrison accompanied me, taking charge of one barometer, whilst i carried the other. my coxswain carried a theodolite. on landing, the barometers were set up at the edge of the water and read off, and at the same moment the barometer on board was read off. we then ascended, but the rise was so precipitously steep as to offer very great impediments; and had it not been for a water-course, in whose bed we climbed for the first part, the ascent, with delicate instruments, would have been almost impracticable. we had ascended but little way, when the unfortunate theodolite escaped from my coxswain, rolled down the ravine, and was much damaged. it was an excellent magnetic transit, and for that purpose was irremediably injured; but, as a theodolite, it was yet useful. the first third of the ascent, from the { } comparative facility offered by the water-course, was only impeded by loose stones, which frequently yielded to the foot, and rolled down the gully, to the great danger of those who followed. the banks of the ravine were saturated with water, and covered either with spongy moss, or matted with plants,[ ] which afforded no assistance; had it not therefore been for straggling shrubs of arbutus, or veronica, and tufts of rushes, growing on the steeper parts, we should have had many a fall; and however unimportant we might think bruises and scratches, a broken barometer would have been a serious accident, and much care was required to avoid it. we had to leave the bed of the torrent, when it became full of wood, and then our difficulty increased much; for in many places we had to scramble over the thickly-matted and interwoven branches of the stunted bushes of beech which frequently yielded to our weight, and entangled our legs so much, that it was no easy matter to extricate ourselves. at the height of one thousand feet, vegetation became much more stunted; we found the plants and shrubs of very diminutive size, consisting principally of the deciduous-leaved beech, one plant of which, though not more than two inches high, occupied a space of four or five feet in diameter, its spreading branches insinuating themselves among wild cranberry, chamitis, donacia, arbutus, and escalonia, so closely matted together, as to form quite an elastic carpet. for the last two hundred feet, we walked over the bare rock, on which no other vegetation was observed than lichens. the summit of the peak is formed by a loose pile of green-stone rock, in which the hornblende appears in very varied forms, sometimes in large crystals, and again so small and disseminated, as to be scarcely visible; on the summit it is seen, in very long, narrow (? filiform) crystals, and the feldspar predominating, gives it a white appearance.[ ] the only living creatures we saw were a solitary hawk and { } one insect, a species of oniscus. nothing, in fact, could be more desolate, and we had only the satisfaction of a good observation for the height, and an excellent bird's-eye view of the surrounding islands and channel, to repay us for the labour of the ascent. on reaching the top, the barometers were suspended under the lee of the rock, twelve feet below its summit, and i then proceeded to set up the theodolite, which i found more damaged than i had anticipated; but not so much as to deprive me of a very extensive round of angles, in which were contained bearings of the ildefonso islands. we were thus occupied about an hour and half, which afforded me an opportunity of obtaining two good readings of the barometer. the view to the n.w. was very extensive, and bounded by long ranges of snow-clad mountains of great height; the atmosphere was remarkably clear, and every object unusually distinct. bearings of the islands of diego ramirez would have been taken, but for the extreme force of the wind, which more than once blew me from the theodolite, and once actually threw me on the ground. the temperature was not below °; but, owing to the wind, the cold was intense, and the rapid evaporation produced the most painful sensations, particularly in our feet and legs, which were thoroughly wet when we reached the top. our descent was not effected in less than an hour and twenty minutes, owing to the difficulty of passing through the beech thickets; but we reached the base without injury to the barometers, which was being more fortunate than i expected. they were again set up on the beach, and read; after which we returned on board, amply gratified and rewarded for our fatigue. the height of the peak, which, from its vicinity to the station selected by captain foster for the pendulum experiments, could not receive a more appropriate name than kater's peak, was found to be , feet above the high-water mark.[ ] { } the next day, after a beautifully clear and mild morning, with a fresh northerly breeze, the weather became cloudy, and the wind veered to the s.w. blowing excessively hard, with hail and rain. the gusts, or williwaws, rushed through the valley of the cove with inconceivable violence, heaving the ship over on her broadside every minute, so that we were obliged to have every thing lashed as if at sea. fortunately, we had completed wood and water, and now only waited for observations, to rate the chronometers, for our run to valparaiso, whither it was my intention to proceed. days, however, passed without a glimpse of the stars, and the sun only appeared for a few minutes above the hills. captain foster had completed his observations, and embarked all his instruments, excepting the transit, which remained for taking the passages of stars; but the bad weather continued, with little intermission. on the d, the gale was most violent, and the williwaws became short hurricanes, in some of which the ship drifted and fouled her anchors. on the th, we had a dry and fair day, which permitted us to sight the anchors and moor again. the fine weather was of only a few hours duration, when the gale again sprung up, and lasted, with little intermission, until the day of our departure (the th). from the th to the d the sky was so perpetually clouded, that the only transits obtained in that interval were, one of antares, one of regulus, and one of the limb of the moon, though captain foster even slept close to the telescope, in the greatest anxiety to obtain observations. on the night of the d four stars were { } observed, by which the error of the clock was satisfactorily ascertained. captain foster's pluviameter, a cubic foot in size, placed on a stand two feet above the ground, at an elevation of forty-five feet above the sea, contained eight inches and a quarter of rain, after standing thirty days; therefore, with the quantity evaporated, at least twelve inches must have fallen. the day after the above was registered, the vessel only contained seven inches and a quarter; so that in twenty-four hours one inch had evaporated, by which an idea may be formed of the sort of weather we experienced, and of the humidity of the climate. with respect to the geological features, i can only add, that all the islands on which i landed, and, i believe, all the others, are composed of green-stone of various characters. the lower portion, or base, being less decomposed, is a fine-grained green-coloured rock, in which the component parts are so blended as not to be distinguished from each other. it appears sometimes in strata, dipping at various angles, from ° to ° from the vertical; and is very similar to the rock which alternates with granite in the straits of magalhaens, at the entrance of the barbara; and also to that about pond harbour, and bell bay. at a greater elevation the feldspar predominates, the hornblende is observed in distinct crystals,[ ] and the rock contains a considerable quantity of iron, which is observed in the reddish tinge of its surface. i have before noticed the magnetic property of this rock, which was more or less according to the quantity of hornblende: the beach-stones are different sorts of green-stone. the lower parts of the hills, around st. martin's cove, are thickly wooded with the smooth-leaved, evergreen beech, which i have before described. its leaves were as fresh and vivid, when we sailed, as if it were the height of summer; but those of the deciduous-leaved beech had assumed their autumnal tint, and were falling fast. neither species attained a greater size, in diameter, than six or eight inches. the winter's-bark was { } found in sheltered places, but not larger in dimensions than the beech.[ ] where no trees are produced, the ground is covered with tufts of chamitis and donacia, which, being of a bright-green colour, give the sides of the hills a lively and verdant appearance. had the state of the weather permitted our boats to leave the neighbourhood of the cove, or had the woods afforded any addition to collections for natural history, our detention would have been more agreeable; but, with the exception of a few corvorants, divers, and 'steamers,' with now and then a solitary hawk, or a patagonian 'warbler,' we saw no traces of animal life. no indians came near us, having been frightened away by the chanticleer; for when captain foster was absent at night, after attempting to land at cape horn, several rockets were fired off as signals, and a few indians who were then in the cove were so much alarmed, that they went away next day, and never afterwards showed themselves, although i dare say we were very narrowly watched by them. having supplied the chanticleer with the provisions she required, we prepared to leave st. martin's cove. on the th the chanticleer sailed, and in two hours after we also left this dismal cove, in which we experienced a succession of very bad weather, an almost constant s.w. wind, and for the last month a scarcely ceasing fall of either rain, hail, or snow. the chanticleer bore away round cape horn, and was soon out of sight. this was my last meeting with captain foster, who, the night before we sailed, communicated to me a presentiment, which he could not shake off, that he should not survive the voyage. i cannot now resist indulging in the melancholy satisfaction of saying a few words to the memory of my late excellent { } friend, and lamenting, with many others, the severe loss which science suffered in his death. he was a fellow of the royal, and astronomical societies, and to the former had contributed, to use the words of his royal highness the duke of sussex, as president of the royal society, a most valuable and extensive series of observations upon the diurnal variation, diurnal intensity, and dip of the magnetic needle; and upon other subjects connected with the terrestrial magnetism and astronomical refraction, which formed an entire fourth part of the philosophical transactions for the year . for these papers he received the copley medal; and the lords of the admiralty acknowledged their sense of the honour which was thus conferred upon the profession to which he belonged, by immediately raising him to the rank of commander, and by appointing him to the command of the chanticleer, upon a voyage of discovery and observation in the south seas. the address of the president of the royal astronomical society, at the anniversary meeting,[ ] also bears ample testimony to his active and useful services in the expedition, under captain parry, towards the north pole; as well as to his ardent zeal, very great attention, and accuracy, in every thing which he undertook for the promotion of science; and concludes the notice of his death in the following words: "in the premature death of this young and accomplished officer, the society has to deplore the loss of a zealous and active votary to science; and his memory will be long held dear by those who were more intimately acquainted with him in the relations of private life." captain foster was unfortunately drowned, near the close of his voyage, while descending the river chagres in a canoe. no sooner had we cleared the land, than we found a strong westerly wind, and a heavy sea; so that if we had entertained any expectation of making a quiet passage to the westward, we should have been disappointed. the land of hermite island, and its vicinity, has a most remarkable appearance when seen from the south. its outline is a series of peaks, following each other in regular succession, { } and resembling the worn teeth of an old saw. mount hyde is made sufficiently distinct by its rounded apex, and by being higher than any land near it. kater's peak also is remarkable in this view, from its conical form and very pointed summit, and from being situated at the eastern end of the island. the 'horn' itself needs no description; it cannot easily be mistaken.[ ] westerly winds carried us as far as ° south latitude before we could make any westing, and then we had a slant from the eastward, followed by variable winds. our run to valparaiso was much like all other voyages in this climate; we had the usual quantity of foul and fair winds, with a share of tempestuous weather, and arrived at valparaiso bay on the d of june. while remaining here our chronometers were cleaned, and some of them repaired; and the ship was refitted and provisioned, with a full supply for the beagle and adelaide as well as herself. at the latter end of july, lieutenant wickham accompanied me to santiago, the capital of chile, ninety miles from the port, for the purpose of waiting upon general pinto, the director; and communicating to him the purpose of our voyage, to prevent exciting suspicion, or receiving any interruption on the part of the authorities of places we might visit, particularly chilóe, where our stay might be viewed with distrust or apprehension; for rumour had already said that the english were about to take that island. ridiculous as such a report was, i deemed it sufficiently important to induce me to explain to the chilian government our views and orders, which could be done better by personal explanation than by a correspondence. we commenced our journey early on the th of july, travelling in a covered chaise, drawn by three horses, one in { } the shafts, and the others outside, attached to the carriage by a single trace of hide; and preceded by a drove of horses, from which, at the end of every stage of twelve or fifteen miles, we selected a relay. the day was so very stormy, that we saw but little of the country. immediately after leaving the almendral, or suburbs of valparaiso, we ascended twelve hundred feet, and then descended about four hundred feet to an extensive plain, reaching to the cuesta de zapato, the summit of which, at least the highest part of the road over it, we found by barometrical measurement to be , feet above the sea. in the interval we passed through the village of casa blanca, lying eight hundred and three feet above the sea. after passing the cuesta de zapato, between it and the cuesta de prado, is another extensive valley, through which runs the river poangui. at curacavi, where we crossed the river, the height above the sea is six hundred and thirty-three feet;[ ] and the road proceeds by a gentle ascent to the foot of the cuesta de prado, near which is the village of bustamente, eight hundred and eight feet above the sea. this 'cuesta' is passed by a very steep road, and is ascended by twenty-seven traverses, which carry one to a height of , feet above the plain, or , feet above the sea. when we reached the summit of this mountain the weather was so cloudy, that the andes were almost concealed from view. beneath us was the extensive plain of maypo, with the city of santiago in the distance, a view of considerable extent, and possessing very great interest; but from the state of the weather, its beauty would not have been seen to advantage, had not portions of the towering andes, raised by optical deception to apparently twice their height, appeared at intervals among the clouds. on { } a fine day, when the range of mountains is uncovered, the view is grand; but not so imposing as when their lower portions are concealed, and their summits partially exposed. this part of the andes rises about , feet above the plain, and is covered half way down the sides with snow, the lower edge of which is regularly defined, and presents a change of colour so abrupt and horizontal as to appear unnatural, and therefore diminish the grandeur of the scene very much. but under whatever circumstances this view is seen from the cuesta de prado, it is magnificent, and produces an effect beyond description. the road descends down the eastern side of this cuesta, to a plain about , feet below the summit. so much rain had fallen during the two preceding days, and last night, that our driver expressed some doubt whether we should be able to cross the podaguel, a river which is frequently impassable from the strength of its current. the idea of spending a night at the miserable hovel we were leaving was enough to induce us to run a considerable risk, and we set off to make the attempt. the water was very deep, and the current sufficiently strong to render it a performance of some danger; but, this difficulty being passed, we soon reached the city of santiago, and in the house of mr. caldcleugh, enjoyed the hospitality and society of a warm-hearted friend. i waited on the director (pinto), who received me with the greatest politeness. he entered into the particulars of our past voyage with much interest, assuring me that every facility should be afforded, and every assistance rendered, whenever it might be required; and in this assurance we never found ourselves deceived, for on all occasions the conduct of the executive authorities towards us was marked in attention, and even kindness. i make this observation with the more pleasure, as it was very unusual in our communications with the authorities of those governments we had previously visited, to find the objects of our voyage considered in the least interesting. although the weather, during our visit to santiago, was not there considered fine, we left the city and its neighbourhood with a strong impression of the salubrity of the climate, and the { } mildness of its temperature, which even in the middle of winter, and at the height of nearly , feet above the sea, ranged no lower than ° fahrenheit, and during the day the maximum height of the thermometer never exceeded °.[ ](k) we returned to valparaiso on the th of july, and made preparations to sail; but were detained by a strong northerly gale for many days, in which we were enabled to render assistance to a large indian trader that would otherwise have been wrecked. on the th of august, we sailed for chilóe; and on our way were greatly delayed by southerly winds, which carried us in sight of the island of juan fernandez. we reached our destination on the th, and found the beagle, to our great delight, arrived, and all well. captain fitz roy came on board before we anchored, and gave me an outline of his proceedings, and those of the adelaide, which had not { } returned, but was daily expected, having been despatched to survey some interior channels on her way to chilóe. our anchorage was off point arenas, which is not only the best in the bay, but appeared to be well adapted to our wants. the beagle had arrived early in july, and had sent to valparaiso for stores with which to refit, and make preparations for another cruize to the south. the harbour master, mr. williams, an englishman, visited us soon after our anchoring, and by him i forwarded to the yntendente (or governor), don josé santiago aldunate, the letters brought for him from chile. in the afternoon i received his acknowledgments, and offers of all the assistance in his power to render. as it was probable that our stay would occupy some weeks, i established myself at a house in the town, obtained by his kindness; and there fixed my portable observatory, and set up an azimuth altitude instrument. * * * * * { } chapter xiii. beagle and adelaide anchor in possession bay--beagle passes the first narrow--fogs--pecket harbour--adelaide arrives with guanaco-meat-- portuguese seamen--peculiar light--party missing--return--proceed towards port famine--fuegians--lieut. skyring--adelaide sails to survey magdalen and barbara channels--views--lyell sound--kempe harbour--cascade bay--san pedro sound--port gallant--diet--rain--awnings--boat cruise--warning-- jerome channel--blanket bags--otway water--frequent rain--difficulty in lighting fires. the following is an account of the beagle's and adelaide's operations, after separating from the adventure, on the st of april, at the entrance of the strait of magalhaens. light northerly winds were favourable for their entering the strait, and they reached possession bay the first night. the following day was foggy, and almost calm, until the afternoon, when both vessels weighed, and proceeded with the tide. at sunset the adelaide anchored on the north shore; but the beagle stood on, and entered the narrow. after dark, when within it, with a rapid tide running, the wind fell light, and an anchor was let go, under the north shore, in eight fathoms; but the cable being accidentally checked too soon, snapped like a small rope, and the vessel was hustled out into deep water. as it would have been both useless and imprudent to let go another anchor, the beagle was kept underweigh, and worked to the westward, aided by a very powerful tide, which speedily carried her through the narrow, without accident, although the night was dark; and they had no guide but the chart and lead. at eleven o'clock she was anchored within the narrow, in twelve fathoms, soon after which the tide turned, and ran with great strength; but the night was calm, as well as the next morning. while waiting for wind, and the change of tide, several patagonian indians were observed on horseback hunting { } guanacoes. a very large dead cod-fish was also seen, floating past, which was taken on board; on its skin were several parasites.[ ] with the evening tide the beagle reached gregory bay; and the next day (april th) worked through the second narrow, and anchored in pecket harbour. as soon as she arrived people were sent on shore to make a large fire, to show the natives where the ship was, and attract them to her. next morning, the th, it had spread very much, and overrun several acres of ground, which showed either a very dry soil, or that there had not been much rain for some time. the ground was covered with cranberries; so much so, that it had quite a red tinge; they were very good. plenty of wild celery was found, but no wood of any kind. water was obtained in small quantities, from a spring about eighty yards from the beach, abreast of the anchorage: it may also be procured by sinking wells. early on the th of april the adelaide anchored near the beagle. captain fitz roy went on board, and found that lieutenant graves had seen the indians in gregory bay; and had anchored there for the purpose of obtaining guanaco meat, of which he got about nine hundred pounds weight. thick fogs had prevented his getting through the first narrow until the th. at gregory bay, lieutenant graves took three portuguese seamen on board, who claimed his protection, having been left by an english sealing vessel nearly a year before. one of them asked to be again put ashore, and was landed on quoin hill to carry a message to the indians, from whom he promised to bring a supply of meat in two days. the other two were entered on the books as supernumeraries, and employed in the adelaide. having given the beagle two-thirds of the meat, the adelaide weighed; and in two hours was out of sight, on her way to port famine. { } the following are extracts from captain fitz roy's journal of this cruise of the beagle. "monday th april. several of our people were employed in gathering cranberries, and preserving them for future use; they are anti-scorbutic, as well as the wild celery, much of which has been used with our guanaco soup. "wednesday, th. i went to oazy harbour with lieutenant skyring, who surveyed the harbour while i examined the cove to the northward. "oazy harbour appears large, but the part where there is anchorage is very small, and a strong tide sets in and round it, by which a bank is thrown up, a short distance inside the entrance; there is very little wood, and some difficulty in obtaining fresh water, even in a small quantity. the anchorage outside might be more convenient for procuring guanaco meat from the indians than gregory bay, but it is exposed to winds between w.s.w. and s.s.e. "at my return to the beagle, i was much surprised to find that lieutenant kempe, mr. bynoe, and a boy, had not yet come back from a shooting excursion. a boat had been to the appointed place at sun-set, and had waited an hour without seeing them. at seven, a light was seen on the top of quoin hill, and i sent a boat to the spot, with cautions about landing, being in doubt whether it was shown by them or by the indians; but the boatswain, who went with her, could find no person, nor any light. he waited some time, and returned on board.(l) a similar light was again seen, more than once, during the dark and gloomy weather, with small misty rain falling, and a light breeze from the westward, which we had all night. "thursday, th. no signs of our officers, nor any appearance of the indians. fearing that some accident had happened, i sent two boats away, with arms and provisions, to look for them all round the harbour, and the large lagoon which communicates { } with it. both boats were thoroughly cautioned about the indians, for i had thoughts of their treachery. just as the boats got out of sight, three people were observed on the ridge of a hill, about six miles distant; and, at the same time two other persons appeared, much nearer the ship, on the east side of the harbour. which was our party, and who the others were, it was perplexing to say. both disappeared again for about two hours, when our stragglers came over a hill, very near the ship. upon their arrival on board, they were scarcely able to move: they had been on their legs, almost without food, and without shelter from the rain, since they left the ship. their intention had been to walk round the harbour, which appeared an employment for two hours only; but at its head they found a lake, and beyond that lake a much larger one, joined to the first by a passage, which they could not cross. when they arrived at this passage, it was too late to return by the way they went, and their best chance seemed to be going on. after dark, they tried to make a fire, but the rain prevented them. it was too dark to see their way, and the cold rain obliged them to keep moving about, though in one place. when daylight came, they travelled on, and until they reached the ship at two o'clock, were constantly walking. "the other people seen by us must have been indians; none were met by our wanderers, but several places were passed where fires had been made by them. "april th. directly our boats returned, we weighed and made sail; but the wind soon failed, and the tide setting against us, obliged me to anchor. "april th. made sail towards the passage between elizabeth island and cape negro, and anchored there to wait for the tide, which ran past us when at anchor, at the rate of three knots an hour. about cape negro the appearance of the land entirely changes. a low barren country gives way to hills covered with wood, increasing in height, and becoming more rocky and mountainous as you go southward. "on the th, when working near the land, against a light southerly breeze, we saw a small canoe paddling along shore, { } and some people walking on the beach. while the ship was standing off, i went to them, being the first savages i had ever met. in the canoe were an old woman, her daughter, and a child, and on shore were two fuegian men with several dogs. their figures reminded me of drawings of the esquimaux, being rather below the middle size, wrapped in rough skins, with their hair hanging down on all sides, like old thatch, and their skins of a reddish brown colour, smeared over with oil, and very dirty. their features were bad, but peculiar; and, if physiognomy can be trusted, indicated cunning, indolence, passive fortitude, deficient intellect, and want of energy. i observed that the forehead was very small and ill-shaped; the nose was long, narrow between the eyes, and wide at the point; and the upper lip, long and protruding. they had small, retreating chins; bad teeth; high cheek-bones; small chinese eyes, at an oblique angle with the nose; coarse hair; wide ill-formed mouths, and a laugh as if the upper lip were immoveable. the head was very small, especially at the top and back; there were very few bumps for a craniologist. they asked earnestly for 'tabac, tabac,' but seemed very timid. we bartered some biscuit and old knives for a few of their arrows, skins, spears, &c. "their canoes, twenty-two feet long, and about three wide, were curiously made of the branches of trees, covered with pieces of beech-tree bark, sewed together with intestines of seals. a fire was burning in the middle, upon some earth, and all their property, consisting of a few skins and bone-headed lances, was stowed at the ends. "the young woman would not have been ill-looking, had she been well scrubbed, and all the yellow clay with which she was bedaubed, washed away. i think they use the clayey mixture for warmth rather than for show, as it stops the pores of the skin, preventing evaporation and keeping out the cold air. their only clothing was a skin, thrown loosely about them; and their hair was much like a horse's mane, that has never been combed. "april th. anchored in port famine." { } "april th. lieutenant skyring went on board the adelaide with mr. kirke, five seamen, and one of the beagle's whale-boats. mr. bynoe, the assistant-surgeon, also went as a volunteer. "april th. the adelaide sailed to survey the magdalen and barbara channels; after which she was to rejoin the beagle at port gallant. she soon got into a strong southerly wind, and could make no progress, as the current was against her; she therefore again stood into the bay, and anchored. "a sharply cold night made us remember we were far south, although the weather by day had been mild. i have said little about this anchorage, as it has already been described. the appearance of the surrounding country is striking and picturesque. mount tarn, with its patches of snow, rising from thick woods, and the high snow-covered mountains in the distance, with dark blue sea at their base, are very remarkable objects. "we sailed on the th with the adelaide, which had been prevented from going sooner by strong and unfavourable winds: and about noon we parted from our consort, whose course was southerly, into the magdalen channel, while we went towards lyell sound. "i cannot help here remarking, that the scenery this day appeared to me magnificent. many ranges of mountains, besides mount sarmiento, were distinctly visible, and the continual change occurring in the views of the land, as clouds passed over the sun, with such a variety of tints of every colour, from that of the dazzling snow to the deep darkness of the still water, made me wish earnestly to be enabled to give an idea of it upon paper; but a necessary look-out for the vessel, not having a commissioned officer with me who had been in the strait before, kept my attention too much occupied to allow me to make more than a few hasty outlines. under the high land the beagle had but little wind, and night closed upon us before we could gain an anchorage in lyell sound, so we shortened sail after dark, and kept near mid channel until the morning. { } "the night was one of the most beautiful i have ever seen; nearly calm, the sky clear of clouds, excepting a few large white masses, which at times passed over the bright full moon: whose light striking upon the snow-covered summits of the mountains by which we were surrounded, contrasted strongly with their dark gloomy bases, and gave an effect to the scene which i shall never forget. "at daylight, on the th, we were close to lyell sound, and stood along its west side, looking for an anchorage, until we found a very good harbour, about a mile inside mazaredo point. "i then went away, with two boats, to examine the sound, leaving the master to sound and plan the inner harbour. "kempe harbour, within lyell sound, would hold six large ships in security; but, like most of the harbours hereabouts, access is difficult, on account of the squalls off the high land, which are so irregular, and often violent. "during the night of the st, it blew strong in squalls, and the chain-cable kept us awake by rattling very much over rocks; yet when the anchor was hove to the bows next morning, it appeared to have been well bedded in stiff clay. to these sounds we afterwards became familiarised. "wednesday, d. strong squalls from the south-eastward during the night, and in the morning; when, being anxious to reach cascade bay, i weighed, though the weather was thick, and the wind against us. the flaws were so variable, that we were two hours knocking the helm and sails about before we could clear the anchorage, and move half a mile in still water. i should recommend warping in and out of these harbours, in preference to making sail: as it is far easier, if a ship is provided with small hawsers and kedges: and the hawsers can often be made fast to the rocks, or roots of trees. "the tide rises about four feet in kempe harbour; and there is a place where a vessel might be grounded or careened with perfect safety. "mazaredo peak (bougainville's sugar loaf) is an excellent guide to kempe harbour; the valley-like appearance of { } the land also shows its situation to a vessel in the straits. what at first appears to be lyell sound is kempe harbour, the sound lies more to the left. "after passing mazaredo point, the land is rugged and less woody; it is not very high, and has a peculiar, rounded appearance, like the tops of loaves of bread. "there was slate in kempe harbour, which seemed to me fit for roofing purposes. "in cascade bay we found the abundance of limpets and muscles usual on these shores, and of particularly good quality. the indians live almost entirely upon them and sea-eggs, though birds, and occasionally a seal, add to their subsistence. vegetation, both on shore and in the water, is most abundant. at every step one sinks knee-deep in moss, grass, fern, or low bushes. trees seem to arrive but seldom at perfection; the climate is so moist that they rot while growing, before they attain any size. moss grows every where; each bough is covered with it: and the water appears to be as favourable to the growth of kelp as the land is to that of plants. the large kind (_fucus giganteus_) shoots up, from many fathoms depth, to the surface, with strong stalks and large leaves. " d. a bad day; blowing strong, and at times raining. mr. murray, mr. stokes, and i, went with three boats to continue our work of exploring and sounding. "saturday, th. we weighed and made sail; but the breeze failed, and flaws came against us. while laying out warps, and hanging by the stream-cable, a squall took the ship and drove her against the rocks, but without doing her any injury, for they were quite wall-sided. the main-yard and spanker-boom were among the trees. we again laid out warps, and had made some progress, when another strong squall obliged us to go back into our anchorage, to remain until the hail, snow, wind, and rain should cease. " th. an unpromising and wet morning; but the heavy rain being over, we weighed, and in a few hours reached the western side of san pedro sound. "about a mile from the point we anchored in murray cove, { } which affords good shelter from westerly winds, and is very easy of access, being a small roadstead rather than a harbour. " th. we set out early with the boats, but the weather was too bad to do much; however, something was done, and at dusk we went ashore on a small island in the sound. it rained very hard all the afternoon and during part of the night. we sheltered ourselves as well as we could with the boat's sails and tarpaulins; but during the night the wind shifted, and blew so hard, that it threw down our slight shelter, and made me very anxious about the ship; for i was doubtful of the security of the anchorage where she lay. " th. this morning was very cold, it rained hard and blew strong; but when it cleared away for a short time, we set to work again, to explore what appeared to be a channel. "after a three hours' pull against wind, snow, and hail, my channel proved to be only one of the numerous inlets which encroach upon the fuegian territory; and the boats returned to the beagle, with the help of strong squalls from the s.w. i was not a little glad to see the ship in the place where i had left her. during the night another anchor had been let go; but she had not moved from her position. this anchorage is so easy of access, that i hope it will be of use to vessels passing through the strait. there is room for one large sized ship to lie conveniently, or for two or three small craft. "the weather has not yet been so cold as i expected it would be: snow lies on the deck a short time, but the thermometer has not been lower than ° (fahrenheit). " th. a rainy, blowing morning: mr. stokes and i set out in the boats; but it rained so much, that we could only make a fire to dry our clothes, and remove the numbness, caused by sitting a long time in the wet. "on the d of may, we anchored in port gallant: though perfectly secure, this is a dismal harbour in winter, being so surrounded by high mountains, that the sun is seldom visible. until the th, in addition to our usual daily duties, we were occupied in preparing for an excursion, in boats, to the jerome channel. salt provisions were entirely withheld from the crew { } for three days, and instead of them, preserved meat, shell-fish, and a large pig, brought from monte video, were substituted. we found in this, as in almost every fuegian harbour, abundance of muscles, limpets, and wild celery; some fish and some wild-fowl. many of our party thought shags good eating, but only one person could be found daring enough to try whether old sir john narborough was quite warranted in saying that a fox was 'savoury food,' and that one repented of his experiment during a week's serious illness. "my reason for entirely stopping the use of salt-meat, for a few days, was the belief that, at least, two or three days' change of diet is necessary to cause any real alteration in the system; and that it is better to give fresh provisions for three days in succession, and salt-meat during the remainder of three weeks, than to give fresh-meat at three separate intervals in the same period. "during the wet weather of these regions, we derived great benefit from awnings, painted for the purpose, while refitting at rio de janeiro and maldonado: they kept the lower, and a great part of the upper deck quite dry, even in heavy rain. "may th. mr. stokes and i set out with a cutter and whale-boat, to explore the jerome channel. we were well provided, with as much as the boats could stow, of what we thought likely to be useful during a month's cruise. of water we took but little, trusting to the wetness of these regions for a supply. each man had his clothes covered with canvas, or duck, well painted; and instead of a hat, every one had a 'south-wester' (like a coal-heaver's cap). "our provisions, being sufficient for twenty-eight days, made the boats rather deep; and i soon found the cutter pulled very heavily, and was obliged to take her in tow. all our party slept in the cutter the first night, the whale-boat being made fast astern. towards midnight it blew fresh, and as the boats were anchored near the wash of the beach, they rolled a good deal; and soon afterwards, feeling the whale-boat hanging heavily on her rope, i hauled her up alongside, and found she was almost swamped; in a few minutes she { } must have sunk with all her heavy cargo, to us invaluable. the plug had worked out by her rolling:--i seldom left her afloat at night after this warning. having saved the boat, made me think less of all our things being wetted, and of some of the instruments being almost spoiled. "at daylight, on the th, we pulled along shore, with the wind against us, and reached point york before the tide made strongly; but that place we could not pass; and sooner than give up an inch of ground, let go our grapnels, in the middle of a race of tide, that tumbled in over both gunwales, and ran past us at the rate of five knots. at one p.m. it slackened, and we pulled on into bachelor river, very glad to get so good a place to dry our clothes, and put the boats to rights. three deserted wigwams gave us shelter; and while some made fires, others went to collect shell-fish, or shoot birds. though the season was so far advanced, some shrubs were in flower, particularly one, which is very like a jessamine, and has a sweet smell. cranberries and berberis-berries were plentiful: i should have liked to pass some days at this place, it was so very pretty; the whole shore was like a shrubbery. i cannot account for the exaggerated accounts of the fuegian coasts given by some voyagers: it is true that the peaks of the mountains are covered with snow, and those sides exposed to the prevailing west winds are barren, and rugged; but every sheltered spot is covered with vegetation, and large trees seem to grow almost upon the bare rock. i was strongly reminded of some of the greek islands in winter, when they also have a share of snow on their mountains. "may th. the tide carried our boats rapidly up the jerome channel, which, though narrow, is quite free from danger. the west shore is very high, and steep, and well covered with wood; the eastern is lower, and less woody. "having passed this channel, we entered the mysterious indian sound, with all that anxiety one feels about a place, of which nothing is known, and much is imagined. i hoped to find a large river; and the strong tide setting up the channel convinced me that there was a body of water inland, but of what nature { } remained to be discovered. at dusk we put into a small creek, and secured the boats, hauling up the whale-boat on the sand. when too late to remove, we found the place of our bivouac so wet and swampy, that nearly two hours were occupied in trying to light a fire. supper and merry songs were succeeded by heavy rain, which continued throughout that night and the next day without intermission. " th. continual hard rain prevented our moving: the whale-boat's men were thoroughly drenched in their tent during the night; but made a better one in the morning. the cutter, having a tarpaulin cover, gave her crew a better lodging; and although a small and loaded boat, only twenty-four feet long, could not be expected to allow much room to a dozen sleepers, during such weather, with the help of our blanket bags,(m) we did very well. " th. during this night, also, it rained very hard. early the next morning, however, it cleared a little, and we got under-weigh. when in the fair-way our hopes were much excited; for beyond a high island, like a sugar-loaf, appeared an opening without land. i tasted the water repeatedly, fancying it less salt, and that we were approaching a river. "less salt it might have been, from the number of waterfalls dashing down the mountains on each side of the channel, which is here about two miles wide, with a current, or rather stream of tide, running at the rate of two knots an hour. "at noon, we reached the sugar loaf: it cost a struggle to get to the top with the instruments; but the view repaid me. for three points of the compass towards the north-east, i could see no land, except two islands; and the farthest extreme to the eastward, appeared to me distant, at least, thirty miles. no mountains or high land could be seen to the north or east; the country seemed there to change its character, and become { } lower and less wooded. this was, indeed, an animating view: i stood considering what might be the boundary of this water, till i recollected, that the longer i thought about it, the longer i should be finding it out; so we pushed on with the boats, of course taking the necessary bearings and angles, until we reached the 'point of islets' in 'otway water.' "on the th, our oars were going early. "the two islands, 'englefield' and 'vivian,' were the only land upon the horizon for six points of the compass. the southern coast trended away nearly east from cape charles, preserving the high mountainous character of the fuegian shores, while that to the northward was low, though as yet well wooded. "i was nearly tempted to try whether fanny bay led towards the gulf of xaultegua; but fortunately did not, as i should have regretted the time so employed. "point hamond is thickly-wooded with evergreens, similar to those of the strait; and with a species of pine, about thirty or forty feet in height. "to the s.e. three remarkable promontories stand out in bold relief from the fuegian shore; but beyond them the land sinks into the tame flatness of patagonia. "the water on the west shore is not deep; from ten to thirty fathoms at a quarter of a mile off shore, but getting more shallow advancing northward. there is anchorage for a vessel after passing indian channel, the whole way along; and as the prevailing winds are off shore, it would generally be safe. in indian channel i only know of two anchorages, cutter bay and bending cove. "such constant rain fell during this evening, that it was not until after much trouble that we at last made fires. carrying dry fuel in the boats we found indispensable, and i would recommend any person who passes a night on shore in this wet climate, with a boat, to carry a sheet of copper, or a piece of flat iron, in preference to any boat-stove, as a fire can be lighted upon it much more easily, and it does not take much stowage: the great difficulty about fires here is getting fuel to burn when the ground is wet, or when snow lies on it. { } " th. raining so steadily all day, that it was useless to proceed: i could neither see my way, nor notice any thing but wind and rain. " th. so mild was the weather, that i bathed this morning, and did not find the water colder than i have felt it in autumn on the english coast; its temperature, at a foot below the surface, averaged °; that of the air was °. from this place, point hamond, i saw seven points of the compass clear of land, my eye being twenty feet above the level of the sea. the water was quite salt, therefore we were certain of being in an unexpected inland sea, or large lagoon. four miles from point hamond lie englefield and vivian islands, rather low, but well wooded with evergreens. they are the only islands of any note in the otway water. the farthest point i could discern i called cape marvel, for much i wondered at the hitherto unsuspected extent of this inlet. "at noon we were off the north end of englefield island. mr. stokes and i observed the sun's meridian altitude satisfactorily from the boats, so smooth was the water. this quiet day was too fine, for it was hard work pulling from nine till five, without any help from sails. towards evening a breeze sprung up in our favour, and with its assistance we ran along the land about ten miles. taking advantage of the moonlight, i did not look out for a resting-place till past seven o'clock, when we had a great deal of trouble in landing; the coast having quite changed its character; and instead of deep water with a rocky shore, we found a flat shingly beach and shoal water, with very large stones scattered between high and low water marks, so numerously as to make it dangerous for a boat, especially at night. upon landing, we found the ground quite changed into a fine light soil, with stunted bushes and trees; and so dry was the wood, that a fire was easily kindled, but not a drop of water could be got any where to cook our supper. a considerable rise and fall of tide was observed, much greater than near indian channel. " th. no breakfast this morning, for want of water--a decided proof of the change of climate and country. north of { } us the sky was clear; but to the southward, over the strait, hung thick clouds. the trees were not evergreen, and at this time their leaves were withered and falling. "while pulling along shore, and passing a low projecting point, we saw the smoke of three fires, and approaching nearer, observed four canoes lying on the beach, near several wigwams. their owners soon appeared, running along the shore, hallooing and jumping. the first who came near us reminded me of an old-fashioned sign of the 'red lion,' for he was painted red all over, and looked more like a wild beast than a human being; another was covered with a bluish mixture; a third was quite black. several had the lower half of the face blacked, and the oldest men and women were painted entirely black. there were about eight men, six or eight boys, and perhaps a dozen women and girls. some had a skin over their shoulders, but others had no covering at all, except paint; they seemed apprehensive, and hid several skins and other things in the wood, as soon as they saw us approaching. "when they found we were peaceably disposed, and had tobacco and knives, they were eager to barter with us. how they have learned the use of tobacco is curious, but they are fond of it to excess. guanaco, as well as seal and otter skins, are in their possession; therefore they probably barter with the patagonians. they have also the skins and horns of a deer, which, as i understood them, inhabits their country.(n) they catch small animals with snares, made of whalebone, just like hare-snares. this tribe was very rich in fuegian wealth, such as skins, arrows, lances, &c. they appeared to be of a race similar, but superior, to the fuegians, being stronger, stouter, more lively, and more active. i persuaded one of their boys to have his face washed, and found his natural complexion was scarcely darker than that of a european. their language sounds like that of the fuegians, and the huts and weapons are precisely similar to their's. we asked them for water, and they pointed to a place about a mile further, { } making signs to us that we must dig in the earth for it. we went there, and near a green-looking spot some good water was found. we then landed, and enjoyed our breakfast at one o'clock, being not a little thirsty. "the natives were still with us; they seemed inquisitive and cunning; and shewed great surprise at a sextant and artificial horizon, by which they sat down, attentively watching what was done. i put my watch to their ears; they were much astonished, and each came in his turn to hear it tick. i pointed to the watch and then to the sky; they shook their heads and suddenly looked so grave, that from their manner in this instance, and from what i could understand by their signs, i felt certain they had an idea of a superior being, although they have nothing like an image, and did not appear to us to have any form of worship. we could learn scarcely any words of their language, because of their trick of repeating whatever we said. "they saw how we lighted a fire, by means of a tinder-box, and took an opportunity to tread it out of sight. our loss was not known until leaving the spot, when that material necessary was missed. it was evident they had stolen it; and while i was meditating a reprisal, one of our men by chance trod upon the missing box, which was artfully hid under the sand. after this discovery, they seemed rather inclined for a skirmish, all having clubs, while our men appeared to have no weapons. however, we parted without a quarrel. "the features of these people differed from those of the fuegians whom i had previously seen, in being better formed, and having a less artful expression. "we pulled hence along a low shore until evening, when distant land began to show itself, stretching to the northward and eastward, and bounding this supposed inland sea. at dusk we discovered an opening, which appeared to be either a river or a channel, and i steered for its north bank, securing the boats for the night in a place we named donkin cove, as a mark of respect to the preserver of meat, to whom we had been so often thankful. a little of this meat, mixed with wild fowl, and some wild celery, makes a wholesome and { } agreeable mess. on boat service, meat preserved in tin is particularly useful, being already cooked, and therefore fit for dinner without the aid of fire. "we were surprised at the mildness of the weather. indeed, the change of climate was as pleasant as it was sudden and unexpected. " th. at daylight, we found ourselves in the entrance of what was thought a river. under this impression, i hoped to penetrate into the interior of the country, and meet some new tribes of patagonians. as soon as we could get underweigh, we pulled and sailed along a winding channel, on one side of which was a pleasant-looking, woody country, extending towards tierra del fuego; and on the other, a low, barren district, like eastern patagonia. the banks on both shores were from five to forty feet high, sloping, and covered with grass. "the current was in our favour, which with the saltness of the water, inclined me to think it a channel, and not the mouth of a river. in this opinion i was confirmed in a short time, by seeing surf breaking against some land beyond an opening, which showed that we were approaching a large body of water. soon after, we reached the extreme west point of this small channel; and, to our surprise, saw an expanse, at least thirty miles across from east to west, and twenty from north to south. i thought it more at first, but probably was deceived. west and south of it i observed high snow-covered mountains; and the summit of one was remarkable, being like a castle with a high tower. northward, the land was low; excepting a few ranges of down-like hills with large plains between them. "it happened to be a very clear day, and all that could be seen at any time was visible. in two places there seemed to me to be openings to the westward; in the southernmost i could see no land at all; the other was backed by distant mountains, but still had the appearance of an opening. after this i went to the top of a hill near me, about three hundred feet high, to gain a better view, yet so small an elevation made but little difference, and i rather thought the opposite coast farther off than i had at first supposed. { } "having sent the cutter back a short distance, to make a fire and land our things, i crossed the channel to a fine level plain, and measured a base line. in crossing, i found a most rapid tide, at least five or six knots at neap tides, and to pull against it was out of the question. it caused a considerable swell and race at the entrance, which is not a quarter of a mile wide, though it averages twelve fathoms in depth. on the plain was growing thick grass, like that in the vicinity of the river plata. so rich and good were the grass and trefoil, that i saved a few seeds, hoping some day to see their produce in england. no tree was seen; the soil seemed dry, rich, and light. skunks, and a small kind of cavy, had burrowed every where, which proves the climate to be of a different nature from that of the strait. the bones and traces of guanacoes were numerous, and some horses' tracks were found; as also part of a dead guanaco, which appeared to have been a prey to wild beasts. water was not so plentiful as to the southward; but quite sufficient for all useful purposes, many small brooks being noticed, besides springs in the sides of the low hills. we shot a swan(o) and some coots; the swans were so fat, or so tame, that they would not rise from the water. " th. while on whitestone plain, a very heavy squall of wind and hail passed over from the s.w., so cuttingly cold, that it showed me one reason why these plains, swept by every wind from s.s.w. to n., are destitute of trees. "after dark, we returned to the cutter and partook of a large mess, made of the swan we had shot, the coots, some limpets, and preserved meat. the shortness of the days was becoming very inconvenient; from eight to four were the only hours of daylight; but some of the nights were so fine, that i got many sets of observations of the moon and stars. * * * * * { } chapter xiv. place for a settlement--frost--boats in danger--narrow escape--sudden change--beagle hills--fuegian painting--tides--medicine--water warmer than the air--jerome channel--mr. stokes returns to the beagle--cape quod--snowy sound--whale sound--choiseul bay--return to the beagle-- adelaide returns--plan of operations--difficulties removed-- preparations--wear and tear of clothing--ascend the mountain de la cruz-- sail from port gallant--tides--borja bay--cape quod--gulf of xaultegua-- frost and snow--meet adelaide--part--enter pacific--arrive at chilóe. " th of may. very cold, raining heavily, and blowing strong from s.w. the tide turned this day (full moon), and set to the westward at . . i only say 'turned,' because i could not distinguish the ebb from the flood, so little rise and fall was there. no sooner had the tide ceased to run in one direction, than it began to run as strongly in the other, for about six hours. for the last four nights i noticed, that soon after sunset the sky was suddenly overcast, a trifling shower fell, and afterwards the heavens became beautifully clear. the climate must be much like that of the east coast of patagonia, as shrubs grow here like those i saw at port desire. while walking, the leaves and dry sticks crackled under foot, which is very different from what one observes about the strait of magalhaens, where everything is wet and spungy. i was inclined to think this place suitable for a settlement. there is water, wood, and good soil, fit for planting, besides pasture land; the climate is not bad; and probably the patagonian indians might be induced to trade in guanaco meat, as they now do at gregory bay; while any of their hostile incursions would be prevented by the channel. " th. two natives, a man and a boy, came to our boats this morning; they seemed to have neither curiosity, nor fear, nor even a relish for tobacco. they took a piece of tinder, picked up a stone, and went away to some wigwams, at a little distance, where we soon afterwards saw a fire burning. { } "during this night and the preceding it froze sharply; but the sky was so clear, that i observed many sets of distances, on each side the moon. " th. we went eastward through the little channel. every thing was frozen; and the boat's sails were useless until thawed. we left donkin cove directly after noon, and with a fresh and fair wind, steered towards pecket harbour. i may as well mention here my reasons for taking this course, instead of going farther westward. "considering our very limited time, and provisions, i wished to do first what was most useful; and to find a new passage, seemed to me the primary object. having surveyed the narrow winding channel, and proved its navigability for vessels of any class; i thought it desirable to ascertain next the nature of the separation between otway water and the strait of magalhaens, between laredo bay and pecket harbour. "a western passage might be sought by the adelaide schooner, or by myself, at a future time. if we tried to cross the skyring water, our success would be very doubtful, for during the whole time we had been in the channel, the wind blew strong from s.w., raising so much sea, that it was with great difficulty i could sound outside the western entrance, even in a whale-boat. "a fine breeze carried us rapidly eastward; but it freshened too fast, reef after reef was taken in, until at two o'clock we were obliged to lower the sail, and pull to windward; for as far as we could see, the shore continued unbroken, flat, and low, with a high surf breaking on it. to have attempted to land, would have been folly; and as the wind continued to increase, and a current setting to windward caused a very short awkward sea, i sent mr. stokes off in the cutter, under his small close-reefed sails, to hang to windward as long as he could carry sail, while i kept the whale-boat head to wind. at three o'clock, we were embayed, and about a mile from the shore. my boat was deeply laden, and as our clothes and bags got soaked, pulled more heavily. we threw a bag of fuel overboard, but kept everything else to the last. at sunset the sea { } was higher, and the wind as strong as ever. i saw the cutter a little before, about three miles from us, standing to the eastward on a wind; but whether she would clear the shore i could not make out. "after dark, finding we could not well be worse off as to risk, i bore up, and pulled with the sea rather abaft the beam, twisting the boat 'end on' to each wave as it came, hoping to get into smoother water to the westward. night, and having hung on our oars five hours, made me think of beaching the boat to save the men; for in a sea so short and breaking, it was not likely she would live much longer. at any time in the afternoon, momentary neglect, allowing a wave to take her improperly, would have swamped us; and after dark it was worse. shortly after bearing up, a heavy sea broke over my back, and half filled the boat: we were baling away, expecting its successor, and had little thoughts of the boat living, when--quite suddenly--the sea fell, and soon after the wind became moderate. so extraordinary was the change, that the men, by one impulse, lay on their oars, and looked about to see what had happened. probably we had passed the place where a tide was setting against the wind. i immediately put the boat's head towards the cove we left in the morning, and with thankful gladness the men pulled fast ahead. in ten minutes the sea was smooth, and the breeze so moderate, as not to impede our progress. our only anxiety was then about the cutter; for we could not tell how she had weathered the gale. i was sure she would have prospered if kept by the wind; but some accident, or change of purpose, was to be feared. "about an hour after midnight, we landed in safety at donkin cove; so tired, and numbed by the cold, for it was freezing sharply, that we could hardly get out of the boat. the embers of our morning fire were still burning; so we put on some wood, and lay down round them. no men could have behaved better than that boat's crew: not a word was uttered by one of them; nor did an oar flag at any time, although they acknowledged, after landing, that they never expected to see the shore again. we resolved to start early to look for { } the cutter, and fell asleep: but before daylight i was roused by some one, and to my joy, saw mr. stokes standing by me. he had just arrived with the cutter, having kept his wind till the sea fell; and since that time had been pulling towards this spot: with what thankful feelings all hands lay down to sleep may be easily supposed. " st. this morning i believe no one waked before ten o'clock. drying our clothes, and putting the boats to rights, occupied most of the day. our time was now so short, besides having almost expended our provisions, that i gave up the idea of crossing the otway water, and decided to return nearly the way we came, after taking a view from the higher ground. " d. a sharp frost, during the past night and this day, hardened the ground, and with four of my boat's crew, i walked to the beagle hills. our way led through a scattered wood, the only one seen on the north side of the channel, and in which most of the trees appeared to have been burned. we gained the summit of the heights soon after noon, and were amply rewarded by an extensive view. "although not more than eight hundred feet above the sea, i could discern the gregory hills (so plainly as to make out their yellowish brown colour); cape bartholomew, nassau island; cape monmouth; the high peaks over cape froward; the range of mountains thence to the jerome channel, and from the jerome, westward to all those about cape phillip, and cape parker; and the whole extent of the otway and skyring waters; the latter being bounded to the n.w. by down-like hills, about six or eight hundred feet high. north of the beagle hills, a range of similar downs extended; and to the east was a succession of lagoons, completely intersecting the flat country towards pecket harbour. "we left a memorial, cut in lead, at the foot of a post sunk in the ground; but the air was so cold, that the men, who wished to add their names, were unable to mark them on the lead. it was eight o'clock before we regained our bivouac, much fatigued by the day's work. " d. i went into a wigwam, where there was a woman { } and two children. a rough likeness made of her did not please at all, because it was white: she took out her red paint, and put some on her own cheeks, as drawn on the paper, and then was quite satisfied, sitting as still as a mouse, while i made another sketch. in return for the compliment paid to her countenance, she daubed my face, as well as my coxswain's, with the same red mixture. " th. a sharp frost during the night. we left donkin cove, as soon as i had taken observations for the chronometers. a fine breeze in our favour carried us rapidly along, and at dusk we were near englefield island. the last few nights have been so clear, that two or three of the men, and myself, have slept in the open air without any other covering than our blanket-bags, and clothes. my cloak has been frozen hard over me every morning; yet i never slept more soundly, nor was in better health. "we had a good view of mount misery this day. it is about , feet in height; twice as high as the surrounding mountains, and quite bare, even of snow, on the summit. the night tides here rise more than those of the day at this season: the times of high water do not differ much on the opposite shores. about an hour after dusk we reached englefield island, having made a capital run, with a fresh and fair wind. creeping in the dark, along shore, we at last found shelter for the boats, and formed a snug place amongst the bushes for our tent and fires. one of my boat's crew was ill this day; the first man that had been seriously so, although several had been slightly affected by the muscles and limpets; and one had fits. a draught of hot port wine and winter's-bark, certainly seemed to be an efficient medicine for the slighter complaints. " th. blowing strong from the westward, with much rain. i forced a way, with much difficulty, among thick bushes, to the top of the island, and when i got there found, to my mortification, that by no possible contrivance could i see round, for i was encompassed by lofty trees of nearly equal height. " th. we crossed over to the east shore: the temperature of { } the water, between englefield island and the nearest land, one foot beneath the surface, was °; the air at the same time being °. while the sea water preserves this temperature, it must tend much to moderate the severity of cold, one would naturally expect in this latitude, near so many snow-covered mountains. we arrived at the point of islets, soon after sunset, on the th. " th. almost every night i observed that the wind subsided soon after sunset, the clouds passed away, and the first part of the night was very fine; but that, towards morning, wind and clouds generally succeeded. from point of islets, we sailed southward; and were again close to the mountains: from whose appearance at this spot, no one would suppose that any passage lay between them; so intricate and winding are the channels. "i was sorry to leave the open country, behind me; but time pressed; and there was yet much to do with our loaded boats, which could not make very great progress in the short daylight afforded by this season. after passing bennett island the land became rugged, and mountainous on each side, covered, however, with wood and vegetation wherever it could grow; and we were again in the magalhaenic regions. "this day i examined as much of the west side of the channel, as time would allow, and reached corona creek at about eight o'clock. what i called the sugar loaf must be the corona island of cordova's officers; for at some distance it looks somewhat like a crown. it is singular that they inserted (in their chart) an island near their corona, which cannot be distinguished from the main-land, until one is within two miles of it; and as at that distance the otway water is plainly visible, must they not have seen the opening? tired of their job, did they return without prosecuting the discovery, or was the weather too thick to see far? their description of the jerome channel, leads to the supposition of a continual current setting through in one direction, instead of a regular ebb and flood; and the surest sign of a passage between places in tierra del fuego, is a current or stream. { } many large inlets and sounds look like channels; but on going a short distance into them, you find dead water. " th. we passed through jerome channel, and reached the bar, off bachelor river, after dark; but the cutter got aground, and gave us some trouble to float her again. afterwards one of the men was landed on the bar, and by his walking in the deepest water, and the whale-boat going next, we got into the little river at nine o'clock, not sorry to be in safety. there are tide races between the jerome channel, and bachelor river, which are sometimes dangerous; but as the breeze was moderate, we passed them without difficulty. "may th. employed chiefly in stowing the cutter afresh, packing specimens, and preparing my boat to take what remained of our provisions. at two next morning, when the tide served, mr. stokes set out to return to the beagle: and having both wind and tide in his favour arrived early at port gallant. "the wind increased after daylight, and blew strong, with squalls. i waited a short time, but, having no hopes of its improving, left the river. my boat was much lumbered, having the chronometer-box, and more instruments than before; yet she pulled pretty well, even against the heavy squalls. after landing at the west side of the entrance to the jerome channel, to take bearings and angles, we pulled along shore to the westward, and at dark hauled the boat up in a small sheltered corner. after she was secured, we employed ourselves looking for limpets and muscles for supper, by the light of a lanthorn, as we had good appetites, and our provisions were scanty. "june st. we pulled along shore against a strong and squally wind, and before evening nearly reached cape quod; but not being able to pass it, stopped in a cove on the east side. " d. at the oars again, early, having a fine clear morning, with the tide rather in our favour. by eleven, cape quod was astern of us; and a long view of the strait presented itself. this part is very rugged and barren, and looks triste, indeed; still wherever a tree can take root it tries to grow. this night was passed on a small island at the west point of snowy sound. { } " d. we began at daylight, and worked, from point to point, up the sound, thinking it a channel. two good anchorages were found on the west side, but none on the east, except a trifling cove between the little island and the land, which would only shelter a small vessel. the night was passed on an island five miles within the sound. it rained hard for an hour before we landed, and all the night afterwards. our rest was not the most satisfactory, as the ground was wet and swampy. "two of the boat's crew got into a hole under a tree thinking they should be warm; but in the middle of the night they complained of not being able to get up, and of being half frozen. " th. the rain ceased at times this morning, but the wind continued. after going to the top of an island, we pulled and sailed onwards, not having a doubt of soon getting into whale sound. at noon, the passage appeared suspiciously small; yet i could not doubt the fine large opening laid down in our old charts, and proceeded until the shore made a sudden turn, when, to my astonishment, i saw a high black cliff stopping farther progress. after a hearty growl, we turned back, and landed to look for a sleeping place. not a spot could we find that was not wet like a sponge; but night was closing in, and obliged us to stay where we were. it was bitterly cold, all of us were wet through, the ground was a mere swamp, we could not get a fire to burn, and the frost was sharp. "after daylight on the th, we succeeded in making a large fire, and spent two hours drying our clothes and warming ourselves. in order to lighten the boat, no one carried more clothes, since leaving the cutter, than those he wore, except one shirt. we hastened back towards charles island, passing some very remarkable glaciers, one of which looked like an enormous frozen river, covering the whole side of a mountain. many portions were of a transparent blue colour, which, contrasted with the snowy whiteness of others, and with the dark shadows of bare rocky places, had a very striking effect. at noon, we passed out of the sound, and steered for charles island, with a { } light breeze in our favour. seeing a canoe coming across, we made towards it, and found a wretched-looking family, consisting of a man, his wife, and three children, with some small dogs, seemingly more miserable than their owners. a few wooden-headed spears were all the property they possessed, excepting the worn-out skins thrown over their shoulders. the man sold me a little dog for a bit of tobacco, and afterwards wanted to have him again, because his wife would not consent to the bargain. however, i kept the dog, and they began to abuse us in right earnest, the woman alternately crying and scolding, and the man apparently calling on the wind and water to destroy us. his gestures were very expressive and animated. i was surprised to see so much feeling for a wretched little half-starved puppy, and made them happy by returning him, without asking for the tobacco. "el morrion(p) (the helmet) was certainly an excellent name for the promontory we passed this day. it reminded me of the 'castle of otranto.' "we reached a small islet, at the west point of charles bay, and passed a good night on the top of a bare rock. so often had we slept in wet places, that a dry, though stony berth, was thought very comfortable. the boat's two sails, oars, and boat-hook, formed our tent. " th. we left the islet as soon after day-light as we could get breakfast, and take the required bearings and angles; went into spot cove, thence crossed to charles island, and to the narrow opening between it and the nearest land. ulloa's memory can no longer be preserved here in an island, though it may in a peninsula. this small channel is narrow, and has a strong tide setting through it. there is anchorage all the way, though generally over a rocky bottom, and it is navigable for small vessels: its average width is a quarter of a mile, and its length about three miles. for a boat going westward through the strait, it is far preferable to the regular channel. two old fuegians were living here, a man and a woman. "when in whale sound, appearances were such that had i { } not been to the bottom of snowy sound, i should have thought they joined. after going far enough, to see quite to the end, we returned, hauled the boat on a shingle beach, and secured her for the time. when a bit of shingle beach could be found, it was a prize; for on it we could always make a good tent, and have a dry bed, besides hauling the boat up easily. there is a greater rise and fall of tide here, than at the other side of charles island, being not less than seven or eight feet, at springs. during the night, a dog stole a small piece of pork, which we had reserved for our last dinner; and, until his track was discovered, there was no little distrust among our party. "whale sound is a large and deep inlet, ending in a valley between mountains. on the south side, a vessel may anchor in one place, at the west side of last harbour; but there, though the harbour appears large, the anchorage is small, and close to the shore. we pulled and sailed along the south shore, landing occasionally to take bearings, until we reached choiseul bay, and in a cove, at its west side, we passed the night. this is a place no ship need approach: it is a large, deceiving bay, full of islets and patches of kelp, under which, probably, there are rocks, and between the islets the water is deep and unfit for anchorage. the temperature of the sea this day, in the middle of the sound, one foot below the surface, was °. " th. as it rained heavily, we remained under such shelter as we could obtain; and prepared for our return to the beagle, by making use of the only razor we had. when the rain ceased, we left the cove and sailed across to port gallant, with a fresh breeze. the smoke of natives' fires was seen near the entrance of the barbara channel; and on prince island, where we stopped a few minutes, the first man seen had on an old pair of sailor's trowsers, which he had obtained from the beagle, tied round his legs in six places. the wigwam these people were living in was not half covered: both wind and rain passed through it. how they bear the cold is surprising, being without clothes: one minute sitting close to the fire, and the next perhaps up to the waist in water, getting muscles or sea-eggs. the women dive for sea-eggs, even in the middle of winter; { } but the water is never very cold ( ° to °).(q) in the afternoon we saw the beagle's mast-heads, and soon afterwards arrived on board, and enjoyed the happiness of finding all hands well, and every thing ready for farther progress. lieutenant kempe had turned the few hours of light, each day afforded, to the best account. those who have had the care of ships in remote places, will know my feelings at finding all as it should be, after a long absence, in a country little known. not a man had been ill; and the weather had been very tolerable compared with what was expected. there was less snow on the mountains than when i left port gallant early in may. one thing only disappointed me,--the adelaide had not arrived. it was past the time appointed for her, but she might have found much more to do than was expected, or might have been obliged to return by the magdalen, instead of coming through the barbara channel. "during my absence, two sealing vessels had been at port gallant, on their way through the strait. from one (an american), which arrived on the th of may from staten land, information was received that the adventure had not been there. the chanticleer had remained some time, but had sailed for the cape of good hope. the master of the american had a brother staying with a boat's crew in staten land, during the whole of april, who would probably have seen the adventure, had she called. the other was mr. cutler's vessel, the uxor, bound to the united states; he had been through a channel which leads from the gulf of trinidad to cape tamar, and spoke well of it; but could give no drawing, nor precise information; having passed through rapidly. "lieutenant kempe had been at the summit of the mountain de la cruz, and left a memorial. no rare animals had been seen, nor any new birds. small fish were still caught with hook and line, but very few with the seine. "i never was fully aware of the comfort of a bed until this { } night. not even a frost-bitten foot could prevent me from sleeping soundly for the first time during many nights. " th. at one o'clock this day, i heard an exclamation of 'the schooner!' and soon saw her standing across from the barbara channel with a fair wind. before she anchored in port gallant, i went on board, and, to my joy, found lieutenants skyring and graves, and all their companions well, having thoroughly completed the work they had to perform, without loss, or even an accident. the difficulty of their task was increased by very bad weather; but they succeeded in tracing and surveying the magdalen channel to its junction with the sea, and thence returned by the barbara channel to port gallant; carrying on a regular chain of triangles, and connecting their work with points previously fixed in the strait of magalhaens. a multitude of small islands, and much bad weather, detained them longer than was expected. "while lieutenants skyring and graves, assisted by mr. kirke, were employed surveying, mr. bynoe collected geological and other specimens.[ ] " th. we had nearly reached the shortest day; the sun did not rise above the hills until past eleven; it disappeared again before two (the land being less high towards the n.w.), and even in those three hours was seldom visible. " th. finding that lieutenant skyring agreed with me in thinking that the channel from cape tamar to the gulf of trinidad might be surveyed by the adelaide, in her way to san carlos de chilóe, i resolved to send him and lieutenant graves on that service, hoping that it would lead to the discovery of a passage into the skyring water, and give vessels another way of getting into or out of the strait, should thick weather or adverse winds oppose them in the usual channel. "in making this arrangement there was much to be considered. as i had received no orders from captain king to employ the adelaide in surveying, after her return from the magdalen channel; and as i had been desired to repair, with her, to san carlos, in chilóe, during which voyage lieutenant { } skyring was to be on board his own vessel, the beagle, it would be incurring considerable responsibility, to order a new piece of service to be undertaken, which might not be successful; and would require officers, men, a boat, provisions, and stores from the beagle. "i did not doubt that the measure would be approved by captain king, because he had discussed the feasibility of such a plan with me, and had expressed a wish that it should be tried; but as i had not received any orders, i could not decide without anxiety. "another, though a minor difficulty, arose from sending lieutenant skyring in command of the adelaide, over lieutenant graves, her proper commander, who had expected to take her to chilóe, and was quite competent to undertake this or any other service in which she might be employed. both these officers excelled in their professional duties; but skyring had been on the western coasts of patagonia before, and was the senior. "much to the credit of lieutenant graves, he removed one weight, by volunteering to go any where i thought proper to direct, either alone or with lieutenant skyring, and the necessary orders were forthwith given. (see appendix). mr. kirke was again to form one of their party, as well as mr. bynoe, who exchanged temporarily with mr. park. the beagle's whale-boat was also lent, with five able seamen to man her; and good care was taken that nothing the ship could give should be wanting in their outfit for a service which, at that time of year, must be severe and tedious. "anchors and cables, hawsers and kedges, were abundantly supplied, because in warping into unknown places, or anchoring hastily, many an anchor is unavoidably broken or lost. "the boat's crew, who had been away with the adelaide, and were going in her again, were supplied with extra clothing at the expense of government, the wear and tear of their clothes having been far beyond what they could be expected to make good out of their pay. { } "as an instance, i may mention, that a careful north countryman carried with him, when he left the beagle, two new pair of shoes (besides those on his feet), and three pair of new stockings: but brought back only a ragged pair of stockings and the remains of one shoe. the others had been fairly worn out, or lost, in scrambling over rocks and ascending mountains. "one height ascended by lieutenant skyring was so steep, that the men were obliged to pass the instruments from one to another, at a great risk of their own lives; and when they reached the summit, the wind was so strong, that a heavy theodolite and stand, firmly placed, was blown over; and even a kater's compass could scarcely be used. "with good clothing and provisions, weather may be almost defied, and work may be done at the less unfavourable times; but without them, ill-humour and ill-health must inevitably appear in such a climate as this. " th, sunday. i had the satisfaction of keeping this day in a proper manner, for the first time since we entered the strait. so much had depended upon employing every minute of our time while the weather would allow, that there had been little distinction of days. " th. the morning being fine, with not much wind, though a sharp frost, i left the ship with mr. murray and four men, and landed in fortescue bay, intending to ascend the mountain 'de la cruz,' if the snow and ice did not prevent me. "on the beach, close to the water, i suspended the mountain barometer, and let it remain half an hour before we began the ascent, which, from the snow lying so deep, was troublesome; for at one step a hard rock received one's foot, and at the next, perhaps, a deep hole amongst broken trees. sometimes we tumbled head foremost into soft snow, slightly covering rotten mossy boughs and swampy ground; and at others, slipped between the concealed trunks of trees, which, though much decayed, were hard enough to cause many a bruise. each movement of our arms or legs shook down a shower of snow from the trees, among which we were forcing our way. "at noon we gained the part that is clear of wood, but { } so very steep and slippery was the summit, that we were obliged to go on our hands and knees, forcing them as deeply into the snow as possible, to avoid sliding down again. the highest point is not visible from port gallant. "while i took angles with the theodolite, the seamen made a fire. it was well we carried some fuel and a tinder-box, with a sheet of copper, upon which to kindle it; for without a fire we should have been quite numbed. standing in one place for two hours, after being much warmed by exertion, made us more sensible of the cold. the highest spot is but a few yards wide, and by barometrical measurement is , feet above the sea.[ ] the height is, in truth, small; but as the mountain is so steep, and rises so abruptly from the sea, it appears considerable. "when we had finished our observations with the barometer and theodolite, we deposited a memorial, containing a list of the officers and crews of the beagle and adelaide--an account of the object of their voyage, how far it had succeeded, and where we were going--and a collection of coins, well-soldered up in a tin case--upon the bare rock; and made a great pile of stones over it. "having again examined the barometer, we began to descend; for the sun disappearing behind the distant mountains, warned us that it was time to return. we had enjoyed a magnificent view on all sides, and were reluctant to leave our station. in descending, we made rapid progress at first, sliding many yards together down the soft snow; but, by the time we reached the woody part, it was getting dark, and having foolishly tried to return by a straight line, instead of going round, we found steep cliffs, and ravines covered with rotten trees, which perplexed us exceedingly. darkness, and the deep snow, much increased our dilemma; yet we could not resist laughing heartily at the ludicrous scrapes some of the party got into: one man was rather a-head, looking for a way to descend a steep place, when the snow slipped from under him, and down he went, about eighty feet, partly sliding, { } partly falling, but quite against his consent. what he did by accident, we were obliged to do, because there was no alternative; so away we slid, one after another, like so many sledges upon russian ice-hills, holding the instruments as we could, by one hand, while the other was employed to check or steady us. with a little more of this sort of work, and some struggling through the wood at the bottom, we reached the shore, where a boat was waiting for us, and at about eight arrived on board, in a half-wet, half-frozen condition.[ ] " th. every thing was brought on board, the ship unmoored, and all made ready for our departure next morning. " th. sailed from port gallant, leaving the adelaide to rate her chronometers, and rejoin us before leaving the strait. in the evening we anchored in elizabeth bay, after a severe day's struggle against a strong and contrary wind, with much rain. " st. blowing hard again this morning from the n.w., with a great deal of rain. weighed and made sail under reefed courses and treble reefed topsails, but the wind and tide were more than a match for us, so we stood across into whale sound, and worked up under the lee of carlos island, finding the tide there rather in our favour. the 'williwaws' (i know no better name for the sudden gusts that come off the high land) gave us some trouble, occasionally laying us almost on our beam ends. at half past two i was induced to anchor under the lee of the south-east extremity of carlos island, and thought our day's work was repaid by a snug position close to a weather-shore, besides having made some little progress; but after dark the wind became more violent, and a williwaw drove us out into deep water. we set the storm sails, which, with the weather-tide, known to be then making strongly, i hoped would take her a-head sufficiently to clear rupert island (lying under our lee), and all hands then went to the capstan; but while heaving-in the cable, our bower anchor again caught the ground and brought us up. we veered away cable { } directly, let go another anchor, and rode out the rest of the gale, which was extremely violent, without driving. "the instant our anchor caught, i knew we must be on a ridge, of which lieut. skyring had spoken to me, lying between rupert and carlos islands, across which the tide makes strongly, at the rate of about three knots. rupert island was still under our lee, distant less than half a mile. " d. blowing hard and raining. at a.m. it cleared and moderated, but so strong a tide set past us, to the south, that we could not attempt to weigh. it differs here from that in mid-channel by two hours, which may much assist a vessel if she manages so as to take eight hours tide in her favour. "at eleven we unmoored, and got ready for moving at the turn of tide.[ ] at one we weighed and made sail with a moderate wind from n.w., and by keeping close to carlos island, and making short boards, we had a weather-tide, while in the fairway of the strait the stream was running to the s.e. we anchored in bachelor's bay (or york roads), choosing an outside berth in order to have more room to weigh again and work with the morning tide. it blew hard in the night, but we rode securely, although the tide ran at least three knots where we were. " d. we started and worked to the westward, and at nine were abreast of borja bay; but by trying for too much, nearly lost all that we had gained, for in standing across from the bay, hoping to weather cape quod, the flood tide took us so strongly, that it cost three hours close working to get to an anchor even in borja bay. we had rain and sleet continually through the day, and it blew hard at night, but as plenty of chain was out, the topsails and courses were close reefed, and the top-gallant masts on deck, we were ready for anything. " th. heavy squalls, with almost constant rain, prevented our moving westward, and similar weather continued throughout the day, becoming worse at night. had we had plenty of provisions i should not have minded this delay, because we might have remained at anchor till it was over; but so much { } had been said about the difficulty sometimes found in working through the strait, that it concerned us greatly not to lose a chance of making progress. during this night the squalls were very heavy. the holding ground must have been excellent, for williwaws drove the ship from one side to the other as if she had been a chip upon the water. " th. weighed this morning, weathered cape quod, and worked to the westward, the weather having cleared and become very fine. the part where most tide is felt was then past. cape quod projects so far south that the strait is there extremely narrow, and though very deep, has a strong tide. " th. at daylight we found ourselves to windward of marian's cove. looking eastward upon the land about cape quod, it has a very bleak and rugged appearance. the almost perennial west winds prevent vegetation from growing on the heights exposed to their action. hence the desolate look of the western shores of tierra del fuego. we saw a sail beyond cape notch, and, just before we moored, close to the shore in half-port cove, we made her out to be the adelaide. " th. a bad morning, snowy and blowing, but the wind being moderate between the squalls, i went in a whale boat to examine the gulf of xaultegua, and pulled along the south shore towards cape monday. having gained some distance to windward, while the snow was so thick it was impossible to see the shore, we made sail across the strait, and hit the place within a cable's length. when the snow ceased falling, we saw a large space of water before us, the land opposite being at least five miles distant. we sailed towards a strange looking islet in the middle of the gulf, very similar to the old mouldering figures of the fabled sphinx, but the snow becoming again almost incessant, only allowing us to see our way at intervals, while the wind was too strong for even a close reefed sail, we landed, and hauled the boat up on an island. i was in hopes of finding an opening which would lead me to the skyring water; and my boat's crew, being almost as eager as i was, cared little for the wind or snow. this night we made a larger tent than usual, with a top-gallant studding sail, and { } the consequence was, we were extremely cold, as there was a sharp frost, and the snow was lying every where very deep. next night we were wiser, and reduced our tent to the smallest dimensions. " th. early in the morning we resumed our search. i had a chronometer with me, but as we never saw the sun, nor even a star, i should have been as well without it. we pulled and sailed towards the northernmost corner first, but found no opening, and went thence to the eastward, with a strong and favourable breeze. passing still-hope point i felt sure of finding a passage, for before me were the tops of mountains seen from the otway water. i was, however, deceived, the gulf ended in two bights, or inlets, unconnected with other waters: so we returned to still-hope point and hauled up the boat. the night passed very well, in a snug place among trees, although the snow was falling thickly. early next morning we left the shore, having employed a quarter of an hour in clearing the snow out of our boat. when we started, it snowed fast but without wind, and we steered by compass for the sphinx. i sketched what i could see of the south side of this gulf, but did not consider it worth delaying longer, in such weather, for so unimportant a place, while anxious that the beagle should reach chilóe before her provisions were expended, and that i should fall in with the adelaide before leaving the strait. if ever a minute survey is made of this gulf, it should be after all others have been examined, as it is utterly useless. the temperature of the water within it we found to be ° fahr. we landed on st. anne's island, having run near thirty miles since the morning, and thence we sailed across the strait, reached his majesty's little vessel, and found that the adelaide had not yet passed by. all looked cold and wintry, every thing being covered with snow; and our sails were hard frozen, for the first time. "july st. after beating loose the sails, we stood out in the ship to meet the adelaide, which was seen coming towards us. i went on board, and found every one well. they too, in attempting to anchor off carlos island, had, like ourselves, been driven { } out: we compared chronometers, and supplied her with a few things not thought of before (keeping under all sail meanwhile to profit by an easterly wind); and the beagle's officers lent the adelaide their own stove. "in the afternoon, we parted company; the adelaide stood towards upright bay, and anchored at dusk, while we steered out of the strait, with a freshening breeze from the east, which increased much as we made westing. at midnight, we were in the pacific, and all our anxiety about weeks of beating to windward upon short allowance of provisions, vanished as quickly as the land astern. the glass falling, with the wind in the s.e. quarter, foretold unusually bad weather; we therefore shortened sail by degrees, making all secure. " d. at six o'clock in the morning, it was blowing a gale of wind, with so much sea, that it was necessary to steer right before it,--or heave-to,--which with a fair wind was not preferable; and we found the vessel scud extremely well, under close reefed fore and main topsails, and double reefed foresail. our quarter boats caused anxiety, for the davits were low, and at every lurch the boats were risked. frequently they dipped in the sea, and sometimes were half filled; but they hung fast till by a moment's neglect of the steerage, a sea broke over the whale-boat, and carried her away. the other, being much smaller and stronger, held on well, though frequently under water. towards midnight the gale broke; by the next morning the weather was more moderate; and from that time it continued fine, until our arrival at chilóe. "on the th, at daylight, we saw land at a great distance, which afterwards proved to be the island of guafo, and in the afternoon the south end of chilóe was seen. "on the th, we were working towards the port of san carlos, being off point huapilacuy, and next day ( th) anchored in the port of san carlos, which seemed to be well sheltered by a country, the appearance of which was very agreeable when contrasted with that of tierra del fuego. "the town reminded me of a cornish village. i thought, from their appearance and colour, that the houses were built { } of stone, and roofed with slate; but afterwards found they were of wood, from their foundations, to the tops of their roofs. except a few cleared spaces, the island is entirely covered with trees, even on the highest hills. the captain of the port (an englishman) boarded us as we neared the anchorage, and was very obliging in his offers. from him i learnt that the adventure had not yet arrived, nor even been heard of on the coast. we anchored under the lee of barcacura heights, in a good berth, and moored ship. i went on shore immediately, and paid my respects to the governor, don josé santiago aldunate, a brigadier-general in the chilian service, whose kind manner, and friendly offers of every assistance he could render us, were very gratifying. from the master of a merchant ship, lately arrived, i was surprised and concerned to learn, that the adventure had not reached valparaiso before the time of his sailing thence ( th of june).[ ] "refitting the beagle, repairing and building boats, occupied most of the officers, and all the crew, while mr. stokes and i were engaged in the work of the survey, during our stay in the port of san carlos. our ship required caulking, which, in so rainy a climate, was difficult to accomplish. so continually wet was the weather, that had we not dried our sails, and unbent them, during three fine days which we had(r) on our arrival, they would not have been dry during our stay." * * * * * { } chapter xv. extracts from the journals of lieutenants skyring and graves--magdalen channel--keats sound--mount sarmiento--barrow head--cockburn channel-- prevalence of south-west winds--melville sound--ascent of mount skyring-- memorial--cockburn and barbara channels--mass of islets and rocks--hewett bay--cypress trees useful--adelaide rejoins beagle in port gallant-- captain king's narrative resumed--plan of future proceedings--adelaide arrives at chilóe--abstract of lieutenant skyring's account of her proceedings--smyth channel--mount burney--'ancon sin salida'--natives-- kirke narrows--guia narrows--peculiar tides--indians in plank canoes-- passage to chilóe. the extracts from captain fitz roy's first journal being ended, i shall now give some passages from the journals of lieutenants skyring and graves, while employed in the adelaide, exploring and surveying the magdalen and barbara channels. the reader will remember, that the adelaide parted company with the beagle, at the entrance of the magdalen channel, on the th of april; and steered to the southward under the direction of lieutenant skyring. lieutenant graves says:-- "the east and west shores of the magdalen channel run nearly parallel to each other: but the east side is broken by a large opening, named keats sound, which runs into the land for eight miles, and appears very like a channel.(s) "at the s.w. angle of the magdalen channel stands mount sarmiento: the most conspicuous, and the most splendid object in these regions. rising abruptly from the sea, to a height of about , feet, it terminates in two sharp peaks, which seem absolutely in the sky: so lofty does the mountain appear, when you are close to its base. { } "two thirds of the height are covered with snow; and two enormous glaciers descend into the deep blue waters of the sea beneath. when the sun shines, it is a most brilliant and magnificent sight. "many days were almost lost to us, in consequence of heavy gales, accompanied by torrents of rain; but we profited by intervals of fine weather to move from cove to cove. "on the th of may, while working out of stormy bay, we grounded, and remained fixed upon a rock several hours, but were lifted off again by the next tide, without having sustained material injury. "to vessels navigating this channel, i should strongly recommend giving a preference to the south shore, where there are many openings, and i have no doubt good anchorages, which, as our time was limited, and the weather very tempestuous, we had not an opportunity of examining. if any such exist they would have a decided advantage over those on the north shore, from being generally to windward, and therefore easy to leave, as well as more secure. king and fitz roy islands, lying in mid-channel, between stormy and park bays, are of bold approach, as are also the kirke rocks, which lie further to the s.w. "one morning, being anxious to obtain a more secure situation for the vessel, we started in search of a better berth, intending, if possible, to reach a bay on the other shore, near barrow head, apparently affording good anchorage; but after beating about, from nine until four o'clock, without being able to reach it, the breeze freshening, and sea increasing, we bore up, and again anchored under the lee of the same island. s.w. winds prevail in these parts throughout the year: in confirmation of which, besides the experience we ourselves have had, all the trees which stand exposed, are bent in an opposite direction; and on the s.w. side of all the land open to that point, not only does the vegetation commence much further from the water's edge, but it is scarcer, and more stunted. in sheltered places the trees grow to within a foot of high-water mark. [illustration: c. martens t. landseer mount sarmiento. published by henry colburn, great marlborough street, ] { } "may th. we remained at the above-mentioned anchorage; and while lieutenant skyring was examining a cluster of islands in the vicinity, i obtained observations for the latitude and longitude; and as it was the first fine day, indeed the only one since entering this channel in which we had a fair proportion of sunshine, it was taken advantage of to dry and air all our clothes and bedding, and clean out the vessel thoroughly. "the next anchorage we took, was in a cove just large enough to hold the schooner, at the entrance of dyneley sound, on the north shore. in crossing over, we had a fine view of mount sarmiento; and looking to seaward, from the hill over this cove, the tussac, and the fury rocks, at the entrance of melville sound, which are much resorted to by sealers, were clearly distinguishable. "during our stay here, until may th, the neighbouring coast was examined, whenever the weather permitted. we also communicated with several canoes full of indians, but gained no additional information respecting the habits of the natives. "the next start carried us through the islands of melville sound, to an anchorage in a small cove, at the n.e. end of the largest of the magill islands, upon which is mount skyring. having resolved to ascend to the top, as it offered so commanding a view, and was so centrally situated, we remained for that purpose." the weather, for several days, was very unfavourable, and it was not until the st, that there was any reasonable prospect of obtaining a view from the summit; when lieutenant skyring and mr. kirke had a most laborious excursion, and the latter was nearly frost-bitten in ascending the mountain; but they were fully recompensed for the trouble and difficulty they had experienced. lieutenant skyring says:-- "we gained the summit after three hour's hard travelling. during the last five hundred feet of ascent, the mountain was almost precipitous, and we had the utmost difficulty in passing the instruments from hand to hand. its formation is remarkable, although, i believe, the same structure exists throughout the hills around. the base is a coarse granite, but this solid { } formation cannot be traced half the height; above is an immense heap of masses of rock, irregularly and wonderfully thrown together, many huge fragments overhanging, with apparently very little hold. this station was the most commanding we had chosen during the survey, and answered well for the object we desired; which being attained, we returned on board, and i rejoiced when all were safe, for it was neither an easy, nor a pleasant enterprise." a document, of which the following is a copy, was enclosed in a bottle and a strong outer case, and left at the summit of the mountain. (copy.) this memorial was left by the officers of h.m. schooner adelaide, while employed on a survey of the magdalen, cockburn, and barbara channels; and any person finding it is requested to leave the original document, and build the pile, under which it is placed, at least six feet higher. signed this th day of may , by w. g. skyring, lieut. and assist. surveyor of h.m.s. beagle. thomas graves, lieut. of h.m. schooner adelaide. james kirke, midshipman h.m.s. beagle. alex. millar, master assist. h.m.s. adelaide. benj. bynoe, assist. surgeon h.m.s. beagle. jno. park, assist. surgeon h.m.s. adventure. god save the king. "in the cockburn channel,[ ] the flood-tide sets to seaward; { } but it was not found to be of consequence to a vessel in working through. the rise and fall is not more than six, or at most, eight feet, at spring-tides. "may d. we quitted this anchorage; and having worked to the westward, through the adelaide passage, took up a berth in a small bay, two miles and a half to the northward, where we remained during the night, and next morning; then, after examining the neighbouring coast sufficiently to carry on our triangulation, proceeded to an anchorage on the north side of bynoe island. from the summit of this place an extensive view was obtained of the islands in melville sound, as well as of the entrance to the cockburn and barbara channels. such a complicated mass of islands and rocks, i never before saw; to lay them all down correctly would occupy a long time. sufficient, however, has been done to take the navigator through this labyrinth; but i am well aware, that very much is still wanting to complete the survey. "fury and north harbours, of which the former became more particularly known to us from the prince of saxe cobourg having been wrecked there in december , were laid down from an eye-sketch only; but the peaks of the island, and its extremes, were fixed by triangulation.[ ] "melville sound is formed by the islands which separate the cockburn from the barbara channels. generally speaking, they, as well as the coasts in the immediate neighbourhood which are exposed to seaward, present a most barren and desolate appearance. "until the th of may, we were much occupied among the surrounding islands; but time being short, we took advantage of a southerly wind to run up the barbara channel, and soon reached an anchorage in hewett bay. while securing the vessel, a canoe, containing only a man, woman, and child, and three dogs, was seen coming round the south point of the bay. as they seemed very unwilling to pay us a visit, remaining at a distance, and vociferating as usual, 'ho-say,' 'ho-say!' mr. bynoe and i communicated with them in the dinghy; but { } finding they had not an article worth bartering for, we soon left them, and returned on board. it was suspected their companions were not far off, and indeed, the day after, lieutenant skyring saw several canoes; but the moment he was discovered, they were beached, and the men, taking to the woods, kept at a distance. "on the th, we left hewett bay, and, after threading the needle through a multitude of islands, islets, and small rocks, for more than three miles, reached an anchorage in a small cove, at the north entrance of brown bay, where we were detained, and confined to the vessel, by heavy gales, and stormy weather, until june d; when, having a fine day, we reached a spot (marked in the chart as north anchorage) sufficiently secure for a small vessel; but not to be recommended to any other. "between hewett bay, and the above anchorage, there are several rocks, among patches of kelp, which, as they only show themselves at half ebb, or near low water, render the navigation rather intricate. a good maxim in these channels is, 'avoid kelp, and you avoid danger.' forty-three days had passed since we left port famine; and in this interval, i find we had nine favourable days, twelve partially favourable, some hours of which we could employ in the work about which we were engaged, and the remaining twenty-three were days of rain and wind, far too unfavourable to serve our purpose in the least. "june th. while turning to windward, we, for the first time, felt the influence of the tide, which, from the channel's narrowing, begins to be sensible: here it was sufficiently strong to prevent our gaining ground in beating to windward, although with a good working breeze; we therefore ran into a bay on the west side, and anchored. the country around had rather a pleasing appearance, the shores being partially covered with the evergreen, and deciduous-leaved beech, and a few stunted cypress-trees. these last are serviceable for boat-hook spars, or boats' masts; and, when seasoned, work up very smoothly, and wear well: the beech-trees do not equal those found further northward in the strait, except here and there in sheltered corners. { } "with a leading wind, the next morning, we reached the south narrows of the barbara channel, through which we were carried by a strong tide, and anchored in bedford bay. "here, as well as throughout the barbara channel, the flood tide sets to the southward. we obtained at this place angles which connected our triangulation with points fixed by captain king during the previous year, and finished our examination of these channels within a very few days of the time allotted. "on the th of june we attempted to pass through the shag narrows, but not saving the tide, were obliged to anchor for the night in field bay, which is small and much exposed to southerly winds; the bank also is very abrupt, and the water is deep close to the shore. "on the th we succeeded in clearing the narrows, and reached port gallant early in the afternoon, where we rejoined the beagle." having given these brief extracts from journals kept on board the beagle and adelaide, during the time occupied by the adventure about cape horn, or on her way to chilóe, i will resume my own narrative. as it was my intention to remain at this port[ ] until the beagle and adelaide were equipped, the adventure was made snug, and, by way of relaxation, such of the officers as could be spared from the duties of the ship, resided in turns at the town, where also the ship's company had frequently permission to amuse themselves. the hoxsley schooner arrived from valparaiso and brought me letters from the admiralty, acquiescing in my request to return to england direct, instead of proceeding by way of new south wales and the cape of good hope, as was originally intended. i therefore determined to return to valparaiso as soon as our consorts had taken their departure, proceed thence to port famine, where we were to be joined by the adelaide, and afterwards repair to rio de janeiro to await the beagle's arrival, when we should sail for england. { } on the th of september my anxiety for the adelaide was relieved by her appearance, and by finding all on board her in good health. she had gone up the coast by the channels that communicate with the strait of magalhaens at beaufort bay, passing inside of hanover island and madre de dios; and lieut. skyring gave me a very interesting account of their discoveries, of which the following is an abstract. it will be remembered that the beagle left the adelaide at anchor under cape upright. while there the wind freshened up from the eastward, and threw a swell into the bay, which rendered the anchorage very unsafe, as the schooner's stern was in the foam of the sea that broke on the rocky shore close to her. much anxiety was felt for their safety, but the anchors held well. as soon as the weather permitted they sailed, entered beaufort bay, and steered towards a deep opening to the eastward of cape phillip, into which they ran with a steady s.e. wind, and found an anchorage on the west side in deep harbour. on the th of july lieut. skyring and mr. kirke were absent in a whaleboat, exploring a deep opening eastward of cape tamar, which they found to terminate in two sounds, named by them icy sound and glacier bay; the first from its being covered with a sheet of ice, and the latter from its being full of large masses which had been detached from an extensive glacier occupying the bottom of the bay. the examination of this opening was made in search of a channel, through which, vessels had entered the strait, and the schooner was to proceed to her rendezvous. the result proved that the adelaide was already in the channel they were looking for, therefore they returned on board, and proceeded ( th) to the northward. in passing mount joy a strong tide was observed, the certain indication of a channel; for, as has been before remarked, within sounds the tide has no perceptible stream. to gain a better knowledge of their way they anchored early in good's bay; the course of the channel, from the intersection of points, and intervention of islands, being by no means distinct. lieut. graves made a plan of the bay, while { } lieut. skyring, and his assistant,[ ] completed the survey of the entrance to the passage, which was named smyth channel, as a compliment to capt. w. h. smyth, r. n., under whom, while surveying the mediterranean, both lieuts. skyring and graves had served. the best channel they found to the eastward of renouard island, and the adelaide took that course, but stopped a night in a small cove on the eastern side of the island, and in passing shoal island next day struck on a rock; she was got off however without injury, and anchored afterwards, for a night, on the north side of the island of the narrows. the two following days ( th and th) were spent in examining the coast, and exploring clapperton inlet, which had the appearance of being a channel. from the hills at the bottom lieut. skyring noticed a considerable tract of low land and open plain, extending to the northward. on the th, being sunday, they remained quiet, and on the th the weather was so calm that they only reached hose harbour, on the east side; and the next day oake bay. thence crossing the channel in a whaleboat they explored some distance along that shore; and on the th anchored in otter bay. this slow progress was unavoidable, owing to the calm state of the weather, and to the survey being principally, if not entirely, carried on in boats. on the th the schooner was towed onwards, and passing over an extensive shoal flat of three fathoms, reached the summer islands, where she might have stopped, but, as the tide was still favourable, she proceeded to an anchorage under long island, the most northern in the elson group. the eastern shore of the channel was there very different in character from what they had so long been accustomed to, being nearly level; and, extending for some distance off every low point, there was shoal water. for some days a lofty mountain, covered with snow, had been in sight; which, by angular measurement, proved to { } be , feet in height. it was named mount burney, in compliment to the admiral. on the th the adelaide reached fortune bay, situated at the east extreme of a headland, on each side of which is a channel, leading, apparently, towards cape isabel. the northern seemed to be the principal one, and therefore was followed next day ( th) as far as welcome bay. continuing the survey onwards they reached victory passage, which they entered, thinking they were in the mouth of the 'ancon sin salida,' as laid down from sarmiento's journal by admiral burney. the weather, however, became so bad, that they were obliged to take shelter in island bay, and the next day the wind setting in from the eastward, they gave up, for a time, their search for the 'ancon sin salida,' and proceeded by smyth channel, as far as hamper bay, where they were again detained by bad weather. here a few rock fish were caught, but at no other time during this cruise were the fishermen successful, although the channel was so filled by porpoises and seals, that it is probably well stocked with fish at the proper season: and there are many places where the seine might be shot. proceeding slowly on the th, the adelaide struck on a rock, and remained fast for a few hours, but as the tide rose she swung off without damage. upon examining rocky bay they found it a complete bed of rocks; yet, bad as it was, the adelaide was obliged to remain there five days, owing to the tempestuous state of the weather. on the th they reached the north end of smyth channel, and anchored in narrow creek. on the st lieut. skyring went to a remarkable hill, which he called mount trafalgar, but thought it might have been the 'monte trigo'[ ] of sarmiento, so much did its appearance remind him of a corn stack. the day was most favourable: a round of angles, and an extensive view down lord nelson's strait, were obtained from the summit. they remained on an island all night, sheltered by the boat, and next morning went to two points, called by sarmiento 'oueste,' and 'mas { } al oueste,' (west and more west,) returning to the adelaide in the evening. the following morning was fine, and the adelaide moved out of smyth channel, the survey of which was completed very satisfactorily, although their progress was slow, owing to constant northerly winds. by towing the adelaide during tedious calms, they reached montague bay in the evening, and next day anchored in relief harbour, on the s.w. side of vancouver island. as it was evident that the 'ancon sin salida' was within piazzi and ceres islands, up the west coasts of which they had passed, lieut. skyring left the schooner moored in relief harbour, and proceeded, on the th august, to the southward, in a whale-boat with mr. kirke; but he took no more than a week's provisions, that time being all he could devote to this exploration. the th, th, and th, lieutenant skyring employed in pulling or sailing to the southward and eastward, through winding and intricate passages; although strong winds and much heavy rain annoyed him, and impeded his progress. on the th the weather was much more favourable than it had lately been. the boat pulled and sailed to the southward, and at noon lieutenant skyring ascended a height,[ ] having on each side of it a deep opening, but he was disappointed in the view; and, after taking bearings, pulled round the adjacent bights, one of which was exactly opposite artist bay, in smyth channel, and so near it that the two waters were only separated by a few hundred yards;[ ] the other,[ ] eastward of the height, was large, and closed at the bottom by very low lands. it was directly supposed to be the 'ancon sin salida;'[ ] but sarmiento's description, and the chart compiled by burney, { } were insufficient to enable them to decide with any degree of certainty. after looking round this bay, they continued to the eastward, and passed a point beyond which there was apparently a wide channel; having run about six miles down it without discovering any termination, they hauled their boat up on the beach for the night. on the th, two canoes were noticed on the west shore; but seeing strangers the natives, apparently much frightened, all landed, except an old man; and taking with them what they most valued, hid themselves among the brush-wood, leaving their canoes fastened to the sea-weed. by some fuegian words of invitation, the men were, however, induced to approach and traffic, receiving for their otter skins whatever could be spared. in appearance and manner these indians were exactly similar to the fuegians; and by their canoes only, which were built of planks, could they be distinguished as belonging to another tribe. after leaving the natives, the boat passed cape earnest, and lieutenant skyring observed a wide channel leading north and then n.n.w.;[ ] also, another opening to the eastward. the wind being easterly, he ran some distance to the northward, to gain more knowledge of the first inlet; and having gone ten or twelve miles from cape earnest, and observing the opening for eight miles beyond to be as wide as where they then were, he concluded it to be a channel, or else a deep sound terminated by low land, for there was evidently a division in { } the mountains, such as to justify this belief. returning, they entered the smaller opening to the eastward, and were almost assured of its being a channel; for when they were between the points, many porpoises and seals were observed, and a tide was found setting westward, at the rate of two knots. at dark, they hauled their boat on the beach of an excellent bay, at the north side of the narrow reach, and secured her for the night. on the th, shortly after daylight, they set out in a n.e. direction to ascertain the truth of their supposition; and before noon knew, beyond a doubt, that they were correct in their belief, being in the narrows of a channel before unknown, that had eluded sarmiento's notice. these narrows, which lieutenant skyring felt assured would lead to a large opening, were upwards of three miles in length, and generally about one-third of a mile in breadth. a strong tide took the boat through; and at the n.e. extremity, where the narrows were reduced to four hundred yards in width, the water, although a neap-tide, rushed at the rate of four knots, forming whirling eddies, which were carefully avoided by lieutenant skyring. at spring-tide, the strength of these rapids would probably not be less than seven knots. having passed through them, a clear channel was seen, upwards of two miles wide, running to the n.b.e. for, at least, eight miles, and then turning directly eastward, between moderately high land. another channel, nearly a mile and a half wide, trended to the s.e. for two or three miles, and then also turned to the eastward. here they stopped. lieutenant skyring regretted extremely not being able to prosecute the discovery, and have one more view from the eastern point of the n.e. channel; but as only one day's provisions remained, it would have been imprudent to delay his return. it was evident, that they had passed through the range of the cordilleras,[ ] for to the eastward the country appeared totally different, the highest hill not being above seven hundred feet. the opening to the n.e. was thought to communicate with the 'waters' lately discovered by captain fitz roy. the latitude { } was obtained on point return; and in the afternoon, reluctantly but anxiously, they retraced their way, and passed that night at their former quarters, in whale-boat bay. on the th, at daylight, they proceeded on their return. the wind was fair until they reached cape earnest, when it drew right against them; and they had the unpleasant prospect of a tedious pull to the schooner, with very little provision. the th was a thoroughly wet day, and the wind was so strong from the northward, with a very heavy sea running, that it was impossible to proceed. on the th, they left the bay soon after daylight, and having pulled along shore a few miles, crossed union sound, and gained the narrows of san benito, the wind being still fresh from the northward; thence they continued pulling until they hauled up, after dark, in a bay, opposite point benito, and waited till the morning of the th, when with a fresh s.w. wind they made good progress, which was of the more consequence, as their provisions were expended, although they had eked them out with corvorants and muscles. at last, the sight of the adelaide rejoiced them, and they soon afterwards reached her. their appearance was a relief to all who were on board, as they were becoming very anxious, and lieut. graves was preparing to send the other whale-boat in search of them. during their absence he had made the necessary astronomical observations, and finished the examination of those shores adjacent to the harbours. from the th to the th, the schooner was detained by bad weather, and the following day only succeeded in reaching escape bay, in san estevan channel, which was found to be a good and well-sheltered anchorage, although small. on the th, after angles had been taken on each side of the channel, the adelaide got under weigh, and steered up the channel. at noon she passed the mount which they supposed to be sarmiento's monte trigo, and soon after, nearing esperanza island, they sought for some mark by which to recognise the mountain of the fox ('monte de la zorra'). in the white part of a cliff, they fancied some resemblance to an { } animal, and noticed a harbour opposite, in which they anchored. they had such trouble in getting to the northward, that this day's run, though only eighteen miles, was a cause of much satisfaction. on the th, at daylight, the boats were employed around the anchorage, and at nine o'clock the vessel was underweigh, and working to the northward, although it rained hard then, as well as throughout the whole day: after beating until the evening, she anchored on the west shore. constant rain fell through the whole night, and during the st; it was therefore impossible to make any progress to the northward. on the d the adelaide weighed, and the weather being calm, was towed during the whole forenoon. at noon a southerly wind sprung up, and by the evening she was in the guia narrows (of sarmiento). they tried for anchorage in unfit bay, conceiving it to be sarmiento's port ochavario; but none being found, the vessel was towed into a cove, and securely moored. next day the boats surveyed the guia narrows. although long, they did not appear hazardous to pass, for the tides are not very rapid. the ebb tide runs to the northward, but at the south entrance of the san estevan channel, the ebb sets to the southward; which difference in direction, within so short a distance, is extraordinary, and difficult to account for without knowing more of the coast. certainly there is a meeting of tides between the two entrances; probably, all the land westward of san estevan is a collection of large islands, and water flows into this channel, from the pacific, through many openings, which may be the cause of this peculiarity. th. with light breezes from the eastward, the schooner weighed and stood through the narrows; passed point san juan, and continued along the eastern shore of concepcion strait to guard bay, where she was moored. th. rainy weather until near noon, when the boats were employed. on the th the schooner was towed out, and, as it was calm, { } kept a boat a-head the whole day. she anchored in a small bight, formed by chance islands, about seven miles from guard bay. the th was rainy, but the boats went to different points, and angles were taken before the schooner weighed and worked northward. at noon she came to an anchor in a small bay, northward of the hocico de caiman. constant rain during the remainder of the day. on the th it rained too incessantly the whole morning, to allow the party to work, even in boats; and the day was passed in laying down former observations. th. after angles had been taken near the anchorage, the schooner was moved, and worked along the coast. a strong wind from the n.w., with a heavy sea, brought the vessel under close-reefed sails, and obliged her to anchor in walker bay. on the th, the adelaide anchored in molyneux sound. to give a clearer idea of the delays experienced in making progress to the northward through these intricate channels, i shall now extract part of lieutenant skyring's journal, in his own words: " st. wind n.n.w. with a heavy swell in the strait; the boats at daylight went north and south of the anchorage, and angles were obtained. at nine, ready for starting; but the weather was too unfavourable, and continued so until the th of september, when, at seven o'clock in the morning, we weighed. at nine, squally--obliged to double-reef; but the tide serving, we gained a few miles to windward, and at one, p.m., stood among a mass of islands on the west side, and moored in tom's bay, steadying the vessel with the stream anchor. in the afternoon the survey was continued, and from the heights a view was obtained of the gulf of trinidad, and of several points observed last year. another detention of two days, owing to bad weather. " th. cloudy; weighed at daylight, and stood for the narrows. at eight, squally, with thick snowy weather; but, being once under weigh, we refrained from returning, until compelled. it certainly was not a favourable day for working { } through; but the wind moderated, and our attempt succeeded. no anchorage being found by the boats on the north side of the narrows, we made for the weather-shore of the gulf, and anchored early in windward bay. in the afternoon, angles were taken on middle island, and east and west of the anchorage. the time of our departure drawing near, it became doubly necessary to work constantly, that we might join this survey with that of last year, in the beagle. " th. weighed at daylight; wind light from n.w.; but, falling calm, boats were detached for continuing the angles, and the latitude was observed on red beak rocks. at five o'clock, we gained an anchorage, close to the eastward of the ancon del morro, on the s.e. side of division isle, in a bay which answered our purpose, although it was rather a confined place. some angles were taken on point candelaria, preparatory to continuing our course next morning. " th. at daylight weighed and stood over to the northern shore, and at eleven, anchored in neesham bay, in eleven fathoms. boats employed in the afternoon, on the survey. while at anchor, two canoes, containing together thirty-two indians, came alongside; they were chiefly men, a finer race of people, better formed, and better featured than the fuegians, and much less noisy. their canoes were made of planks, the longest upwards of twenty-three feet in length: they appeared exceedingly buoyant, and pulled quickly. " th. at daylight, we sailed out of the bay, with a light breeze from the eastward; at seven, the wind increased, and a heavy sea rose in the gulf. it was my intention to get an anchorage under mount corso; but, as that was now a leeward coast, with a heavy sea setting upon the shore, it would have been improper to attempt seeking for one. if it had answered our purpose, we might have gone to port henry, and, indeed, this was the only safe course we could have pursued, if our object had been to remain in the gulf; but no time was left to wait for favourable weather; therefore i chose in preference to leave the gulf, and take advantage of the fair wind to gain an offing, the time of our return being so near. { } "we left the gulf two days before i had expected to have done so; but we all rejoiced at our departure. no crew could have performed their duty more willingly than the adelaide's; but such lengthened fatigue as they had undergone, was sufficient to make any men feel happy at the prospect of a respite. "it was a pleasing reflection to lieutenant graves and myself, that the orders had been fully executed; that the coast we had passed was throughout well connected; and that this service was concluded without any illness or accident among the crew, without any damage to the vessel, without any loss of boats, or even the slightest misfortune." during the adelaide's passage to chilóe, lieutenant skyring and his companion were assiduously employed in transferring their observations to paper, notwithstanding the violent motion of their little vessel, during ten days of rough weather. * * * * * { } chapter xvi. chilóe--its probable importance--valdivia founds seven cities; afterwards destroyed by the indians--migration of spanish settlers-- province and islands of chilóe--districts and population--government-- defence--winds--town--durability of wooden buildings--cultivation--want of industry--improvement--dress--habits of lower classes--morality-- schools--language--produce--manufactures--exports and imports--varieties of wood--alerse--roads--piraguas ploughs--corn--potatoes--contributions-- birds--shell-fish--medical practitioners--remedies--climate. as the island of chilóe was formerly shrouded from notice, by the policy of its master, the king of spain, and therefore little known to the world; i have considered it not irrelevant to the narration of the voyage, to introduce a short account of its present state, particularly as since the trade of the whole coast has been opened, a new era has dawned upon this interesting island; and although it has been, as yet, the least frequented of the south american states, i think the time is not far distant, when it will become an important part of the chilian territory. after the foundation of the city of penco, or concepcion, by don pedro de valdivia, in the year , he passed on towards the south in search of convenient situations for other cities; and crossing the river bio bio, which separates concepcion from the territory of the araucanian indians, successively founded imperial, valdivia, villa rica, angol, cañete, and osorno; the last being effected in the year . the necessary distribution of the spanish forces, to protect so many points, made them comparatively defenceless, in a country inhabited by a large population of indians, who contemplated the hostile occupation of their native land, by the invading army, with a deep dissatisfaction. they had for some time endured, with sullen patience, the yoke of the spaniards; but at last, incensed by the servility and bondage to which they were reduced, and, probably, by no small portion of ill-treatment; the whole population rose simultaneously, and waged a most destructive and { } harassing war against the spaniards, in which the above-mentioned cities were all destroyed, and the greater number of their inhabitants put to death. the destruction of the city of osorno caused the province of chilóe, or, at least, the adjacent districts of calbuco and carelmapu, to be occupied. this town, being more distant from the seat of war, where the main body of the indian army was actively employed, was enabled to hold out for some time; but, at last, cut off from assistance, prevented from communicating with friends, and utterly destitute of supplies, the inhabitants retired to the fort, or citadel; which they maintained, until compelled, by absolute want of provisions, to abandon their position, and proceed to the south, with a view of establishing themselves in carelmapu and calbuco; where they hoped to be safe from attack. their retreat was attended by much suffering; many died from fatigue, and many were cut off by the indians, who hovered about them and murdered all who fell into their hands.[ ] at last they reached their destination, and established themselves first at carelmapu, which is on the main-land, on the north side of the boca de chilóe, opposite to san carlos; and afterwards at calbuco, on an island at the entrance to the gulf of reloncavi. the latter position by its insularity, was effectually protected against any attack from indian tribes, who, for many years, continually harassed the inhabitants of carelmapu. at what date this journey was made does not appear; nor is it certain that these places were occupied before the foundation of the city of castro, in , by the licentiate lope garcia de castro, in pursuance of an order from the viceroy of peru, marshal don martin ruiz de gamboa.[ ] the island of chilóe, from its situation, is a place of considerable importance, and may be termed the key of the pacific. { } it is the northernmost of that vast archipelago, which borders the coast from latitude ° south to cape horn. the province of chilóe, one of the eight divisions of the chilian republic, includes several islands, and extends on the main-land, as far as the south bank of the river maullin;[ ] which takes in the districts of carelmapu and calbuco. its southern extent is not defined; but as the existence of chilian authority is not known, to the southward of the chonos archipelago, certainly not farther south than the land of tres montes, the parallel of ° may be considered its southern limit. the country thence, to the strait of magalhaens, is known by the appellation of western patagonia. besides the isla grande, as chilóe is called, the following islands are inhabited:--achao, or quinchao, lemuy, quehuy, chelin, linlin, llignua, quenac, meulin, caguach or cahuache, alao, apiao, chaulinec, all in front of castro; the chaugues islands, opposite to tenoun; calbuco, llaichua, quenu, tabor, abtao, chiduapi (on which is the fort); huar in the neighbourhood, and district of calbuco; and, to the south, tanqui, to which may be added caylin, which is also called el fin de la cristiandad.[ ] of the above, next to the isla grande, the principal are quinchao and lemuy, both of which are very populous, and { } almost entirely cultivated. the other islands are small, and very close to each other; but separated by navigable channels, which offer many dangers to the frail vessels in which the islanders move about. the province is divided into ten districts, or partidos, as follows:-- . san carlos, containing the northern coast of the island, as far as chacao. . chacao. the n.e. part of the island. . carelmapu and maullin. . calbuco. . dalcahue, extending from chacao to tenoun. . quenac. . quinchao. . castro. . lemuy. . chonchi, which extends from castro to the south extremity of the island. by the census of , the population of the large island, and those in its neighbourhood would appear to be, comparatively, very considerable; the number of souls being , :[ ] particularly as the greater portion of the interior, and much of the sea-coast, are quite uninhabited. the population of the district of san carlos is confined principally to the town; for between it and chacao, there are very few inhabitants. at chacao there are only about two hundred houses, and dalcahue is but thinly occupied: but castro, quinchao, and lemuy, are very populous. these three districts are the most fertile and productive part of the island, particularly for seven or eight miles round castro. the peninsula opposite to that town, which is entirely cleared, would abundantly repay its cultivators, were industry more common among them. chilóe is governed by an 'yntendente,' or civil governor, who exacts obedience to the constitutional laws, as well as to the orders of the executive powers, and the resolutions of the provincial assembly, which is composed of members, elected { } by the people, at the rate of one deputy for , souls; but whatever the number may be, short of , , twelve deputies are to be elected. the duration of the assembly is biennial, and its business is to superintend the civil regulations of the province. under the yntendente each province has a local governor, whose principal duties are to maintain order, preside in the municipal meetings, see their regulations carried into execution, and obey the orders of the yntendente of the province. whilst we were at chilóe, the duties of yntendente, and military commandant, were performed by one person, brigadier-general don josé santiago aldunate; but, upon his resignation, the offices were separated: the military commandant retaining the charge of the treasury. the duties of the military chief, are to dispose of the troops under his command, as he sees occasion, so as to ensure the quietness, and subordination of the province, for which he is responsible; and to render the yntendente such assistance as he may require; but, for all ordinary purposes, the militia, who are under the immediate control of the yntendente, are employed. for the administration of the law there is a judge (juez de letras), who tries all civil as well as criminal actions. the province sends two deputies to the chilian congress, one from san carlos, and the other from castro. at the beginning of the year , the militia amounted to more than seven thousand men, and the regular troops to three hundred and thirty, which was quite sufficient for the province. the port of san carlos is capable of being well defended, and, during the time of the spaniards, was in a good state of defence. the entrance was protected by a battery on the highland of the corona, and by the castle of aguy, which effectually commands it. farther in, on the same side of the port, was the small, but well-placed, two-gun battery of barcacura; close under which is the anchorage. on the town side there are several batteries; but, towards the pudeto it is weak, although capable of being made very strong. fort san carlos, which, for some years past, has been used as a cemetery, was well-selected as to position, and constructed in a manner very { } creditable to the engineer. it was surrounded by a deep and wide ditch; and under it lay two small batteries: one, san antonio, commanding the passage between the small island of cochinos, and the main; and the other flanking the anchorage off the town. at the mole were two guns, and opposite to it, under the governor's house, was the battery, del carmen, mounting twelve or fourteen guns. in the town, in a convenient situation, there were excellent barracks, capable of containing more than one thousand men. the original establishment was at the sandy point, on the western side of the port, where the situation is better sheltered, and, perhaps, equally capable of being well defended. it is, also, on the windward side of the harbour, and close to the safest anchorage which the port affords; but the inconvenience of water-carriage was found to be so great, that the establishment was removed to its present site. a still better situation might have been selected opposite to sandy point, at leche agua; where the anchorage is perfectly safe, and the communication with castro could be more advantageously made. northerly and westerly winds prevail, and the town is exposed to all their fury, which, at times, is extreme. the anchorage nearest to it, for the sake of convenience, and expedition in loading and unloading cargoes, is often taken up, but is very unsafe, many vessels having been lost there, from the bottom being shoal, and rocky; and the swell, during a northerly gale, is so short and deep, that anchors will not hold. the town is built on two rising grounds, and in the valley that separates them; through which a rivulet runs into the bay, at a mole which affords sufficient protection to the boats and piraguas frequenting the port. the houses, which are all of wood, are generally small, and have but little comfort. the plaza, or square, without which no town in chile of the least importance is to be found, is situated on a flat piece of ground at the summit of the southern hill, and commands an extensive view. it is about one hundred and eighty yards square, with a flag-staff in the centre. [illustration: san carlos de chilÓe.] [illustration: c. martens s. bull san carlos de chilÓe. published by henry colburn, great marlborough street, ] { } on the north side there is a strong, well-built stone storehouse, and opposite to it is the church, also built of stone. on the side next the sea is the yntendente's residence, a low range of wooden buildings, erected without regard to taste, convenience, or comfort; and opposite to this are two or three dwellings, very little superior to common huts, or ranchos. within the last few years, however, some substantial buildings have been erected by the more wealthy people in the town, an example which is likely to be followed. during our visit, several were built equally creditable for strength and convenience; and not a little remarkable for the rapidity, with which they were completed. wood, being abundant, and cheap, as well as easily worked, is the only material used in the construction of houses, which, with the exception of the provision-store, and the church, are all built of it; and notwithstanding the perishable nature of the material, which is not protected by paint, or any external coating, from the humidity of the climate, they are of extraordinary durability. the treasury, one of the oldest houses in the place, has been built upwards of seventy years; and is even now tight, and dry, and by no means unserviceable: but its removal has been ordered, and, probably ere this, it has been replaced by another. in chacao, where, in former days, the yntendente resided, the greater number of the government-buildings, not less than sixty or seventy years old, are still standing. this durability can only be accounted for by the nature of the wood, and the practice of charring the ends of the timbers before they are inserted in the ground. the lower frame is of 'roble;'(t) the beams are of laurel, and the floors and partitions, as well as the weather-boarding and shingles, of 'alerse:' the latter forms an excellent substitute for tiles, or slate, being much lighter, and almost as durable. some of the houses are thatched with reeds; but this shift is only used by those who cannot afford the expense of shingling. the inclosures, round the houses, are fenced with stakes of { } luma, three or four yards in length, fastened above and below to cross-rails, by ligatures of creeping plants, of which there is an abundance in the woods close to the town: the general name for them is buque. the land in the vicinity of san carlos, which is a peninsula, is cleared of timber, and partially cultivated. in the valley, through which the rivulet runs into the sea near the mole, there are a few attempts at gardens; but the extent to which the inhabitants cultivate, seems to be confined to a rood of potatoes and wheat, which, with a litter of pigs, and an inexhaustible store of shell-fish on the coast, are the principal support of their families. it is not surprising, when so little personal trouble is necessary to provide subsistence, that the chilotes(u) should not be an industrious race. byron, in his narrative of the loss of the wager, has given a most excellent and correct account of the inhabitants of this island; which, excepting for those about san carlos and castro, may well serve at the present time. in the town, trade, a free communication with other parts of south america, and the residence of several europeans, have introduced approaches towards refinement; and besides the articles of luxury that occasionally make their appearance, such as chairs and tables, crockery-ware, and similar domestic comforts; shoes and stockings are now, on feast days, in common use among the females; although in many instances one can easily observe, that the wearer is actuated by vanity, rather than by any comfort or pleasure she derives, from a confinement to which her feet have not been accustomed.[ ] this is one of the steps towards civilization, which the chilote peasantry are making, and among the higher classes 'el ultimo modo' (the latest fashion), is not less the theme of conversation than it is in other parts of the republic. in style of dress, among the upper ranks, the men are more advanced than the women, many having been in other countries. { } they have given up the use of the poncho, and in this particular, they say they are before the gentry at concepcion, who wear it on all occasions: and probably are quite right, for, with respect to comfort, there is much to admire in the poncho, as, of all cloaks, it is the most generally convenient, and the best adapted for protecting the person, especially on horseback, where it is indispensable: its use, however, offers the wearer such an opportunity to neglect the other part of his dress, which it effectually conceals, that sometimes, beneath the poncho, the body is very ill-clothed. the dress of men in the lower orders, consists of a pair of trowsers, and a shirt, over which is thrown the all-concealing poncho. the women are as slightly clad; but instead of a poncho, they wear a rebozo, or shawl, which, however, is very often dispensed with, and their persons are left too much exposed. these lower classes, or indians, as they, with much reason, are termed, are scarcely superior to the uncivilized savages of the southern coasts; and live principally upon shell-fish, with what little they are enabled to procure besides by the sale of a few pigs, or poultry, which they rear on the scanty store of potatoes and wheat, that remains after their new crop comes to maturity. one roof shelters a whole family. father and mother, sons and daughters, dogs and pigs, all live and sleep in their only room, in the middle of which, a fire is made; whence the smoke escapes by numerous apertures in the roof and sides of the dwelling. as to their morals, within the precincts of their habitations, i have reason to believe they have not much to boast of, although they are described, by agüeros and other writers, as most innocent, and well-conducted. agüeros speaks highly of their character; and cites padre ovalle, who, writing upon chilóe, between the years and , says: "the natives of these islands are the most docile and noble (dociles y nobles) of all chile, and are the least given to drunkenness, and other vices; therefore they are best disposed to be edified by the light of the gospel." since the province became subject to the chilian republic, { } the government has made several attempts to improve the condition of the inhabitants; among which, the instruction of public schools, was not the least important. from an official report there appear to be ninety schools, in which , children receive an education, according to the abilities of the masters, who are employed; but these, from the small salary attached to the situation, cannot be expected to be superior. the language in common use, is spanish; the original indian tongue being almost forgotten: but it is supposed to be the same as that spoken by the indians of madre de dios; for, on a late occasion, a whaler which had been upon the coast of those islands, and had taken on board an indian, as a pilot, called at castro; and during her visit, the indian communicated with those who understood the language of the chonos, and by them was tolerably well understood. this indian has been frequently embarked on board american or english sealers, which frequent those coasts, to serve as a pilot to the seal-rookeries.[ ] he is known by the name of dan. the products of the island, for the year , according to the census, and returns, officially made, were-- wheat , fanegas ( lbs. in a fanega) about , bushels. barley , . potatoes , . and the muster of stock, and apple-trees, as follows:-- horned cattle , head. sheep , swine , apple trees , the manufactures of the province are carro, a coarse woollen cloth, two and a half, or three yards long, and three quarters of a yard wide, used for men's garments, and of very durable quality. ponchos--both these and the carro are manufactured by women, in a rude sort of loom, of wool dyed of various colours from plants that are found in the island, or imported for the { } purpose. of the latter indigo is much used, and it is the general colour for the ground-work of the ponchos. frezadas, bordillas, sabanillas, mantillas de lana, blankets or rather counterpanes of different textures, are also among the manufactures: none of the above are exported, being made merely for their own use. cables, hawsers, and rope, they make of a plant, called quilineja, which is supposed to be the root of a species of _callixene_. no wine or spirit is made in the province, but chicha (a very good cyder) is manufactured from apples. the only other fruit produced is the 'frutilla,' a kind of strawberry. the exports must very nearly amount to the value of foreign imports, which consist principally of sugar, wine, brandy, salt, wearing apparel, and household furniture. the import duty on european and north american produce is twenty-seven per cent.; from which, however, some articles, such as arms and munitions of war, instruments of music, and other things of less importance, are exempt. spirits of all kinds, foreign wines, tobacco, tea, and cards, are monopolized by the government, and sold at an immense profit. the unauthorized sale of these goods is declared illegal, and is punishable by a heavy fine, and sequestration of goods. the exports, during the year , consisted of wood in beams, planks, and boards; hams, wheat, a small quantity of dried fish, fire-wood, and brooms,[ ] to the amount of , dollars, of which , dollars were for wood, and , for wheat. these articles were exported in sixteen vessels under national, and eight under foreign flags. the exports are said to be increasing very much. in the year , agüeros describes the exports of alerse planks (tablones) to lima, to be between fifty and sixty thousand in number; and some years previous to have been in a much greater quantity. the number of alerse boards exported, during the last year, was , , but of planks only , . the island, and neighbouring part of the main land, produce { } a great abundance, as well as variety, of wood fit for exportation, as well as home consumption. the following is a list of the principal trees, with their qualities, and the use to which they are most adapted. avellana (_quadra heterophylla_), a handsome tree, in appearance like the ash of europe, of a light wood, which shrinks very much when dry, and may be used with advantage for oars, being light, strong, and springy, as well as for planking small vessels below the water, and for the ceiling within; it is bad for firewood, being too light. the seed is a nut, about the size of a cherry, the kernel of which is roasted and eaten. the tree abounds at concepcion, and in the country to the south, and grows on the peninsula of lacuy. roble (_fagus obliqua_, mirb.), a large tree; and, from the durable quality of its timber, considered the best in the island, for ground-frames of houses, planks for vessels, and beams. the piraguas are built chiefly of this wood. there are two sorts, one an evergreen, and the other a deciduous-leaved tree. it is evidently a beech, and the same that grows in all parts of the strait of magalhaens; the smooth-leafed sort is _f. obliqua_ of mirb.--see bertero, in mercurio chileno, no. , p. . tiqui, heavy wood; but esteemed strong and durable. piraguas are sometimes built of it. laurel, used for house building in-doors, for beams and rafters, and posts; durable when not exposed to damp, in which it soon perishes. mañu, a tree of great dimensions, tall and straight, the leaf is like that of a yew; it is a very useful wood in ship-building, for planks, and, next to alerse, is the best for spars which the island produces; but the large trees have a great tendency to become rotten at the heart, owing possibly to the humidity of the climate, and to the very wet soil. as the adelaide wanted a mast, i sent her round to castro for a mañu spar, for which i agreed to pay eighty dollars; but of twenty trees that were cut down, not one was sound at the heart. the wood is heavy, with large knots, which penetrate into the trunk to a great depth. a great deal of this timber grows in the gulf of peñas. { } muermo. there is no wood produced on the island more useful than the muermo. it is used for timbers, and knees, and all other purposes of ship-building: and is excellent for the planks of boats, as it bears wet and dry without suffering from either. it is abundant, and much used as firewood, for which it is well suited. luma (_myrtus luma_), a very tough and useful wood, used for tree-nails, for stakes in fencing, for rafters in the roofs of houses; and is exported in large quantities to lima, for shafts and poles of carriages. the fruit is sweet, and might yield a strong spirit; it is called cauchao. ciruelillo, a small tree, used only for washing-bowls and boxes; it is of little value. quiaka. of no value. tapu, a very crooked tree, growing along the ground in swampy places. it might serve for floors, and timbers for small vessels; but it is not used, from its being so very hard. tenu, something like muermo, and considered a good wood. peta, a species of _myrtus_, of which hoops for barrels are made. ralral, considered to be like the wood of the walnut-tree, and of general use, on account of its toughness and durability; it is made into blocks for ships. meli, more tough than luma: of this the country people make pick-axes, for cultivating the ground (agüeros, p. ). pelu, also tough; useful for axle-trees and gun-carriages (agüeros, p. ). mayten, useful for turning; and lasts long under water. the above mentioned are produced on the island; but the two following, alerse and cypress, are from the main-land, in the neighbourhood of the cordilleras. they are not only in general use in chilóe, but are exported in large quantities to all the ports to the northward. the alerse, near chilóe, is of better quality than that which comes from concepcion. the cypress is brought to the island in 'tablones' (or planks), seven or eight feet long, two inches thick, and nine or ten inches wide, as is also the alerse; but the latter, from the facility with { } which it splits, is brought in boards also, four feet long, half an inch thick, and six inches broad, which, as i have before remarked, are the principal articles of barter. the alerse is found in great quantities near calbuco; but at so great a distance from the beach that it cannot easily be conveyed thither for embarkation, except in the above form. the tree is cut down and squared, then hewn by the axe into as many logs of seven or eight feet long as it will afford; and these, with the assistance of iron wedges, are split into planks and boards, in which state, without being further trimmed, they are tied together in bundles, and carried on men's backs, or dragged over the ground to the beach. the extraordinary straightness of the grain of this tree enables the natives to split it, so as to make it appear as if it had been dressed with an adze, or even with a plane; but, as i have said, the axe is the only instrument used. so great is the difficulty of obtaining a spar of this wood, that when i wished to procure a new mast for the adelaide, i offered four times the value of an alerse spar to the natives, besides the assistance of twenty men, and tackles, &c. to assist in conveying it to the beach. the temptation was almost too great to be withstood; but the man to whom i applied, who had before been employed to get masts for a schooner in the chilian service, and a flag-staff for the town, said that it would take his own party two months to bring one to the beach: with the assistance of our people, however, it might be done in a month. the trees were distant, and there were two or three ridges of heights to cross, that would cause much delay. the facility with which these people usually handle timber was a sufficient proof to me that such a task, if refused by them, must be very difficult indeed, and i gave it up, as the yntendente was so obliging as to give me the flag-staff, which had taken the same party two months to procure. the hoxsley, a national schooner, built at chilóe, for the government, was masted with alerse spars, which proved to be very strong. alerse is used principally for the floors, partitions, and { } weather-boards of houses, also for shingling the roof; for which purpose it is very superior and durable: after exposure to the weather it turns blue, and has the appearance of slate. it does not shrink or warp; and though brittle, is of a very close grain, and well adapted for furniture. of this wood the country people make staves for casks; and the bark of the tree is used for caulking the seams of vessels, for which it answers remarkably well, being extremely durable when constantly wet, though it soon decays when exposed to the sun and air. spars of alerse, eighty or ninety feet in length, may be procured; and from eight hundred to a thousand boards are frequently obtained from a single tree. i was told that as many as one thousand five hundred have sometimes been cut out of one trunk. alerse is found on the island, but not of any size. it is also common in the strait of magalhaens, in all those parts west of cape froward; but there, from the poverty of the soil, it is of very stunted growth. the cypress is thought to be a different tree, but i rather imagine it to be only a variety; the wood being white, whilst that of the alerse is of a deep red colour. as the trade of the island is principally carried on by water, roads are seldom used for that purpose, for which, indeed, the few that exist are far from being convenient. between san carlos and castro there is a road cut through the forest, forty or fifty feet in width, in the middle of which is a causeway, four or five feet wide, formed of logs of wood, laid transversely. this is the only way of communication, unless, which rarely occurs, the weather has been dry during some days; for, off the causeway, there is a mere bog, in which a horse frequently sinks up to the girths in mud. in many parts of the causeway, indeed, where the logs have decayed, and have not been repaired, the passage is equally bad, so that in wet weather, only persons without a load are able to pass. for the greater part of the way, the trees on each side prevent an extensive view; but on approaching within five or six miles of castro, the country becomes more open, having been cleared by cultivation, and there, of course, the road improves. { } there is a track branching off from the main road to the district of dalcahue; but on it, i believe, there is no causeway. as the only mode of supplying the town of san carlos with provisions is by water-carriage, it is frequently ill supplied during winter, when n.w. winds prevent the arrival of the piraguas. a southerly wind for two days, at that season, brings from fifty to a hundred piraguas from dalcahue and castro, laden with hams, potatoes, pigs, grain, fowls, calves, dried fish, and charcoal, which are sold at a cheap rate, paying one-tenth to the government. the arrival of so many piraguas at san carlos creates no slight bustle in the neighbourhood of the mole; and a stranger happening to arrive at the time would think it a place of considerable trade; the return, however, of the n.w. wind, with all its attendant "vapours, clouds, and storms," very soon dispels the illusion: the piraguas depart, one after another, and in two days all is dull and monotonous. these piraguas, the boats used by the natives of the archipelago of chilóe, are all similar in form and material; but vary much in size, according to the voyage they have to perform. the largest are from thirty-five to forty feet long. the head and stern are alike, and resemble those of a whale-boat, being sharp at both ends. the transverse section is that of a thick wedge, so that they have no bearings, and must be extremely unsafe,(v) particularly with so lofty a sail as they hoist; and yet these vessels have made long, and even dangerous passages, as is fully attested in agüeros's account of the missionaries' visit to the archipelago southward of tres montes. these boats are literally sewn together, there is not a nail used in their construction; every portion of the hull is of a vegetable nature. the lower, or garboard strake, is sewn to the keel by strips of the stem of a creeping plant, called pepoi,[ ] and the seam is caulked with bark of the alerse, which, while under { } water, is admirably adapted for the purpose. the upper planking consists of three or four broad boards on each side, sewn together, and their seams caulked. the wood of which they are made is the roble, or sometimes tiqui. agüeros's description of the construction of a piragua cannot be improved. "they are constructed of five or seven planks, each of which is from two to four fathoms long, half or three-fourths of a yard wide, and two or three inches thick. these are fashioned, or worked, narrow at each end, so as to form the bow and stern, and afterwards are exposed to the fire, in order to burn the outer surface on both sides. to unite these planks, they bore or burn holes, two inches from each other, along the edges of the planks, through which they sew them together with a rope of solid reeds (soquillas), or twisted cane (coligues), forming a junction as close as a seam of cloth. to prevent water from passing through the seams, they apply along the plank, within and without, pounded leaves of trees, over which they pass the stitches, and with the same preparation of leaves the holes are filled up. thus constructed, it is in appearance a perfect boat, or vessel, but without keel or deck. that they may resist the pressure of the water, and retain their shape, curved pieces (curbas) of wood, called 'barrotes' are fitted inside, and fastened by wedges of wood, instead of nails. for all this, they are dangerous; and, since their sails, oars, and other furniture are very inferior to what boats require, they are much exposed to be easily sunk, and the risk is greatly increased by want of care and management in those who navigate them." in the above description agüeros has given a very good account of the rude manner in which they are built, and has not in the least magnified the danger attendant on their use. it is, indeed, a miserable and unsafe vessel; and for the rudeness of its construction, and the poverty of its equipment, is a perfect prototype of the crew which it conveys. the largest have from eight to ten people, each of whom furnishes one poncho, and the 'patron,' who steers, and directs { } the course and all their movements, provides two ponchos, all which are sewn together to form their sail, which is hoisted by 'lazos,' or thongs of bullock's hide. these sails are generally in a wretched state, the name santisima is applied to them all by the crews, with the hope of securing the protection of their patron saint. the anchor is of wood, formed of four crooked pieces, in the shape of a grapnel with four flukes, at the bottom, or crown of which a large stone is fastened, to increase its weight. the crews are exceedingly timid, and instead of making exertions to extricate their vessel from any impending danger, they throw themselves on their knees, beating their breasts and calling loudly upon their saint, for 'misericordia.' i was given to understand that very few of them can swim, which seems extraordinary, since they are born and bred in the immediate vicinity of the sea, and depend chiefly upon its productions for subsistence. the fact speaks strongly for the indolence of their character, even although the rigour of the climate forms a bar to bathing as a mere amusement. several piraguas were lost while we were at chilóe, and, as may be inferred, their crews were all drowned. with regard to the cultivation of land, they are very far behind, and, comparing the present state with the description of byron ( ), and of agüeros ( ), very little improvement seems to have been made. the ground is prepared by make-shift ploughs, of a very rude construction. two poles of hard wood (luma), about three yards long and proportionably large, trimmed to a sharp point at one end and rounded at the other, are held by the middle, one in each hand, and pointed very obliquely into the ground; in this direction they are forced forward, by pressing against the blunt end with the abdomen, which is defended by a sheepskin, suspended in the form of an apron. after these have penetrated twelve or fourteen inches into the soil, a second person, generally a woman or a boy, places a stout stick under the poles, or 'lumas,' as they are called, close to the earth, to form a solid support for them. [illustration: p. p. king t. landseer breast ploughing at chilÓe. published by henry colburn, great marlborough street, ] { } the large ends are then forced down, the ground turned up, and the lumas pushed forward again, while the woman uses her stick to turn the clods over, to the right and left, alternately. these clods are afterwards broken up by a wooden tool, in the shape of a pick-axe, called 'hualate,' made of the wood named meli. rude as this process is, the operation is rapidly performed, and i have seen a field, ploughed in this way, that would not do much discredit to an expert ploughman with a european plough. the soil is a rich, sandy loam, of a dark red colour; and although rarely, if ever manured, produces fair average crops. according to the usual allowance of lbs for a fanega of wheat,[ ] the weight of a bushel would not be more than ½lbs., which shews that the grain is but poor. wheat is sown in the month of april, and cut in the same month of the following year; but from the humidity of the climate, and constant rain, particularly at that season (the commencement of winter), it is frequently reaped before it is ripe, and almost always gathered in wet. every subsequent sunny day is taken advantage of, to dry the grain, but a part must be spoiled by mildew. the evaporation, however, is so great, that merely moving it about, and keeping it thinly strewed in granaries, will effect much. it is trodden out by oxen, and to clean it, the grain is thrown up in the wind by means of broad wooden shovels, and effectually separated from the chaff. this rude winnowing takes place frequently in the principal streets of san carlos, and even at the mole, where one would suppose that a great deal must be lost; but from the adroitness of the operation, it is not only well cleaned, but suffers no diminution. potatoes are planted in september, october, and november, and are fit to dig up in may. of the proceeds of harvest, one-tenth is paid as a tribute, or { } tax, to the government; but forced contributions may be required, when the necessities of the state demand them. these contributions are sometimes unfairly levied in chile; for the subsidy is only taken from those who possess grain, or some equally tangible article which can easily be turned into money; so that persons who are rich enough to live without cultivating land, or trading for their support, contribute nothing towards the emergency of the state. how does this accord with republican principles? or how can a republican government, so conducted, expect to become respectable among nations? i am not aware that such contributions have yet been levied in chilóe. from the character of general aldunate, i do not for a moment think he would commit such an act of injustice; but it is in the power of any yntendente to call for them, and i afterwards witnessed an example of this, during my visit to concepcion. a considerable quantity of wheat, purchased by a russian vessel, for the use of their settlements on the coast of california, was brought down to the port, at a time when the government was much in want of money, and knew no just way of obtaining it. they therefore very unceremoniously seized the wheat, and applied its value in dollars to their own use, giving only an uncertain, almost a nominal security to the owner for the recovery of his money. the only way of accounting for such an arbitrary proceeding is, that the country was distracted by civil war, and that the person who owned the property was opposed to that party, which at the time happened to have the upper hand, and which held, by main strength alone, the reins of government. among the birds of chilóe, the most remarkable are the 'cagge,' the 'cancania,' or 'canqueña,' and the 'barking bird.'[ ] { } the shell-fish,[ ] for which this island is justly famed, are principally brought from calbuco, and consist of the finest { } muscles, of which there are two sorts: the choro (_mytilus choras_, molina), and cholgua (_mytilus magellanicus_, lamarck), picos (_balanus psittacus nob. lepas psittacus_ molina, , p. ), a large barnacle,[ ] and the oyster (_o. edulis_), which is exceedingly well-flavoured. besides which there are several kinds of shell-fish of less value, but equally abundant, such as navajuelas (_solen sp._); caracoles (_turbo_); cornes (_pholas chiloensis_, molina); campaña (_calyptræa_); lapas (_crepidula_); tacas (_chama thaca_, molina); locos (_concholepas peruviana_, _murex loco_ of molina); quilmagues; piures (_pyura sp._ molina); and others. the apparently inexhaustible abundance of shell-fish with which nature has provided the inhabitants of these islands, the facility with which they are obtained, and their consequent cheapness, is the principal cause of that want of industry which is so remarkable in the chilotes. of the above-mentioned shell-fish, those deserving more particular notice are the large muscle, the oyster, and the pico. molina has described the choro of conception, which is not at all different from that of chilóe. it is often found seven or eight inches long. the fish is as large as a goose's egg, and of a very rich flavour: there are two kinds, one of a dark brown, and the other of a yellow colour; but the last is most esteemed. there is also another sort, much larger than the choro, yet equally delicate and good, the fish of which is as large as a swan's egg: it is called cholgua; but as the shells seem to be of the same species, i think the distinction can only be owing to size. in febres's dictionary of the chileno language, the word { } cholchua is rendered into spanish by "cascara de choros blancos," or shell of the white muscle. cholhua, or cholgua (the letters g and h are indiscriminately used), must be a corruption; for it is now used in chilóe to distinguish the large from the small choros. the manner in which the natives of these islands, both indians and descendants of foreigners, cook shell-fish, is very similar to that used for baking in the south sea islands, and on some parts of the coast of new holland. a hole is dug in the ground, in which large smooth stones are laid, and upon them a fire is kindled. when they are sufficiently heated, the ashes are cleared away, and shell-fish are heaped upon the stones, and covered, first with leaves or straw, and then with earth. the fish, thus baked, are exceedingly tender and good; and this mode of cooking them is very superior to any other, as they retain, within the shell, all their own juiciness. the oyster, which is a true _ostrea edulis_, is found in beds, at low water, or taken with the dredge. it is about the size of the native oyster of england, and not at all inferior to it in flavour. in agüeros's account of chilóe, he notices this excellent shell-fish; but remarks, that the islanders are ignorant of the value at which it is appreciated. it is rather curious, that, excepting in the neighbourhood of chilóe, the oyster is very rarely to be met with on the south american coast, while there it is in the greatest abundance. we have never observed any shells of this fish anywhere between the river plata and chilóe; nor is it known elsewhere upon the western coast, i believe, to the southward of guayaquil, which is very near the equinoctial line.[ ] the oyster-shells at port san julian are fossils. of the linnæan genus, ostrea, there are many sorts, on all parts of the coast, both east and west, but they are what we call the pecten or scollop. at coquimbo, a species of scollop is much used as an article of food, and called oyster; but it has no further right to the name than because linnæus classed them all as _ostrea_, and molina describes this to be _ostrea edulis_. { } the pico, which is a barnacle, grows to a very large size; at concepcion, however, it is still larger, being six or seven inches in length. it has, when properly cooked, very much the flavour of a crab, and by the inhabitants of this archipelago is considered preferable to any other shell-fish. before concluding this imperfect description of the shell-fish of chilóe, the piure claims some consideration, if it be only for its peculiar and disagreeable appearance. it was considered by molina as a genus allied to _ascidia_ (mol. i. ), none of the varieties of which are inviting in their look, as an edible substance, but the piure is still less so. it is thus described by molina: "the piure, scarcely deserving the name of a living animal, is as remarkable for its figure, as for the manner in which it is lodged. the body is about the size and shape of a small pear, an inch in diameter; or it may be described as a small, conical, fleshy bag, of a red colour, filled with saline liquor, and provided with two trunks or processes in the upper part, one of which is the mouth, similar to that of the tetias; and between these processes are seen two small, black, and shining points, which are supposed to be the eyes. i could distinguish no other organs, nor any viscera in the fleshy substance of which it is composed, which is smooth without and spongy within. they are extremely sensitive, and when touched, spout water out of both apertures. these small animals are shut up in a firm, but glutinous case, of various shapes; one case often contains eight or ten distinct bodies, separated from each other by cells, formed of a strong membraneous substance. they are attached to rocks or stones, under water, excepting when left uncovered by a low tide. the natives eat them boiled, or roasted in their shells. they also dry them for exportation to the province of cusco, where their flavour is much esteemed, and considered equal to that of the lobster." at chilóe, the piure is said to be a remedy for barrenness; and to such an extent has this idea prevailed, that a chilote woman, eating this fish, literally says, if asked what she is doing, that "she is making children." one would not, however, suppose, from the number of children which are seen { } crowding round the doors, that the chilotes had any necessity for such food. if one may judge from the few applications made to our medical men for advice, the climate is either very healthy, or the natives prefer their own mode of cure. they have very few medical advisers, and those few are not held in much estimation, being people of little or no education. a prejudice against medical men has been, even in late years, extended to foreign practitioners, and carried to great lengths. this illiberal feeling is, however, fast wearing away; but, among the lower orders, the application of herbs and other simples is yet wholly resorted to for the removal of their complaints. one day, when i was employed in making some astronomical observations, at sandy point, a woman passed me, and forcing her way through a thicket of thorny plants, began to gather branches of a species of arbutus (_a. rigida._), a small shrubby plant, which is every where abundant, especially to the south, and in the strait of magalhaens. my curiosity prompted me to inquire her reason for collecting it with such apparent anxiety. she replied, with a desponding air, "it is chaura[ ] for a poor, sick child. these branches," she said, "are to be put into the fire, and, being green, will produce a thick smoke, and yield a very strong aromatic smell. the child, who is only five months old, is to be held over it, which, as they say, is a good remedy; but," she added, with an air of doubt, "i know not (dicen que es bueno, pero yo no sé)." "who says so?" i asked. "los que saben (those who know)," replied the half-credulous mother, with a deep sigh, partly doubting the efficacy of the remedy, but unwilling to lose the advantages of whatever virtue it might possess, for the benefit of her sick infant. the climate of chilóe is considered, by those who live in other parts of chile, to be "rigorous, cold, and damp." certainly there is much reason for such an opinion, particularly in the winter months, when it almost always rains, and the wind, with little cessation, blows hard, from n. to n.w., and, { } by the w. to s.w.; but notwithstanding the great quantity of rain that falls, the evaporation is great, and it cannot therefore be called unhealthy; indeed, from experience, it is considered quite otherwise. agüeros, to whose excellent account of chilóe i have so often referred, dilates much upon this subject, and from having resided there a considerable time, may be taken as the best authority. those who now reside upon the island speak very much against it, and all whom i met, previous to my visit, condemned it, as being "the worst in the world." perhaps we, who had lately been experiencing a much more disagreeable climate, went to chilóe with the expectation of finding it exceed in severity that to which we had been accustomed in the strait of magalhaens, but we found ourselves agreeably mistaken. our visit certainly was in the better season, and we had, perhaps, no right to form a decided opinion upon the other part of the year. i shall, therefore, first quote agüeros, and then describe what we found the weather from september to december; yet as these months were considered by the inhabitants to be finer than is usual at that season, we can only form a vague idea of the spring and summer. for the autumn and winter i must depend upon the accounts of others. after explaining the contra-position of the seasons, to what is experienced north of the equator, with regard to the months of the year; agüeros says, "chilóe has also its four seasons, but does not enjoy the benefit of those changes, as do other parts of chile; for there is neither that abundance of fruit, nor are its fields adorned with so many and such beautiful flowers, and useful medicinal plants. the summer is the best time; for in the month of january, from ten o'clock in the morning till three in the afternoon, the heat is excessive. between these hours, however, a sea-breeze, which is called 'vira-zon,' refreshes the air. in the winter the temperature is very cold; but the frosts are by no means so severe as in europe. i have never seen ice, even in the small streams, nor does snow lie any length of time on the ground. "in the winter months, as well as in other parts of the year, there are falls of rain, and heavy gales from n.n.w., and west, { } which last frequently for the whole moon, with scarcely a cessation, and the wind, at times, is so furious, that the houses are not secure, and the largest trees are torn up by the roots. the weather, when it is fine, cannot be depended upon for any length of time; not even in summer; for in the month of january i have frequently experienced gales, and rain, as severe and copious as in the winter. during the summer months southerly winds are more prevalent, and, while they last, the weather is fine, and clear, and the air particularly dry. "although the winter months, and a considerable part of the other seasons, are very disagreeable, owing to the severity of the winds, and exceeding quantity of rain, it cannot be denied that the climate is healthy. in chilóe no epidemic diseases are experienced. the small-pox and measles are not known;[ ] nor have tertian fevers, so common in the north, ever been experienced on the island. spotted fever (tabardillo), and acute pains in the stomach, are the only disorders to which the inhabitants of this archipelago are subject. thunder and lightning are rarely experienced; but earthquakes have occurred at intervals. in the year the church and houses were destroyed, and in the year much damage to the village of isla grande was caused by earthquakes." so far agüeros. on the whole, the climate is not so unfavourable as we had been led to expect from all that we had heard. captain fitz roy arrived there in july, during the latter part of which, and the month of august, the weather was very wet, with some heavy gales from the n.w.; but in his meteorological journal for those months there is no record of the thermometer falling below °, and it is recorded to have fallen to that degree only on one occasion, the general height being from ° to °. the first part and the middle of september were boisterous and wet; but towards the end of the month the wind was chiefly from the southward, and the weather dry and { } extremely fine. in october it was rather changeable; but for the last ten days, with the exception of one, on which there was a fresh gale with a heavy fall of rain, it was fine and dry, and the winds were moderate. the month of november was generally fine, but the first half of december continued tempestuous and wet. the mean temperature of the months, and other meteorological remarks, are as follows: column headings: a - p.m. water at anch. b - pressure reduced to °. c - dew point. d - dew point less than air. e - expansion. f - dryness by thermo. scales. g - weight of a cubic foot of air. h - quantity fallen. i - quantity evaporated. j - remaining in the gage at end of month. +-------------+-------------------+------+----------------------------+ | | temperature | | hygrometer (daniells') | +-------------+-------------------+------+----------------------------+ | | mean | ex. of | | | | | | | | |at a.m.| temp. | | | | | | | | |----+----+----+----| | | | | | | | months |air | a |max.|min.| b | c | d | e | f | g | +-------------+----+----+----+----+------+----+----+-----+-----+------+ | july days| . | . | -- | -- | . | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | | aug. | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | | sept. | | -- | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | | oct. | . | -- | | | . | . | . | . | . | . | | nov. | . | -- | . | | . | . | . | . | . | . | +-------------+----+----+----+----+------+----+----+-----+-----+------+ +-------------+-----+-----+---------+-----+ | |no. of days| rain | | +-------------+-----+-----+---------+-----+ | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | months |fine.|rain.| h | i | j | +-------------+-----+-----+----+----+-----+ | july days| -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | | aug. | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | | sept. | | | . | . | . | | oct. | | | . | . | . | | nov. | | | . | . | . | +-------------+-----+-----+----+----+-----+ { } this table partly shows the state of the weather during three spring months. the greatest quantity of rain in the gage at the end of the month of november did not exceed . inches. at st. martin's cove, near cape horn, after thirty days' observation, the rain-gage contained eight inches; so that although chilóe bears the character of being a very wet place, it is not one-third so bad as cape horn. the time of our visit to san carlos was certainly the finest part of the year; and i believe that the weather we experienced was unusually dry even for the season; therefore, the above table does not present a fair criterion of the climate: i do not, however, think it is by any means so bad as has been represented. * * * * * { } chapter xvii. chilóe the last spanish possession in south america--freyre's expedition--failure--second expedition under freyre and blanco-- quintanilla's capitulation--chilóe taken--aldunate placed in command-- chilóe a dependency of chile--beagle sails to sea coast of tierra del fuego--adelaide repaired--adelaide sails--adventure goes to valparaiso-- juan fernandez--fishery--coats--dogs--geology--botany--shells--spanish accounts--anson's voyage--talcahuano--concepcion--pinoleo--araucanian indians--re-enter the strait of maghalhaens--fuegians. the island of chilóe was the last place the king of spain possessed in south america; and even to this day he is not without friends there, who would gladly restore his absolute monarchy, notwithstanding the advantages that are acknowledged to have been derived from the change of masters, and the consequent opening of trade, which has added very much to the comfort, as well as civilization of the inhabitants. during the struggle for independence, this island was too distant from the seat of war to render it important; but when all other parts of chile were freed from the king's troops, the new government despatched an expedition, consisting of between three and four thousand men, commanded by the director-general freyre, to attack it. upon the appearance of this expedition off the harbour of san carlos, the spanish governor, quintanilla, was inclined to capitulate; but, instead of anchoring in the roads, the squadron proceeded to chacao, landed troops there, and despatched some of their forces to castro, where they were repulsed by the spanish and native troops, and obliged to re-embark. in this interval, one of the ships left the squadron, and returned to valparaiso, whence she was immediately ordered back; but meanwhile the director had embarked his troops, and returned to concepcion. not long afterwards, in january , a second expedition, under the same general, sailed from valdivia, convoyed by a strong squadron, under the command of admiral blanco. { } "upon this occasion the troops landed, on the th, at the little inlet of the bay of huechucucuy; and fort corona was immediately taken. on the th, the disembarkation of the troops was completed. a battalion was left to mask fort aguy, while a force, under colonel aldunate, passed on, and took the battery of barcacura. on the th, admiral blanco shifted his flag; and, leaving the o'higgins outside, stood into the bay with the rest of the squadron, which anchored off barcacura. "the governor, quintanilla, with upwards of three thousand royalists, took up a strong position on a hill, at the s.e. side of the bay, flanked on the left by an impenetrable wood, on the right by the shore, and supported by three gun-boats in shallow water. these were taken by the boats of the squadron, under captain bell, and turned against the royalists. their position was thus enfiladed, and they retired. freyre then advanced: some skirmishing took place: quintanilla capitulated; and the territory of chile was no longer sullied by the spanish flag. "colonel aldunate, majors maruri, asagra, and tupper (a native of jersey); and captain bell, of the navy, greatly distinguished themselves.--miller's memoirs." colonel aldunate was afterwards invested with the government of the island; but, owing to the disaffection of the troops, who were urged on by the king of spain's agents, a revolution took place, aldunate was imprisoned, and afterwards sent to valparaiso, and the spanish flag once more waved in chilóe. it was, however, for a short time only; aldunate was despatched once more, and with a small force of three hundred veteran troops, headed by colonel tupper, and accompanied by the aquiles, brig of war, again obtained possession of the island, which he has since kept, though not quietly, for the royalists were constantly on the alert, and made several futile attempts to recover the place for their king. time has now reconciled the greater number to the change; and, i believe, chilóe may be considered a contented dependency of the republic of chile. { } the beagle being ready to resume her voyage, sailed on the th of november to survey the southern coasts of tierra del fuego; after which, she was to rejoin the adventure at rio de janeiro.[ ] as the adelaide had received some damage in getting aground, it was requisite to lay her on the beach for examination and repair. her mainmast, also, was found to be sprung so badly, as to render a new one necessary; which we should have found much difficulty in obtaining, but for the kindness of general aldunate, who, finding that we were at a loss, proposed to give us the flag-staff of the town, a beautiful spar of alerse, that was in every way suitable. previously, however, to accepting his offer, being aware that such an act might expose him to much reproach from the people of the town, who were all very proud of it, i caused inquiry to be made whether a spar of the necessary dimensions could be brought from calbuco; and in the meantime we proceeded with the repairs. a creek behind sandy point offering every convenience for heaving her down, the adelaide was moved into it, and laid on the beach. on stripping her copper off, the injury proved to be considerable; but not beyond our means to repair. upon examination, the foremast was found to be in a bad state, but could be rendered effective by fishing it with the sound portion of the other mast, therefore our only real difficulty was to get a mainmast. from the account i received from calbuco, i found that, without a great delay, not less than two months, and sending a portion of our people with ropes and tackles, there was no chance of procuring a spar: it could only be obtained at a considerable distance from the shore, and when felled must be dragged over several high ranges of hills, which might be called mountains, before it could be got to the water-side. general aldunate, through whom this inquiry was made, then renewed his offer of the flag-staff, which i accepted most thankfully; and by his order it was taken down, and conveyed to the ship, soon after which it was converted into an excellent mainmast for the schooner. before it was moved, a new, but shorter staff, with a topmast, was fitted for the flag; notwithstanding which, many unpleasant observations were made, and absurd reports circulated, which spread to chile, and even to peru, that the english were about to take possession of chilóe, and had already removed the flag-staff of san carlos. [illustration: old church at castro.] [illustration: near pt. arena.] [illustration: pt. arena.--san carlos chiloe. published by henry colburn, great marlborough street, ] { } by lieutenant mitchell's activity in superintending the adelaide's repairs, she was got ready for sea at the beginning of december, and sailed on the th, under the command of lieutenant skyring, with orders[ ] to survey those parts of the gulf of peñas which had not been examined by the beagle; particularly the river san tadeo, in san quintin's sound; the openings behind xavier island; the channel's mouths; and the guaianeco islands, where the wager was wrecked: and then to proceed down the mesier channel, behind the island campana, which was supposed to communicate with concepcion strait, by the brazo ancho (or wide channel) of sarmiento. he was then to go to the ancon sin salida, examining all the openings into the main land, on his way, and search for a communication with the large waters, discovered by captain fitz roy, through which he was to try to enter the strait, and join the adventure, at port famine, during the month of april. lieutenant skyring again took with him, by captain fitz roy's permission, mr. kirke and mr. bynoe, of the beagle; mr. alexander millar and mr. parke also accompanied them. having thus despatched our companions, we prepared, on board the adventure, to return to valparaiso; intending to proceed to rio de janeiro; by way of concepcion, port famine, and monte video; for the sake of adding some links to our chronometric chain: with a view to which, i had taken the opportunity of having the chronometers cleaned at valparaiso by mr. roskell, agent for messrs. roskell chronometer-makers at liverpool. general aldunate being on the point of returning to valparaiso, i had an opportunity of obliging him, and showing my sense of the assistance, and essential kindness we had { } received, by offering him and all his family a passage in the adventure, which he accepted; and on the th we left chilóe. in our way we touched at concepcion, and anchored at valparaiso on the d of january. we remained there until the th of february, and then sailed on our return to rio de janeiro, with the intention of passing though the strait of magalhaens, and taking that opportunity of completing some few parts, which our former surveys had left unfinished. as the breeze, which, on this coast, blows with the constancy of a trade wind, would carry us close to the island of juan fernandez, i determined upon visiting it, for a few days; and then proceeding again to concepcion. we reached cumberland bay, on the north side of juan fernandez, on the th, and anchored, within two cables lengths of the beach, in ten fathoms. i have seldom seen a more remarkable and picturesque view, than is presented by the approach to juan fernandez. when seen from a distance, the mountain of the 'yungue' (anvil), so called from its resemblance to a blacksmith's anvil, appears conspicuously placed in the midst of a range of precipitous mountains, and is alone an object of interest. it rises three thousand feet above a shore, which is formed by an abrupt wall of dark-coloured bare rock, eight or nine hundred feet in height, through whose wild ravines, broken by the mountain torrents, views are caught of verdant glades, surrounded by luxuriant woodland. the higher parts of the island are in general thickly-wooded; but in some places there are grassy plains of considerable extent, whose lively colour contrasts agreeably with the dark foliage of myrtle-trees, which abound on the island. the yungue is wooded, nearly from the summit to its base; whence an extensive and fertile valley extends to the shore, and is watered by two streams, which take their rise in the heights, and fall into the sea. this valley appears to have been formerly cleared and cultivated by the spaniards, who had a colony here; for the stone { } walls, which served to divide their enclosures, still remain. from walter's account of anson's voyage, and the view given with it of the commodore's tent, there is no difficulty in determining this valley to be the spot on which his encampment was placed. the island is now ( ) occupied, or rather rented from the governor of chile for a term of years, by don joachim larrain. the establishment consists of a superintendent (mayor-domo), there called, 'the governor;' and forty persons, who are employed in the seal and cod fishery, and in drying fish for the chilian market. their dwellings are erected on the flat land, at the north side of the bay, where the soil is richer than in other parts; and where it is more sheltered from the squalls, which, during strong southerly gales, rush down the valley of the yungue, the situation of the former establishment, with great violence. the remains of a fort, called san juan baptiste, are yet in a tolerable state; and from an inscription on the wall, it appears to have been repaired, or completed, in the year . it is situated on a rising ground, about one hundred and thirty feet above the sea, at the s.w. part of the bay, and overlooks the village; there are now no guns mounted, but, with a few, it might be made very effective in a short time; and, from its situation, would command the bay. in the middle of the beach are some ruins of a four-gun battery, and there are also traces of a fort at the n.w. end of the bay. at present, except wild-goats, wild peaches, figs, abundance of fish, and excellent fresh water, no refreshments can be procured. an establishment of forty persons, with very little to do, might naturally be expected to cultivate the land, raise vegetables and fruit, and rear poultry and pigs, to supply the vessels, which frequently touch here for wood and water; but it is not the character of the chileno to take any trouble, unless obliged, although his own comfort and advantage may be materially concerned. the mayor-domo, however, told me that their attempts to { } cultivate the soil, and raise potatoes, had been defeated by the destructive ravages of a worm. by sending a boat to the east point of the bay, to fish in forty fathoms water, a most delicious kind of cod-fish may be taken, in such numbers, that two men, in half an hour, could fill the boat. craw-fish, of large size, are almost equally abundant; they are taken with a hooked stick: one of our boats caught forty-five in a very short time. the inhabitants catch them, and cure their tails, by exposure to the sun, for exportation to chile, where they are much esteemed, and fetch a high price. wild-goats are very numerous among the inaccessible parts of the island, but are not easily obtained; they are sometimes shot, or taken with a lazo. these animals, according to woodes rogers, and other writers, were originally left on the island by juan fernandez, who, for a short time, lived there. according to the 'noticias secretas,' p. to , they are supposed to have been landed by the buccaneers, who frequented this island. certain it is, that, without such refreshments, the buccaneers would not have been able to carry on their harassing war of plunder against the spanish possessions on the american coast to such an extent; nor should we, perhaps, have heard anything more about commodore anson, and the crews of the centurion and gloucester, who were, on their arrival at this island, in the last stage of scurvy. to prevent juan fernandez from being so tempting a resort to buccaneers, the viceroy of peru caused a great many dogs to be landed, which hunted down and destroyed the goats in great numbers: this in some measure has prevented their subsequent increase. the dogs however drove the goats to places where they could not follow them, and were then obliged to destroy seals for food. large troops of these dogs still range about the lower grounds; but the heights are in the undisturbed possession of wild-goats; which may be seen in numbers browsing on elevated and almost inaccessible places, where they live in safety. the geological character of this island, according to mr. caldcleugh, who accompanied me in this trip, is of basaltic { } green-stone, and trap, which appears, at first sight, to be volcanic; but, on a more particular examination, the lava-like appearance of the rock does not seem to arise from an igneous origin. the green-stone is full of crystals of olivine, which, as they decompose, leave hollows, resembling those of scoriæ. mr. caldcleugh communicated an account of the structure to the geological society.[ ] in captain hall's interesting journal, there is a list of geological and mineralogical specimens, of which one from mas-a-fuéra[ ] is named 'vesicular lava.' may it not be this same rock in a decomposed state? the late signor bertero, whose botanical collections from chile have enriched many of the principal herbaria in europe, accompanied me to make a collection of the flora of the island; and he considered that the character of the vegetation was very little allied to the chilian, but partook more of that of california. the sandal-wood, which has been described as indigenous to this island, was not found by us, growing, but a large quantity was collected about the hills and vallies, in a dry state, and apparently very old. it is of the red kind, and still preserves a strong scent. the mayor-domo told me there were no sandal-wood trees in the island; but we had reason to think his information was incorrect, for one of the inhabitants would have taken us to a place where he said they were growing in large quantities, had not our arrangements for sailing interfered. the island produces several kinds of grass; but the most abundant herbaceous plant is a species of oat, which grows very luxuriantly, and towards the westward covers the ground for many miles. the neighbourhood of cumberland bay is over-run with strawberry plants, wild radishes, mint, and balm, besides peach, apple, cherry, and fig trees, which are { } found wild every where, and remind one of lord anson's visit.[ ] not only in its botanical productions does this island differ from the chilian coast, but also in its shells: the shell fish being extremely scarce, and dissimilar in character. on the rocks we found a patella and a small chama, but we saw no mytilus. from the deep water i fished up some coral, and attached to one fragment was a new species of arca.[ ] the fishing-lines brought up, from the depth of eighty fathoms, a branch of coralline, to which an infinite number of a species of caryophyllia were attached. the existence of coral is mentioned in mr. barry's translation of the 'noticias secretas de america; por don j. juan, y don a. de ulloa,' a work which contains a long and, generally speaking, good account of the island; but their description of the anchorage does not agree with ours. they say, "the distance between the two points, which form the bay, is two miles, and its depth about half a league; and, although the depth is nearly the same in all parts, the best berth to moor ships is in the front of the 'playa del este;' but it is necessary to be close to the stones of the beach, for at one or two cables' length there are fifty fathoms water, and the outer anchor is in the depth of seventy or eighty fathoms; but if the vessel is three or four cables off, it will be necessary to drop the outer anchor in one hundred fathoms, which, even with two cables an end, will scarcely secure the ship." now, at three cables' length from the beach, we had only ten fathoms, our outer anchor was dropped in seventeen fathoms, and in a line between the two points of the bay there is not more than fifty fathoms. if the accounts of those spanish officers were correct, the earthquakes, which certainly affect these islands, must have caused a considerable uprising of the base of the island; but, on referring to the plan in anson's voyage, the soundings in do not appear to have been different from ours. the innermost ship, whose berth we occupied, is, in that plan, at anchor in { } nineteen fathoms, and the depth between the points of the bay is shown to be about fifty fathoms. there are few persons who have not read, with much interest, mr. walter's account of the centurion's voyage, and who are not well acquainted with his description of this island, which we found exceedingly correct. the views of the land, although old-fashioned in execution, are most correctly delineated, and the plan of the bay is quite sufficient for every common purpose of navigation; but as we had an opportunity of fixing its latitude and longitude more correctly, it became desirable to make a more detailed plan than commodore anson's. the seals and sea-lions, which were so abundant formerly, are now reduced to such a small number, as to make the seal-fishery scarcely worth notice. they have been destroyed by taking them indiscriminately, without regard to age or sex, leaving none to propagate the race but those who by chance escaped. at present the island is let to a tenant, who is not permitted to kill them until the young have taken to the water, by which means an opportunity is given for them to increase. i am not aware that there are any indigenous animals. dogs, goats, and rats, have been imported. land birds are not numerous; some pigeons, said to have been imported, and a few hawks, are occasionally seen, besides three species of humming-birds, two of which are new to science.[ ] of sea-birds we saw very few; but were informed that the 'goat islands,' at the south-west end of juan fernandez, are completely covered by them at the breeding season. during our stay, several excursions were made, in various directions, from the village, and much facilitated by beaten paths, one of which leads up a valley, westward of that of the { } yungue, and thence to a pass over the principal range, communicating with the other side of the island. this pass, called the puertozuela, is , feet high, and was visited several times by the officers. on one occasion, they went to the western part of the island, to hunt wild goats. the party set out in boats with the mayor-domo, or governor, as their guide; but before they reached the proper landing-place, became so impatient that they landed, intending to walk back. the governor, however, persevered, and returned, in the evening, with five fine she-goats, which he had taken with 'lazos.' our pedestrians found their return by no means so easy as they had contemplated, being obliged to pass the night in a cave, which they fortunately found at sunset, and they did not reach the ship until the following afternoon, fatigued, but much pleased by their ramble. the thermometer on board ranged, during the day, between ° and °, and the barometer between . , and . . on shore the thermometer stood higher, in fine, unclouded weather, and lower when the summits of the hills were covered with clouds. we put to sea on the d, anchored at talcahuano on the d of march, and sailed again on the th, to proceed through the strait of magalhaens. while at concepcion i had an opportunity of seeing pinoleo,[ ] the indian chief, from whom captain basil hall endeavoured to obtain the release of a captured araucanian female, whose husband had been murdered in cold blood before her eyes.[ ] mr. rouse, our consul, procured for me the necessary introduction, and, with one of the governor's aides-de-camp, accompanied us to the indian quarters, situated on the { } outskirts of the town, towards the river bio-bio. we found the chief's residence (little better than a rancho, or hut of the country), surrounded by indians, some of whom were armed; and at the door were his two daughters, young, and rather good-looking, whose persons and dress we had leisure to examine, whilst waiting the chiefs pleasure to receive us. they were clothed with a mantle, or wrapper, of green baize, enveloping the body from the neck to the feet, and fastened at the breast by a toup, or tupu[ ] (a silver pin, or skewer, headed with a round silver plate, three inches in diameter), over which hung a string of beads. their hair, which was remarkably fine and clean, as well as neatly dressed, was divided into two plaited tails ('trensas'), and their foreheads were ornamented with a broad fillet, worked over with beads.[ ] they also wore necklaces, bracelets, ear-rings, and anklets of similar manufacture. our names having been announced to pinoleo, he came to the door to receive us, and invited us to enter. some of our party he recognized, and seemed pleased at their visiting him. we were early, and found him sober; but from his bloated and haggard appearance, it seemed that he had not been long so. on entering the hut, we observed a number of indians, scarcely sober, seated round, near the walls. some turbid wine was presented to us, in a silver cup, which we sipped as it passed round; but the last of our party knowing that to return the cup without emptying it, would be an offence, was obliged to drink the contents, and a bitter potion they were. pinoleo was then stout and rather corpulent, five feet ten inches in height, of a fairer complexion than the generality of his countrymen, and had lost much of his hair. he had laid aside the indian { } dress, and wore the deshabille of a spaniard, a shirt and pair of trowsers, in a very slovenly manner. he spoke spanish with great facility, and appeared to be quite at his ease in conversation. he has the rank of lieutenant-colonel in the chilian army, and receives pay, as a retainer for his friendship. a very short visit was sufficient to satisfy us, and we took the first opportunity of retiring, for fear of a second cup of wine. while leaving the hut, we were beset by some of his followers, asking for money. the indian quarter is a scene of drunkenness the whole day; the women, however, are prevented from thus injuring themselves; they are industrious and cleanly, and are principally occupied in the manufacture of ponchos. these indians are frequently at war with other tribes, who live on the south side of the bio-bio river, and who have never yet been conquered by white men, of which they are not a little proud.(w) these araucanians are by no means to be despised. the cacique mariloan,[ ] who resides near san carlos, on the bio-bio, has three hundred fighting men under his own command; and from the influence he holds over neighbouring caciques, could bring upwards of one thousand men into the field. upon the occasion of a late revolution in chile, a deputation of chiefs was sent by the araucanian caciques to inquire into the cause of those disturbances, of which they had received intelligence. they first asked for an interpreter, whom they cautioned to give a true and literal translation of their speech; and then they made a long harangue, in which they explained the cause of their visit, and declared their willingness to assist their friends, if their aid should be required, to expel a foreign foe; but if the troubles were caused only by the quarrels and dissensions of parties, they would not take an active part. they were then given to understand that an attempt had been made by one party to put down another, upon which they declined assisting either. the conference being ended, some horses were { } slaughtered and skinned. large holes were dug, and the skins put into them, to form substitutes for vessels, into which barrels of wine were poured, and the indians commenced their feast of horses' flesh and turbid wine, which threw them rapidly into a state of excitement and intoxication, that lasted some hours after the wine was all drunk. in this neighbourhood, the araucanian pine (_araucaria imbricata_) is found, but very few of the trees grow near the sea. one beautiful specimen which i saw in a garden was, at least, forty feet in height, with branches sweeping the ground. the cones of these trees, called piñones, are brought to the town from the mountains where they grow, and are roasted, to be sold in the streets. on the st of march, the land about cape lucia was seen, and at noon it bore e.b.n., distant twelve miles, when the wind ceased, and a heavy swell setting us towards the land, made our situation an anxious one. a breeze, however, sprung up, and by carrying a press of sail, we succeeded in gaining an offing before dark. the night was very squally, but next morning ( st april) the weather was better, so we stood in, and made the evangelists, which were seen from the mast-head, at a distance of twenty-two miles. between these islands and cape pillar we found a most turbulent sea; yet no sooner had we entered the strait, than the water became perfectly smooth. i intended anchoring in the harbour of mercy; but the night proved fine, and the wind was so favourable, that we proceeded by the chart, using a patent log, and passing within two miles of the headlands. sail was reduced as much as possible, to give us space sufficient to run on during the night, steering e. ¾ s. by compass. towards midnight the weather became cloudy, and occasionally the land was concealed from our view. abreast of cape tamar, and as far as cape providence, some sharp squalls raised a sea, rather heavy, considering we were in the strait; but afterwards the water became smooth again. off the latter cape, the patent log indicated a distance run equal to that shown by the chart, which proved that we had { } experienced no current. at daylight we were in the entrance of the 'long reach,' abreast of cape monday. while passing the opening opposite to playa parda, a schooner was observed at anchor, and a boat was seen coming out to us. it contained the mate of the schooner industry, of new bedford, who informed us that she had been lying there, weather-bound, for nearly a month. he came to make inquiries about good anchorages to the westward (having already lost two anchors), and to learn in what part of the strait he was; his own idea being, that the vessel was under cape monday. having given him the required information, we proceeded; but the wind fell light, and we were glad to anchor in the cove of playa parda. with our chains we found it safe; but the bottom, being rocky, would probably do much injury to hempen cables. the opening opposite to us, where the schooner was lying, was evidently sarmiento's 'abra.' it appeared to us to be a mile and a half wide, with an island in the entrance. within, it seemed to take a south, then a south-west direction, and afterwards to trend round a low hummocky point of the eastern shore, under a high, precipitous ridge, on the opposite or western shore, towards the s.e.; beyond this its course could not be observed. when passing through this part of the strait, captain stokes found the weather so bad, that although the distance across was only two or three miles, the shores were often concealed by clouds and rain, so as to render it impossible for him to make any survey of them. we were detained the two following days by bad weather. on the th we proceeded, but before we got abreast of snowy sound, heavy rain set in, which lasted all day. as we passed borja bay, a schooner was observed at anchor in it, so like the adelaide, that we altered our course to communicate with her. from a boat which came off to us, we learned that it was a sealing-vessel, called the hope, of new york, going through the strait, from staten land. she had seen nothing of the adelaide. when abreast of bachelor river, a canoe, containing two { } men and two women, came out to us; but we did not delay long, and at five the anchor was dropped in fortescue bay. as it did not appear that the adelaide had preceded us, i determined upon remaining, to make a chronometric measurement from port gallant to port famine; and the next morning lieutenant graves landed, and obtained a set of sights for time. in the early part of the day, two canoes, containing eight or ten fuegians, entered the bay. they came from the westward; but we did not recognize among them any of those who visited the ship as we passed bachelor's river. several had red baize shirts, and some had 'union caps,' such as are supplied to our men-of-war; which they must have procured from the beagle or adelaide, or from the chanticleer, at cape horn.(x) after hanging about us all day, they landed at sunset, and took up their quarters in some old wigwams in the inner harbour. the canoes of these natives were very different in their construction from any we had seen to the eastward. instead of being paddled, they were pulled with oars; one of which was an ash oar, probably obtained from some sealing-vessel. the canoes were large; at the bottom was a plank, twenty inches wide, to which were sewn the sides, in the manner of the piraguas, and they were caulked with bark, in a similar way. we did not remark any thing peculiar among these people which we had not perceived in other natives of tierra del fuego, except that they frequently used the word 'pecheray,' a word particularly noticed by bougainville, who thought that it meant the name of the tribe; and, in consequence, the fuegians have been often called pecherays. on one of the officers cutting a lock of hair from a woman's head, the men became angry, and one of them taking it away, threw half of it into the fire, and, rolling up the other portion between the palms of his hands, swallowed it. immediately { } afterwards, placing his hands to the fire, as if to warm them, and looking upwards, he uttered a few words, apparently of invocation: then, looking at us, pointed upwards, and exclaimed, with a tone and gesture of explanation, 'pecheray, pecheray.' after which, they cut off some hair from several of the officers who were present, and repeated a similar ceremony. from this fact, one might suppose the word to be connected with their ideas of divine worship; but we had heard it used for so many opposite things, that i could not consider it of so much importance as some of the officers were inclined to think it. the next day a party ascended the mountain de la cruz, to deposit a pewter plate, on which were cut the names of the ship and officers. at the summit they found the pile of stones made by captain fitz roy, which they left undisturbed; but made another, in which a bottle was placed, containing the little spanish coin, and copies, on vellum, of the memorials we had formerly taken from it, also several english coins, and some medals. the bottle was corked, covered with resin, and enveloped in sheet lead. our party returned in the evening, having been seven hours in going up and descending. the next day i obtained an angular measurement of the mountain de la cruz, with a theodolite, having measured a base of , feet, which gave for its elevation , feet, feet more than captain fitz roy's barometrical determination. during the day several fuegian families had arrived, and, by the evening, ten canoes, containing altogether about sixty natives, were collected. i landed to visit them, for i had never before seen so many assembled. we entered all the wigwams but one, which was said to be occupied by a woman in labour. in the opening stood her husband, painted all over with a red ochrous earth, and his head and breast ornamented with the white down of birds. the other fuegians called him 'pecheray;' and appeared to consider him, while in the character he had assumed, as a being superior to themselves. { } hence, there evidently is something of a superstitious nature connected with the word; but our frequent attempts to find out its precise meaning, were unsuccessful. on repeating this expression to a group of natives, one of them immediately coughed up a piece of blubber, which he had been eating, and gave it to another, who swallowed it with much ceremony, and with a peculiar guttural noise; then, looking up, and pointing with his finger to the skies, solemnly pronounced the talismanic 'pecheray,' this word is also used in pointing to the sun. on the th april, i went to charles islands, and surveyed them. there is very good anchorage for a small vessel, in eighteen fathoms, at the north end of the passage which separates them; and at the bottom, or elbow, under the eastern island, in thirteen or fourteen fathoms. the next day, a fresh arrival in two canoes increased the number of indians to eighty; rather a formidable body for a small vessel to encounter. they conducted themselves, on the whole, very peaceably, but seemed determined that our curiosity should not be gratified by finding out the contents of the 'tabooed' wigwam. it was always guarded by the 'pecheray,' who seemed ready and determined to dispute all access to it, by means of a heavy club. one of the midshipmen, however, with a little coaxing, persuaded the man to let him put his head in; but those who were inside, having received their lesson, threw ashes in his face, and nearly blinded him. after this, seeing they were determined on the point, i desired that no further attempt should be made to ascertain what was really going on inside the wigwam. we sailed the next day ( th), not without some apprehension that the adelaide might meet this large concourse of indians before they separated; as port gallant was a place rarely passed by vessels without stopping, and the natives being all housed behind a point of land, could not be seen until too late. we were abreast of cape froward at noon; in the evening we anchored in french bay, and next day ( th) reached port famine. as i purposed remaining until the adelaide should arrive, the tents were set up, the boats landed for repair, and the transit instrument was set up, in the hope that a comet { } might be visible, which we had seen in our passage from concepcion to the strait; but the weather was at first too cloudy, and afterwards the comet itself was too faint to be discerned.[ ] on the st, nine canoes arrived in the bay, containing a large party of fuegians, principally those who frequent the magdalen channel, and probably the sea-coast. they had generally shown themselves disposed to be mischievous, and i determined upon preventing their encamping near us; for their presence would greatly impede our watering and wooding parties, by distracting the attention of the people. i, therefore, went to meet them at the watering-place, under point st. anna, where they had landed, near one of our boats which was on the beach. among them we only recognised three who had visited us before, and those three were brought to our remembrance by their former misconduct. i had always made it a rule to treat them kindly, with the view of obtaining their good-will; but i found it was the wrong way to gain their respect, for it only made them expect more from me, the consequence of which was, that when we separated, neither party was pleased with the other. i used on this occasion a more dictatorial tone than i had hitherto done; for, seeing several with slings in their hands, and a collection of large, round pebbles wrapped up in the corner of their mantles, i desired them to throw the stones away, which they did not hesitate to do. the indians were now all landed, and evidently presuming upon their numerical strength, upwards of eighty being assembled, began to make themselves very familiar. i thought it best to check their advances, by desiring them not to visit the side of the bay where our tents stood, but to go round point st. anna, to an adjoining cove. they seemed to understand me perfectly, and soon afterwards embarked, while i returned on board. the natives, however, landed again, in the middle of the bay, at the north side, and there encamped. next morning, the men of the tribe visited our tents, but found them surrounded by a rope i had caused to be fixed, { } and which they were not permitted to pass. at noon, after observing the sun's transit, i went to the barrier, and while the people were at dinner, endeavoured to amuse our visitors, who were from fifteen to twenty in number, by showing them several trifles; among the rest, a pocket set of coloured glasses, belonging to the transit. they looked through them at the sun, but handled them rather roughly, and broke the frame; upon which i expressed my anger, and turned them away. soon afterwards, however, i walked towards them, and selecting the indian who had offended me, gave him a bunch of beads, and thus restored peace; but desired them, at the same time, to go to their wigwams, which they did. in their way, they mischievously broke down a part of my meridian mark; seeing which, i sent a carpenter, attended by a marine, to repair it, and went myself to inspect its being again set up. the natives were collected round it, evidently in expectation of my being angry, and awaited my approach. upon my coming near, i showed them that i was much displeased, and ordered them into their canoes; when one of the party, muttering a few words, picked up a stone from the ground, and was fixing it in his sling, when i took the marine's musket, and presented it at him, upon which the whole took to their heels; the principal offender and another ran along the beach, and the rest to their canoes. i could not resist the opportunity of letting them know we were prepared for them, by firing over the heads of the two who were running near the water. the report of the musket attracted the attention of lieutenant mitchell, who was on board on the look-out, expecting some fracas would, sooner or later, take place; and seeing four or five canoes paddling across, and the two indians running along the beach, he manned a boat, and pulled towards the canoes, which tried to evade him, and stones were thrown at him as he approached. a musket fired over their heads, soon quieted them, when he pulled round their canoes, to show them they were in his power, but did not molest them, and then allowed the party to proceed. this affair alarmed the women at the wigwams, and hastily { } gathering up their effects, they hurried into their canoes, and joined the others, who all paddled round point st. anna. the men, however, landed there, and remained on shore, armed with slings, spears, and bows, ready to defend themselves, and, by their gestures, defying us to land. no attention was paid to them, and, after a short time, they went over the hills to the coves on the north side of the point. as we had now openly quarrelled, i thought it better that they should keep at a distance; and therefore, taking two boats, pulled round the point, to tell them to go five miles farther, to rocky bay; but the canoes were already beached, and the women had taken up their quarters. as we approached, the hills echoed with the screams of the women and the shouts of the men; all of whom, stark naked, armed, and daubed with white paint, their heads being stuck full of white feathers, hastened down to the point of the bay. the place, from its nature, offered a good defence, as the beach was lined by large rocks, behind which they could conceal themselves from our view, and yet assail us with stones. when within a few yards of the beach, we held a parley--the object of which was, that they should go farther to the northward; to this they vociferously replied, by desiring us to leave them. seeing there was no chance of enforcing our demand, without shedding blood, i ordered the boats away; and on getting about a musket-shot from the beach, one of the fuegians threw a stone, which fell close to us. in an instant, every one of them was concealed behind the rocks; but we returned their fire, and another large stone fell within two feet of the boat. a second musket was fired, and another stone was returned, with equal precision. after the interchange of a few more stones for bullets, they ceased throwing them, and we returned on board. it was very unlikely that any of our shot took effect; for we were at a long distance, and could only see their heads above the rocks. fortunately, none of the stones struck us, for they were large enough to have caused a severe bruise. it is astonishing how very correctly they throw them, and to what a distance. when the first stone fell close to us, we all thought ourselves out of musket-shot. { } the next morning, five or six natives were seen crouching down among high grass, on the hill over our watering-well, waiting for the people to go for water; probably with the intention of assailing them, for it appeared afterwards that their slings and bows were in readiness. to show them they were not out of our reach, i caused a six-pound shot to be fired over their heads, which, as it went high above them, made no impression. the gun was then pointed lower, and another ineffectual shot fired. a third, however, fell close to them, when they jumped up, shook their mantles in the air, with the most violent gestures, and, apparently in a furious rage, scampered off; but the last man, before he disappeared, threw an immense stone, which did not reach one quarter of the distance. we saw nothing more of the natives until the evening, when lieutenant mitchell, who went to look for them, found they had moved away to rocky bay, where they had encamped on the open beach. the next day, i sent him to endeavour to make peace, which he very easily effected, by the interchange of a few trifles. after this we had much bad weather, during which most of the indians kept close to their wigwams; but a few occasionally communicated with our watering party, quite peaceably, as if nothing had happened. a day or two after, the weather improved, and the fuegians dispersed, probably for want of food, some going to the northward, but the greater part along shore to the southward. these people pointed upwards to the sky, when they were going away, repeating the word 'pecheray.' this was our last interview with the wretched fuegians. naturally petulant and quarrelsome, they are also ever intent upon mischief; the fear of punishment alone restraining them. weakly-manned vessels passing through this strait should always avoid them, if they are numerous; for unless they are given what they want, they try to steal it, and any consequent punishment probably brings on a quarrel. their conduct, and servile bearing, at our first seeing them, gave them an appearance of being timid and inactive; while, in reality, they { } are the very reverse. had we attempted to land on the last occasion, i do not think we should have effected our object, without receiving some severe contusions from their stones, which they sling with such extraordinary precision and force: so much so, that i consider the sling, in their dexterous hands, to be equal to a musket in ours. indeed, with many of us, a native would have had the advantage. it has been too much the practice, when obliged to fire upon them, to fire over their heads; by which proceeding the savages are led to consider our weapons as so uncertain in their effect, that they become much depreciated in their estimation. it would be almost preferable to inflict a slight wound, in order to show the nature of our arms, and as a warning against further hostilities. when the uxbridge, sealer, was at anchor in a harbour in the magdalen channel, some indians, who were on board, angry at being ordered out of the vessel at sunset, threw stones at the person who was walking the deck, as they returned to the shore. several muskets were fired over their heads, at which they expressed neither fear nor concern; but paddled leisurely away, and the next morning came off again to the vessel, as if nothing had happened. at port famine, duclos guyot had a skirmish with natives, the particulars of which are described in dom pernetty's history (ii. ). three of the indians were killed, and three of the french were severely wounded. it may be here remarked, that the chief's name, according to m. duclos guyot, was 'pach-a-chui,' which is not unlike 'pecheray;' the women were called 'cap, cap,' probably a mistake for 'cab, cab;' which evidently means 'no, no!' for it was an expression we frequently used, and was never misunderstood. their cunning is sufficiently proved by the theft of the adelaide's boat, in st. simon's sound (page ). the absence of the fuegians permitted us to move about a little; and among other places, we visited their late encampment at rocky bay, our approach to which was offensively indicated by a most sickening smell. on our way, i found two fossils; one was very interesting, bearing the appearance of a { } large orthoceratite:[ ] the other was a venus. from rocky point we descried a strange sail, which, by her movements, we thought must be the beagle: i returned, therefore, and sent lieutenant mitchell out to her. she arrived in the evening, but proved to be a ship belonging to the hudson bay company, called the dryad, bound to the columbia river, and last from the falkland islands. she came to wait for mr. low, of the adeona, who had promised to pilot her through the magdalen channel. the adeona arrived on the d of may; and the following day, to our great joy, the adelaide hove in sight: and being becalmed, was towed to an anchorage. the result of her cruise proved to be very interesting, although no communication had been discovered between the 'ancon sin salida,' and the skyring water. the only loss they had sustained was, however, a severe one; mr. alexander millar having died of inflammation in the bowels. the death of this promising young man threw a damp over the happiness we felt at meeting again, after having so nearly completed this long and tedious voyage. we had, for some days, been getting ready for sea, and now hastened to complete our preparations. the dryad, after receiving some assistance from us, sailed in company with the adeona, and passed out to the pacific, by going through the magdalen channel. the day afterwards we took our final departure--crossed the shoal that extends off magdalena island, in five fathoms, sailed on rapidly, and passed gregory bay at noon. seeing us approach, a large party of patagonians, at least a hundred in number, assembled at the usual place of communication; but as both wind and tide were in our favour, and we could derive no novel information from them, we continued on our course. the indians were probably much mortified and disappointed; but all on board were delighted by avoiding the anticipated delay. we showed our colours to them, but i dare say our friend, maria, was not very well pleased with my want of courtesy, in passing by so old an acquaintance { } without a salutation; or, what she coveted much more, such presents as she had always received when we anchored. just before entering the first narrow, we passed through a furious 'tide-race,' which broke over the adelaide, and not a little impeded her progress. no accident, however, was the consequence; and a rapid tide, running at the least nine knots an hour, swept us through the narrow, and round the reef off cape orange: after which we proceeded rapidly, and rounded cape virgins at ten p.m., not a little elated by leaving behind us, with no expectation of ever seeing it again, the famous strait of magalhaens. our voyage to monte video was rather long; but we delayed there only to water the ship, in the usual place, off cape jesu maria, and then proceeded to rio de janeiro, where we awaited the arrival of the beagle. our anxiety for her safety, during so hazardous a survey as that of the sea-coasts of tierra del fuego, was soon removed, by hearing that she had touched at monte video; and, on the d of august, our consort was seen entering the harbour; when we were delighted by finding all well on board, and the little vessel quite ready for sea, having refitted on her passage. * * * * * { } chapter xviii. adelaide's last cruise--port otway--san quintin--marine islands--unknown river or passage--san tadeo--isthmus of ofqui--san rafael--sufferings and route of the wager's party--channel's mouth--byron--cheap--elliott-- hamilton--campbell--indian cacique--passage of the desecho--osorio-- xavier island--jesuit sound--kirke's report--night tides--guaianeco islands--site of the wager's wreck--bulkeley and cummings--speedwell bay--indigenous wild potato--mesier channel--fatal bay--death of mr. millar--fallos channel--lieutenant skyring's illness--english narrow-- fish--wigwams--indians--level bay--brazo ancho--eyre sound--seal-- icebergs--walker bay--nature of the country--habits of the natives-- scarcity of population. i will now relate the principal incidents of the adelaide's last cruise. the following pages contain extracts from lieutenant skyring's journal, and also notices obtained from other sources. the adelaide sailed from chilóe on the th of december , made cape tres montes on the th, and anchored in port otway the same evening. of this place lieutenant skyring writes: "good anchorage, wood, water, and shell-fish (such as muscles and clams), port otway affords: but no more. excepting in one or two sandy bights, a landing is hardly to be effected; walking along shore is impossible, and it is scarcely practicable to enter the country, the land being so thickly wooded, from the summits of the hills down to the water-side. no soil is to be discovered; the shrubs, and even the trees, which are of large growth, rise out of moss, or decomposed vegetable substances. the climate is very wet; none but amphibious animals were seen, among which hair-seals were numerous. there were very few birds, excepting turkey buzzards; and not a trace of human beings; indeed, i do not believe indians ever go there--(y) they rarely leave the direct channels; as a proof { } of which, some articles left by the beagle, in a conspicuous place, were found by us untouched." during the adelaide's stay at port otway, the openings on the east side of hoppner sound were explored, yet they proved to be only small inlets. mr. kirke examined some, which appeared to communicate with san quintin sound; but found them to be merely channels dividing the group of the marine islands,[ ] excepting the most southern, which is the entrance of newman inlet, a deep bight, without anchorage, but abounding with hair-seal. from byron's narrative it would appear, that there is a channel somewhere hereabouts communicating with the gulf of san rafael, to the east of the peninsula of tres montes; for the indian guide wanted to conduct the wager's barge through it, but was prevented by the strength of the current. the adelaide sailed from port otway on the th, and the same evening reached san quintin sound, anchoring opposite an opening northward of dead-tree island, that proved to be the mouth of the river san tadeo, by which byron and his unfortunate companions effected their escape to chilóe. the sufferings of this party, which are so affectingly described in byron's narrative of the loss of the wager, made so deep an impression on our minds, that i thought it not irrelevant to the object of this voyage to endeavour to trace their steps. among the numerous incidents that occurred to them, the passage of the 'desecho,' or carrying-place over the isthmus of ofqui, is, from all the circumstances connected with it, one of the most interesting. it may be remembered, that, upon the departure of captain cheap, and his shipwrecked crew, from the place of the wreck (byron's narrative, p. ), they proceeded round the shores of the gulf of peñas, with an intention of tracing the coast of chilóe. they first attempted to steer for cape tres montes, which headland they had seen, in one of the intervals of fair weather, from the summit of mount misery, and which appeared to be twenty or thirty leagues distant. the wind, { } however, freshened to a gale, and they were obliged to run before it, and throw all their provisions overboard to lighten the boat. at night they took refuge in a small opening, which led to a secure harbour, and next day advanced a little farther, till they reached some small islands, where they were detained three or four days by bad weather. after leaving that place, they found an opening, into which they rowed, flattering themselves it would prove to be a passage; but, being disappointed, they were obliged to return. this was probably the inlet, called 'channel's mouth.' xavier island was the next place they went to, named by them montrose island. byron describes this island so exactly, that there cannot be the least doubt of its identity. "the next morning," he says, "being calm, we rowed out; but as soon as clear of the island, we found a great swell from the westward: we rowed to the bottom of a very large bay, which was to northward of us, the land very low, and we were in hopes of finding some inlet through, but did not; so kept along shore to the westward. this part, which i take to be fifty leagues from wager island, is the very bottom of the large bay it lies in. here was the only passage to be found, which (if we could by any means have got information of it) would have saved us much fruitless labour. of this passage i shall have occasion to say more hereafter."--byron's nar. p. . this is evidently san quintin sound. they proceeded to the westward and northward, entered a larger bay (holloway sound), and discovered another headland at a great distance to the westward (cape tres montes), which they reached with much difficulty; but being unable to get round it, and losing the boat that accompanied them, besides being obliged to leave four of the marines behind, they became quite disheartened, and returned to wager island, to linger out their miserable lives, without the least prospect of again seeing home. this expedition occupied two months, during which they lived principally upon sea-weed, called 'tangle;' but sometimes passed whole days without eating anything at all. while they { } were absent, some indians had visited the wreck; and, about a fortnight after their return, they arrived a second time, in two canoes. among them was an indian cacique of the chonos tribe, who live in the neighbourhood of chilóe. it was supposed that a report of the wreck had reached that place; and that this cacique, and another indian, had come to derive some advantage from it. as the cacique spoke spanish, the surgeon, mr. elliot, made himself so far understood, as to let him know that they wished to reach some of the spanish settlements; and eventually bargained to give him the barge, and every thing in it, if he would conduct them to chilóe. the party consisted of captain cheap; mr. elliot, the surgeon; mr. campbell, mr. hamilton, and mr. byron, midshipmen; and eight men, besides the two indians; in all fifteen. the first night they slept on an island, and the next laid upon their oars, to the westward of montrose island, not being able to land. they then pulled, "to the bottom of a great bay, where the indian guide had left his family, a wife and two children." there they staid two or three days; after which, taking on board the family, they proceeded to a river, "the stream of which," byron says, "was so rapid, that after our utmost efforts, from morning to evening, we gained little upon the current; and, at last, were obliged to desist from our attempts, and return." this was probably a river, or channel, to the westward of san quintin sound, which eluded our search; and, if so, it must communicate with channels north-eastward of the peninsula of tres montes. the indians, anxious to get the barge to the chonos, had no other way to effect their purpose; for the usual route was over the 'desecho;' to pass which, it was necessary to take a boat or canoe to pieces, and carry her, piecemeal, over a high mountain. after losing the barge, they crossed the peninsula of forelius, by hauling canoes over a narrow neck of land, and reached the water of san quintin sound; where they met another native family, with whom they proceeded to the river san tadeo, "up which they rowed four or five leagues; and then { } took to a branch of it that ran first to the eastward, and then to the northward." there they landed, took the canoes to pieces, and carried them over the isthmus; then putting them together again, re-embarked, and proceeded through the chonos archipelago to chilóe. when at chilóe, i saw an old man, pedro osorio, who had been in two of the last missionary voyages (in and ), to the guaineco islands; where the wager was wrecked. he related to me the particulars of these voyages, and gave me an account of the 'desecho,' over which the missionaries transported their piraguas. he also remembered byron and his companions; and described them by the following names:--don david (captain david cheap); don juan (john byron); hamerton (hamilton); and plasta. the name plasta is not once mentioned in byron's narrative; but on referring to bulkeley's and cumming's account, one plastow is described as the captain's servant; and perhaps he was one of the number who remained with captain cheap.(z) pedro osorio must have been upwards of ninety years of age, in .(a) a detailed account of these voyages is given in agüeros's historical description of the province of chilóe, p. . captain stokes's 'dead-tree island,' in the entrance of san estevan gulf, is near the 'cirujano island' (surgeon island) of those voyages. pedro osorio told me that it was so called, because the surgeon of the wager died there. from byron's narrative it would appear, that the surgeon died, and was buried, just before they embarked to cross the sound.--see byron, p. . as the examination of the river san tadeo, and the discovery of the 'desecho,' formed a part of lieutenant skyring's instructions, he proceeded up it, in a whale-boat, accompanied by mr. kirke. the entrance of the river is blocked up by a bar of sand and stones, which, at low spring-tide, must be nearly dry; and a heavy swell breaks upon its whole length, joining the surf of the beach, on each side; so that there is { } no deep channel; and, except in very fine weather, an attempt to cross is hazardous. at its mouth, the breadth is about a quarter of a mile, but within the entrance it increases for a short distance: at three miles up, it is three hundred yards, and thence gradually diminishes. the shores are a mixture of clay and sand; and the country, on both sides, is low and marshy, abounding with brant-geese, ducks, teal, and snipe. the land, near the mouth of the river, is studded with dead trees (a species of pine, about twenty feet high), which appear to have been killed by the sea overflowing the banks;(b) as it does at high-water for several miles. three miles from the entrance this river divides into two branches, one leading n.w., and the other eastward. considering the latter, from byron's description, to be the proper course, lieutenant skyring followed it. at nine miles from the mouth, a stream was found falling into the river from the north, in every respect differing from the principal stream; the water being fresh, dark, and clear, and the current constantly running down, uninfluenced by the tide; while the water of the river was brackish and turbid, and affected by the ebbing and flowing of the tide, although, at that distance, its effect was much diminished. the shores of the black river, as this new stream was called, are thickly wooded, which is not the case with the principal stream. they had entered it about a hundred yards before they discovered that they had left the main river; but being desirous of proceeding, they followed its windings, the next day, for three leagues; during the greater part of which distance, they found a strong current against them, and were also much impeded by fallen trees lying in the bed of the river. in many parts they dragged their boat along by the help of overhanging branches, or projecting roots; and the width, generally, was not more than fifty yards. as no piragua could pass there, lieutenant skyring felt assured that he was not in the right stream; therefore, returning to the main river, he proceeded { } up it during the next two days. at two miles above the junction, the tide ceased to be felt; and a rapid current met them, which increased in strength until they were unable to stem it; and as they were prevented from tracking the boats, by trees growing on the banks, they could ascend no farther. this place was not more than eleven miles from the sea; although, from the tortuous course of the stream, they had gone double that distance, and were about two miles from the foot of a mountain, whence the river descends. the mountain was very high, and the vallies, or ravines, were filled with glaciers. from byron's description, it seems probable that lieutenant skyring was near the carrying place; but as further delay could answer no good end, he very prudently returned, looking carefully about, as he proceeded, for some signs of a landing-place, but without success. he re-crossed the bar, reached the adelaide without accident, and the next day went on in her to xavier island. on the way they passed dead-tree island; where, observing seal on the rocks, a boat was sent ashore, and her crew succeeded in killing a few sea-elephants, twenty feet long. favoured with fine weather, they were enabled to land on the north side of xavier island, to improve the former survey; and in the evening anchored in xavier bay, where they remained four days; during which, jesuit sound was explored, and found to terminate in two narrow inlets. being a leewardly opening, it is unfit for any vessel to enter. the name jesuit sound, and those of the two inlets at the bottom, benito and julian, are memorials of the missionaries, who, in the expedition of , entered and explored it.[ ] (agüeros, p. .) the adelaide anchored the next night in ygnacio bay, at the south end of xavier island, which lieutenant skyring { } recommends for small vessels; the depth of water being six or eight fathoms, and the anchorage well sheltered from the wind. on the st they anchored under the hazard islands, in the channel's mouth: "preparatory," writes lieutenant skyring, "to commencing new work with the new year; for since entering the gulf, except while examining the san tadeo, we had followed the beagle's track, and only completed what she left unfinished; but from this place all would be new. this was the last wild anchorage she had taken; and although now fixed in the best situation, and in the height of summer, we found our position almost as dangerous as hers. "early on the st of january , mr. kirke went in a whale-boat to examine the openings, at the mouth of which we had anchored: he returned on the th, having traced to the end, all which had the least appearance of being channels. the two largest, the south and the east, penetrated into the cordillera for thirty miles. all these inlets are narrow but deep arms of the sea, running between ranges of very steep hills; their sides affording not the least shelter, even for a boat, and apparently deserted; for neither seal, nor birds of any kind were seen, nor were there even muscles on the rocks." mr. kirke, in his report, says: "the three northernmost of the inlets of the channel's mouth end with high land on each side, and low sandy beaches at the head, beyond which there rises a ridge of high mountains, about two miles from the beach. the s.e. inlets end in rivers rushing down from the mountains, and a rocky shore: not the smallest shelter could i find, even for the boat. two days and nights i was forced to keep her hauled up on a rock, just above high-water mark, in a strong gale, while the williwaws were so violent, that we were all obliged to add our weight to that of the boat, to prevent her from being blown off: and twice we were washed out of our resting-places, on the beach, by the night tide rising about fifteen or sixteen inches above that of the day." this opening in the coast is noticed by the pilot machado (agüeros, p. ); but by whom the name of channel's mouth was given, does not appear. it is by no means descriptive of { } what it has been proved to be; but as lieutenant skyring thought that a change in the name would not answer any good purpose, he very properly left it unaltered. the day after mr. kirke returned, very bad weather set in, and detained the adelaide nine days, during which nothing could be done, out of the vessel. january th, lieutenant skyring writes, "with moderate weather, and an easterly wind, we left the channel's mouth, and, standing for the guaianeco islands, passed those of ayautau (between which and the mainland are several rocky reefs, though the passage seems to be sufficiently clear for any vessel); and skirting tarn bay, we distinguished the mesier channel, and could see many leagues down it. the entrance of the mesier channel is very remarkable, from having two high and singular peaks on the islands at its mouth: the northernmost very much resembling (although higher than) nelson's monument, near the strait; and the other, more to the southward, and much higher, resembling a church with a cupola, instead of a spire. both are easily made out from the westward, at a distance of twenty or thirty miles. "we reached the guaianeco islands in the afternoon. the two largest are divided by a narrow passage, on the west side of which we anchored, in ten fathoms, in a spacious and secure haven, which proved to be speedwell bay of bulkeley and cummings; the boats were employed next day, and, while the examination of the coast was pursued, i sought to ascertain the exact spot of the wreck of the wager, but never could discover it: not a fragment of that ill-fated vessel was seen in any of our excursions. a few pieces of the boat lost by the beagle last year were picked up; but nothing more that could tend to denote the misfortunes which have occurred near these islands. "from the description of the wager's wreck, in bulkeley and cummings, there seems to be little doubt of the place being at the n.w. end of the eastern guaianeco island, near my rundle's passage, which is the place so often mentioned in their account as the 'lagoon.' { } "being well supplied with powder and small shot, the people provided themselves plentifully, during our stay at speedwell bay, with a variety of wild-fowl, namely, geese, ducks, redbeaks, shags, and the ibis; curlew, snipe, plover, and moorhens, were also met with, and fish were observed in shoals near the vessel, but, as we had no seine, they escaped. with hooks and lines our fishermen had no luck; the baits were no sooner at the bottom, than they were taken away, and for a day or two the cause of their loss was unknown; but being accidentally ascertained, small trap-nets were made, and great numbers of crabs were taken, about a pound each in weight. "in almost every bay we noticed the potato, growing among wild celery, close above high-water mark: but in so unfavourable a situation, choked by other vegetables, its produce was very small. "the trees are not of large growth in these islands, neither is the land thickly wooded; but above the beach, and almost round the coast, there is a breast-work of jungle and underwood, from fifty to one hundred yards broad, and nearly impenetrable; beyond which is a great extent of clear, but low and swampy ground. "on the th, we left this port, and ran to the s.e., through what i have named rundle's passage. this small channel, where the islands approach each other, is about a quarter of a mile wide, perfectly clear in the whole extent, and also at its southern entrance; but at the northern there are many detached rocks, which are obstacles to entering speedwell bay, except in daylight. rounding the islets, at the s.e. extreme of byron islands, we anchored in muscle bay, which lies on the northern side: by no means a secure place,--but the only one that could be found, by the boats, after many hours' search. i selected this situation in order that the entrance to the fallos channel, and the whole outline of these islands, might be laid down, and properly connected with the land of port barbara; which was thoroughly executed by mr. kirke and mr. millar, although delayed in the completion of their { } work until the st of february.(c) on that day we sailed, and entered the mesier channel, anchoring in a small open bay, the only stopping-place we could perceive; which, from the loss we sustained shortly after our arrival, was called fatal bay. it is insecure, and the anchorage ground confined: the only convenience was, that wood and fresh-water were near. during our stay we had much rain, which retarded us. mr. kirke went away in a boat, whenever the weather permitted, and, on the th, we sailed for an anchorage, about ten miles to the southward, where he had previously been; but a sad event happened before our departure. "on the afternoon of the d, we had the misfortune to lose mr. alexander millar, who died in consequence of a severe attack of inflammation of the bowels, which carried him off, after an illness of only three days. "on thursday afternoon he was buried, close to the shore, near the anchorage, and just within the edge of the wood. "that our progress had been so slow during the last month, was a great disappointment; but we had had many causes of detention. all the early part of january the weather was stormy: eighteen days we were anchored within the channel's mouth; yet during two only could our boats leave the vessel. "among the guaianeco islands we had moderate weather, but also much wet: still the chief cause of our delay, i fear, was my own illness. from the beginning of january, i had been confined to my bed, with a tedious and obstinate disease; and from that time most of the angles were taken, and all the observations were made, by mr. kirke, who was ever exceedingly willing and indefatigable. after the loss of mr. millar, not only almost the whole duty of surveying fell upon him, but much of the duty of the vessel. "at noon this day ( th), we moored in island harbour, a small but excellent landlocked anchorage, with good holding { } ground, and abundance of wood and water. the two following days, mr. kirke was away examining the coast; the third we were confined by bad weather; and, indeed, during our whole continuance at this place, we had very much rain. "we sailed early on the th from island harbour, and by night reached waterfall bay, an anchorage about fifteen miles to the southward: the wind all day was light, and the tide, the greater part of the time, against us; so that, with every exertion, we scarcely gained anchoring ground before it was quite dark: the strength of the tide was upwards of a mile an hour, at neap-tides: the ebb and flood were of equal duration, the former running to the s.b.e., the latter n.b.w. thirty miles within the mesier channel it is as wide as at the entrance, and for several miles to the southward appears clear: so that no one is liable thus far to mistake its course. "the land on the west side appears to be a number of large islands, with here and there wide passages leading to the s.w., rendering it probable that there are many (although not direct) communications between the mesier and the fallos channels. our anchorages were chiefly on the eastern shore, that the openings on that side might be more readily examined; but all which appeared to run far inland were found to be merely narrow inlets, or sounds ending abruptly. on each side the land is hilly, but not high; and this distinguishes the mesier channel from many others, whose shores for miles are formed by ranges of steep-sided mountains. here, in many places, there is much low land, which is generally thickly wooded, yet with no greater variety of trees than is to met with in the strait of magalhaens. the beech, birch, pine, or cypress, winter's-bark, and a kind of red-wood, form the forests; but none were observed that could be at all serviceable for the larger spars of a vessel. "( th). left waterfall bay, and with a n.w. breeze passed middle island, entered lion bay, and moored in white kelp cove. the coast survey was soon finished, but we were confined at our anchors here four days; not by bad, but by extraordinarily fine weather. during such intervals, so very rare { } in these regions, the wind, if there is any, is almost always southerly, and light. "at every anchorage we had found indian wigwams, but as yet had not met with any natives. here we took a great number of fish; and, among them, one like the ling, found on the east coast of patagonia, off cape fairweather, but of smaller size, for the largest did not weigh more than two pounds. very few water-fowl were seen; steamers and shags were the only ones shot; but in the woods we noticed king-fishers, woodpeckers, barking-birds, parroquets, and humming-birds. "( st.) with a light northerly wind we left this cove, and about ten miles to the southward the appearance of the channel changed greatly. instead of sailing through unconnected land, of moderate height, we were confined between two mountainous ridges.[ ] at noon we were obliged to anchor in halt bay, no opening appearing to the right or left, and being apparently embayed. on the west side, the high land was skirted by several low islands, among which our only way of proceeding seemed to lie. this day and the next mr. kirke was away, seeking a passage; and having found one, and noticed the tides, we sailed through on the d, and gave it the name of the english narrow. it is long and intricate, chiefly formed by islands; and in three places, where the shores approach each other, the distance across is less than four hundred yards, yet with a fair wind and slack tide, there is no hazard in passing. in the afternoon, we moored in ten or twelve fathoms in level bay, a spacious anchorage near the southern entrance of the narrow; the bottom mud and sand, and the depth of water equal throughout. mr. kirke, who was among the islands opposite this bay, saw numerous shoals { } of fish in many of the bights; with a seine, therefore, an abundant supply might be obtained. "the woodland eastward of our anchorage had very recently been on fire, and the conflagration must have been extensive, and very destructive; for throughout a space of ten or twelve miles along shore, all the trees had been consumed, the dead trunks of the larger ones alone remaining. we left level bay on the morning of the th, and passed a canoe full of indians; but they pulled to the shore, and ran into the woods; therefore, since they avoided us, and we had a fair wind, i did not seek their acquaintance. we had noticed traces of them in the neighbourhood of the narrow, on each side of which many wigwams, that had been recently occupied, were seen. "for the next ten or twelve miles we went through a fine reach, whose shores were low, and whose channel was interspersed with several islands, affording probably excellent anchorages; but to the southward the hills became more steep, and, except in the ravines, were destitute of vegetation. at four or five leagues to the e.s.e., beyond the english narrow, an opening, apparently a channel, presented itself, and the reach in which we were sailing seemed to end. doubtful which course to follow, we anchored the vessel in rocky bight, and despatched the boats to examine both passages. that to the e.s.e. was found to run direct nearly ten miles, and to communicate with a fine clear channel, trending to the s.s.w., which proved afterwards to be the wide channel (brazo ancho) of sarmiento. at the junction, a considerable arm extended to the n.n.e., apparently a continuation of the wide channel. "on mr. kirke's return from examining the passage in which we were sailing, i learnt that the same width continued about five miles southward of our present anchorage, and that there the shores approached closely, forming the intricate passage called rowlett narrow; which, after a s.e. course of many miles, also joins wide channel. the island formed by the two channels was named saumarez island, in honour of the gallant admiral. "it rained hard and blew strongly the whole day, which { } prevented our moving; but on the th we shifted our anchorage to fury cove, in wide channel. "mr. kirke, on the th, examined an opening to the northward, called sir george eyre sound, which terminates in a wide fresh-water river, running through low land from a large glacier. the low grounds extend two or three miles from it, and then the land becomes high. behind the glacier there is a ridge of high mountains, covered with snow, which we had seen twice before; first, from near white kelp cove, and again from halt bay. in the sound, we saw three whales, and being the first we had observed, since leaving the gulf of peñas, they inclined us to think we were near the gulf of trinidad. a great number of fur seal, besides two of their rookeries, or breeding-places, were also seen. several icebergs were floating out of the sound, some of which were dark-coloured; and upon one i found a quantity of rock that had come down with it from the mountains. there was serpentine and granite, specimens of which were collected, and given to captain king. one of the bergs, which was large, was aground. it was nearly seven fathoms above the water, and bottom could not be found by sounding round it with twenty-one fathoms of line. "fury cove is diminutive; there is not more than sufficient space for two small vessels; but the ground is good, and in every other respect it is a secure haven. we sailed on the d of march with the expectation of soon recognizing some known points in the gulf of trinidad; but as the wind failed, we were obliged to anchor for the night in sandy bay, in eight fathoms. "as we proceeded to the southward, the appearance of the country gradually changed: the mountains seemed more barren, the trees and shrubs more stunted, the land rose more suddenly, and the shores of the channel became bolder, and presented an uniform rocky line of coast. "( th.) we again steered southward, and at noon an opening appearing on the east side, which ran several miles inland, i sought an adjacent anchorage, in order that it might be explored. our boats were examining the shore all day, and { } sounding in the coves, but no fit spot was found; therefore we were forced to stop in an ill-sheltered nook, termed small craft bight, which just served us (having fair weather) as a resting-place until morning ( th), when we set out again to find a better anchorage; for i still desired to ascertain whether the opening to the eastward was a sound or a channel. in our course to the southward we traced both shores in search of a stopping-place; but there was neither bight nor cove where it was possible to anchor, until we arrived at open bay, which lies near the entrance of wide channel. even this was such a very insecure place, that although i remained the next day, to examine the neighbouring coast, it was far too exposed an anchorage for the vessel to continue in while the boats were away at a distance. "disappointed by not finding a place for the schooner near the opening i wished to explore, i was yet averse to leaving it unexamined, having traced every inlet to its extremity for upwards of two hundred miles along the continent. i wished to continue so sure a mode of proceeding; and although i felt certain that this opening terminated like the rest, and mr. kirke held the same opinion, i would gladly have prevented any doubt by following its course in the boats, could we have gained a safe anchorage for the vessel. the nearest harbour that could be found was thirty miles from the opening, and it would have detained us too long to send the boats such a distance; so considering that we had yet a great extent of coast to examine; that my state of health did not permit me to undertake any very exposed or arduous service; and that mr. kirke was the only person to whom such duty could be entrusted, i was induced to relinquish our former practice of exploring every opening to its end. "we left open bay on the th, and soon entered concepcion strait, keeping along the east shore, and sending a boat, at every opening, to seek a situation for the vessel. in the afternoon, a tolerably sheltered bay was found, at the south end of the north canning island, open only from s.e. to s.w.; but those winds being frequent and violent, and the { } bay exposed to a long reach of sea from that quarter, it cannot be accounted a safe harbour; yet it was very far preferable to many places in which we had been obliged to anchor. "this bay (portland bay) is on the north side of an opening called by sarmiento 'canal de tres cerros,' and from the broken state of the interior high land, one is led to imagine a channel might be found there. his conclusion, i have no doubt, was drawn from this appearance, since the view down the opening is very limited, and, at the distance of three or four miles within the entrance, is interrupted by several small islands. mr. kirke passed between those islets, and followed an opening to the s.e., for upwards of eight leagues. on his return, he reported that he had found a fine channel, of which the principal entrance was the opening of sarmiento's 'canal san andres.' "on the th, in full anticipation of making some interesting discovery, we sailed into the 'canal san andres,' anchoring in the afternoon in expectation bay, where we remained until the th. during that time, mr. kirke was employed examining the different openings, and tracing this supposed channel farther. at his return, he said that he had found a termination to every opening, even to that in which we then were, which he had previously thought to be a channel. like the rest, it extended only to the base of the snowy cordillera, and then was suddenly closed by immense glaciers. "this information caused great disappointment, as all hope of passing through the cordillera, thus far northward, was now given up; and i was fearful we should be delayed many more days before we could extricate ourselves from this (as we then supposed) false channel. we were many miles within the entrance; in that distance there were no anchorages, and the wind being generally from the westward, i anticipated much labour before we could effect our return; but the very next day we were so fortunate as to have a slant of fair wind, by which we cleared this opening, and a second time entered concepcion strait. knowing, by our former survey, that there was no anchorage along the coast to the southward of cape san andres before reaching guard bay, i ran over to madre { } de dios, and brought up in walker bay. fortunate we were, too; for before midnight the weather became so stormy as to oblige us to strike the topmasts and yard, let go a second anchor, and veer a long scope of cable. at few places in these channels where we had anchored, could we have veered even half a cable. we remained the following day, and on the st, the weather being moderate, ran for the guia narrow, and having a favourable tide, passed through easily. "it was my wish to have anchored among the islands to the southward of cape charles, since that would have been the most convenient place for the adelaide, while examining the opening beyond cape san antonio; but hauling round the headland into a bay formed by those islands, no soundings could be gained; and not perceiving any bight at all likely to afford shelter, i continued my course for puerto bueno, where sarmiento thought there was good anchorage. in the evening, with the assistance of the boats, we moored in schooner cove, puerto bueno, and the next day, mr. kirke went to examine the opening north of san antonio. "while we remained, a plan was made of this port, which lies five miles s.e. from cape charles and three and a-half from bonduca island. the shore is steep, and without any indenture. to the southward is lear bay, a mile in extent, affording anchorage, but not to be chosen when such an excellent haven as puerto bueno is near. the south extreme of this bay forms the north point of puerto bueno, and a few hundred yards south of that point is rosamond island, which is low and pointed; four hundred yards s.s.e. of this, is a small round islet, bold to on every side; and between this islet and a low point, a quarter of a mile to the s.e., is the widest channel to the anchorage. sarmiento, indeed, most appropriately named it puerto bueno. it has both an inner and an outer port, the depth of water throughout is from nine to six fathoms, and any position in either i consider safe; but excepting that it affords better shelter, it differs in no respect from other anchorages in these regions. wood and water are generally found in abundance near them all: fish may be caught; geese, ducks, shags, and { } steamers may be shot; and shell-fish gathered. the country, also, has the same appearance, and is of a similar nature; for if you force a passage through the woods, it is over fallen trees and moss; if you walk over clear flat ground, the place is found to be a swamp; and if you ascend the hills, it is by climbing over rocks, partially covered with spongy moss. "mr. kirke returned on the th, having found that the opening beyond san antonio led to the n.e., and at ten miles from the cape communicated with that called the canal san andres. "at daylight we left schooner cove, and in passing down sarmiento channel i tried, though unsuccessfully, to reconcile some of his remarks with our own observations. south of san marco and san lucas there are two extensive bays, which we afterwards found communicated with an opening between san mateo and san vicente, separating the greater part of the eastern shore of this channel from the main land. "i wished to anchor near cape san lucas, but around that opening no place could be distinguished likely to afford shelter, the shore in every part being bold, steep, and rocky. a like uniformity of coast presented itself as far as cape san mateo; but on the west side, along both esperanza and vancouver island, lie many bays that are well adapted for vessels. sailing, however, under cape san lucas, we stood for san mateo, and succeeded in anchoring in a small port, formed by weasel island, scarcely large enough, but perfectly safe, when once we were secured. from this place the boats were despatched. an opening east of our present station was to be traced, and this part of sarmiento channel, with the entrance between san mateo and san vicente, was to be laid down. these operations, which in moderately fair weather would not have occupied three days, were not completed before the st, from our being delayed by violent winds, and almost continual rain. we had also had exceedingly bad weather during our stay in puerto bueno, and those employed in the boats had undergone very severe fatigue, and had suffered much from wet and cold. a short distance within the entrance of the { } opening, between cape san mateo and san vincent, it turns suddenly to the south and s.b.e., continues in that direction for nearly thirty miles, washing the base of the cordillera which rises from it precipitously, and is closed by a low isthmus, two miles across, dividing this inlet from stewart bay, and over which mr. kirke passed to take the bearings of several points that he recognised in collingwood strait. "in the prosecution of the survey northward of our anchorage, those passages were discovered which separate so much of the east coast of sarmiento channel from the main land; and the islands thus made known i named after commodore sir edward owen,[ ] the channel of separation being called blanche passage. "one of the boats met with a canoe containing eight indians; this was only the second that had yet been seen during our cruise. "an interview, which two of the schooner's men had with these people, is so characteristic of the habits of the natives who wander in canoes, that i add the account, as given by one of those men: 'when we arrived at the wigwam, there were two women and five children inside, and a dozen dogs near it. at our entrance, the children crept close to one side of the wigwam, behind their mothers, who made signs for us to sit down on the opposite side, which we did. the women, seeing that we were wet, and meant to do them no harm, sent the two eldest children out to gather sticks, and made up a large fire; so we cut some pieces of bread from a loaf which we had, and distributed them. they all appeared to like the bread, particularly the youngest, which was sucking at the breast; for it eat its own slice, besides one we gave its mother. after we had been there about half an hour, and had given them some beads and buttons, a man came in from behind the wigwam, where he had concealed himself when we entered, and sat down beside us. by signs, he asked where our boat was, and how many men there were with us. we told him the men and boat were a little way off, and made signs that we wanted to { } stay all night with him. we then gave him some bread, which he smelt, and afterwards eat. he offered us some sea-elephant blubber, about two inches and a-half thick; we took it, and making signs it was not good, flung it on the fire. as soon as it began to melt, he took it from the fire, put one part in his mouth, and holding the other drew it back again, squeezing out the oil with his teeth, which were nearly shut. he put the same piece on the fire again, and, after an addition to it, too offensive to mention, again sucked it. several more pieces were served the same way, and the women and children partook of them. they drank large draughts of water as soon as they had done eating. as it grew dark at about eight o'clock, the man began to talk to the women about our 'sherroo' or boat, and our men, who he thought were near. they seemed to be alarmed, for the women shortly after left the wigwam, and did not return. they were quite naked. the man took the youngest child in his arms, squatted down with the rest, and making signs that he was going to sleep, stretched himself by the fire, the children lying between him and the side of the wigwam. soon afterwards another man came in, who seemed to be about twenty-two years of age, younger by ten years than the first we saw. he had a piece of platted grass round his head, in the form of a band. after talking some time with his companion, he talked and laughed with us, ate some bread, and would have eaten all we had, if we had not kept it from him. he ate about two pounds of blubber, broiling and squeezing it, as the other had done, and drank three or four pints of water. we had only one case knife, which he was very fond of borrowing now and then, to cut the blubber, pretending that the muscle shells, which he broke for the purpose, were not sharp enough. he examined all our clothes, felt our limbs and breasts, and would have taken our clothes off, if we had let him. he wanted a knife, and was continually feeling about us for one, as we did not let him know that we had only one. he opened a rush basket, and took out several trifles, such as fire-stone,[ ] feathers, spear-heads, a sailor's old mitten, part of { } a guernsey-frock, and other things, some of which he offered for the knife. "'about midnight it rained very hard, and the inside of the wigwam became soaked with wet; so they all roused up, and made a large fire; then ate some blubber, and drank some more water. they always carried a firebrand with them when they went out in the dark to get water, or for any thing else they might want. when they had well warmed themselves they lay down again. the young man lay close to us, and, when he supposed we were asleep, began to search the man who had the knife, but we kept watch and he could not get it. about two hours afterwards he made up the fire, and went out, as we thought, for firewood: but for no other purpose than to take away bushes from the side of the wigwam, that he might have a clear passage for what he intended to do. returning, he took up a piece of blubber, and asked for the knife to cut it. as soon as he had cut a slice, and put it on the fire, he darted through the part of the wigwam, which he had weakened, like an arrow. the other man seemed to be very much vexed, and thinking, perhaps, that we should do some mischief in consequence of the loss of the knife, watched an opportunity, when he thought we were asleep, to take out all the children, and leave us quite by ourselves. about two hours after, he returned, and pulling down dry branches, from the inside of the wigwam, made up a large fire. we had no doubt that the younger man was at hand watching us, and just at daybreak, as we were preparing to start, he jumped into the wigwam with his face streaked almost all over with black, and pretended to be quite a stranger. when we asked for the knife, he would not know what we meant, but took up one of our shoes that lay on the ground, and gave it to us. the band of grass was taken off his head, and his hair was quite loose. there were neither skins, spears, nor arrows in the wigwam, but no doubt they were in the bushes; for when we threatened to take the canoe he jumped into the wood, resting on one knee, with his right hand on the ground; and eyed us sharply till we were out of sight.' { } "the other family seen in the mesier channel we did not communicate with, and it may be remarked that in this passage, although between four and five hundred miles in extent, we did not meet twenty human beings; a strong evidence that these regions are very thinly inhabited, particularly when it is considered that we made no rapid progress, and that our boats traversed, through different channels, at least twice the distance run by the vessel." * * * * * { } chapter xix. sarmiento channel--ancon sin salida--cape earnest--canal of the mountains--termination of the andes--kirke narrow--easter bay-- disappointment bay--obstruction sound--last hope inlet--swans--coots-- deer--river--lagoon--singular eddies--passage of the narrow--arrival at port famine--zoological remarks. "(april st). this morning the weather was very unsettled, squally, and thick: but as no delay could be admitted, when there was a possibility of moving, we left at eight o'clock, and followed the course of sarmiento channel. i have no doubt that a passage exists eastward of point san gaspar, leading to collingwood strait, and forming an island between that point and cape san bartolomé: but with the n.w. wind and bad weather we then had, that bight was too leewardly for us to venture into. "the knowledge of an opening there could be of no great importance, yet had i been able to find an anchorage near cape san bartolomé i would gladly have profited by it, in order to assure myself of the existence of a passage. in hauling round, the appearance of the land favoured my impression; but our chief object being to seek a channel through the high mountains, i stood toward stewart bay, the most southern part examined by the boats. finding i could not anchor there without entering the bight and risking delay, which i was unwilling to do, as i wished to reach whale-boat bay as soon as possible, we proceeded and anchored in the evening in shingle roads, ready for moving the next morning. having, last year, passed along the whole line of coast, from cape earnest to this place, there seemed to me no necessity for a closer examination, for i knew there was no opening within that distance, and i could very little improve what was then laid down on the { } chart. the weather was very unpromising, and at daylight the next morning it blew hard from the n.w., but we weighed and ran to the southward. when in the 'ancon sin salida' of sarmiento the wind suddenly shifted to the s.e., and was so strong that we were quite unable to beat between cape earnest and the northern island of the 'ancon,' but passing round, found anchorage near the east end in a small bay: however, as the wind had moderated, and the canal of the mountains was open to us, on the east side of which there appeared to be several secure bays, we kept under sail, and in the evening anchored in leeward bay, which we at first thought would afford excellent shelter, but on reaching it found we had erred exceedingly. there was no time to look for another, so we moored, and prepared for bad weather, which, as usual, was soon experienced; and we were kept two days without a possibility of moving, or doing any thing to make our situation more secure. we had heavy squalls during the whole time; the wind being generally west or w.n.w., but at times nearly s.w., when more swell was thrown into the bay. "on the th we got clear of this bad and leewardly anchorage, the wind being more to the n.w.; but we had still such very squally weather, with rain, that it was a work of several hours to beat to whale-boat bay, where we moored in the evening, and prepared for examining the coast with our boats, both to the east and west. before leaving leeward bay, a round of angles was taken from high ground north of the anchorage, and it was satisfactory to reflect that the 'ancon sin salida' was traced far more correctly than could be done in our former visit. there was constant rain and squally weather all the morning, and only in the latter part of the day could any work be performed in the boats. on the following morning mr. kirke went to trace the canal of the mountains, and i rejoice to say that i was again able to assist in the boat service, and went to examine some openings. after leaving kirke narrow on the right hand a wide sound appeared, about nine miles in length; and having traversed it, we turned to the east, through a narrow intricate channel (white narrow), { } obstructed by several small islets, and passed suddenly out into a clear, open bay. our prospect here became wholly different to that which for months before we had daily witnessed. north and south of us were deep bays, while to the east, between two points seven or eight miles apart, our view was unobstructed by land, and we were sanguine in hoping that we had discovered an extensive body of water. there was also a considerable change in the appearance of the country, which no less delighted than astonished us; for so gratifying a prospect had not been seen since leaving chilóe. eastward, as i said before, we could perceive no land; to the north-east and south-eastward lay a low flat country, and the hills in the interior were long, level ranges, similar to that near cape gregory, while behind us, in every direction westward, rose high rugged mountains. i fully believed that our course hereafter would be in open water, along the shores of a low country, and that we had taken leave of narrow straits, enclosed by snow-capped mountains: the only difficulty to be now overcome was, i imagined, that of getting the vessel safely through the kirke narrow; which, hazardous as i thought the pass, was preferable to the intricate white narrow, through which we had just passed. such were my expectations; and with so noble a prospect in view, i hastened to look for anchorage for the schooner, which i succeeded in finding at a place named by me easter bay, and returned on board the next day through kirke narrow. mr. kirke employed three days about his work, having traced the inlet, which trended northward from cape grey for nearly eleven leagues. he found that it was bordered on each side by a steep range of mountains, broken here and there by deep ravines, which were filled with frozen snow, and surmounted by extensive glaciers, whence huge avalanches were continually falling. the western side of this canal is formed by the southern termination of the andes. at the northern end are two bays, with sandy beaches, backed by low land, which, however, rises gradually to high peaked mountains, distant about two miles. "early on easter tuesday we left whale-boat bay, and { } proceeded towards the kirke narrow. we had been unvarying in watching and trying the strength of the tides during our stay; but the observations never accorded with those in the narrow, and our calculations this morning, after all the trouble we had taken, were found to be erroneous. on approaching the place we met a stream of tide setting to the s.w. between two and three knots; the wind was light; we sometimes gained ground--at others were forced back by the strength of the tide--and thus kept hovering near the entrance until eleven o'clock; when the tide slackened, and we neared the eastern end, which is by far the narrowest part, and where, i apprehended, every exertion would be required to clear the rocks; but fortunately it was at the moment of slack water--we passed through easily, and our anticipated difficulty vanished. this eastern entrance is narrowed by two islands, which contract the width, at one part, to a hundred and fifty yards. when clear of this passage, point return, point desire, and easter bay were in sight, and we found ourselves in a channel much wider than those to which we had been lately accustomed. to the south was a deep sound, apparently branching in different directions between high land, but our principal object was the low country to the n.e., and through this we were so sanguine as to make sure of finding a passage. in the evening we anchored in easter bay, and moored the schooner in four and six fathoms, over a muddy bottom. "next morning ( th) the boats were prepared for going away to gain a better knowledge of the country around, to find out the best anchorage, and to become acquainted with some of the many advantages that, from the prospect before us, we considered ourselves sure of experiencing. mr. kirke went to examine worsley sound, and he was desired to examine every opening as he proceeded eastward. as soon as he was gone, i set about measuring a base between easter bay and focus island; which, being of moderate height, appeared to be a favourable position for extending the triangulation. this work was soon finished; but i was greatly disappointed, when on the summit of the island, with the view that presented itself { } to the eastward. the low points, before mentioned, beyond which, from easter bay, we could distinguish no land, and between which we expected to make good our course to the s.e., appeared to be connected by a low flat country. an extensive sheet of water was indeed observed to the eastward, yet i could only, from its appearance, conclude that it was a spacious bay. "my attention was next drawn to the southward, in which direction, to the east of woolley peninsula, appeared a wide and deep opening, and this i determined to explore on the morrow; for it was now the only course likely to lead us to fitz roy passage, where it became every day more indispensable that we should arrive, since our provisions were getting short. at my return on board, i learnt from mr. kirke that he had examined the greater part of worsley sound, whose eastern shore formed a line of coast almost connected with that of the bight before us, to which the name of disappointment bay was given. "it was arranged that he should proceed from his last point, and carefully trace the shore of disappointment bay to the eastern headland of the southern opening, down which it was my intention to proceed. with these objects in view, we left the schooner next morning. a fair wind soon brought me to the entrance, where i landed to take bearings on the west side, and arrived at the promontory of 'hope' by noon. there i ascended to the summit of the hills, but found them so thickly wooded, that my anticipated view of the land was almost intercepted, and the angles taken were in consequence very limited. "at this promontory the course of the channel trends slightly to the eastward; and its direction is afterwards to the s.s.e., being open and clear for eight or ten miles, when low land stretching across from the west side intercepts the view. in passing to the southward, i landed frequently to continue the angles, and hauled up, at the close of day, in rara avis bay, still doubtful of the nature of the opening. "next morning, passing point intervene, we pulled into an extensive reach; and having landed, to take bearings, on the { } east side, near cape thomas, i proceeded, in hopes that beyond the next point some better prospect would be gained: on arriving there, however, my expectations were instantly checked by a bold rising shore, continuing uninterruptedly as far as the oliver islands, which we passed soon afterwards. "the width of the channel between the oliver islands and the northern shore is not more than a mile, but it afterwards increases, and turns sharply first to the west, and then s.s.w. in the west reach there are many small islands, and the high ranges on both sides being detached from each other, gave me yet some hopes of finding a passage between them. proceeding in the afternoon, a bight appeared to the s.s.e., about two miles to the westward of cape up-an'down, which was examined, although there was no prospect of meeting with success by tracing it, and in it were found two small passages leading to the s.e., suitable only for boats. we ran down the largest, and a mile within the entrance were embayed. at the bottom of this bight the land was low, and i tried to get on some eminence, that i might command a view to the s.e., but was always impeded by an impervious wood. i observed, however, distant high land in that direction, and could see a sheet of water, about six miles from me: but whether it was a lagoon, or a part of the skyring water, was doubtful. i could not, at this prospect, rejoice as magalhaens did, when he first saw the pacific, for my situation, i began to think, resembled that of sterne's starling. "keeping along the south shore, until late in the evening we gained the west end of this reach, and finding no shelter for the boat, crossed to the broken land on the west side, and passed that night in hewitt harbour. "on the following morning, we pursued our course to the s.s.w., and at eleven o'clock reached the extremity of this extensive sound. all our suspense was then removed, and all our hopes destroyed; for the closing shores formed but a small bay in the s.w., and high land encircled every part without leaving an opening. "throughout the examination of this sound, we did not { } distinguish any decided stream of tide, and the rise and fall did not appear to have ever exceeded a foot: that there was a slight tidal movement of the water seemed evident, from the streams of foam coming from the cascades; and also from the fallen leaves which were borne on the water, from the shores of the bays, in long lines; but signs like these are indicative of there being no strength of tide: i have frequently noticed such appearances in large sounds, or inlets, but never in any channel where there was a current. "the bays between hope promontory and point intervene are frequented by immense numbers of black-necked swans (_anser nigricollis_): hundreds were seen together; they appeared not at all wild when we first passed; but, on our return, there was no approaching them within musket shot. many ducks and coots were also observed. on a rock, near the oliver islands, was a small 'rookery' of hair-seal; and, in our progress down the sound, we passed some few shags and divers. this is the enumeration of all we saw, and these few species seem to possess, undisturbed, this obstruction sound; for we neither observed any wigwams, nor saw any traces of inhabitants. "having no interest in remaining, after some necessary angles were taken on meta islet, we commenced our return; and, with a fair wind, made good progress, landing only where it was necessary for angles, and reached the vessel on the evening of the next day ( th). i have fully stated the examination of this sound, and have been, perhaps, unnecessarily particular and diffuse; but i think that when its near approach to the skyring water is known by others, it will be considered very singular that no communication exists between them. to every one on board the adelaide it was a great disappointment. the only inlet now remaining to be explored was through the s.s.e. opening, east of point return; which, on the th, i went to examine. mr. kirke returned on the same day as myself, having traced the coast as far as he had been directed, and found the large expanse of disappointment bay nearly bounded by a flat stony beach; and the water so shallow, that even his whale-boat could seldom approach the shore within a quarter of a { } mile; but he had left a small opening in the n.e. unexplored, which, as our last hope, i thought it necessary to examine; and he went for that purpose the next morning. situated as we were, we had great reason to be very earnest in the search for a passage; and, i think, that no channel into the skyring water, however small and intricate, would have been left unattempted at this crisis. during the vessel's continuance in easter bay, the men, who remained on board, were employed in clearing the hold, and completing wood and water to the utmost, in order that we might not be delayed at any anchorage after our departure thence. "on the th, i went, in a boat, down the opening east of point return; and by noon reached virginia island. two miles to the southward the channel branches to the s.e., and to the s.w.; i followed the latter branch, landing where necessary to continue the angles, and arrived in the evening at the extremity, which was closed by low land; in the middle was a wide and rapid stream. the slot of a deer was seen along the margin of the shore. next day we proceeded down the s.e. branch to the centre island, thence steered towards an opening that appeared in the s.w., and passing through a narrow winding passage, entered a large bay, which was closed at the bottom by low land, similarly to the branch examined yesterday. only an opening to the n.e. now remained to be explored; but night coming on, we hauled up in tranquil bay, near the northern extremity. the n.e. opening was found to trend eastward for three miles, and then turn to the s.e., forming an extensive bay, whose shores were encircled by low land, and only separated from obstruction sound, by an isthmus two miles broad. our search being concluded, i hastened back, and arrived on board the schooner late in the evening. finding mr. kirke had not returned, i still entertained some little hope, and the vessel was prepared to move either one way or the other as soon as he came back. "late on the st, mr. kirke arrived. the opening in the n.e. had been traced for nearly thirty miles from the entrance, first to the n.e., and then to the w.n.w., till it was closed { } by high land far to the northward of worsley bay. many deer were seen on the plains eastward of the inlet, and some were shot at, but escaped. swans, ducks, and coots had been killed in such numbers, that on their return all the schooner's crew were plentifully supplied. of this place mr. kirke says: 'at the commencement of the n.e. sound there is low land, which extends about thirteen miles up its shores. the entrance is three or four miles wide; but five miles up, the inlet is contracted to about half a mile in width, by a shoal connecting three islets with the western shore. these islets were literally surrounded by black-necked swans, mixed with a few which had black-tipped wings: the male of the latter has a peculiar note, which sounds like 'ken kank,' but the female only sounds 'kank.' "'a few coots were shot in this neighbourhood, out of an immense quantity seen. in each of two flocks, i think, there must have been upwards of a thousand. "'from these islets the sound trends nearly north for seven or eight miles, when it is again narrowed by an island, on each side of which there is a narrow passage for a vessel; but the eastern one is the best. the few bays near here are fit for small vessels only. "'beyond this island the face of the country begins to alter from low to mountainous land, with long flats in the valleys, and the sound also changes its course more to the n.w. near a high bluff on the eastern shore, eight miles further up the sound, the land becomes higher and covered with snow; yet there are still a few level patches between the mountains. from this bluff the sound trends about a point more westerly for five or six miles, to a place where there is a small inlet, on the left, between two snow-covered, mountainous ridges. the water there was changed to a clayey-colour, and had a brackish taste. continuing our course for two miles, i found a large expanse of water, the north end of which was limited by low land, backed by high snowy mountains in the distance; its southern extreme terminated at the foot of high mountains, also covered with snow; and had a large run of water from a { } glacier on the western side. in returning we saw some deer on the eastern shore of the low land, between the islands of the second reach, but could not get within gun-shot: they appeared to be of a dark colour, and fully as large as a guanaco. some of our men thought they could distinguish small straight horns, but i could not myself see them.(d) i endeavoured to cross the isthmus, where lieutenant skyring had seen water from focus island, near easter bay, and first attempted it by the course of a fresh water river, at the head of the bay; but i found the country so thickly covered with stunted wood, about eight feet high, and exceedingly prickly, that i lost my way twice, and returned to the shore; i tried again however, about half a mile more to the eastward, and at last got to a high part of the land. when there, and mounted on another man's shoulders, i could scarcely see above the trees (which, at the roots, were not thicker than a man's wrist): there was evidently a large expanse of water, but i could not distinguish much of it. i think it probable that it is fresh, as the river, fifty yards wide, is rapid, and appears to run out of it. there is not any high land in the neighbourhood, whence such a run of fresh water could be supplied. "'i saw numbers of deer tracks about this place, and the boat's crew observed three deer similar to those above-mentioned.'--(kirke ms.) "we weighed on the d, and towed out of easter bay, with the hope of repassing kirke narrow; but shortly afterwards so dense a fog arose, that we could distinguish no land, and were unable to profit by the advantage of a light fair wind, with otherwise favourable weather. in the afternoon, when it cleared up a little, we anchored in fog bay, on the west side of the channel, about three miles from kirke narrow. { } "( d.) a thick fog confined us at our anchorage till eight, when, having some hopes of the weather clearing, we weighed, and stood for the narrow, but a continued haze prevented us from entering until after noon. as we approached, no tide could be perceived, and again we were doubtful of our calculations, having expected to find it favourable, however, we steered for the islands. to give a better idea how we were driven about as we tried to approach this narrow, i have attempted, in the subjoined plan, to show the direction of the currents, and the courses we were carried by the eddies. [illustration] "the wind was light from the north-eastward. upon our reaching the station marked , without having previously { } noticed any current, we observed a strong rippling in the narrow, and immediately sent the boats a-head to tow us towards mid-channel. we proceeded rather quickly until we arrived at , when our progress was checked, and we were carried rapidly back, as far as . in the narrow the tide was evidently against us; but in crossing to the n.w. at , we were forced by the counter-current against all the efforts of the boats--were carried close to the large island--and for the space of thirty yards, were brushing the overhanging trees with our main-boom. this part was, most fortunately, quite steep; for had the vessel touched in her swift course, she must have been swung with violence against the rocks, and much damaged, perhaps irreparably. "no sooner had we passed the end of this island, than we were shot into mid-channel to , and then as suddenly and swiftly carried back by the stream of the tide. the boats could never keep hold of the vessel while in these whirlpools; and it was several times fortunate that they had cast off the tow-rope in time, for thrice we were twisted round, as if on a pivot, by those violent eddies. "a favourable moment was seized, the boats were again sent a-head; and, by great exertions, we were towed out of the influence of the tide, and then waited for the time of slack water. "at three o'clock mr. kirke was sent to guard point, to ascertain the time of high water; and at half-past four, in consequence of his signal, we towed in with both boats, and passed the islands with a favouring tide; but one quarter of a mile farther, we met ripplings, which we had no sooner entered than a reverse of tide was found, as if the waters from the sounds were gradually forcing back the tide of the channel. we still, however, made progress to the s.w.; but it was not before eight o'clock that we anchored in the west entrance of this narrow, pleased, indeed, to be again secure, and to have escaped unharmed. " th. thick, hazy weather in the morning; but at eight o'clock it cleared a little, so we weighed, and soon reached the { } ancon of sarmiento. a strong s.e. wind, during the forenoon, carried us past cape año nuevo, and at noon we were near the opening into smyth channel, which i have called victory passage. we moored in sandy bay, in eight fathoms, purposing to remain during the next day (sunday); and on the th, with a moderate wind from the northward, we left sandy bay, and stood to the south, passed the elson islands by noon, and at three moored in hose harbour. next day we cleared smyth channel, and anchored in deep harbour. "( th.) wind light and northerly. we towed out of deep harbour at daylight, stood across beaufort bay, and anchored in tamar bay; where, the weather being unfavourable, we remained during all the next day, filling water and cutting wood,--preparatory to our run to monte video,--in case of not finding the adventure at the appointed rendezvous, port famine. "on the th, with a moderate breeze from the n.w., we left tamar bay; but the wind soon after becoming contrary, we made but little progress, and anchored that evening in a small cove, near the east point of upright bay, where we passed the following day, in consequence of the wind continuing easterly, and causing much sea in the strait. " d. weighed, stood out, and made all sail, steering through the strait. we passed playa parda early that afternoon, and cape quod soon afterwards, and as there was every appearance of a moderately fine night, continued our course. we hauled in near port gallant, when it grew dark, and burned a blue light, to call the attention of any vessel lying there; but no return was made, so we passed on. at midnight we were between cape holland and cape froward, the wind being light and the weather moderate. " d. on rounding cape froward, we beat up in-shore against a n.n.e. breeze, and in the evening were three or four miles to the northward of point st. isidro. after a tempestuous night, we reached port famine, where, to our great joy, we found the adventure." with the exception of such fish and birds as had been { } previously observed near the strait, lieutenant skyring and his party saw few living creatures. one novelty which mr. bynoe gave me was a splendid corvorant, which, being quite new, and the most beautiful of the genus, i named _phalacrocorax imperialis_.[ ] i also received a species of swan, quite distinct from the common one of the strait, which has been long known as the black-necked swan (_anser nigricollis_ of ind. orn., ii. ; and latham, x. ). considering it an undescribed species, it was named _cygnus anatodoides_.[ ] several deer were seen, but none obtained. there is reason, however, to suppose them to be of a novel species. the horns are short and straight. * * * * * { } chapter xx. beagle sails from san carlos--enter strait--harbour of mercy--cape pillar--apostles--judges--landfall island--cape gloucester--dislocation harbour--week islands--fuegians--latitude bay--boat's crew in distress-- petrel--passages--otway bay--cape tate--fincham islands--deepwater sound--breaker bay--grafton islands--geological remarks--barbara channel--mount skyring--compasses affected--drawings--provisions-- opportunities lost. captain fitz roy having received his orders on the th of november (see appendix), sailed the following morning from san carlos, and proceeding to the southward, approached the entrance of the strait of magalhaens on the night of the th. the following are extracts from his journal:-- "at daylight on the th, with the wind at s.w., we made cape pillar right a-head (e.n.e. by compass), distant seven or eight leagues. the wind became lighter, and we were set by a current to the s.w., which obliged us, in nearing the cape, to alter our course from e.n.e. to n.n.e., to avoid being carried too near the apostle rocks. a dangerous rock, under water, on which the sea breaks, lies half a mile more towards the north than either of the apostles. cape pillar is a detached headland, and so very remarkable that no person can fail to know it easily. "a very good latitude was obtained at noon, from which, and the astronomical bearing of the cape, we made its latitude within half a mile of that given in the chart by captain stokes and lieutenant skyring; and the weather being clear and fine, sketches were taken of all the surrounding land. at one, we passed the cape, and at three, anchored in the harbour of mercy. by the distance we had run, as shown by the patent log and compared with the chart, there had been a current against us of more than a knot an hour. { } "in working into the harbour we passed over several patches of kelp, under which the bottom was plainly visible; but the lead never showed less than five fathoms, until we were about to anchor, when the vessel shot a-head into a weedy place, where we had three fathoms. this was about a cable's length in-shore (towards the highest mountain) of the spot marked by lieutenant skyring as good holding ground, to which we warped and anchored. it proved to be very good ground, being extremely tough clay. " th. a promising morning tempted me to try to obtain observations and a round of angles on or near cape pillar. i therefore left the ship with the master, and went in a boat to the cape. to land near it in much swell was not easy upon such steep and slippery rocks: at last we got ashore in a cove, and hauled the instruments up the rocks by lines, but could get no further, on account of precipices. i, therefore, gave up that attempt, and went outside the cape, to look for a better place; but every part seemed similar, and, as the weather was getting foggy, it was useless to persevere. in going to the cape, and in returning, i measured the distance by a patent log, and found the mean of the two measurements agree with the chart. what current there was, ran to the westward. "a small ox, which we had carried from chilóe, was doomed to end his voyage at this place, and probably we were the first people who ever eat fresh beef in the strait of magalhaens. " th and th. gloomy days, with much wind and rain; and the gusts coming so violently over the mountains, that we were unable to do any work, out of the ship. " th. still blowing and raining. "dec. st and d. cloudy days, with strong wind; but one short interval of sunshine was gladly made use of for rating our chronometers. " d. this morning we weighed, and worked out; and at one p.m. we were three miles westward of cape pillar, with every appearance of a n.w. gale. shortly after, the weather became so thick, that i could not see any part of the coast; and therefore stood off shore, under low sail, expecting a bad { } night. contrary to my expectation, the wind did not much increase; but the thick weather, and a heavy swell, induced me to stand farther out than i had at first intended. at eleven, p.m., we wore and stood in until daylight on the th, when we found ourselves so much to the southward, that the land about cape pillar bore n.b.w., the cape itself being shut in. we steered for the land, hoping to turn the day to some account; but those hopes soon ceased, for before we had run sufficient distance to make a serviceable base line, the weather became so thick as to oblige us to haul our wind. we saw just enough to make out a number of rocks and breakers, lying at a considerable distance off shore. after noon it was clearer, and we again stood in-shore; but found that the current was setting us so fast to the southward, that it was necessary to carry all sail and keep on a wind, to avoid losing ground; yet, with a fresh, double-reefed topsail breeze and a deeply laden weatherly vessel, we could not hold our own, and at seven in the evening were close to an islet which lies off cape sunday. we had seen very little of the coast thus far: the current had rendered the patent log useless for measuring bases, and the weather was very unfavourable for astronomical observations. the land appeared to be high and mountainous, as far as cape deseado, whence it seemed lower and more broken, forming a large bay between that cape and cape sunday. many rocks on which the sea breaks violently lie at a distance from the shore, besides those two clusters called the 'apostles' and the 'judges:' the latter off cape deseado, and the former off apostle point, a little south of cape pillar. " th. to our mortification, we found ourselves a great way off shore; and landfall island, which was eight miles to leeward the last evening, was now in the wind's eye, at a distance of about six leagues. a strong wind, with much swell, prevented our regaining lost ground in a northerly direction, i therefore preferred standing to the s.e. by the wind, intending to seek for a harbour, as it seemed hopeless to try to survey this coast while under sail, with such obstacles to contend against as a current setting about a mile an hour, and a sky { } generally clouded over. our only chance appeared to be, going from harbour to harbour and keeping close in-shore. "behind landfall island the coast forms a deep bay, apparently full of islands, and it is said there is in that part a communication with the strait of magalhaens. looking from seaward there seems to be an opening. "from the southern point of this bay the coast presents a high and regular line for a few miles, and then there is a succession of islets, rocks, and broken land. we stood in close to the breakers, but too late in the evening to find an anchorage. i observed kelp on the surface of the water, growing up from the bottom, while the lead gave a depth of forty-five fathoms. this was in a wild-looking, open bight, full of rocks and breakers, and much exposed. "we stood off, close to the wind, hoping to make northing and westing during the night; but at midnight it fell calm, and at day-break on the th, to our astonishment, we found ourselves to the southward of cape gloucester, a high, remarkable promontory, standing out from the land as if it were an island, with a peaked top, which, from the southward, appears notched. the day proved very fine, and as a breeze sprung up from the s.e. and gradually increased, i had hopes of seeing more of the coast, along which we had been hustled so fast, and so much against our inclination. "in running along shore, i noticed several inlets that seemed likely to afford good harbours. this coast has not, by any means, such a rugged and harsh appearance as i expected; but the number of islets and breakers is quite enough to give it a most dangerous character. the land is not very high near the sea, and seems to be wooded wherever the prevailing winds will allow trees to grow. soundings were taken at various distances within four miles of the shore, and the depth generally was between twenty and one hundred fathoms. a good idea may be formed of the current which had taken us to the s.e., when i say that, even with a fresh and fair wind, it occupied us the whole of the th to regain the place we had left the previous evening. { } " th. at daylight it blew half a gale of wind; but we stood in, a little south of the cluster of rocks, called the judges, towards a part of the shore which promised to afford a harbour. on closing it we saw an inlet, apparently large; but so fortified at the entrance by rocks and breakers, that i did not like to run in, without first sending a boat; yet it blew too strong, and there was too much sea, to lower one; therefore i stood off to wait for more moderate weather, for the place suited my purpose exactly, being near enough to the judges, and apostles, to fix their situation. this morning, mr. murray slipped across the forecastle and dislocated his shoulder: an accident which deprived us of his services for some time, and on account of it, we called the place where we anchored soon afterwards, dislocation harbour. so many rocks lie off this coast, that a vessel ought not to approach it unless she has daylight and clear weather. the lead will give warning, should the weather be thick, as soundings extend at least to four miles off shore, at which distance there are from thirty to one hundred fathoms, and generally speaking, there is less water as you approach the land. "on the th, th, and th, we were busily occupied in surveying the harbour and adjacent coast. in this place water may be obtained very easily, as boats can lie in a fresh water stream which runs from the mountains. wood is also plentiful. the harbour is large enough for four small vessels, and the bottom is very even, from fifteen to twenty-five fathoms, fine white sand. the entrance is narrow, but all dangers are visible, and now are laid down in the chart. it is much exposed to west winds, and the westerly swell, which might for weeks together prevent a vessel from getting out to sea. " th. a strong wind and much haziness prevented my weighing until near noon, when it became more moderate, though the weather was still thick. we then worked out with a light and variable breeze, which baffled us near the entrance, but at last we gained a good offing. i rejoiced to be outside, for our business in the harbour was over, and i had feared that west winds would detain us. the promontory, just to the southward of dislocation harbour, appeared to me to be 'cape { } deseado,' and that to the northward i called chancery point. mr. wilson ascended some heights at the back of the harbour, from which he saw many lakes, among barren and rugged hills; but a farther view was obstructed by other mountains. "an oar was picked up near the watering place, and recognised by one of the men as the same which was left on a rock near cape pillar (in observation cove) by captain stokes, in january . there could be no doubt of the fact, as the man's initials were on the oar, and it is curious as a proof of an outset along the south side of the strait (near cape pillar), and of its continuation along shore. traces of a fire were found, which showed that the natives visit even this most exposed part of the coast. the land about here is high, and craggy; and very barren, except in the valleys, where much wood grows. some wild fowl were seen and shot. "from cape deseado, the coast is high and unbroken for three miles; (a rocky islet lies about a mile from the shore) then there is an opening which probably leads into a good harbour behind a number of islands. several islands succeed, for a space of two miles, after which is barrister bay; an exposed place, full of islets, rocks, and breakers, extending nearly to murray passage. in sailing along this coast we passed inside of several breakers; and, i hope, noted all that lie in the offing: but, we cannot be sure, for breakers on rocks which are under the surface of the sea do not always show themselves. as it was getting dark, we hauled to the wind, near cape sunday, and, in doing so, were startled by a huge breaker which suddenly foamed up at a small ship's length from us. although looking out on all sides we had not previously seen any break near that spot. during the night we carried a heavy press of sail to avoid being drifted to the s.e., and at daylight i rejoiced to find that we had not lost ground, so we steered for the land, and rounded graves' island. observing several openings, i hauled close round a point, and tried to enter one of them; the wind, however, baffled us, and our anchor was let go in an exposed berth, but on good holding ground. we found a cluster of islands with so many anchorages between { } them, that thinking they ought to be surveyed, i returned on board, weighed, and worked towards the nearest opening. we shot into it, and warped to a berth four cables' lengths up a narrow passage, and anchored in twenty-four fathoms, upon sand and clayey mud. " th. many wigwams were found in this neighbourhood, which showed that our fuegian acquaintances were occasional visitors. the inner harbour seemed to be a fine basin; but the bottom was found inferior to that of the anchorage at which the beagle lay moored. " th. strong wind and frequent rain prevented much being done out of the ship this day. i went to the top of a mountain near the ship, but could not take many angles because of the violent squalls and the rain. at night it blew a hard gale: the squalls came furiously over the heights, and obliged us to let go a third anchor and strike topmasts. we were quite sheltered from the true wind; but were reached most effectually by the williwaws, which came down with great force. however vexed we might have been at not being able to go far from the ship, we were certainly very fortunate in escaping this gale at a secure anchorage. it appeared to be blowing very heavily at sea. " th. a strong gale all day, with much rain, prevented our leaving the ship. in coming down a height on the th, i found some red porphyry rock, like that about port desire; and the first i had seen in these parts. another novelty was a tract of about two acres of pure white sand thinly covered with grass. "though the middle of summer, the weather was not much warmer than in winter. the average height of the thermometer was about ten degrees greater; being nearly the same, as during the months of august and september, in chilóe. " th. a continuance of bad weather: no work was done in the boats this day. in the afternoon i tried to go up the mountain i had ascended on tuesday, to bring down a theodolite which i had left at the top; but the wind obliged me to return unsuccessful. " th. similar weather continued until noon: frequent strong { } squalls, and rain: the sky being so constantly overcast that we saw neither sun nor stars. although no progress was made in this weather, it was some satisfaction to think that we lost nothing but time; and that we saved much wear of the vessel by lying at anchor instead of being at sea. being more moderate in the afternoon, our boats went away, and the ship was prepared for sailing. we tried to get some fur-seal, which were seen on a rock near the harbour, but they were too wary. "my boat was almost capsized by a 'blind breaker,' which rose suddenly underneath her, and in an instant she was surrounded by and floated upon a white wave of foam, which broke all round and over, but without upsetting or swamping her. " th. weighed and ran across to an anchorage in landfall island which i had seen from the heights. we anchored in a sheltered bay lying on the north side of the larger island, at the east opening of a passage which separates it from the smaller. these islands are high and, towards the sea, barren; but the sides of the hills, towards the east, are thickly wooded. "a large smoke made near the bay showed us, that the fuegians were in possession of our intended quarters; and soon after we anchored, a canoe came off to us full of men, women, and children, sixteen in all. they were in every respect similar to those we had so frequently met before; and from their unwillingness to part with furs or skins, unless for serviceable articles, such as knives, &c. appeared to have had dealings with europeans: beads and trinkets they did not value. they had, in the canoe, many eggs, and dead birds, which they eat raw: the birds were a light blue, or dove-coloured, petrel, about eight inches long, which goes on land for a part of the year to lay eggs in holes in the ground. during this and the following day, we were fortunate enough to obtain observations, and nearly all the necessary bearings and angles. "as yet i was pleased with the anchorage; the bottom shoaled gradually from twenty to five fathoms (fine sand), and it was sheltered from west winds, besides others, except north. having obtained particularly good observations for latitude at { } this spot; i called it latitude bay. it is remarkably easy of access, and is also easy to leave: rather rare qualities in a fuegian harbour. cape inman being prominently situated, is a good guide to the anchorage. "sunday th. a fine day; and, knowing its value, we turned it to account. from a height i saw cape gloucester and the point of land on this (the northern) side of it; and to the northward i could distinguish the land about the entrance to the strait. the landfall islands appeared to be the top of a ridge of mountains lying (partly below the sea) in the same direction as most of the neighbouring ranges. many dangerous rocks lie off the s.w. side; and there is no passage for a ship between the islands, for the opening is narrow, and has only two fathoms in some places. " st. this morning i sent the master and mr. wilson[ ] in a whale-boat to the east end of the island, to make a plan of that part, and get some angles and bearings necessary for continuing the survey. " d. a bad day, blowing hard and raining. the wind being from north and n.n.w. threw in a swell; and as we were not yet sure of the quality of the bottom, though apparently good, we struck topmasts and veered away a long scope of cable. " th. the wind shifted to the s.w. and became rather more moderate, though still squally, with much rain. it freshened again in the night, and backed to the northward. "christmas-day. blowing strong from n.n.w. with a thickly clouded sky and heavy rain. i was very anxious to see the master return, but he could not in such weather. i feared that his provisions would be exhausted, having taken only enough for four days; yet they had a good tent, guns, and ammunition. " th. a strong wind with thick weather and much rain throughout the whole day. there was no possibility of sending a boat to the master, or of his returning by water. the island being very narrow he, or some of his party, could walk across, { } if they were in want of provisions, so as we did not hear from them i trusted that they had found wild fowl enough, and were not in distress. " th. rather a more moderate morning with clearer weather. we looked out anxiously for the whale-boat, as, in such weather, she might get back to the ship without much difficulty. before noon mr. wilson and the coxswain were seen on shore making signals to the ship; and a boat was sent immediately to bring them on board. they were very weak and tired, having walked across the island during the preceding afternoon and night, and having had no food for the last two days. the master and the other four men were said to be in a cove at the back of the island, and to have been without provisions since the th, not having been able to find either shell-fish or wild fowl. "at the time mr. wilson arrived on board, i was absent taking angles and bearings, but was soon informed of his return, and at noon left the ship with a week's provisions for the master's party and my own boat's crew. i had not lost sight of the beagle when i met the former returning. having given them some food, and two fresh hands to help them in pulling to the ship (it being then quite moderate and fine) i continued my course to the place they had left, in order to do what the bad weather had prevented the master from doing. being favoured with a fine afternoon i succeeded in obtaining the necessary angles and bearings, and returned to our vessel the following morning. " th. at my return i found the master and his party nearly recovered. they had tried every day to return to the ship, but had been repeatedly forced back, at the risk of being driven out to sea. the gusts of wind from off the high land were so powerful as almost to upset the boat, although she had not even a mast up. continual rain had wetted their ammunition and tinder, and they were then without fire or victuals: upon which mr. wilson and the coxswain set out, on saturday afternoon, to acquaint us with their situation. "when they came down to the sea-side the fuegians took { } advantage of their weak state to beat the coxswain and take away some of his clothes; therefore after my return i went in search of them. they had however taken the alarm, and were all gone away. this party consisted of about twenty persons, eight of whom were men, and the rest women and children. when some of our officers went to their wigwams they appeared armed with clubs, spears, and swords, which seemed to have been made out of iron hoops, or else were old cutlasses worn very thin by frequent cleaning. they must have obtained these, and many trifles we noticed, from sealing vessels. by the visits of those vessels, i suppose, they have been taught to hide their furs and other skins, and have learned the effects of fire-arms. the chief part of their subsistence on this island appeared to be penguins, seal, young birds, and petrel which they take in a curious way. having caught a small bird they tie a string to its leg and put it into a hole where blue petrels lay eggs. several old birds instantly fasten upon the intruder, and are drawn out with him by the string. "we weighed and worked out of the bay, increasing our depth of water very gradually as we left the shore, but having always the same bottom, fine speckled sand. i can safely recommend this bay as a good anchorage for shipping, and two cable's lengths n.n.w. of the beagle's berth as the best place. wood and water are not to be found so close to the anchorage as in other fuegian harbours, but they may be obtained with very little trouble, and in any quantity, by going up the passage (between the islands) to one of many streams which run from the high land. there is plenty of water also very near the best berth, on the south side, but frequently a surf breaks on that beach. two particular advantages which this roadstead[ ] possesses, consist in the ease with which a vessel can enter or leave it, during any wind; and in its situation being well pointed out by a remarkable headland, named cape inman (in compliment to the professor), which is high, with perpendicular cliffs, and almost detached from other land; so that a vessel, { } knowing her latitude within five miles of the truth, cannot fail to make it out, if the weather is tolerably clear. wild fowl and shell-fish were very scarce there, probably because the fuegians had scared or consumed them. from the top of a mountain, at the east end of the large island, i saw a great way down two channels or openings, which appeared to run far to the eastward, among many islands and very broken land. such a succession of islets, rocks, and breakers, as the coast presented, was astonishing: many hundreds were counted while looking eastward from one station only. "i wished much to know where these openings led, and whether there was a direct communication through them to the strait, as seemed almost certain; but considering the time already spent, the extent of coast to be surveyed, and the small advantage of such information, except to satisfy curiosity, i determined to proceed to the next prominent headland, a mountain at the s.e. extremity of otway bay, whose position i had already fixed with respect to stations on landfall island. "if there is a passage through those openings into otway bay, it must be unfit for vessels, being hampered with outlying rocks and breakers among which she could find no shelter in the event of rainy weather coming on before she cleared them; and clouds and rain are prevalent. as yet we had been extremely fortunate, in being under sail at intervals of fine weather, and anchored during the gales; but this was partly owing to a very careful attention to the barometer and sympiesometer. "having left latitude bay, we stood off until midnight, and then in shore again, carrying a press of sail all the time, in order to 'hold our own' against our old enemy, the current. "at daylight ( th), not having been swept to leeward by the current, we were in a good position for continuing the survey from the place left the previous night. we bore up as soon as the land could be distinctly seen,--rounded landfall island very near the outer rocks, and then steered for cape tate (the extremity of the mountain i mentioned yesterday). those outlying rocks are not very dangerous, as the sea { } always breaks violently upon them. in crossing otway bay, the morning being clear, i was enabled to add considerably to what had been already learned respecting the shores and dangers around it.(e) "off cape tate, to the north and west, lie the college rocks. those nearest the cape are also nearest the track of a ship running along the land, and half a mile west of them lies a detached and dangerous rock, under water. the sea generally breaks on it. "we had very thick weather when close to those rocks, which obliged us to 'haul our wind' for half an hour; when, as it cleared, we steered round cape tate, about a mile off shore. i was in hopes of gaining an anchorage between it and the fincham islands, and therefore kept as near the land as i could; but seeing numerous breakers a-head and outside of me, i altered our course, and steered to go outside of all the rocks. after we had passed some of them, a large bight opened out to the north-eastward, and tempted me to haul up for it. we entered the sound at noon, and stood on for nearly four miles without finding an anchorage, or even gaining bottom with fifty fathoms of line, although at the entrance we had from twenty to ten fathoms. thick weather coming on, made me very anxious to anchor somewhere, and we were now too much hampered to stand out again. we appeared to be among a multitude of islands, very near each other, yet without any anchorage between them; therefore, having no other resource, we let go both anchors upon the end of a steep-sided islet, where one fell into seven, the other into ten fathoms water, and hooked the rocks. veering half a cable on each, we found forty fathoms under the stern, with a similar rocky bottom; so that we had the pleasant prospect of shouldering both our anchors, and drifting into deep water, with the first strong squall. during the remainder of that day, our boats were looking for better anchorage, but without success; they found patches of rocky { } ground with from ten to twenty fathoms here and there, but not one that could be preferred to our islet. " th. one fuegian family was found here, consisting of a man and woman, with their children. during this day it rained too hard for anything to be done out of the ship; the wind was moderate; yet much as i disliked our rocky berth, it could not be changed. " st. moderate wind, with clearer weather. mr. murray and mr. stokes went away to different parts of the sound, while i was employed near the ship. observations for latitude, longitude, and variation were made. " st january. during part of the last night and this morning, the wind blew strongly in squalls, and made me very anxious; but the weather rendered it impossible to move voluntarily, for it was raining hard as well as blowing. at about eight it cleared, and the wind shifted to the southward, when we weighed, and worked down the sound; but it was after noon before we had cleared its entrance, and seven in the evening before we were outside of all the breakers, the wind having been light and contrary the whole time. "( d.) at five this morning, being close to the fincham islands, with clear weather, and a fresh breeze from the n.w., we steered into breaker bay, towards a ragged-looking projecting point. having approached as near as we could, and sounded, and taken angles, we steered so as to pass outside of some very outlying rocks, near the middle of the bay; for in-shore of them, i saw from the mast-head numerous breakers, rocks, and islets, in every direction. a worse place for a ship could scarcely be found; for, supposing thick weather to come on when in the depth of the bay, she would have lurking rocks and islets just awash with the water, on all sides of her, and no guide to take her clear of them, for soundings would be useless; and in such weather, the best chart that could be constructed would not help her. with this idea of the place, and for reasons similar to those which induced me to pass hastily across otway bay, i steered for cape gloucester, after passing the midbay rocks, at the distance of a quarter of a { } mile. the land at the bottom of the bay appeared to be distant, and much broken. indeed, from the week islands to cape gloucester,(f) there is an almost innumerable succession of islands and rocks, without any continued tract of land, so that channels might be found in all directions; valuable, no doubt, to fuegians in their canoes, but not often to seamen in ships, nor even to sealers; for where the natives go with their canoes, seals are never found in any numbers. "in crossing breaker bay, even with a moderate wind, there was a very cross and awkward sea, owing, doubtless, to the ocean swell rolling into this deep bight. such a swell would add much to the difficulty which vessels might find in getting out of this bay: i should therefore recommend them to avoid it particularly. cape gloucester is a most remarkable promontory, which can never be mistaken, after seeing even an indifferent sketch of it. at a distance it makes like a mountain rising out of the sea, but, on approaching nearer to it, a narrow neck of land appears. "we found from twenty to thirty fathoms water, at the distance of a mile from the cape; and saw several outlying breakers about half a mile off shore. from the steep and rocky nature of these coasts one would not expect to find soundings until close to the land: but on every outer part of this coast, that we have visited, the bottom may be reached with the sounding line. some natives were seen under the cape, who made a large fire. we stood into two bights, looking for anchorage, but, finding only rocks and breakers, steered along shore, rounded ipswich island, and hauled into a spacious bay, at the northern side of which there appeared to be several openings like harbours. in working across, we were agreeably surprised to find it a continued roadstead, open only towards the s.e., and having regular soundings, from twenty to fourteen fathoms. we anchored about a mile from the entrance of what seemed to be a harbour, at the n.w. corner, having worked up against a fresh n.w. wind. our anchor was dropped in sixteen fathoms, and held well. i went directly to { } look at the opening, and found a passage, in which were good soundings, leading into a very snug basin, perfectly sheltered from wind and sea, in which the bottom was composed of sand and clay, and the depth of water from five to fifteen fathoms. as soon as i returned we weighed and worked up to the entrance of the basin; then anchored, warped into it, and moored with half a cable each way. "this was the most secure and sheltered cove i had yet seen. it was called laura basin; and the bay we had crossed was named euston bay. i was very glad to discover so safe a place, because it enabled me to ascertain the position of cape gloucester and the neighbouring land, with the correctness which so prominent a place required, and because i hoped that it would prove useful as a harbour for vessels. from the top of a high ridge surrounding the basin, i thought cape gloucester seemed to be about seven miles off, and seeing a valley lead some distance in the desired direction, determined to go to it overland. i was so much pleased with the bay and the basin, that i did not hesitate to spend some time in the examination of their vicinity. the mountains hitherto examined between cape pillar and these (the grafton) islands, consist of greenstone, slate, or sandstone (excepting those near deep-water sound, which are of very coarse-grained whitish granite); and from the continual action of such heavy seas as break on those shores, the sandstone and slate rocks wear away, and by their detritus not only the bottoms of harbours are covered, but a bank is formed which extends into the offing. a moderate depth of water and good anchorages were found near slaty or sandstone hills, but exactly the reverse in the vicinity of granite.(g) " th. early this morning i sent mr. murray in a whale-boat to examine and plan some openings i had noticed on the north side of euston bay; and mr. stokes to make a plan of the harbour, and the basin in which we were lying. the master carried six days' provisions with him, in case he should be detained, as on a former occasion, by bad weather. no place { } could be more convenient than this for such purposes as wooding and watering; and we took advantage of it to the utmost by filling the ship's hold. the water casks were filled in our boat, in perfectly smooth water, and the wood was cut close to the water side. " th. a party of twelve, consisting of the purser, mr. w. wilson, mr. megget, eight seamen and myself, set out from the ship, intending to walk to cape gloucester. we landed in a valley at the n.w. corner of the harbour and began our march, two men carrying the tent, and the others our instruments and provisions: we had arms also, in case of meeting indians. difficult travelling, with such a cargo, very soon obliged us to stop and rest, but by continual changes with the heaviest loads, and great exertion on the part of those who carried them, we got over two-thirds of our journey in the course of the day, and at night pitched our tent, and defied the rain which poured incessantly until seven the following morning: when every height was covered with snow, as if it had been the middle of winter. " th. as soon as we had breakfasted we moved on again, and at noon reached the foot of a mountain which forms the cape. leaving the others to pitch our tent and cook some victuals, mr. wilson, mr. megget, and two seamen, ascended the mountain with me. a very severe task we had, but at last gained the highest pinnacle, where there was just room to place the theodolite and kneel by it, at the risk of a puff of wind canting us over either side. a stone moved from its place, would have reached the water as soon from one side as from the other. it was not a very clear day, but sufficiently so to enable me to gain the desired angles and bearings. from this summit i had a clear view of that dangerous place breaker bay, and was more confirmed in the idea i had formed of it, and rejoiced that i did not stand farther in with the beagle. having thus succeeded, and buried two memorials, one cased in tin and the other in a bottle, we filled our pockets with pieces of the rock and returned; rather too quickly, for the steepness of the hill assisted us more than we wished. during our absence some fuegians had appeared, who were quiet and { } inoffensive; but they seemed very distrustful of us, and, before sun-rise next morning, were all gone except one man. these natives seemed to be very active and went up the mountain in about half the time that our party required. they had two canoes with them, but how they had reached this place by water was puzzling, when the exposed bay they must have crossed and the prevailing weather were considered. perhaps they had carried their canoes overland, being rather like the chilote piraguas, made of boards sewed together. " th. we heard the voices of the fuegians at day-break this morning; but at four o'clock only one old man remained, who was probably left to watch us. we began our return, rather stiff from previous days' exertions, and looking dismally at the high rugged hills between the beagle and ourselves. the first ascent on our way back was the worst of all: how the men carried their cargo so well astonished me, for with a very light load i was glad to rest frequently. breakfast revived us, and by taking afterwards a better line we avoided the steepest hills and found much easier walking. while resting at our meal the weather was so clear that i got bearings of cape inman and other points more than fifty miles distant. there was very little variety or novelty in this walk through a fuegian island. the same kind of scenery and the same species of plants and shrubs were found which we had seen every where else in tierra del fuego. being more or less rocky made the only change. of quadrupeds, excepting otters and dogs, i saw no traces, nor do i think any were to be found. a large kind of snipe, by some called a woodcock, and quails, of a large and, i think, peculiar species, were often seen and shot. the latter are not by any means so well tasted as the european quail, and their flesh is darker and coarser. at seven this evening we were again on board the beagle, not a little tired. "should any future voyager feel inclined to make a similar excursion towards cape gloucester, he had better not think too lightly of his task. " th. mr. murray returned, having been into many openings between the islands to the eastward, and having collected { } much information. this afternoon it blew a heavy gale, but in such a sheltered place we only felt a few williwaws. from mr. murray's account it appeared that this island and those adjoining it to the eastward are a cluster lying together, but quite separated from the mainland, or rather the main body of islands, by a channel opening northward into breaker bay, and to the southward into stokes bay. they were called the grafton islands. " th. we had a heavy gale throughout this day with much rain. bad weather, while at a good anchorage, i did not at that time regret, as the materials for our charts accumulated fast, and afforded no leisure time while we were detained on board. " th. a favourable day allowed us to examine and sound the outer roads, and obtain a round of angles from the western extreme of ipswich island, which completed my triangulation. landing there was dangerous, and ascending the hill extremely difficult, on account of thick tangled brushwood which grows about three or four feet high on every part of the east side, and is so matted together as to be almost impenetrable. we generally scrambled over this jungle, but sometimes crept under it. " th. a tolerably fine day. the sun was visible both in the morning and afternoon; and from different summits mr. stokes and i took angles. the sky being clear near the horizon gave us a wide range. meanwhile the ship was prepared to sail in search of a new place at which to employ our instruments. i hoped that this basin, harbour, and roadstead, might be of service, and therefore spared no pains about them. eight latitudes were obtained by sets of circum-meridional altitudes; with four different sextants: two by mr. stokes, the rest by me: and as they all agreed, within fifteen seconds, i supposed their mean to be nearly correct. the sights for time were good, and the chronometers were going so steadily that dependence may be placed upon the accuracy of their results. to a vessel bound round cape horn and meeting with an accident, or in want of wood or water, this place might be useful. it is very easy to find, and easy to enter or depart from with the prevailing westerly winds. { } " th. we weighed and left the harbour, but the morning proved too hazy to allow of our running down the coast, therefore until eight o'clock we kept under easy sail in the roads. being clear and moderate after that time, we passed leading island, and hove-to, to watch for a breaker near it. it broke but twice during the hour that we waited, therefore probably there is water enough to allow any vessel to pass in safety. at ten we bore up, and ran towards isabella island; my first object being to look for a place called by sealers 'hope harbour,' which, from what i could learn, ought to lie thereabouts. its situation was not recognised by our boatswain,(h) who had been in it when sealing on this coast; so passing close to isabella island, we hauled our wind under the lee of the land, and came to an anchor in fifteen fathoms, sheltered from north to s.w.b.s. a high peaked hill, over the cove where i took observations, made this a suitable place for the business of the survey. mr. murray went up the height, while mr. stokes and i were employed near the water, till rain set in and drove us on board. this is the easternmost of the grafton islands. beyond the channel, which separates them from the main body of islands, appeared a succession of broken land, not very high, but reaching apparently to a distant range of snowy mountains. the part nearest to us was a labyrinth of islets and rocks. towards night the wind increased much, and drew to the s.w. and s.w.b.s. i was doubtful of our anchorage, and had the wind drawn one point more to the southward, we should have had a heavy sea to deal with, and must have slipped our cable. " th. it moderated again, and the sun showed himself enough to enable us to get sights, and be on board in time to weigh at nine. we had reason to think a sealing vessel had been along this coast not long before us, by the traces our boats found in several places. indians also had frequented these islands, for their wigwams were found everywhere. observations on shore made our anchoring here of some consequence, although as a { } safe anchorage for other vessels, it is out of the question, being an exposed roadstead, with many rocks, both to seaward and in-shore. a sealer might use it, but not willingly i should think. as we ran towards the agnes islands, before a strong w.n.w. wind, many rocks and breakers showed themselves, and when we neared the islands, became numerous on each side of us. it would have been more prudent to have kept outside all of them; but i was anxious to find hope harbour, or run into the entrance of the barbara channel, and anchor in the north cove of fury island. having passed the three agnes islands, and being nearly abreast of cape kempe,[ ] our view became far from agreeable, for the sea, on all sides, seemed strewed with breakers; and how to steer so as to pass between them was perplexing. we were at this time running free, under treble reefed topsails, with top-gallant yards and masts on deck; the wind being strong from w.n.w., but the weather tolerably clear. suddenly the boatswain hailed, 'hard-a-port, a rock under the bows!' round the little vessel turned, almost as fast as the order was given; but the thrill that shot through us was happily not the precursor of our destruction; for the supposed rock proved to be a huge whale which had risen close to the bows, and was mistaken for the top of a rock by the boatswain, who was looking out on the forecastle, while i was at the mast-head, and the 'hands' were upon deck. this part of the coast, from the agnes islands to cape schomberg, is the worst i have seen, it is so very broken, and has so many rocks and dangerous breakers lying at a long distance from the shore. "at noon we were close to fury island; but the wind fell and prevented our making much progress. fury harbour, where the saxe cobourg was lost, is a wild exposed place, and, as the bottom is bad, it ought to be avoided by all vessels: there is but one patch of good ground, and that is very small. "passing round fury island, we entered the barbara channel, at the entrance to which stands mount skyring, a high, peaked, and most barren mountain, visible at a great distance. { } we all felt much additional interest in what was then seen, on account of the late survey in the adelaide. cape schomberg and the astrea rock were easily known by lieutenant graves's sketch. to a high mountain, which in some views very much resembled the dome of st. paul's, i gave that name (finding it out of the limits of lieutenant skyring's survey): it lies a short distance east of cape schomberg. a passage appeared to go to the eastward, passing from the barbara channel, northward of cape schomberg and st. paul's. light baffling winds and an ebb-tide, of about a knot an hour, setting out of the barbara, detained us until six p.m., between the magill and fury islands; but soon after that hour we anchored in north cove, a small but perfectly secure place. by reaching this anchorage, i had the satisfaction of being enabled to connect my work with lieutenant skyring's, and to take a fresh start for the next piece of coast. hitherto we had been extremely fortunate, both with the ship and the boats; but such success could not be expected always. " th. early this morning, mr. murray went in a whale-boat to the islands, near cape kempe, to ascertain the situations of some reefs and islets thereabouts, and sketch the outer coast. mr. stokes went in another boat to look for hope harbour, and examine part of the coast. the boatswain accompanied him, as he thought he knew his way by passages among the islands, although he had failed to recognise the place from the offing. " th. bad weather, blowing a gale of wind and raining nearly all the day. " th. a squally and disagreeable day; but our boats made some progress. " th. some natives came alongside for a short time. as usual, we would not allow them to come on board, because of their being such dexterous thieves. a man to whom the canoe appeared to belong was far better featured, and more stoutly made, than any we had seen among the fuegians. after bartering some of their very valuable property they left us. " th. early this morning mr. stokes returned: he had { } been near enough to hope harbour, to see that it was in the grafton islands, and was one of the coves examined by mr. murray. he then returned as he had been desired; but made very good use of his time while away, by collecting materials for the charts. he fell in with a canoe under sail (the sail being a seal-skin); the first instance i had then known of a fuegian canoe sailing. as far as mr. stokes could see to the northward, the land was very broken, or rather it was a mass of islands reaching to the base of a range of snowy mountains. "north cove is large enough to hold any vessel when moored; but the passage, in and out, is too narrow and difficult for a ship of more than three or four hundred tons, unless she uses warps. being on the weather side of high land, but sheltered by low islands, williwaws do not annoy during westerly winds; but in a southerly gale i think they would be furious. "my next task was to ascend mount skyring. as there was but little snow on it, and the ground quite clear of wood, the ascent was easy; but when at the summit i could not see far, because of low misty clouds. i had taken only a compass with me, intending to look round, and ascend a second time with my usual companion, a theodolite. after taking a few bearings, i moved the compass off its stand, and placed it on a stone; when, to my surprise, i found the bearing of a point, i had just been looking at, altered twenty degrees. suspecting the cause, i put it on another stone, a few feet distant, and found the bearing again altered many degrees. i then examined the stones, and found there was much pyrites in them;[ ] and that when broken, or struck against one another, they smelt strongly of sulphur. the compass was then replaced on its stand, and bearings of the same point taken from various spots, only a few feet apart, the point being many miles distant, and at each spot the compass gave a different bearing, and was very dull and sluggish, although it was a good kater's compass, with a light card. having thus satisfied myself of the very strong local attraction existing, i returned to the ship, { } intending to make no further use of a compass in this place; and as lieutenant skyring might have been deceived in his bearings from a similar cause, i hoped to procure a round of angles, with a theodolite set to a true bearing, which might be serviceable for his work, as well as my own. many pieces of the stone, from different heights, were brought down; and in most of them were traces of metal. "the peaked top of this mountain is a mere heap of loose stones of all sizes. whether the rock has been shattered in this manner by frost, by volcanic fire, or by lightning, i cannot tell; but i should think, from its appearance, by all three. many of the stones are vitrified, and many are porous, like pumice-stones, although not so light. " th. i again went up mount skyring, taking a theodolite with me; and as the day was perfectly clear, and free from clouds, every point of land was visible, which can at any time be seen from that summit. mount sarmiento appeared in all its grandeur, towering above the other mountains to at least twice their height, and entirely covered with snow. having set the theodolite to a painted post, fixed on shore near the beagle (five miles distant), from which i had previously obtained the exact astronomical bearing of the spot on which the theodolite was placed; i obtained a most satisfactory round of angles, including most of the remarkable peaks, islands, and capes, within a range of forty miles from the mountain. the day was so fine, that it was not cold on the height, nor was there any wind to disturb the adjustment of the instrument. "this business being completed, i returned on board with mr. wilson, who, during the time i was on the height, made some very good sketches. even at this early period his drawings were becoming a valuable addition to the gleanings of our cruise, and their number increased fast; for he took much pains with them, and produced not only good drawings, but most accurate delineations of the coast. " st. fine weather for this climate. mr. murray returned in the whale-boat, having had a successful trip. "by shooting and fishing we obtained frequent change of { } diet, for we shot much wild fowl (geese, shags, and ducks), and caught fish in the kelp, which were excellent eating. all that could be procured was regularly and equally distributed to the different messes in turn, and an account kept in a 'game book.' (appendix.) " d. mr. stokes went to examine fury harbour, and returned late at night. in consequence of his account of the remains of the saxe cobourg sealing schooner, lost in that harbour, i sent a boat with the carpenter to collect from it some wood and bolts which might be useful to our ship, and remained at anchor for a day longer than i had intended. "this day all hands were put upon two-thirds' allowance, but as it was a measure which affected the crew much and myself not at all, i was reluctant to give the necessary order, without first proposing the measure openly, and giving the following reasons:-- "having succeeded beyond expectation in the examination of the coast thus far, and hoping to be able to continue the survey in the same manner, while our provisions lasted, i thought it better to shorten the allowance while all hands were well and hearty, and could obtain supplies of fish and wild fowl, rather than at a later period, when we might be otherwise situated. an extent of coast lay before us, and the parts particularly pointed out by captain king, were yet unexamined. " th. a tolerably fine day; i tried all the compasses on shore, in three different places, placing them in a line to a distant mark; because in taking bearings, for the variation of the compass, during previous days, i had found very wide differences between the results of the same, as well as different compasses; and they were also very sluggish; the light cards being more so than the heavy ones. i found it impossible to reconcile their results by change of place or position, therefore it is probable that all the rock affected the needle; and i suspect that not only this island and the one on which mount skyring is situated, but most of the islands near are magnetic: particularly a cluster lying about a mile to seaward of the magill islands, on which, i believe, lieutenant skyring, or some of his party, took bearings. a boat was sent to { } watch the tide, on the day of new moon, at the entrance of the channel, and brought back a piece of the rock of which the last-mentioned cluster of islets consists. it is similar to that of fury island and mount skyring, apparently metallic, with a sulphureous smell, when struck or broken.[ ] small pieces put near the compass did not seem to affect it sensibly; but i did not spend time in trying the experiment with nicety, being satisfied of the general result. there may be metal in many of the fuegian mountains, and i much regret that no person in the vessel was skilled in mineralogy, or at all acquainted with geology. it is a pity that so good an opportunity of ascertaining the nature of the rocks and earths of these regions should have been almost lost. "i could not avoid often thinking of the talent and experience required for such scientific researches, of which we were wholly destitute; and inwardly resolving, that if ever i left england again on a similar expedition, i would endeavour to carry out a person qualified to examine the land; while the officers, and myself, would attend to hydrography." * * * * * { } chapter xxi. skyring's chart--noir island--penguins--fuegians--sarmiento--townshend harbour--horace peaks--cape desolation--boat lost--basket--search in desolate bay--natives--heavy gale--surprise--seizure--consequences-- return to beagle--sail to stewart harbour--set out again--escape of natives--unavailing search--discomforts--tides--nature of coast--doris cove--christmas sound--cook--york-minster--march harbour--build a boat-- treacherous rocks--skirmish with the natives--captives--boat-memory-- petrel. " th. we weighed, and went round to fury harbour, for the carpenter and his cargo, and met him with a spar and a raft of plank, taken from the wreck. having hoisted the boat up, and got the plank on board, we stood out towards the west furies, by the wind; my intention being either to sail round noir island, or anchor under it, before running to the eastward, in order that no part of the sea-coast might be left unexamined. we passed very near some of the rocks, but as the day was fine and the weather clear, a good look-out at the mast-head could be trusted. "before leaving the vicinity of mount skyring, i should remark that the true bearing of mount sarmiento's summit, which i obtained from the top of mount skyring, laid off on lieutenant skyring's chart, passed as truly through his position of the summit as if the line had been merely drawn between them. this is highly creditable to his work, for i know he did not himself see mount sarmiento, when upon mount skyring. "the breeze freshened, and drew more to the westward towards evening, i had therefore no hopes of nearing noir island. we saw the tower rocks distinctly before dark, and stood on towards them until ten o'clock, closing scylla to avoid charybdis, for in-shore of us lay all those scattered rocks, { } among which we had steered when passing the agnes islands and cape kempe. "the night was spent in making short boards, under reefed topsails, over the same two miles of ground, as nearly as possible, with the lead going, and a thoroughly good look-out. at daylight next morning the wind became strong and the weather thick, with rain, but we made as much sail as we could carry, and worked to windward all the day. in the afternoon it moderated, and before dark we anchored in a very good roadstead, at the east end of noir island, sheltered from all winds from n. to s.b.e. (by the west); over a clear, sandy bottom; and with a sheltered cove near us where boats may land easily, and get plenty of wood and water. in working up to the island, we passed very near a dangerous rock, under water, lying four miles off shore; and another, near the anchorage. the sea does not break on either of them when there is not much swell. " th. a fine day favoured us; the master went to one part of the island, and mr. stokes to another, while i went to a third. having taken angles at the extreme west point (which ends in a cluster of rocks like needles), i passed quite round the island, and returned to the anchorage after dusk, landing here and there for bearings, in my way. "there is a cove at the south part of the island, where boats would be perfectly safe in any weather, but the entrance is too narrow for decked vessels. the island itself is narrow and long, apparently the top of a ridge of mountains, and formed of sand-stone,[ ] which accounts for the bottom near it being so good, and for the needle-like appearance of the rocks at the west end; as the sand-stone, being very soft, is continually wearing away by the action of the water. "multitudes of penguins were swarming together in some parts of the island, among the bushes and 'tussac'[ ] near the shore, having gone there for the purposes of moulting and { } rearing their young. they were very valiant in self-defence, and ran open-mouthed, by dozens, at any one who invaded their territory, little knowing how soon a stick could scatter them on the ground. the young were good eating, but the others proved to be black and tough, when cooked. the manner in which they feed their young is curious, and rather amusing. the old bird gets on a little eminence, and makes a great noise (between quacking and braying), holding its head up in the air, as if it were haranguing the penguinnery, while the young one stands close to it, but a little lower. the old bird having continued its clatter for about a minute, puts its head down, and opens its mouth widely, into which the young one thrusts its head, and then appears to suck from the throat of its mother for a minute or two, after which the clatter is repeated, and the young one is again fed; this continues for about ten minutes. i observed some which were moulting make the same noise, and then apparently swallow what they thus supplied themselves with; so in this way i suppose they are furnished with subsistence during the time they cannot seek it in the water. many hair seal were seen about the island, and three were killed. wild fowl were very numerous. strange to say, traces of the fuegians (a wigwam, &c.) were found, which shows how far they will at times venture in their canoes. "no danger lies outside of noir island, except in the tower rocks, which are above water, and 'steep-to,' but many perils lie to the south-eastward. indeed, a worse place than the neighbourhood of cape kempe and the agnes islands could not often be found, i think: the chart of it, with all its stars to mark the rocks, looks like a map of part of the heavens, rather than part of the earth. " th. at daylight, we sailed from these roads, and passed close to the tower rocks (within half a cable's length): they are two only in number, a mile and a half apart, and steep-sided. thence we steered towards st. paul's, my intention being to seek an anchorage in that direction. this day proved very fine and so clear that when we were becalmed, off st. paul's, we saw mount sarmiento distinctly from the deck. a breeze { } carried us through pratt passage, which separates london island from sydney island, to an anchorage in a good harbour, under a high peaked hill (horace peaks), which is a good mark for it. finding no soundings in the passage as we approached, gave us reason to be anxious; but in the harbour, the bottom proved to be excellent, and the water only of a moderate depth. as soon as we anchored, i tried to ascend horace peaks, but returned without having reached their summits before dark; however, i saw enough to give me a general idea of the distribution of the land and water near us. i thought that this anchorage would be favourable for ascertaining the latitude of cape schomberg[ ] with exactness: having found a considerable difference between our chart and that of lieutenant skyring, respecting the latitude of that promontory. "meanwhile i contemplated sending the master to a headland called by cook, cape desolation, and which well deserves the name, being a high, craggy, barren range of land. i was not sorry to find myself in a safe anchorage, for the weather seemed lowering; and after being favoured with some moderate days, we could not but expect a share of wind and rain. " th. this morning the weather looked as if we should be repaid for the few fine days which we had enjoyed; but as we felt it necessary to work in bad weather as well as in good, it did not prevent the master from setting out on his way to cape desolation; near which, as a conspicuous headland, whose position would be of great consequence, he was to search for a harbour, and obtain observations for connecting the survey. he could not have been in a finer boat (a whale-boat built by mr. may, at san carlos); and as he well knew what to do with her, i did not feel uneasy for his safety, although after his departure the wind increased rapidly, and towards evening blew a hard gale. the barometer had not given so much warning as usual; but it had been falling gradually since our arrival in this harbour, and continued to fall. the sympiesometer had been more on the alert, and had fallen more rapidly. "( th.) a continued gale, with rain and thick weather { } throughout the day. during the night the weather became rather more moderate; but on the morning of the st, the wind again increased to a gale, and towards noon, the williwaws were so violent, that our small cutter, lying astern of the ship, was fairly capsized, though she had not even a mast standing. the ship herself careened, as if under a press of sail, sending all loose things to leeward with a general crash (not being secured for sea, while moored in so small a cove), but so rapidly did these blasts from the mountains pass by, that with a good scope of chain out, it was hardly strained to its utmost before the squall was over. while the gale was increasing, in the afternoon, the topmasts were struck; yet still, in the squalls, the vessel heeled many strakes when they caught her a-beam. at night they followed in such rapid succession, that if the holding-ground had not been excellent, and our ground-tackle very strong, we must have been driven on the rocks. "under the lee of high land is not the best anchorage in these regions. when good holding-ground can be found to windward of a height, and low land lies to windward of the anchorage, sufficient to break the sea, the place is much to be preferred; because the wind is steady and does not blow home against the height. the lee side of these heights is a great deal worse than the west side of gibraltar rock while the strongest levanter is blowing. "considering that this month corresponds to august in our climate, it is natural to compare them, and to think how hay and corn would prosper in a fuegian summer. as yet i have found no difference in tierra del fuego between summer and winter, excepting that in the former the days are longer, and the average temperature is perhaps ten degrees higher, but there is also then more wind and rain. "the gale still continued, and prevented any thing being done out of the ship. however safe a cove mr. murray might have found, his time, i knew, must be passing most irksomely, as he could not have moved about since the day he left us. he had a week's provisions, but with moderate weather would have returned in three days. { } "feb. d. still very squally and unsettled. this gale began at n.n.w., and drew round to s.s.w. much rain comes usually from the n.w. quarter; and as the wind draws southward, the weather becomes clearer. the squalls from the southern quarter bring a great deal of hail with them. " d. i was enabled to take a round of angles from horace peaks, over the ship, the sky being clear near the horizon. the theodolite had been left near the top since the th, each day having been too bad to use it. these peaked hills required time and exertion in the ascent; but the wide range of view obtained from their summits on a clear day, amply repaid us for both. if the height was sufficient, it gave a bird's-eye view of many leagues, and showed at a glance where channels lay, which were islands, and what was the nature of the surrounding land and water. the shattered state of all these peaks is remarkable: frost, i think, must be the chief cause. "after being deceived by the magnetism of mount skyring and other places, i never trusted the compass on a height, but always set up a mark near the water, at some distance, and from it obtained the astronomical bearing of my station at the summit. this afternoon we prepared the ship to proceed as soon as the master should arrive. " th. moderate weather. i was surprised that the master did not make his appearance; yet, having full confidence in his prudent management, and knowing that he had been all the time among islands, upon any one of which he could haul up his boat and remain in safety during the gales, i did not feel much anxiety, but supposed he was staying to take the necessary angles and observations, in which he had been delayed by the very bad weather we had lately experienced. "at three this morning ( th), i was called up to hear that the whale-boat was lost--stolen by the natives; and that her coxswain and two men had just reached the ship in a clumsy canoe, made like a large basket, of wicker-work covered with pieces of canvas, and lined with clay, very leaky, and difficult to paddle. they had been sent by the master, who, with the other people, was at the cove under cape desolation, where { } they stopped on the first day. their provisions were all consumed, two-thirds having been stolen with the boat, and the return of the natives, to plunder, and perhaps kill them, was expected daily. "the basket, i cannot call it a canoe, left the cape (now doubly deserving of its name) early on the morning of the th, and worked its way slowly and heavily amongst the islands, the men having only one biscuit each with them. they paddled all day, and the following night, until two o'clock this morning ( th), when in passing the cove where the ship lay, they heard one of our dogs bark, and found their way to us quite worn out by fatigue and hunger. not a moment was lost, my boat was immediately prepared, and i hastened away with a fortnight's provisions for eleven men, intending to relieve the master, and then go in search of the stolen boat. the weather was rainy, and the wind fresh and squally; but at eleven o'clock i reached the cove, having passed to seaward of the cape, and there found mr. murray anxiously, but doubtfully, awaiting my arrival. my first object, after inquiring into the business, was to scrutinize minutely the place where the boat had been moored, (for i could not believe that she had been stolen;) but i was soon convinced that she had been well secured in a perfectly safe place, and that she must, indeed, have been taken away, just before daylight, by the natives. her mast and sails, and part of the provisions were in her; but the men's clothes and the instruments had fortunately been landed. it was the usual custom with our boats, when away from the ship, to keep a watch at night; but this place appeared so isolated and desolate, that such a precaution did not seem necessary. had i been with the boat, i should probably have lost her in the same manner; for i only kept a watch when i thought there was occasion, as i would not harass the boat's crew unnecessarily; and on this exposed and sea-beaten island, i should not have suspected that indians would be found. it appeared that a party of them were living in two wigwams, in a little cove about a mile from that in which our boat lay, and must have seen her arrive; { } while their wigwams were so hidden as to escape the observation of the whale-boat's crew. at two o'clock on the first morning, mr. murray sent one of the men out of the tent to see if the boat rode well at her moorings in the cove, and he found her secure. at four another man went to look out, but she was then gone. the crew, doubtful what had been her fate, immediately spread about the shore of the island to seek for traces of her, and in their search they found the wigwams, evidently just deserted: the fire not being extinguished. this at once explained the mystery, and some proceeding along the shore, others went up on the hills to look for her in the offing; but all in vain. the next morning mr. murray began the basket, which was made chiefly by two of his men out of small boughs, and some parts of the tent, with a lining of clayey earth at the bottom. being on an island, about fifteen miles from the beagle, their plan was as necessary as it was ingenious: though certainly something more like a canoe than a coracle could have been paddled faster. "the chronometer, theodolite, and other instruments having been saved, mr. murray had made observations for fixing the position of the place, and had done all that was required before i arrived, when they embarked, with their things, in my boat, which then contained altogether eleven men, a fortnight's provisions, two tents,[ ] and clothing; yet with this load she travelled many a long mile, during the following week, a proof of the qualities of this five-oared whale-boat, which was also built by mr. jonathan may, our carpenter, while we were at san carlos. "the very first place we went to, a small island about two miles distant, convinced us still more decidedly of the fate of our lost boat, and gave us hopes of retrieving her; for near a lately used wigwam, we found her mast, part of which had been cut off with an axe that was in the boat. our next point was then to be considered, for to chase the thieves i was determined. north and east of us, as far as the eye could reach, lay an extensive { } bay in which were many islands, large and small; and westward was a more connected mass of large islands reaching, apparently, to the foot of that grand chain of snowy mountains, which runs eastward from the barbara channel, and over the midst of which sarmiento proudly towers. i resolved to trace the confines of the bay, from the west, towards the north and east, thinking it probable that the thieves would hasten to some secure cove, at a distance, rather than remain upon an outlying island, whence their retreat might be cut off. in the evening we met a canoe containing two fuegians, a man and a woman, who made us understand, by signs, that several canoes were gone to the northward. this raised our hopes, and we pushed on. the woman, just mentioned, was the best looking i have seen among the fuegians, and really well-featured: her voice was pleasing, and her manner neither so suspicious nor timid as that of the rest. though young she was uncommonly fat, and did justice to a diet of limpets and muscles. both she and her husband were perfectly naked. having searched the coves for some distance farther, night came on, and we landed in a sheltered spot. "the next day ( th), we found some rather doubtful traces of the thieves. towards night it blew a strong gale, with hail-squalls and rain. "on the th, at a place more than thirty miles e.n.e. of cape desolation, we fell in with a native family, and on searching their two canoes found our boat's lead line. this was a prize indeed; and we immediately took the man who had it into our boat, making him comprehend that he must show us where the people were, from whom he got it. he understood our meaning well enough, and following his guidance we reached a cove that afternoon, in which were two canoes full of women and children; but only one old man, and a lad of seventeen or eighteen. as usual with the fuegians, upon perceiving us they all ran away into the bushes, carrying off as much of their property as possible--returning again naked, and huddling together in a corner. after a minute search, some of the boat's gear was found, part of her sail, and { } an oar, the loom of which had been made into a seal-club, and the blade into a paddle. the axe, and the boat's tool-bag were also found, which convinced us that this was the resort of those who had stolen our boat; and that the women, six in number, were their wives. the men were probably absent, in our boat, on a sealing expedition; as a fine large canoe, made of fir-plank, perhaps from the wreck of the saxe cobourg, was lying on the beach without paddles or spears. she did not come there without paddles: and where were the spears of which every fuegian family has plenty? it was evident that the men of the party had taken them in our boat, and had cut up our oars like the one they had accidentally left. the women understood what we wanted, and made eager signs to explain to us where our boat was gone. i did not like to injure them, and only took away our own gear, and the young man, who came very readily, to show us where our boat was, and, with the man who had brought us to the place, squatted down in the boat apparently much pleased with some clothes and red caps, which were given to them. we had always behaved kindly to the fuegians wherever we met them, and did not yet know how to treat them as they deserved, although they had robbed us of so great a treasure, upon the recovery or loss of which much of the success of our voyage depended. following the guidance of these two natives, we pulled against wind and rain until dark, when it became absolutely necessary to secure our boat for the night, deeply laden as she was with thirteen people. as we were then at a great distance from the place, whence we brought the natives, having pulled for four hours alongshore, and as they seemed to be quite at their ease, and contented, i would not secure our guides as prisoners, but allowed them to lie by the fire in charge of the man on watch. about an hour before daylight, although the look-out man was only a few yards distant from the fire, they slipped into the bushes, and as it was almost dark were immediately out of sight. their escape was discovered directly, but to search for them during darkness, in a thick wood, would have been useless; besides, our men were tired with their day's work, and wanted rest, so { } i would not disturb them until daylight ( th), when we continued our search in the direction the natives had indicated; but after examining several coves without finding any traces of fuegians, we hastened back towards the wigwams we had visited on the previous day. sailing close along-shore, a large smoke suddenly rose up, out of a small cove close by us, where we immediately landed, and looked all round; but found only the foot-prints of two fuegians, probably the runaways, who had just succeeded in lighting a fire at the moment we passed by. this shows how quickly they find materials for the purpose, for when they left us, they had neither iron nor fire-stone (pyrites), nor any kind of tinder. they had carried off two tarpaulin coats, which mr. murray had kindly put on to keep them warm; although, treated as he had so lately been, one might have thought he would not have been the first to care for their comfort. i mention these incidents to show what was our behaviour to these savages, and that no wanton cruelty was exercised towards them. "after looking for these two natives, and for mr. murray's coats, which at that time he could ill spare, we returned to our boat, and pushed on towards the wigwams. the moment the inmates saw us, they ran away, and we gave chase, trying, in vain, to make them stop. disappointed in the hope of obtaining a guide, we determined to prevent these people from escaping far, and spreading any intelligence likely to impede the return of our boat, which we daily expected: we therefore destroyed two canoes, and part of a third, that the natives were building, and burned every material which could be useful to them in making another canoe. "( th). next day, we went straight across the bay to cape desolation, against a fresh breeze: by pulling in turns, the boat was kept going fast through the water, and late in the evening we reached the cove from which the thieves had first started, when they stole the boat; but no traces of their having been there again, were found. i thought it probable that they would return to see what had become of our party, and whether our people were weak enough to be plundered again, or perhaps attacked. { } "this idea proving wrong, we retraced ( th) much of our former course, because the direction pointed out by the fuegians who ran away from us seemed to lead towards the place we now steered for, courtenay sound, and was a probable line for the thieves to take. during the night it blew a gale from the southward, which increased next day ( th), and became more and more violent until the morning of the th, when it abated. "we continued our search, however, sometimes under a close-reefed sail; sometimes on our oars, and sometimes scudding with only the mast up. although the wind was very violent, too strong for a close reefed sail (with four reefs), the water was too much confined by islands to rise into a sea, but it was blown, as 'spoon drift,' in all directions. this day the beagle had her topmasts and lower yards struck, for the gale was extremely heavy where she lay. the barometer foretold it very well, falling more than i had previously seen, although the wind was southerly. in an exposed anchorage, i do not think any vessel could have rode it out, however good the holding ground. " th. this morning the weather was better, and improving fast. we went over much ground without the smallest success, and in the afternoon steered to the eastward again, for a third visit to the boat stealers' family. as it was late when we approached the place, i landed half our party, and with the rest went to reconnoitre. after a long search we discovered the indians in a cove, at some distance from that in which they were on the previous day; and having ascertained this point, taken a good view of the ground, and formed our plans, we returned to our companions, and prepared for surprising the natives and making them prisoners. my wish was to surround them unawares, and take as many as possible, to be kept as hostages for the return of our boat, or else to make them show us where she was; and, meanwhile, it was an object to prevent any from escaping to give the alarm. " th. whether the men belonging to the tribe had returned during our absence, was uncertain, as we could not, { } without risk of discovery, get near enough to ascertain: but, in case we should find them, we went armed, each with a pistol or gun, a cutlass, and a piece of rope to secure a prisoner. we landed at some distance from the cove, and, leaving two men with our boat, crept quietly through the bushes for a long distance round, until we were quite at the back of the new wigwams; then closing gradually in a circle, we reached almost to the spot undiscovered; but their dogs winded us, and all at once ran towards us barking loudly. further concealment was impossible, so we rushed on as fast as we could through the bushes. at first the indians began to run away; but hearing us shout on both sides, some tried to hide themselves, by squatting under the banks of a stream of water. the foremost of our party, elsmore by name, in jumping across this stream, slipped, and fell in just where two men and a woman were concealed: they instantly attacked him, trying to hold him down and beat out his brains with stones; and before any one could assist him, he had received several severe blows, and one eye was almost destroyed, by a dangerous stroke near the temple. mr. murray, seeing the man's danger, fired at one of the fuegians, who staggered back and let elsmore escape; but immediately recovering himself, picked up stones from the bed of the stream, or was supplied with them by those who stood close to him, and threw them from each hand with astonishing force and precision. his first stone struck the master with much force, broke a powder-horn hung round his neck, and nearly knocked him backwards: and two others were thrown so truly at the heads of those nearest him, that they barely saved themselves by dropping down. all this passed in a few seconds, so quick was he with each hand: but, poor fellow, it was his last struggle; unfortunately he was mortally wounded, and, throwing one more stone, he fell against the bank and expired. after some struggling, and a few hard blows, those who tried to secrete themselves were taken, but several who ran away along the beach escaped: so strong and stout were the females, that i, for one, had no idea that it was a woman, whose arms i and my coxswain endeavoured to pinion, until i heard some { } one say so. the oldest woman of the tribe was so powerful, that two of the strongest men of our party could scarcely pull her out from under the bank of the stream. the man who was shot was one of those whom we had taken in the boat as a guide, and the other was among our prisoners. mr. murray's coats were found in the wigwams divided into wrappers to throw over the shoulders. we embarked the indians (two men, three women, and six children), and returned to the spot where we had passed the preceding night. one man who escaped was a one-eyed man we had seen before; he was more active than any, and soon out of our reach. two or three others escaped with him, whom i did not see distinctly. "that a life should have been lost in the struggle, i lament deeply; but if the fuegian had not been shot at that moment, his next blow might have killed elsmore, who was almost under water, and more than half stunned, for he had scarcely sense to struggle away, upon feeling the man's grasp relax. when fairly embarked, and before we asked any questions, the natives seemed very anxious to tell us where our boat was; but pointed in a direction quite opposite to that which they had previously shown us. we guarded them carefully through the night, and next morning ( th) set out upon our return to the beagle, with twenty-two souls in the boat. my object was, to put them in security on board, run down the coast with the ship to some harbour more to the eastward, and then set out again upon another search; carrying some of my prisoners as guides, and leaving the rest on board to ensure the former remaining, and not deceiving us. we made tolerable progress, though the boat was so over-loaded, and on the th reached the beagle with our living cargo. in our way we fell in with a family of natives, whose wigwams and canoes we searched; but finding none of our property, we left them not only unmolested, but gave them a few things, which in their eyes were valuable. "this conduct appeared to surprise our prisoners, who, as far as we could make out, received a wholesome lecture, instead { } of assistance, from the strangers. at all events, when they parted, our passengers were as discontented as the others were cheerful. when we got on board, we fed our prisoners with fat pork and shell-fish, which they liked better than any thing else, and clothed them with old blankets.[ ] "next morning ( th) we weighed, and sailed along the coast towards cape castlereagh, at the east side of desolate bay. many straggling rocks and rocky islets were observed lying off cape desolation and in the bay. that afternoon, we stood into a narrow opening, which appeared to be the outlet of a harbour close to cape castlereagh, and found a very good anchorage, well suited for the purposes both of continuing the survey and looking for the lost boat. "( th.) the master and i, with the cutter and a whale-boat, set out upon a second chase, taking a week's provisions. in the first cove i searched, not two miles from the beagle, i found a piece of the boat's lead-line, which had been left in a lately deserted wigwam. this raised our hopes; and, in addition to the signs made by our prisoners, convinced us we were on the right track. "i took with me a young man as a guide, and in the cutter the master carried the two stoutest of the women, having left all the rest of our prisoners on board. as far as we could make out, they appeared to understand perfectly that their safety and future freedom depended upon their showing us where to find the boat. "we intended to go round the stewart islands; and after examining many coves, and finding signs that a party of natives had passed along the same route within the last two days, we stopped in a sheltered place for the night. having given our prisoners as much food as they could eat, muscles, limpets, and pork, we let them lie down close to the fire, all three together. i would not tie them, neither did i think it necessary to keep an unusual watch, supposing that their children being { } left in our vessel was a security for the mothers far stronger than rope or iron. i kept watch myself during the first part of the night, as the men were tired by pulling all day, and incautiously allowed the fuegians to lie between the fire and the bushes, having covered them up so snugly, with old blankets and my own poncho, that their bodies were entirely hidden. about midnight, while standing on the opposite side of the fire, looking at the boats, with my back to the fuegians, i heard a rustling noise, and turned round; but seeing the heap of blankets unmoved, satisfied me, and i stooped down to the fire to look at my watch. at this moment, another rustle, and my dog jumping up and barking, told me that the natives had escaped. still the blankets looked the same, for they were artfully propped up by bushes. all our party began immediately to search for them; but as the night was quite dark, and there was a thick wood close to us, our exertions were unavailing. "believing that we could not be far from the place where the natives supposed our boat to be, i thought that they would go directly and warn their people of our approach; and as the island was narrow, though long, a very little travelling would take them across to the part they had pointed out to us, while it might take a boat a considerable time to go round; i therefore started immediately to continue the search in that direction, and left the master to examine every place near our tents. "in the afternoon of the same day i returned to him, having traversed a long extent of coast without finding an outlet to sea-ward, or any traces of the lost boat. meanwhile mr. murray had searched every place near our bivouac without success; but he found the spot where the fuegians had concealed themselves during the night, under the roots of a large tree, only a dozen yards from our fire. "as it was possible that the thieves might have returned to the place whence we had taken the natives, i desired the master to cross the sound and go there, and afterwards return to meet me, while i continued the search eastward. with a fair and fresh wind i made a good run that evening, found a { } passage opening to the sea,[ ] and a wigwam just deserted. here was cause for hope; and seeing, beyond the passage, some large islands lying to seaward of that which we had been coasting, it appeared probable that our boat had been taken there for seal-fishing. our prisoners had given us to understand plainly enough that such was the object of those who had stolen her, and outlying islands were the most likely to be visited, as on them most seal are found. "next day ( th) i passed over to gilbert island, and in a cove found such recent marks of natives, that i felt sure of coming up with the chase in the course of the day. when the fuegians stop anywhere, they generally bark a few trees, to repair their canoes or cover their wigwams; but those whose traces we were following, had made long journeys without stopping; and, where they did stay, barked no trees, which was one reason for supposing them to be the party in our boat. in the course of the day we pulled nearly round the islands,[ ] looking into every cove. "on the th, we discovered three small canoes with their owners in a cove.[ ] all the men ran away, except two. as we saw that there were no more persons than the canoes required, we did not try to catch them, knowing that this could not be the party we were in search of. we had now examined every nook and corner about these islands, and i began to give up all hope of finding our boat in this direction. having no clue to guide me farther, and much time having been lost, i reluctantly decided to return to the beagle. our only remaining hope, that the master might have met with the boat, was but very feeble. "( st.) all this day we were pulling to the westward, to regain the beagle. at night-fall i met mr. murray, with the cutter, in the cove where i had appointed a rendezvous. he had not found any signs of the boat upon the opposite shore, and therefore returned; but he saw the people who had escaped from us when we surprised the whole family. they fled as soon as his boat was seen. leaving, therefore, three men to { } watch in the bushes, he stood out to sea in the boat; and the stratagem succeeded sufficiently to enable our men to get very near to the natives, but not to catch any of them. one old man squinted very much, and in other respects exactly answered the description of a fuegian who ill-treated some of the saxe-cobourg's crew, when they were cast away in fury harbour. i wish we could have secured him; but he was always on the alert, and too nimble for our people. in their canoe, which was taken, was found the sleeve of mr. murray's tarpaulin coat, a proof that these people belonged to the tribe which had stolen our boat. the canoe was a wretchedly patched affair, evidently put together in a great hurry. "next morning ( d) the master and i set out on our return to the beagle; but seeing a great smoke on the opposite shore, in thieves' sound, i thought it must be made by the offenders, who, having returned and found their home desolate, were making signals to discover where their family was gone: sending the cutter therefore on board, i pulled across the sound towards the smoke. as the distance was long, and the wind fresh against us, it was late before i arrived; yet the smoke rose as thickly as ever, exciting our expectations to the utmost:--but, to our disappointment, not a living creature could be seen near the fire, nor could any traces of natives be found. the fire must have been kindled in the morning, and as the weather was dry, had continued to burn all day. "we were then just as much at a loss as ever, for probably (if that was the party), they had seen us, and would, for the future, be doubly watchful. at first we had a chance of coming upon them unawares, but the time for that had passed: every canoe in the sound had been examined, and all its inhabitants knew well what we were seeking. "it blew too strong, and it was too late, to recross whale-boat sound that night, so i ascended a height to look round. next morning ( d) we again searched many miles of the shores of thieves' sound without any success; and afterwards sailed across to stewart harbour. we reached the beagle in the evening, but found that all the other prisoners, excepting { } three children, had escaped by swimming ashore during the preceding night. thus, after much trouble and anxiety, much valuable time lost, and as fine a boat of her kind as ever was seen being stolen from us by these savages, i found myself with three young children to take care of, and no prospect whatever of recovering the boat. it was very hard work for the boats' crews, for during the first ten days we had incessant rainy weather, with gales of wind; and though the last few days had been uncommonly fine, the men's exertions in pulling about among the coves, and in ascending hills, had been extremely fatiguing. "while the bad weather lasted, the men's clothes were seldom dry, either by day or night. frequently they were soaked by rain during the greater part of the day, and at night they were in no better condition; for although a large fire (when made) might dry one side, the other as quickly became wet. obliged, as we were, to pitch our small tent close to the water in order to be near our boat;--and because every other place was either rocky or covered with wood;--we were more than once awakened out of a sound sleep by finding that we were lying partly in the water, the night-tide having risen very much above that of the preceding day: although the tides should have been at that time 'taking off' (diminishing). "sometimes extreme difficulty was found in lighting a fire, because every thing was saturated with moisture; and hours have been passed in vain attempts, while every one was shivering with cold,--having no shelter from the pouring rain,--and after having been cramped in a small boat during the whole day. "in courtenay sound i saw many nests of shags (corvorants) among the branches of trees near the water: until then, i had understood that those birds usually, if not invariably, built their nests on the ground or in cliffs. "much time had certainly been spent in this search, yet it ought not to be considered as altogether lost. mr. stokes had been hard at work during my absence, making plans of the harbours, and taking observations, and i am happy to say, that { } i had reason to place great confidence in his work, for he had always taken the utmost pains, and had been most careful. my wanderings had shown me that from the apparent sea coast to the base of that snowy chain of mountains which runs eastward from the barbara channel, there is much more water than land, and that a number of islands, lying near together, form the apparently connected coast; within which a wide sound-like passage extends, opening in places into bays and gulfs, where islands, islets, rocks and breakers, are very numerous. these waters wash the foot of the snowy chain which forms a continued barrier from the barbara channel to the strait of le maire. this cruise had also given me more insight into the real character of the fuegians, than i had then acquired by other means, and gave us all a severe warning which might prove very useful at a future day, when among more numerous tribes who would not be contented with a boat alone. considering the extent of coast we had already examined, we ought to be thankful for having experienced no other disaster of any kind, and for having had the means of replacing this loss. "i became convinced that so long as we were ignorant of the fuegian language, and the natives were equally ignorant of ours, we should never know much about them, or the interior of their country; nor would there be the slightest chance of their being raised one step above the low place which they then held in our estimation. their words seemed to be short, but to have many meanings, and their pronunciation was harsh and guttural. "stewart harbour, in which the beagle remained during the last boat cruise, proved to be a good one, and, having three outlets, may be entered or quitted with any wind, and without warping. wood and water are as abundant as in other fuegian harbours; and it may be easily known by the remarkable appearance of cape castlereagh, which is on the island that shelters the anchorage from the s.w. wind and sea. the outlets are narrow, and can only be passed with a leading wind; but if one does not serve, another will answer. it should be { } noticed, that there are two rocks nearly in the middle of the harbour, which are just awash at high water. a heavy swell is generally found outside, owing to the comparatively shallow water, in which there are soundings to about three miles from the cape. in the entrances are from ten to twenty fathoms, therefore if the wind should baffle, or fail, an anchor may be dropped at any moment. "in my last search among the gilbert islands, i found a good harbour for shipping, conveniently situated for carrying on the survey, in a place which otherwise i should certainly have overlooked: and to that harbour i decided on proceeding. "for two miles to the eastward of stewart harbour, the shore projects, and is rocky and broken, then it retreats, forming a large bay, in which are the gilbert islands, and many rocky islets. we passed between gilbert and stewart islands, anchored at noon under a point at the west entrance of the passage, and in the afternoon moved the beagle to doris cove, and there moored her. "i had decided to build another boat as quickly as possible, for i found it so much the best way to anchor the vessel in a safe place and then work with the boats on each side, that another good one was most necessary. our cutter required too many men, and was neither so handy, nor could she pull to windward so well as a whale-boat; and our small boat was only fit for harbour duty. the weather on this coast was generally so thick and blowing, as not to admit of any thing like exact surveying while the vessel was under sail: the swell alone being usually too high to allow of a bearing being taken within six or eight degrees: and the sun we seldom saw. if caught by one of the very frequent gales, we might have been blown so far to the eastward that i know not how much time would have been lost in trying to regain our position. these coasts, which are composed of islands, allow boats to go a long distance in safety, and, from the heights near the sea, rocks and breakers may be seen, and their places ascertained, much better than can possibly be done at sea. for building a new boat we had all the materials on board, except prepared plank; and for this we cut up a spare spar, which was intended to supply the place of a defective or injured lower mast or bowsprit. with reluctance this fine spar, which had been the doris's main-topmast, was condemned to the teeth of the saw; but i felt certain that the boat mr. may would produce from it, would be valuable in any part of the world, and that for our voyage it was indispensable. [illustration: cape horn.] [illustration: cape horn.] [illustration: cape spencer and cape horn.] [illustration: st francis bay and entrance of st martin cove. ([two birds] kater peak)] [illustration: york minster.] [illustration: false cape horn.] [illustration: cape noir.] [illustration: cape noir.] [illustration: w. w. wilson s. bull south west opening of cockburn channel. ([one bird] mount skyring) published by henry colburn, great marlborough street, ] { } "profiting by a clear day, i went to a height in the neighbourhood, whence i could see to a great distance in-shore, as well as along the coast, and got a view of mount sarmiento. while away from the beagle, in search of the lost boat, we had enjoyed four succeeding days of fine weather, during which that noble mountain had been often seen by our party. the astronomical bearing of its summit was very useful in connecting this coast survey with that of the strait of magalhaens. " th and th. mr. murray went to the s.w. part of the island, taking three days' provisions. mr. stokes and i were employed near the ship, while every man who could use carpenter's tools was occupied in preparing materials for our new boat. the rock near here is greenstone, in which are many veins of pyrites. specimens are deposited in the museum of the geological society. " th. weighed, warped to windward, and made sail out of adventure passage. i was very anxious to reach christmas sound, because it seemed to me a good situation for the beagle, while the boats could go east and west of her, and the new boat might be built. running along the land, before a fresh breeze, we soon saw york minster, and in the evening entered christmas sound, and anchored in the very spot where the adventure lay when cook was here. his sketch of the sound, and description of york minster, are very good, and quite enough to guide a ship to the anchoring place. i fancied that the high part of the minster must have crumbled away since he saw it, as it no longer resembled 'two towers,' but had a ragged, notched summit, when seen from the westward. it was some satisfaction to find ourselves at anchor at this spot in { } february, notwithstanding the vexatious delays we had so often experienced. "as we had not sufficiently examined the coast between this sound and gilbert islands, i proposed sending mr. murray there with the cutter, while i should go to the eastward, during which time our new boat would be finished. " st march. this morning i went to look for a better anchorage for our vessel, that in which we lay being rather exposed, and very small. neither pickersgill cove nor port clerke suited; so i looked further, and found another harbour, nearer to york minster, easier of access for a ship arriving from sea, and with a cove in one corner where a vessel could lie in security, close to a woody point. having sounded this harbour, i returned to move our ship. cook says, speaking of port clerke, 'south of this inlet is another, which i did not examine:'--and into that inlet, named march harbour, the beagle prepared to go, but before we could weigh and work to windward, the weather became bad, which made our passage round the n.w. end of shag island rather difficult, as we had to contend with squalls, rain, and a narrow passage between rocks. the passage between waterman island and the south end of shag island is more roomy; but there is a rock near the middle which had not then been examined. we worked up to the innermost part of the harbour, and moored close to a woody point, in the most sheltered cove. finding this to be a very convenient spot for building our boat, and in every point of view a good place for passing part of the month of march, i decided to keep the beagle here for that purpose. this harbour might be useful to other vessels, its situation being well pointed out by york minster (one of the most remarkable promontories on the coast), and affording wood and water with as little trouble as any place in which the beagle had anchored. "march d. the master set out in the large cutter, with a fortnight's provisions, to examine the coast between the north part of christmas sound and point alikhoolip, near which we passed on the th, without seeing much of it. with { } moderate weather and a little sunshine, he might have been expected to return in a week or ten days. he carried a chronometer and other necessary instruments. two of the three children, left by their mother at stewart harbour, i sent with mr. murray, to be left with any fuegians he might find most to the westward, whence they would soon find their friends. the third, who was about eight years old, was still with us: she seemed to be so happy and healthy, that i determined to detain her as a hostage for the stolen boat, and try to teach her english. lieutenant kempe built a temporary house for the carpenters, and other workmen, near the ship and the spot chosen for observations, so that all our little establishment was close together. the greater part of the boat's materials being already prepared, she was not expected to be long in building, under the able direction and assistance of mr. may. " d. some fuegians in a canoe approached us this morning, seeming anxious to come on board. i had no wish for their company, and was sorry to see that they had found us out; for it was to be expected that they would soon pay us nightly as well as daily visits, and steal every thing left within their reach. having made signs for them to leave us, without effect, i sent mr. wilson to drive them away, and fire a pistol over their heads, to frighten them. they then went back, but only round a point of land near the ship; so i sent the boat again to drive them out of the harbour, and deter them from paying us another visit. reflecting, while mr. wilson was following them, that by getting one of these natives on board, there would be a chance of his learning enough english to be an interpreter, and that by his means we might recover our lost boat, i resolved to take the youngest man on board, as he, in all probability, had less strong ties to bind him to his people than others who were older, and might have families. with these ideas i went after them, and hauling their canoe alongside of my boat, told a young man to come into it; he did so, quite unconcernedly, and sat down, apparently contented and at his ease. the others said nothing, either to me or to him, but paddled out of the harbour as fast as they could. { } they seemed to belong to the same tribe as those we had last seen. " th. this afternoon our boat's keel was laid down, and her moulds were set up. fuegia basket[ ] told 'york minster'[ ] all her story; at some parts of which he laughed heartily. fuegia, cleaned and dressed, was much improved in appearance: she was already a pet on the lower deck, and appeared to be quite contented. york minster was sullen at first, yet his appetite did not fail; and whatever he received more than he could eat, he stowed away in a corner; but as soon as he was well cleaned and clothed, and allowed to go about where he liked in the vessel, he became much more cheerful. "at cape castlereagh and the heights over doris cove in gilbert island, the rock seemed to contain so much metal, that i spent the greater part of one day in trying experiments on pieces of it, with a blowpipe and mercury. by pounding and washing i separated about a tea-spoonful of metal from a piece of rock (taken at random) the size of a small cup. i put the powder by carefully, with some specimens of the rock--thinking that some of these otherwise barren mountains might be rich in metals. it would not be in conformity with most other parts of the world were the tract of mountainous islands composing the archipelago of tierra del fuego condemned to internal as well as external unprofitableness. from the nature of the climate agriculture could seldom succeed; and perhaps no quadrupeds fit for man's use, except goats and dogs, could thrive in it: externally too, the land is unfit for the use of civilized man. in a few years its shores will be destitute of seal: and then, what benefit will be derived from it?--unless it prove internally rich, not in gold or silver, but perhaps in copper, iron, or other metals. " th. this day all hands were put on full allowance, our savings since we left san carlos having secured a sufficient { } stock of provisions to last more than the time allotted for the remainder of our solitary cruise. "by using substitutes for the mens' shoes, made of sealskin, we secured enough to last as long as we should want them. i have never mentioned the state of our sick list, because it was always so trifling. there had been very little doing in the surgeon's department; nothing indeed of consequence, since mr. murray dislocated his shoulder. "the promontory of york minster is a black irregularly-shaped rocky cliff, eight hundred feet in height, rising almost perpendicularly from the sea. it is nearly the loftiest as well as the most projecting part of the land about christmas sound, which, generally speaking, is not near so high as that further west, but it is very barren. granite is prevalent, and i could find no sandstone. coming from the westward, we thought the heights about here inconsiderable; but cook, coming from the south sea, called them 'high and savage.' had he made the land nearer the barbara channel, where the mountains are much higher, he would have spoken still more strongly of the wild and disagreeable appearance of the coast. " th. during the past night it blew very hard, making our vessel jerk her cables with unusual violence, though we had a good scope out, and the water was perfectly smooth. we saw that the best bower-anchor had been dragged some distance, it was therefore hove to the bows when its stock was found to be broken, by a rock, in the midst of good ground, having caught the anchor. it had been obtained at san carlos from a merchant brig, but being much too light for our vessel, had been woulded round with chains to give it weight: its place was taken by a frigate's stream-anchor, well made and well tried, which i had procured from valparaiso.[ ] in shifting our berth, the small bower chain was found to be so firmly fixed round another rock that for several hours we could not clear it. such rocks as these are very treacherous and not easily detected, except by sweeping the bottom with a line and weights. a very { } heavy squall, with lightning and thunder, passed over the ship this afternoon, depressing the sympiesometer more than i had ever witnessed. very heavy rain followed. " th. in the forenoon i was on a height taking angles, when a large smoke was made by natives on a point at the entrance of the harbour; and at my return on board the ship, i found that two canoes had been seen, which appeared to be full of people. supposing that they were strangers, i went in a small boat with two men to see them, and find out if they possessed any thing obtained from our lost whale-boat, for i thought it probable she might have been taken along the coast eastward, to elude our pursuit. i found them in a cove very near where our carpenters were at work. they had just landed, and were breaking boughs from the trees. i was surprised to see rather a large party, about fourteen in number, all of whom seemed to be men, except two women who were keeping the canoes. they wanted me to go to them, but i remained at a little distance, holding up bits of iron and knives, to induce them to come to me, for on the water we were less unequal to them. they were getting very bold and threatening in their manner, and i think would have tried to seize me and my boat, had not lieutenant kempe come into the cove with six men in the cutter, when their manner altered directly, and they began to consult together. they were at this time on a rock rising abruptly from the water, and the canoes, which i wanted to search, were at the foot of the rock. under such local disadvantages i could not persevere without arms, for they had stones, slings, and spears, ready in their hands. lieutenant kempe and myself then returned on board for arms and more men, for i resolved to drive them out of the harbour, as it was absolutely necessary. already they, or their countrymen, had robbed us of a boat, and endangered the lives of several persons; and had they been allowed to remain near us, the loss of that part of another boat which was already built would have followed, besides many things belonging to the carpenters and armourer, which they were using daily on shore. "another motive for searching the canoes, arose from { } seeing so many men without women, for i concluded that some of the whale-boat thieves were among them, who, having seen our cutter go to the westward full of people, might suppose we had not many left on board: one boat's crew, as they perhaps imagined, being left on an island, and another away in search of them. they had hitherto seen only merchant-vessels on this coast, and judging of the number of a crew by them, might think there could not be many persons on board, and that the vessel would be easy to take. at all events they came prepared for war, being much painted, wearing white bands on their heads, carrying their slings and spears, and having left all their children and dogs, with most of their women, in some other place. "two boats being manned and armed, i went with lieut. kempe and mr. wilson to chase the fuegians, who were paddling towards another part of the harbour. seeing the boats approaching, they landed and got on the top of a rock, leaving the canoes underneath with the two women. from their manner i saw they were disposed to be hostile, and we therefore approached leisurely. their canoes being within our reach, i told the bowman to haul one alongside that we might search it; but no sooner did his boathook touch it, than a shower of stones of all sizes came upon us, and one man was knocked down, apparently killed, by the blow of a large stone on the temple. we returned their volley with our fire-arms, but i believe without hitting one of them. stones and balls continued to be exchanged till the cutter came to our assistance. the fuegians then got behind a rock, where we could not see them, and kept close. their canoes we took, and finding in them some bottles[ ] and part of our lost boat's gear, we destroyed them. the man of my crew who was knocked down by a stone was only stunned, and soon recovered, but the blow was very severe and dangerous. not choosing to risk any further injury to our people, and seeing no object to be gained, i would not land, though our numbers were much superior, and we had { } fire-arms. it appeared that the savages knew of no alternative but escape or death, and that in trying to take them they would certainly do material injury to some of our party with their spears, stones, or large knives made of pieces of iron hoops. remaining therefore with lieut. kempe, in the cutter, to watch their motions, i sent my boat on board with the man who was hurt. the fuegians made their escape separately through the bushes, and were quickly out of sight and reach: we fired a few shots to frighten them, watched their retreat over the barren upper part of the hills, and then went to look for their wigwams, which could not be far distant, as i thought; but after unsuccessfully searching all the coves near us, a smoke was seen at the opposite side of the sound, on one of the whittlebury islands; so concluding it was made by the rest of their tribe, and being late, i returned on board. " th. at daylight, next morning, i went to look for the wigwams, on the whittlebury islands, at the north side of the sound: we saw their smoke when we were half-way across, but no longer. the natives had probably seen us, and put out their fire directly, well knowing the difference between our boat and their own canoes, and noticing her coming from a part of the sound distant from the point whence they would expect their own people, and crossing over against a fresh breeze, which a canoe could not attempt to do. the wigwams were entirely deserted, and almost every thing was taken away; but near their huts a piece of 'king's white line,' quite new, was picked up; therefore our boat[ ] had been there, or these were some of the people who stole her. for the late inmates of the wigwams we searched in vain--only their dogs remained, they themselves being hidden. looking round on the other side of that islet, we saw two canoes paddling right away from the islands, though it was blowing a fresh breeze, and a considerable sea was running. knowing, from the place they were in, and their course, that they were the fugitives from the wigwams, we gave chase, and came up with them before { } they could land, but so close to the shore that while securing one canoe, the other escaped. from that which we seized a young man and a girl jumped overboard, deserting an old woman and a child, whom we left in order to chase the young man; but he was so active in the water that it was fully a quarter of an hour before we could get him into our boat. having at last secured him, we followed the others, but they had all landed and hidden, so we returned across the sound with our captive. in our way a smoke was seen in a cove of waterman island, and knowing that it must be made by those who escaped us yesterday, as there were no other natives there, we made sail for it; but the rogues saw us, and put out their fire. when we reached the spot, however, we found two wigwams just built, and covered with bark; so that there they had passed the night after their skirmish. i would not let any one land, as the fuegians might be lurking in the bushes, and might be too much for two or three of us on shore,--but left the place. they would think us gone for more boats, as at the former meeting, and would shift their quarters immediately; so by thus harassing them, i hoped to be freed from any more of their visits while we remained in the neighbourhood. "the bodily strength of these savages is very great ('york minster' is as strong as any two of our stoutest men), which, with their agility, both on shore and in the water, and their quickness in attack and defence with stones and sticks, makes them difficult to deal with when out of their canoes. they are a brave, hardy race, and fight to the last struggle; though in the manner of a wild beast, it must be owned, else they would not, when excited, defy a whole boat's crew, and, single-handed, try to kill the men; as i have witnessed. that kindness towards these beings, and good treatment of them, is as yet useless, i almost think, both from my own experience and from much that i have heard of their conduct to sealing vessels. until a mutual understanding can be established, moral fear is the only means by which they can be kept peaceable. as they see only vessels which when their boats are away have { } but a few people on board, their idea of the power of europeans is very poor, and their dread of fire arms not nearly so great as might be imagined. "from this cove we returned to the beagle. my fuegian captive, whom i named 'boat memory,' seemed frightened, but not low-spirited; he eat enormously, and soon fell fast asleep. the meeting between him and york minster was very tame, for, at first, they would not appear to recognise or speak to each other. 'boat' was the best-featured fuegian i had seen, and being young and well made, was a very favourable specimen of the race: 'york' was one of the stoutest men i had observed among them; but little fuegia was almost as broad as she was high: she seemed to be so merry and happy, that i do not think she would willingly have quitted us. three natives of tierra del fuego, better suited for the purpose of instruction, and for giving, as well as receiving information, could not, i think, have been found. " th. this morning, having been well cleaned and dressed, 'boat' appeared contented and easy; and being together, kept york and him in better spirits than they would probably otherwise have been, for they laughed, and tried to talk, by imitating whatever was said. fuegia soon began to learn english, and to say several things very well. she laughed and talked with her countrymen incessantly. " th. some evenings, at dusk, i observed large flights of birds, of the petrel kind, skimming over the sea (like swallows), as if in chase of insects. these birds were black, about the size of a 'cape pigeon.' we tried to shoot one, but did not succeed." * * * * * { } chapter xxii. mr. murray returns--go to new year sound--see diego ramirez islands from henderson island--weddell's indian cove--sympiesometer--return to christmas sound--beagle sails--passes the ildefonso and diego ramirez islands--anchors in nassau bay--orange bay--yapoos--mr. murray discovers the beagle channel--numerous natives--guanacoes--compasses affected--cape horn--specimens--chanticleer--mistake about st. francis bay--diego ramirez islands climate--san joachim cove--barnevelt isles--evouts isle-- lennox harbour. " th. this morning the master returned, having succeeded in tracing the coast far enough to join our former work, although the weather had been very unfavourable. he met with many fuegians, most of whom were armed with slings, spears, and cutting weapons made with pieces of iron hoop fastened on a stick. they were very troublesome, especially at night, and obliged him to keep them at a distance. their respect for a musket was not so great as might have been expected, and unless they saw it tolerably close, and pointed directly at them, they cared not. the boat's crew bought some fish from them, for buttons and other trifles. from forty to fifty men, besides women and children, were seen in one place alone; and many were met elsewhere. "mr. murray penetrated nearly to the base of the snow-covered mountains, which extend to the eastward in an unbroken chain, and ascertained that there are passages leading from christmas sound to the large bay where the whale-boat was stolen; and that they run near the foot of the mountains. he also saw a channel leading farther to the eastward than eye-sight could reach, whose average width seemed to be about a mile. he left the two children in charge of an old woman whom they met near the westernmost part which his party reached, who appeared to know them well, and to be very much pleased at having them placed in her care. " th. raining and blowing:--as usual, i might say. when { } it moderated i left the beagle, and set out in a boat with mr. wilson (mate), taking a fortnight's provisions; though i hoped to be again on board in less than ten days, by which time our new boat would be finished, and mr. stokes, as well as mr. murray, would have laid down his last work. my object was to go eastward towards indian sound and nassau bay, but the weather soon stopped our progress, and obliged us to put into a small cove on the west side of point nativity, where we hoped to get shelter from the increasing wind, though not from the rain, which poured down in torrents. the cove proved to be much exposed, but we staid there till daylight on the following morning, when we pulled out, and round the point to the eastward, gladly enough, for we had been in a bad berth during the night, exposed to wind and rain, besides swell. we ran along the land, with a moderate westerly wind, stopped for a time near cape rolle, the point of land next to weddell's 'hope island;' and in the evening went into some openings among the adjacent islands. " th. at daylight we set out again, and ran along-shore with a fresh west wind, crossed the mouth of a bay which seemed likely to afford shelter, but did not then delay to look at it closely. soon after noon we passed weddell's 'leading hill,' which is a very singular double-peaked height, conspicuous from a long distance, and remarkable in every point of view. between it and black point (a projecting craggy rock) lies a bay or sound, which appears to extend some distance northward. this part of the coast is bad for vessels to close with, being much broken, and having several rocky islets scattered near it; but two miles off shore there is no danger. having found a secure cove near leading hill, we landed, and the men set up our tent, while mr. wilson and i ascended the heights to look round. the wind soon freshened to a gale, and made us rejoice at having reached a sheltered place. " th. the whole of this day was lost by us, for it blew a strong gale with continual rain. collecting limpets and muscles--cutting wood--and drying our clothes on one side by the fire, while the other got wet, were our only occupations. { } " th. still a strong wind, but less rain. between the squalls i obtained a few sights of the sun, for time, and at noon a tolerably good set for latitude. being then better weather, and likely to improve, we crossed in the boat to leading hill, and from its summit took the necessary angles. it was very cold and windy, but we effected all that was then required. " th. decamped very early and ran across duff bay, towards henderson island, with a moderately fresh breeze off the land; and as my object was to obtain a good view and a round of angles from the summit of a height on that island, i passed weddell's morton isle, blunder cove, &c. without stopping, and reached the north end of henderson island soon enough to get sights for time. from that spot we went a short distance to a cove, where the boat might remain during my absence on the hill, observed the latitude, and then ascended. before we were half-way up, a squall came on from s.w. and increased rapidly, but having ascended so far, i was not disposed to turn back, so we pushed on and reached the summit; yet, when there, i could not use a theodolite, on account of the wind. towards the east i could see a long distance, to the farthest of the hermite islands; but towards the west the view was obscured by haze; so leaving the instruments, i hastened down to the boat and found her safe, though she had been in great danger. by this time the wind had moderated, and before dark we measured the distance between the morning and noon stations: that from the latter to the summit of the hill i had measured, when at the top, by a micrometer. we then passed round the north end of the island, and in the dark searched the east side for a resting-place, which after some time was found. " st. a fine clear day enabled me to make the necessary observations, and i then went up the height and succeeded in obtaining a distinct view of the diego ramirez islands. as this hill is distant from them between fifty and sixty miles, i felt sure of getting a good cross bearing from the south end of the hermite islands, distant from them, as i then thought, only about forty, and thus fixing their position. "new year sound appears to be a large body of water { } extending towards the n.w., with a multitude of islands scattered about it. from its east side the land trends away towards a point which is curiously peaked, like a horn, and which i supposed to be the western point of nassau bay.[ ] " d. we had hardly left our cove, when steady rain set in; however, we went across towards new year sound, sometimes favoured by the wind, but could do little. as far as i saw the day before, the snowy chain of mountains continued to the eastward, therefore i had little hope of finding a body of water in the interior of tierra del fuego, about the head of nassau bay. about noon we were near weddell's 'indian cove,' but the weather being thick i did not recognise it, so we stood up the sound with a fresh breeze from the w.s.w. i soon found that it led only to the north and west, and probably communicated with some of the passages which mr. murray saw leading to the eastward from the neighbourhood of christmas sound. towards the north and east i had already noticed a long range of mountains. concluding therefore from what i then observed, and from views obtained from the heights, that no passage leads from this sound direct to christmas sound, and that to return to the beagle i must go part of the way by the sea-coast, or else go round, by a series of intricate passages, to the places which mr. murray had seen in the cutter; i preferred the coast, as a second view of it would be of use, while a traverse among the islands could not be very beneficial. "putting about, we returned down the sound, the breeze still allowing us to sail fast. we closed the western shore to look for indian cove, and, as the weather had cleared up, found it without difficulty. it is not so good a place as i expected; for except at the inner corner close to a run of water, i found only rocky soundings. the few casts of good ground were so close to the shore that the place can only be considered fit for a cutter, or small craft, which could lie quite close to the land. this cove is, in my opinion, too far inland to be of general use; and an anchorage under morton island would be far preferable { } for a vessel arriving from sea. we found an empty north-american cask, apparently left that season: on a height near the cove there was a pile of stones we had not time to examine: and much wood appeared to have been cut down lately by the crew of some vessel. we saw several wigwams, but no indians. that night we stopped near the s.w. point of the sound, close to gold-dust island. " d. after examining the cove, in which we passed the night, and taking observations, we crossed duff bay, towards leading hill. i wished to have seen more of a promising bay on the east side of morton island, where i thought there was good anchorage, but could not afford time, as it was probable that we should be delayed in our return along this exposed part of the coast against the prevailing winds. there is a considerable tide between morton isle and the point next to gold-dust isle. the flood comes from the westward, about one knot, or at times two knots, an hour. with the ebb it is nearly slack water, or perhaps there is a slight tendency towards the west; and such appears to be the case all along this coast, from christmas sound. we reached leading hill late in the afternoon, although the wind had increased much and was directly against us: at night it blew a gale from the westward. " th. a strong gale prevented our moving, or making any beneficial use of our time. " th. still blowing very fresh; but i thought we could pull round into the next bay, and there do some good by planning the harbour, &c., although we might get no farther for some days. from the season, the state of the sympiesometer, and the appearance of the weather, i did not expect any favourable change until about the end of the month. the sympiesometer was my constant companion: i preferred it to a barometer, as being much more portable and quicker in its motions. by great exertion on the part of the men, for it required five hours' hard pulling, we got round a headland into the next bay, a distance of only four miles. it rained great part of the time, and in the afternoon poured steadily, but we succeeded in finding a sheltered spot for our lodging, and soon put ourselves into { } somewhat better plight than we had been in during the greater part of the day, the men having been constantly soaked through, and their hands quite numbed with cold and wet. i was disappointed by this place; the various coves were sounded, without getting bottom with twenty-five fathoms of line; and i could find no anchorage without going further up the inlet than would suit any vessel running in from sea for a temporary shelter. " th. a strong gale prevented our going outside, but in hopes that there might be an inland passage i set out to look for one. having pulled and sailed about six miles up the inlet, we reached its termination, and thence returned to our bivouac. there seemed to be an opening into duff bay not previously seen, which would have saved us some time and trouble had we known of its existence. " th. the gale continued with more or less violence, and during the greater part of the day we were occupied in gathering limpets and muscles, as a stock of food in case of being detained longer than our provisions would last. shooting did not succeed, because the sea-birds were very wild and scarce. i regretted that there was no harbour in the inlet which could be planned during our stay. every cove we could find had deep water, and so rocky a bottom that we found difficulty in securing even our small boat; for this continued gale raised so much swell that we were kept on the alert at night to shift her berth as often as the wind changed. " th. this day, and the preceding night, the wind was exceedingly violent, from n.w. to s.w., but generally southward of west. in pulling across the cove to get limpets, the squalls at times forced the oars out of the men's hands, and blew them across or away from the boat. much rain fell during most nights, but after sunrise it generally ceased; sometimes however the rain poured down by day as much as by night. "i here saw many seals teaching their young ones to swim. it was curious to see the old seal supporting the pup by its flipper, as if to let it breathe and rest, and then pushing it away into deep water to shift for itself. { } " th. this morning, with better weather, we sailed very early in hopes to get round black point; the wind being moderate promised well, but, with the sun, it rose again. however, we tried hard for about six hours, during four of which i hardly hoped to succeed, for it blew strong, and the tide race was dangerous: but before evening we gained the sheltered part of trefusis bay. the men were on their oars from five in the morning till four in the afternoon, and, excepting two rests of a quarter of an hour each, pulling hard all the time. we landed in a sheltered spot, about half a mile within the entrance of a passage which leads from trefusis bay to christmas sound. our fatigue and thorough drenching, by sea and rain, was then little cared for, having gained our point, and being only a day's pull from the beagle. "i had seen along this passage from christmas sound, as well as from leading hill, and rejoiced to get into it, for the outer coast is a wild one for a boat at any period of the year--and this was the month of march; about the worst time. " th. a fine clear morning. we started with the sun, and pulled so fast along in the smooth water, that by the evening we reached our little vessel, and found that all was well on board; that there had been no more visits from the fuegians, nor any troubles. the new boat was finished on the d, only twenty days having been occupied by mr. may and three men in building her. appearance was very much in her favour, notwithstanding the disadvantages under which she was built. lieutenant kempe had finished all the ship's work with his usual promptness: new topmast rigging had been fitted, and every thing prepared for sea. i was two days over the time for which we carried provisions, but by my coxswain's care of them, and by using limpets and other shell-fish, we still had a sufficiency. "having seen as much as seemed necessary of the coast between christmas sound and nassau bay (i mean necessary in proportion to our limited time and provisions), the ildefonsos and diego ramirez isles were to be our next objects. " st. a strong wind, with much rain, prevented our { } moving early--but as the sun rose higher the weather improved, and we tried to weigh,--yet were provokingly delayed, for the chain was so fast round a rock, that for nearly an hour we could not move it. at last we succeeded, without injury to anything--left the harbour, and stood away for the ildefonsos with a strong w.s.w. wind and a confused high swell. "march harbour (so called from our having passed the month of march in it) is not so good as i at first thought. the bottom is certainly excellent in some parts; it is well sheltered, and easy of access, but there are many rocky places which would injure a hemp cable. besides, there is a dangerous rock under water in the wide part of the harbour, hidden by a large patch of kelp. "we passed along the s.w. side of the ildefonsos, at the distance of half a mile. they appeared like the higher parts of a mountain almost under water, lying n.w. and s.e., nearly broken through by the sea in several places, so as to form several islets, of which the highest and largest is about two hundred feet above the sea, and one-third of a mile in length; another is about one-quarter of a mile long; the rest are mere rocks. the two larger are covered with tussac,[ ] among which we saw numerous seal which had scrambled up to the very summits. having seen enough of these islets, we hauled our wind, and shortened sail, to prepare for the night: for it blew a fresh gale, with every appearance of its increasing and drawing to the southward. i wished to make the diego ramirez islands the next morning, and thence run to the north-eastward; and, had the wind been moderate, could have done so without difficulty; but after carrying a press of sail during the night, and making southing, with as little easting as possible, i found myself, at daylight next morning, five miles to leeward of the above-mentioned islands, with the wind strong from the n.w., and too much sea to allow me to hope to see more of them without remaining under sail until the weather moderated. this would not have { } suited the chronometers, or our limited time; therefore we wore round and steered (by weddell's chart) for the western part of the hermite islands, intending to run along the land from west cape. the wind became more moderate towards noon, but the weather got so thick that no part of the land could be made out distinctly; and supposing that a point of land which i saw was cape spencer, we steered directly for it, as the day was drawing to a close and obliged me to give up my intention of coasting. nearing the land, i found it resembled the point i had seen from henderson island, and supposed to be the s.w. extreme of nassau bay, but did not correspond to any part of the hermite islands, as shewn by captain king's plan. evening was approaching, thick misty clouds shut out other land from our view, but being a weather shore, i trusted to finding anchorage somewhere, and stood on. "the wind increased, and blew in very strong squalls off shore, obliging us to carry low sail until we had run several miles along the land in smooth water, when we anchored at the entrance of a bay, in thirteen fathoms water, over a coarse sandy bottom. a low projecting point covered us from the force of the wind as it then blew; and the land on each side from all other westerly winds: but the squalls increased so violently in the early part of the night, that although in smooth water, with eighty fathoms of chain out, the top-gallant masts down, and yards braced up, the vessel drove, and we were obliged to let go another anchor, and veer a long scope of cable; after which she held on firmly through the night. " d. at daylight we hove up the best bower, but found one fluke broken off. after getting the sheet anchor to the bows, and the broken one in-board, we weighed and made sail to windward, in search of a good anchorage. when the weather cleared in the morning, i had discovered that we were in nassau bay, near orange bay, and that the curiously-peaked headland we had passed was 'false cape horn,' the same which i had seen from henderson island. finding this the case, i determined to turn the mistake to account, and at once set to work in this quarter, postponing our visit to the hermite { } islands. short runs were essential, because of the chronometers, and this last had been a long one for them, with much motion, therefore it was necessary i should get observations. "towards noon the weather cleared and became very fine, with a light breeze from the northward. we stood across near the north end of the hermite islands, carrying soundings right across; but the view we obtained of the head of nassau bay, did not encourage us to hope for either interior waters or a passage, as the mountains seemed to continue in an unbroken chain to the eastward of new island, and from the mast-head i saw other high mountains far to the eastward. in the afternoon we stood into a fine-looking clear bay, well sheltered, and with regular soundings, from twelve to twenty fathoms over fine sand. i afterwards found that this was orange bay, and that the bay at the south point of which we anchored last night was that called, by the dutch, schapenham bay. being a large, roomy place, with even bottom, we remained at single anchor; but the glass had been falling so much, and was then so extremely low, that i thought it prudent to prepare for the worst, and struck topmasts. "during the latter part of our stay in christmas sound, and up to the present time, our sick-list had been considerable, therefore i was not sorry to gain a safe anchorage in a place which appeared likely to afford the means of recruiting our invalids, and restoring them to health. colds and rheumatisms, owing to bleak winds and much wet, were the chief complaints. this was the only time since the beagle left rio de janeiro that her sick-list had been worthy of notice. "notwithstanding the unusual fall of the barometer and sympiesometer and their still continuing to sink, this day was as fine, and seemed as likely to continue so, as any day i had ever seen, therefore we took advantage of it, by getting the necessary observations for time, latitude, and true bearing; by airing bedding, and cleaning the ship throughout. this appeared to be an excellent place for vessels: the land around is rather low, and looked much more cheerful than the high dismal mountains under which we last anchored. wood and water { } were plentiful, and easily obtained. wild-fowl were numerous, and our people brought on board a serviceable supply, enough for all the sick, and for most of those who were in health. " d and th. still very fine weather, although the barometer and sympiesometer were lower than i had yet seen them in this country. our fuegians were becoming very cheerful, and apparently contented. we gave them as much fresh provision (birds and fish) as we could obtain with guns and lines, and hitherto they had fared very well. all that was shot went to one stock, from which it was divided in rotation to the messes, the sick being first provided for, and then the fuegians. " th and th. two more fine days, with a very low glass, shook my faith in the certainty of the barometer and sympiesometer.[ ] during those days, the wind had been light from n.n.w., and twice before i had known these instruments to be similarly affected during exactly similar wind and weather: once at port desire, on the coast of patagonia; and once at port gallant, while i was in the otway water. "the master went towards the head of nassau bay, and mr. stokes set out in the opposite direction. mr. murray had one of our best chronometers, kept in a box, well packed in wool, but exposed to the temperature of the air. before going away and after returning, it was kept and rated in the same box on deck, because the variations of temperature in the open air of this climate are small; much less than a chronometer would experience if alternating between a warm cabin and a cold boat. i was sadly grieved at finding that some fuegians who arrived were not of the same tribe as our captives, nor even spoke the same language. on the contrary, much enmity appeared to exist between them; though their colour, features, and habits were similar. at first, 'york' and 'boat' would not go near them; but afterwards took delight in trying to cheat them out of the things they offered to barter; and mocked their way of speaking and laughing; { } pointing at them, and calling them 'yapoo, yapoo.' 'fuegia' went on deck; but the instant she saw them, screamed and ran away. some one told her, in jest, to go into their canoe and live with them, which frightened her so much, that she burst into tears and ran below to hide herself. after they were gone, 'boat' and 'york' made us understand they had had fights with that tribe, and shewed the scars of wounds received from them. by the help of signs we could comprehend much of their meaning; but very few words were yet learned on either side. we afterwards found that these yapoos built their wigwams in a manner differing from that of the western tribes, being made of a number of poles, or pieces of wood, placed on end around a small space, and meeting at the top. "our yapoo acquaintances established themselves in the bay near our forge, but without attempting to steal any thing. they frequently came alongside the ship with fish, which they caught in the kelp. they take these fish by means of a line without a hook, having only a small piece of bait at the end, with which to entice them to the top of the water, close to the side of the canoe. a fish bites, and before it can detach its small teeth from the soft, tough bait, the hand holding the line jerks the prize above the water, and the other catches it. the fisher then bites out a large piece of its belly, takes out the inside, and hangs the fish on a stick by the fire in the canoe. " th. still fine steady weather, notwithstanding the unusually low fall of the barometer already mentioned. " th. by the assistance of mr. may, at the forge, we made one good anchor out of two broken ones, and fitted new hawse-plates where they were worn through, by constantly using the chains. fortunately, we brought from san carlos a good supply of iron and coals, and applied the latter only to the use of the armourer and the small stoves, so that we were enabled to use the forge very often; and between the wants of the ship and those of the boats, there was always much work for that most useful appendage. { } "the glasses had at last been rising; and during the past night and this day, the wind was very strong with much rain. the wind shifted from the northern quarter into the southern, drawing round to the s.e.; which, of course, would make the mercury rise higher after being so very low, though the weather might prove extremely bad. " th. the master returned, and surprised me with the information that he had been through and far beyond nassau bay. he had gone very little to the northward, but a long distance to the east, having passed through a narrow passage, about one-third of a mile wide, which led him into a straight channel, averaging about two miles or more in width, and extending nearly east and west as far as the eye could reach. westward of the passage by which he entered, was an opening to the north-west; but as his orders specified north and east, he followed the eastern branch of the channel, looking for an opening on either side, without success. northward of him lay a range of mountains, whose summits were covered with snow, which extended about forty miles, and then sunk into ordinary hills that, near the place which he reached, shewed earthy or clayey cliffs towards the water. from the clay cliffs his view was unbroken by any land in an e.s.e. direction, therefore he must have looked through an opening at the outer sea. his provisions being almost exhausted, he hastened back. "on the south side of the channel there were likewise mountains of considerable elevation; but, generally speaking, that shore was lower than the opposite. mr. murray saw great numbers of natives near the narrow passage and upwards of a hundred canoes were seen in one day, each containing from two to six people. these fuegians had much guanaco skin, and many of the bones of that animal made into spear-heads, but very little seal-skin. the wigwams were large and commodious, compared with those of the western tribes, being built of small trees piled up endwise, and tied together at the top, their outside being covered with bushes, grass, &c. to keep out the cold, and the earth inside scooped out much below the surface of the ground. some could hold about twice as many people { } as the western wigwams: but all were not so large. every canoe gave chase to our boat, eager to see the strangers, and exchange small fish, spear-heads, or arrows, for buttons, beads, and other trifles. no arms or offensive weapons were seen among them, excepting fish spears, bows, arrows, and slings: they had not even clubs, nor such lances as are used by the western tribes. they seemed to be more tractable, and less disposed to quarrel than those of the west. wherever the boat went, she was followed by a train of canoes, each full of people, and having a fire smoking in the middle. where they got the guanaco skins was a question not easy to answer. was there a passage to the northward, by which they could trade with the people living there?--or were there guanacoes in the southern part of tierra del fuego? both the bones and skins seemed abundant; but the people made signs to mr. murray that they came from the eastward:--none pointed towards the north. one native showed how they ran, and their shape, and how they were killed, also the kind of noise they made. " th. mr. stokes returned, after going a long way to the north and west, without finding a passage into new year sound. his examination, united to mr. murray's, almost completed the north and west part of nassau bay; and only the east side remained to be explored. our anchorage, called orange bay, is excellent; and one of the few on this coast which are fit for a squadron of line-of-battle ships. its approach from the sea is as easy as the harbour is commodious. there are three fathoms close to the shore; yet in no part are there more than twenty; and every where there is a sandy bottom. water is abundant; wood grows close to the sea; wild-fowl are numerous; and although shell-fish are scarce, plenty of small fish may be caught with hook and line among the kelp, and in the summer a seine will furnish abundance. "on the th we left orange bay, but light winds prevented our reaching the open sea that day, or during the following night. i was equally disposed to run out again to the diego ramirez--to look at the coast west of false cape for about ten miles--or to run for the bay of st. francis; but the { } wind failed entirely. during the night we had a breeze that would have carried us down to the latter spot, but wishing to see, and take bearings of the land as i went, i did not profit by it; and in the morning was baffled with light airs and a current setting to the northward. " th. during the early part of the day we had light variable winds, scarcely sufficient to help us against the current which seemed to set constantly into the bay, from the sea, at the rate of about one knot an hour. the manner in which our compasses were affected in this bay was remarkable; all of them being extremely sluggish, and, unless continually shaken, they did not show the proper magnetic bearings, or agree together, nearer than two points. i sharpened the centres with much care, and examined the agate caps, without improving the results. the compasses considered the best in other places, were here as bad as the worst; an excellent one, upon alexander's principle, with central jimbals, being nearly useless. in trying the compasses on shore, the heavy cards with large needles had been less affected by local influence than light delicate cards of kater: the heavy ones having averaged ° variation along the whole coast, though kater's differed in some places as much as from ° to °; agreeing nearly with each other, but not with gilbert's or alexander's compasses, in both of which were cards comparatively heavy. "we passed much too close to west cape, but having fortunately cleared it, ran along the land before a moderate breeze, and rounded cape spencer at dusk. the weather was so thick that cape horn could not be seen, and we mistook the former for the famous cape; especially as, in that view, the lower part of cape spencer looked like the head of a double-horned rhinoceros: but as we drew nearer, cape horn appeared. the wind failed as we entered the bay of st. francis, and left us to the alternative of anchoring in deep water, or driving about with the current: we therefore anchored off san joachim cove, near the seal rock. the night proved fine, so we lay quietly till next morning, and then made sail to a breeze from the northward and anchored in san martin { } cove. i afterwards went in a boat to horn island, to ascertain the nature of the landing, and whether it was practicable to carry any instruments to the summit of the cape. many places were found where a boat might land; and more than one spot where she could be hauled ashore: so that taking instruments to the summit did not seem likely to be a very difficult task. as the weather continued favourable i returned on board that night, and the next morning ( th) arranged for a visit to cape horn; a memorial having been previously prepared, and securely enclosed in a stone jar. "after taking observations at noon for latitude, we set out, carrying five days' provisions, a good chronometer, and other instruments. we landed before dark, hauled our boat up in safety on the north-east side, and established ourselves for the night on horn island. " th. at daybreak we commenced our walk across the island, each carrying his load; and by the time the sun was high enough for observing, were near the summit, and exactly in its meridian; so we stopped while i took two sets of sights and a round of angles. soon afterwards we reached the highest point of the cape, and immediately began our work; i and my coxswain, with the instruments; and lieut. kempe with the boat's crew raising a pile of stones over the memorial. "at first the diego ramirez islands were seen, but before i could get the theodolite fixed and adjusted, the horizon became hazy. at noon satisfactory sets of circum-meridional altitudes were obtained with two good sextants. a round of angles, compass bearings for the variation, and good afternoon sights for time completed our success. the pile made over our memorial was eight feet high, and in it were stones which required the united exertions of all seven men to raise to the top. we drank the health of his majesty king george the fourth, and gave three hearty cheers, standing round the union jack. directly all was finished we travelled towards our boat as fast as possible: but darkness surrounded us before we were more than half-way. those who had loads which would not be hurt by tumbling about among bushes, travelled on; but, having the chronometer and a sextant to take care of, i waited till one of the men returned with a lantern. all reached the boat before nine o'clock, without losing or injuring any thing; but the cargo of stones, for specimens, which each brought back, delayed our returning progress materially. [illustration: c. martens s. bull north-east side of wollaston island near cape horn. published by henry colburn, great marlborough street, ] { } "at day-light ( st) we launched and stowed our boat, and set out on our return. we reached the ship that afternoon, well laden with fragments of cape horn. " d. since the end of march the weather had been more settled, and much finer than we had yet had it on any part of the coast; but our visit to horn island was only just in time, for it soon changed again to blowing and raining. being close to the head of the cove, we did not feel the williwaws--though they appeared to blow sharply enough about the middle of it. i did not wonder at the american, whom we met in the strait of magalhaens, saying that he saw 'marks of a very large establishment;' for the head of this cove appeared to have been colonized by the chanticleer, so many remains of wooden roads and wooden houses were visible every where. " d- th. bad weather. i was waiting anxiously for an opportunity of getting a true bearing of diego ramirez, from the top of kater peak, or cape spencer, to cross the bearings obtained from henderson island. " th. i went up to the summit of the peak, but found so thick a haze, that no distant object could be seen. leaving the instruments at the top, after taking a few angles, and observations of the sun for true bearings, i descended, and afterwards examined st. bernard cove, which appeared to be a good harbour. by comparing the old charts with this place and nassau bay, i became convinced that there had been a great mistake, and that the bay of nassau is, or rather was, the bay of st. francis; and that the plan given in the admiralty charts is a very fair sketch of its west side, from false cape to packsaddle island; but the bottom and east side of the bay are evidently put in at random, and would have been better left out to give place to the words, 'land was seen in this direction.' neither in shape, bearings, distance, or { } soundings, does that plan correspond with the place now called st. francis bay; but it does agree very closely, considering the date of its being made, with the part i have mentioned. the words cape horn may have misled the compiler, as the plan does not show any latitude or longitude, and those who since visited the place, previously to the beagle's arrival, had not been in nassau bay. " th. another fine day. i went up the peak again and obtained the desired angles; but diego ramirez appeared nearly as distant as when seen from the top of henderson island. meanwhile the beagle was unmoored and got under sail. i reached her outside the cove, and stood to seaward; but the day was too fine, there being little or no wind till dark, when a light breeze carried us out of the bay. i steered for the diego ramirez islands, anxious to profit by the fine weather, and examine them more closely. " th. the water being smooth, we had a good opportunity of taking angles for placing the coast between west cape and cape spencer, which completed what was wanting in that part; afterwards, we again steered towards the diego ramirez. " th. a fine morning with a fresh breeze, just such as we desired. having kept our wind under easy sail during the night, we bore up, and, at daylight, ran along the east side of the rocky cluster, the wind being from the n.e. we hove-to frequently to take angles and soundings, and sailed quite round the islands at the average distance of half a mile, and then stood away to the northward. they are quite similar to the ildefonsos; the top of a ridge of hills showing above the water, and broken through by the sea. the two largest are about two hundred feet high, and are covered with tussac: there is a shingle beach on one (the second in size), where a boat may be hauled up in safety; and there is enough good water on the east side of the same island to supply thirty men. a furious surf breaks against the west shore, and sends a spray over the whole island. there is no sheltered anchorage for a vessel: for though she might bring up in deep water, on the eastern side of the group, for a short time, she would even then risk { } losing her anchor. the least water i found was fifty fathoms, though weddell's chart shows that there is less than forty off the s.e. end. the heavy swell prevented my landing; but the appearance of the rocks induced me to suppose that they were greenstone. if not of that nature, and similar to the rock about cape horn, they may be of very hard sandstone. " th. in this climate, during the few intervals of settled fine weather, the sky is frequently overcast soon after sunset, and a slight shower falls. i noticed this frequently here, as well as during the preceding april, may, and june, in the strait. "we stood into the bay which lies between false cape and new year sound; but it offered nothing inviting to a ship, being a leeward bight, with rocks and islets scattered along it near the shore. perhaps there is shelter for a vessel amongst them; but i would not choose their neighbourhood, if it could be avoided, as the bay is exposed to the s.w. winds, which on this coast are the worst. the breeze freshening, and drawing to the northward, enabled us to reach cape spencer in the evening, when, as the weather promised ill, i was glad to anchor in eighteen fathoms, over a sandy bottom, off the entrance of san joachim cove. "expecting wind, we sent top-gallant masts on deck, braced up, and veered to eighty fathoms. after eight the weather cleared, and appeared likely to remain fine, but the glasses continued to fall. at ten a sudden heavy squall came over the land, and the tops of the hills became thickly covered with clouds. successive furious gusts followed: we let go a second anchor, and veered a whole cable on each. the squalls came most violently from the s.w., and in half an hour the bank of clouds disappeared; but a strong gale from s.w. continued till daylight, when it moderated. cape spencer protected us very well, both from wind and sea: should a ship wish to enter san martin cove, and the wind or daylight fail her, she will find this spot a convenient stopping-place. " th. the beagle unmoored, got under sail, and stood towards cape horn: at noon she was close to the famous cape, with beautifully fine weather, more like the climate of { } madeira than that of fifty-six south latitude. during this day i had excellent opportunities of taking angles, bearings, and soundings, which i hoped would be sufficient for the south and east sides of the hermite islands. the following night we worked to the northward, near the barnevelt islands, the weather being fine, and the moon shining brightly. "may st. a beautiful day--may-day indeed. i landed on the barnevelt islands, and took sights for time, latitude, and true bearing, besides a round of angles, while the beagle was making slow progress to the northward, the wind being very light, and variable. there is no good landing-place on those islands; but as the water was then comparatively smooth, we were enabled to land upon a steep rocky part, where the surf did not break much. they are two low islets, lying nearly north and south, covered with grass, tussac, and weeds. the largest is about half a mile long, and one-third of a mile wide; the other is about two cables' length square. several rocks lie off the south end, towards both the east and west; and one above water lies detached, towards the hermite islands, nearly in mid-channel: but no other appearance of danger was visible. the angles gained here, crossing those from orange bay, bounded the hermite islands towards the north--though the detail of their coast-line, northwards, yet remained to be ascertained. " d. as fine a day as the preceding. we were close to evouts, an islet similar to the barnevelts, but rather higher. the weather enabled mr. wilson to continue his sketches of the coast: but indeed no part along which we sailed had been quite omitted. in the afternoon we closed the shore near new island, and were looking out sharply for banks and shoals, fancying, because the land looked lower, and the nassau flat had shoal soundings, that we should find banks detached from the land. shoaler water we certainly found, compared with that to which we had been lately accustomed, namely, from fifteen to twenty fathoms, gradually decreasing as we neared the shore, but we never had less than ten till we were standing into a harbour in the evening. i could here trace no { } resemblance whatever to any published chart; but seeing a place at the back of some low islets which appeared likely to afford sheltered anchorage, we steered for it, and at sunset anchored in a well-sheltered harbour on the east side of a large island, to the west of new island. the water shoaled gradually, over a fine sandy bottom; but we ran in rather too far, and had only three fathoms after veering cable, so we were obliged to shift our berth. " d. mr. murray prepared to go along the coast towards cape good success, carrying one of the chronometers, and other necessary instruments, and taking three weeks' provisions. he set out, in a whale-boat, with six men, well armed and equipped in every way. having despatched the master, i prepared for an excursion into the interior passages of this part of tierra del fuego: while mr. stokes, in another boat, was to continue the survey of the coast from the east side of the head of nassau bay to the vicinity of new island; and lieut. kempe would take care of the ship, and forward her refitting, besides wooding and watering. * * * * * { } chapter xxiii. set out in boats--find guanacoes--murray narrow--birch fungus--tide-- channel--glaciers--view--mountains--unbroken chain--passages-- steam-vessels--jemmy button--puma--nest--accident--natives--murray's journal--cape graham--cape kinnaird--spaniard harbour--valentyn bay--cape good success--natives--lennox island--strait le maire--good success bay-- accident--tide race--san vicente--san diego--tides--soundings--north-east coast--san sebastian--reflections--port desire--monte video--santa catalina--rio de janeiro. " th. mr. stokes and i each began another trip in the boats, taking chronometers, and the necessary instruments. he steered to the northward, to get to the mainland; i kept outside to the south-westward, to make the most direct course towards the communication between nassau bay and the newly discovered passage or channel. i was surprised to find that the eastern shore of nassau bay resembled much of the coast of patagonia (being a stratum of earth without rock), and differed entirely from the general character of the coasts and islands of tierra del fuego. at sunset we landed, and hauled up our boat on a shingle beach which extended several miles, and upon walking only a few yards inland i saw the prints of large cloven hoofs, almost the size of those of a cow. this discovery gave an answer to the question about the guanaco skins and bones found among the fuegians, but made me less sanguine of finding a passage northward through the interior of the country. much brushwood was found near this place; and a profusion of rich grass covered an extensive plain. " th. we launched the boat, and continued our course along-shore, finding rather shoal water (three to six fathoms within about half a mile), with a very thick bed of kelp, through which it was difficult to force the boat. we had not advanced far, when, passing round a low point of land, we saw { } four fine guanacoes feeding close to the water. they did not seem to be much alarmed; but walked away from us round a projecting part of the shore, which prevented our getting a shot at them. they appeared to be much larger than those i had seen near port desire, on the patagonian coast, their bodies being far heavier, and their tails longer and more bushy. these differences might be the natural result of a different climate, as cool weather, with plenty of food and water, would probably increase their size. i would not delay, on their account, hoping to fall in with others, but pushed on along the shore. these animals were near what is called in the chart 'windhond bay.' in the afternoon, we were again among rocky mountains and deep-water shores, and being so fortunate as to get a fresh breeze from the s.e., made much progress before night. we saw several canoes, full of natives; but did not turn aside to speak to them, as time was too precious. " th. a very cold and blowing morning, the wind being against us, yet we made better progress than i had hoped for, as our boat proved to be so excellent; and whether sailing or pulling, was all we could wish for. this night we bivouacked close to the murray narrow, but took care not to land till after dark, and then carefully concealed the fire, so that our rest might not be disturbed by visits from the fuegians. a sharp look-out was, of course, kept by the watch; and by my two dogs, who were very useful in that way. " th. soon after we set out, many canoes were seen in chase of us; but though they paddled fast in smooth water, our boat moved too quickly for them to succeed in their endeavours to barter with us, or to gratify their curiosity. the murray narrow is the only passage into the long channel which runs so nearly east and west. a strong tide sets through it, the flood coming from the channel. on each side is rather low land, rising quickly into hills, behind which are mountains: those on the west side being high, and covered with snow. when we stopped to cook and eat our dinner, canoes came from all sides, bringing plenty of fish for barter. none of the natives had any arms; they seemed to be smaller in size, and less disposed { } to be mischievous, than the western race: their language sounded similar to that of the natives whom we saw in orange bay. we found a very large wigwam, built in a substantial manner, and a much better place to live in than many of the huts which are called houses in chilóe. i think twenty men might have stood upright in it, in a circle; but, probably, of these fuegians, it would house thirty or forty in the cold weather. "while our men were making a fire and cooking, i walked into the wood, but found it bore little resemblance to that which our eyes had lately been accustomed to. the trees were mostly birch, but grew tall and straight. the ground was dry and covered with withered leaves, which crackled as i walked; whereas, in other parts where we had lately passed our time, the splashing sound of wet, marshy soil had always attended our footsteps, when not on rock. these fuegians appeared to think the excrescences which grow on the birch trees, like the gall-nuts on an oak, an estimable dainty. they offered us several, some as large as an apple, and seemed surprised at our refusal. most of them had a small piece of guanaco, or seal-skin, on their shoulders or bodies, but not enough for warmth: perhaps they did not willingly approach strangers with their usual skin dress about them, their first impulse, on seeing us, being to hide it. several, whom i surprised at their wigwams, had large skins round their bodies, which they concealed directly they saw me. fish and the birch fungus must be their chief food, for shell-fish are scarce and small; but they catch an abundance of excellent rock-fish, smelt, and what might be called a yellow mullet. guanaco meat may occasionally be obtained by them, but not in sufficient quantity to be depended upon as an article of daily subsistence. "leaving the natives, we sailed across towards the western arm of the long channel, and continued making our way westward, with oar and sail, until dusk, when we landed, unperceived, as we thought, and established ourselves for the night. just as we had moored the boat, kindled a fire, and pitched our tent, a canoe came into the cove; another and another followed, until we were surrounded with natives. knowing { } we must either drive them away by force, or be plagued with them all night, we at once packed up our things, and wished them good evening. about three miles further westward, we again landed, and fixed our tent in a cove, which gave us good shelter through the night, without any interruption. it was high water this afternoon at four o'clock (being the day of full moon), and the tide rose three feet. the channel here, and opposite the narrow, is about three miles wide; on its north side is an unbroken line of high mountains, covered with snow to within about a thousand feet of the water. southward are likewise snow-covered heights, so that the channel is formed by the valley lying between two parallel ridges of high mountains. " th. this morning it froze very sharply. we started at sun-rise, with a fine breeze from the eastward, and made a long run before it. the channel preserved the same character, and nearly the same width; on the north, the mountains continued without any opening; but a few miles farther, we saw what appeared to be one. i soon found that there was one passage leading westward, and another rather to the southward of west, which appeared to open into the sea. the easterly breeze failing, and squalls from the n.w. succeeding, we did not make much progress in the afternoon; yet before dark had reached the place where the two channels commence, and stopped for the night on a small island. soon after dark, one of the boat's crew was startled by two large eyes staring at him, out of a thick bush, and he ran to his companions, saying he had seen the devil! a hearty laugh at his expense was followed by a shot at the bush, which brought to the ground a magnificent horned owl. "next day, we continued our westerly route. no natives were seen, though a few wigwams, of the round-topped kind, were passed. the westernmost sharp-pointed, or yapoo wigwam, was on the main-land, close to the island of the devil; it was made of small trees, piled up in a circle (the branches and roots having been broken off) with the smaller ends meeting at the top. the boat's crew said it had been a 'meeting-house,' and perhaps they were not far wrong; for being so { } large, and just on what might be called neutral ground between the two tribes, it is not unlikely that there may have been many a meeting there--perhaps many a battle. at the separation, or meeting of the two channels, it was high water at a quarter before five this morning, and the flood came from the west, about a knot an hour; the ebb-tide set to the west at about half that strength. much drift-wood and large fragments of ice were carried along with it. between some of the mountains the ice extended so widely as to form immense glaciers, which were faced, towards the water, by lofty cliffs. during a beautifully fine and still night, the view from our fireside, in this narrow channel, was most striking, though confined. thickly-wooded and very steep mountains shut us in on three sides, and opposite, distant only a few miles, rose an immense barrier of snow-covered mountains, on which the moon was shining brightly. the water between was so glassy, that their outline might be distinctly traced in it: but a death-like stillness was sometimes broken by masses of ice falling from the opposite glaciers, which crashed, and reverberated around--like eruptions of a distant volcano. " . before daylight this morning, we were on our oars; and by the time the sun was high enough for observing, were many miles westward of our resting-place. after sights, while the men were cooking, i obtained a few bearings, and prepared to return, not intending to go further westward. i saw water from that spot, more than twenty miles to the west (by compass); and then my view was limited by the channel turning towards the south. in those twenty miles, not the slightest appearance of an opening to the northward could be seen; mountain succeeded mountain, in unbroken succession. three ridges, or ranges, could be traced, lying parallel to each other; and the nearest summits of those in the third, or furthest range, stretching from the northward and eastward of me, and continuing, as far as eye could reach, towards the north and west, were at least five leagues distant. their height i supposed to be about four thousand feet: that of those nearest to me, about two thousand: and of those in the middle range, mentioned { } just now, about three thousand. at a distance, the channel appeared to trend to the southward of west, and there the sides of the mountains seemed to be very bare, and weather-beaten, while near me they were covered with wood. this led me to conclude that farther westward they were open to the sea winds, and that there the channel ended. by the observations, i found that we were[ ] nearly in the longitude of christmas sound, and in latitude ° ' s., being therefore twenty miles south of the end of admiralty sound, but considerably to the westward of it. this position, and the bearings and estimated distances, showed me that the other arm of this long channel opened near the spot where mr. murray laid down (near the head of christmas sound) a 'channel, running to the eastward, beyond eyesight;' and that the branch in which i was must lead towards the bay or sound to the n.w. of christmas sound, at the base of very high land, which mr. murray laid down as 'an unbroken range of snow-covered mountains.' the time of high water in this channel exactly corresponded with that on the adjacent sea-coast, but did not nearly agree with that of the strait of magalhaens. these facts, and the appearance of the land, removed every doubt in my mind of the existence of an unbroken chain of mountains, reaching from the barbara channel to the bell mountain, and i therefore decided to spend no further time in searching thereabouts for a passage northward, but make all haste to examine the exterior shores. "the channel here was about a mile wide, but the mountains on each side rising so abruptly, made it appear much narrower. it might be a good passage for a ship to sail through, from the westward, were it not for the trouble and anxiety of getting in with the land at the right place; and that a ship might sail on her course, in the open sea, by night as well as by day; but here she could hardly choose to run at night, because there are a few low islets, near mid-channel, in some parts. for a boat, in case of shipwreck, or other urgent reason, it might be convenient: but going through to the westward would be very difficult, because it would be { } necessary to ply to windward all day, and every day, making half-mile boards in defiance of squalls strong enough to capsize a vessel. a steam-vessel might answer in this region, as there is plenty of wood every where. directly the noon observations were finished, and the instruments safely stowed, we began our return, and as a fresh breeze sprung up from the westward, we dashed along with a favouring tide at a great rate. " th. next day we landed, for dinner and rest, near the murray narrow, and close to a wigwam, whose inmates ran away; but soon returned, on seeing us seated quietly by their fire. we bought fish from them for beads, buttons, &c., and gave a knife for a very fine dog, which they were extremely reluctant to part with; but the knife was too great a temptation to be resisted, though dogs seemed very scarce and proportionably valuable. afterwards we continued our route, but were stopped when in sight of the narrow by three canoes full of natives, anxious for barter. we gave them a few beads and buttons, for some fish; and, without any previous intention, i told one of the boys in a canoe to come into our boat, and gave the man who was with him a large shining mother-of-pearl button. the boy got into my boat directly, and sat down. seeing him and his friends seem quite contented, i pulled onwards, and, a light breeze springing up, made sail. thinking that this accidental occurrence might prove useful to the natives, as well as to ourselves, i determined to take advantage of it. the canoe, from which the boy came, paddled towards the shore; but the others still paddled after us, holding up fish and skins to tempt us to trade with them. the breeze freshening in our favour, and a strong tide, soon carried us through the narrow, and half an hour after dark we stopped in a cove, where we had passed the second night of this excursion. 'jemmy button,' as the boat's crew called him, on account of his price, seemed to be pleased at his change, and fancied he was going to kill guanaco, or w[)a]n[)a]k[=a]ye, as he called them--as they were to be found near that place. " th. we continued our course with a fresh and favouring { } breeze from the n.e.; passed windhond bay, and at sunset hauled the boat up, though a surf on the stony beach made it a difficult task. several guanacoes were seen near the shore as we passed along. "at daylight this morning ( th), we went in search of guanacoes; but, seeing none, soon returned to the boat, and launched her. i lost my new dog in the bushes, yet we could not stop to recover him. during our walk this morning, i observed traces of a large land-animal, which i supposed to be a puma; and two of the men noticed a place, like a large nest, made in the trees by the natives, in which i have no doubt they watch for the guanacoes, to spear them as they pass underneath. we reached the beagle in the evening, and found all well on board excepting one man, who, in carrying a guanaco,[ ] shot by the cutter's crew, had slipped and broken his leg. mr. stokes, with whom he was, contrived to set it for him; but very properly made the best of his way to our ship with the man, whose leg was there found to be so well set, and bandaged up with splints, by those in the boat, that the surgeon had nothing to alter. mr. stokes went away again directly; and both he and mr. murray were absent at my return; but lieut. kempe, with the few men left on board, had done what was required, and gave a good account of the harbour, with respect to safety as well as shelter from wind. ten canoes had come, at different times, to the ship; but the natives were extremely quiet and inoffensive, and sold our people a large quantity of fish. by success in shooting, lieut. kempe had been enabled to stop the issue of salt provisions for two days. our fuegians were in high spirits, and the meeting between them and jemmy button was droll enough: they laughed at him, called him yapoo, and told us to put more clothes on him directly. " th. mr. murray returned from his excursion to cape good success, having done all that was expected, but not without incurring considerable danger on so exposed a coast. had not his boat been a very fine one, his crew good, and { } he himself a most skilful manager, i do not think he could have gone so far along an unprotected shore, through 'races' of tide, and yet have returned in safety." the following are extracts from his journal. "'near cape graham we saw a large party of indians, with several canoes, one of which, paddled by two men and a woman, came alongside of our boat, and they sold us some fine fish, for the large price of two metal buttons and a small string of beads. finding no place at which i could land, on account of the rocks and heavy swell, we steered for the shore about fifteen miles to the northward. approaching a flat-topped bluff, covered with grass, i saw a large guanaco, and just afterwards a whole herd feeding, for which he seemed to be doing the duty of a sentinel. the shore was inviting, and earthy soil seemed abundant; but too many rocks showed their sharp points at the water's edge to allow of our landing. at last we found a small patch of shingle between two reefs of rocks, and there we succeeded in beaching the boat, through a heavy surf. i ascended a steep woody height to obtain a view of the neighbourhood, and found that for some miles the country was level, and apparently covered by thick grass. traces of, and paths made by, guanacoes, were very numerous in every direction. next day we pulled to the eastward against a tumbling sea, caused by a weather tide, and at sunset tried to land; but were disappointed, by finding that the shore was so fronted every where by rocks, that we could not approach. we therefore hastened towards a long reef of outlying rocks, which might afford some shelter, as a breakwater, during the night, but found such overfalls near them, that we were again obliged to continue our route alongshore in the dark. at last i heard the noise of a large waterfall, between the breakings of high surf on the rocks, and fancied a cove could be made out, towards which we cautiously advanced, sounding with the lead and a long pole, and succeeded in obtaining a place of temporary security. "'in passing along the shore on the following day, many herds of guanacoes were seen feeding. at night we again had { } much embarrassment in obtaining a place for the boat. on the th there was too much sea and wind to admit of our proceeding, so i went to various points suited for obtaining angles and bearings. one of these stations was a large rock, looking like a tower, which stood alone on a level plain. "'the weather being less unfavourable and the sea smoother on the th, we launched our boat and sailed to the eastward. in passing round cape kinnaird, great numbers of fur-seal were observed, so many indeed that they completely covered several of the large rocks. "'spaniard harbour proved to be a shallow bay, full of rocks, and dangerous reefs lining the shore, and without shelter, although there is anchorage for a vessel. "'in a large cave in a rock, which forms the south head of a little cove where our boat was secured, i found the recent traces of indians, who had left bones of guanacoes and birds lying about near the ashes of a large fire. i went into the cave for a considerable distance, until it became too dark to find my way farther, but did not reach the end. afterwards we sailed to the eastward again, under a treble reefed sail, and landed before dark in a corner between projecting rocks. numbers of guanacoes were feeding around; but, after our shooting one of them, they made off. in every place at which we landed, traces of indians had been found; yet hitherto we had seen only one party during this trip. the country near us, on the east side of spaniard harbour, or rather bay, seemed level, though here and there were low hills, whose eastern sides were thickly covered with wood: some of the trees (beech) growing large and straight enough to make topmasts or lower yards for a small ship; though probably their qualities would be unsuitable. "'may th. during a heavy gale, i ascended the highest hill, near the sea, and noticed many rocks, on which the sea was breaking, that i had not seen before. on the th we passed through a very dangerous 'tide-race' off bell cape. there was little or no wind, but it was scarcely possible to use our oars, so much was the water agitated: it was heaving { } and breaking in all directions, like water boiling in an immense caldron. when through, and again in safety, i was astonished at our fortunate escape. looking back upon it, only a mass of breakers could be seen, which passed rapidly to the westward, and therefore led me to suppose that the 'race' was caused by a meeting of tides; not by a strong tide passing over a rocky ledge. "'the land near bell cape is steep, high, and so rocky, that we could not find any place at which to land. we went into all the small coves, but they were so guarded by rocks as to be impracticable. sailing eastward, i at last found a small cove, near valentyn bay, in which we hauled the boat ashore. a small stream ran into it, near which were many wigwams, but no natives could be seen. "' th. we crossed valentyn bay, and landed near cape good success. i walked to the summit, and thence obtained a good view of staten island, on the east; and all the coast westward, as far as new island. in the north-east corner of valentyn bay, we found some indians, living in one large wigwam, without any canoes. there were eight men, each of whom had a bow and a few arrows in his hand, and all, except one, were clothed in guanaco-skins hanging down to their heels, the woolly side being outwards. we obtained several bows from them, by barter, but they were reluctant to part with many arrows. one of the number wore a large seal-skin, that i purchased with a knife, which, to my surprise, he distinctly called 'cuchillo.' they had some fine dogs, one being much like a young lion; but nothing we could offer seemed, in their eyes, to be considered an equivalent for his value. afterwards we examined valentyn bay, and found it unfit for vessels, being exposed to a heavy swell, and affording but bad anchorage. "'on the th and th, a heavy gale confined us to our cove, into which such numbers of wild-fowl came, for shelter i suppose, that we shot as many as we wanted. "'on the th, th, and th, we were returning to the beagle, not without meeting difficulties and risks similar to { } those already mentioned, but which it would be as tedious as unnecessary to relate.'" "soon after the master came alongside, mr. stokes also returned, having been a long way into the channel first discovered by mr. murray, and having examined all the shores about its eastern communication with the sea. he met many groups of indians, but managed so as not to have any collision or trouble with them. " th. digging in various places on lennox island, showed me that the soil is unlike that where the guanacoes were seen on navarin island, which is fit for cultivation; this being very moist, and too full of tussac and other roots, to be serviceable in any agricultural point of view. " th. natives had come alongside at various times, during the last few days, to sell fish for old buttons and other trifles. it was amusing to witness york and boat taking in these people, by their bargains. the same men who, two months back, would themselves have sold a number of fish for a bit of glass, were seen going about the decks collecting broken crockery-ware, or any trash, to exchange for the fish brought alongside by these 'yapoos,' as they called them; not one word of whose language did they appear to comprehend. lieut. kempe returned from an unsuccessful excursion to navarin island in search of guanacoes. he saw many, but could not get within shot. the footmarks of a puma were noticed by him in several places. " d. after obtaining a few sights of the sun, for the chronometer rates, we sailed from lennox harbour, a very secure place for small vessels; but, as it is rather shallow, ships drawing more than fourteen feet of water should anchor outside the entrance, where they would be safe, and in smooth water, excepting when a south-east gale blows, with which wind they would not, in all probability, wish to remain at anchor. the soundings are regular in the offing, and there is anchoring ground every where in the vicinity. wood and water may be obtained, in any quantity: wild fowl and fish are also to be had, but not in abundance. the easiest way { } of getting fish is to give bits of broken glass or buttons to the natives, who catch them in the kelp, by a baited line, without a hook, enticing the fish to the top of the water and then seizing them with the hand, or, if the fish has swallowed the bait, jerking it out of the water before it can disengage itself; as i mentioned before. "at daylight ( th), being off cape good success, we bore up, and ran towards the strait of le maire, with a fresh gale at south, and thick snow squalls. the strait appeared clear of all obstacles, no rocks, nor even kelp being visible. the shore from cape success to the north head of success bay is high and bold, with water for a ship as near to it as she could desire, or ought to go. we hauled our wind during a severe snow squall, lest we should run beyond the harbour, and afterwards bearing up, ran into good success bay, and anchored under the lee of its south head as a temporary berth. as soon as the ship was secure, i went to look for the best anchorage; and when it moderated, we weighed and shifted to a position where i supposed the ship secure when moored in smooth water, with sixty fathoms on our seaward anchor, and fifty on the other, the anchors lying respectively in eight and seven fathoms, over a clear, sandy bottom. the gale continued during the day, and towards night increased, drawing more to the eastward, and sending a swell into the bay. the wind was very cold, and the snow and hail froze fast, as they lodged upon any exposed part of the ship. between eight and nine it blew heavily; afterwards it became much more moderate; and at midnight there was only a fresh wind from e.s.e. a long swell then began to set into the bay from the same quarter; but the ship rode so easily, and the night seemed to be improving so fast, with the glass rising steadily, that i went to bed without an anxious thought respecting her safety: however, i was hardly asleep when i was told that the small bower, our seaward cable, had parted. i ran instantly upon deck, when finding the night fine, and no increase of swell, i thought at first it was a mistake; but was quickly set right by the ship turning her broadside to the swell, and dropping { } down upon her lee anchor. the critical nature of our situation at once struck me: it was evident, that the frost had rendered our chains, so often tried, a doubtful security against the jerk of rollers which occasionally set into the bay--one or two, perhaps, in half an hour--though the swell was at other times trifling. we veered a whole cable on the in-shore anchor (a small one, got at san carlos), cleared away and let go the sheet-anchor, shackled the remainder of the small bower chain to the best bower, and rode with two-thirds of a cable on the sheet, and a cable and a half on the bower, close to the beach, though in six fathoms water, keeping the cables constantly streaming wet at the hawse-holes, with sea-water, to prevent their freezing: the temperature of the water being °, though the snow and hail lay frozen on the weather-side of the masts. the link that broke, of the chain, was in the hawse exposed to a current of cold air through the hawse-hole. it certainly appeared defective, when examined next day; but as it had withstood many a heavy strain, i attribute its parting to the action of the frost, and would caution seamen to be on their guard when using chain cables in similar weather. the wind moderated, and the swell decreased towards morning; so we became again at ease with respect to the safety of the ship, after a few hours of anxious suspense, for we had no hemp cables, and were close to the surf of the shore. " th. the wind drawing southward brought the vessel's broadside to the swell, and prevented our getting the boats out for some time, as she rolled heavily, and i would not risk their being injured without absolute necessity. in the evening we crept for the end of the chain, weighed, and bent a stout hawser to it; and next day hove up the sheet anchor, and moored afresh, at a greater distance from the land. " th and th. blowing a furious gale of wind. "may th. the first tolerable day in this place was employed by the officers in taking bearings and soundings in the bay; and by the ship's company in wooding and watering. some wigwams and the traces of guanacoes' hoofs were seen, but the land is high, and being thickly wooded shut us out { } from the best guanaco country. i was not sure which was the height mr. banks ascended; but the broad road mentioned by cook is still a good mark for the bay, if the inbend of the land does not show it sufficiently. the weather here was colder than we had yet found it, the wind being so much in the south quarter; there were very sharp frosts at night, and snow lay deep, even close to the sea water-mark. "may th. i was in hopes of finding a harbour between cape san diego and cape san vicente, or a little farther along the coast, where we might be able to fix the position of cape san diego and the adjacent land; for i did not like sending a boat along this coast, the tides being so very strong, and the shore so rocky, without any inlets, where she could be secured at night. (during mr. murray's last trip, he was extremely fortunate in having a fine interval; as the coast he passed would have been impracticable for a boat in blowing weather. had these last strong southerly gales begun before he came back, his situation would have been extremely critical.) we therefore stood into the strait, the wind being variable and light with us, though blowing strongly over the tops of the hills, and striking the water nearest them in strong squalls. at half a mile from the land there was little wind; but from that distance to the shore was torn up by williwaws. this strange appearance must have been caused by the cold air rushing from the snow-covered hills and displacing the warmer air near the surface of the water. "with the ebb tide and what flaws of wind we could catch we stood to the southward, to get some angles and bearings, and see more of the shore between cape good success and the bay. in the afternoon we had a steady wind from n.n.w.; and having done what was necessary, to the southward, returned, and anchored after dark near the middle of the bay. "may st. at daylight this morning, we weighed and made sail with a fresh northerly breeze. i trusted to the weather improving, as the glasses were rising; but, indeed, our time was becoming too short to allow of a choice of days. we worked to the northward with the flood-tide, taking the required { } angles and bearings, and at noon were close to cape san diego, where the flood-tide opposed the north wind very strongly, and in addition to a heavy swell from the northward, made such an irregular high sea, as nearly caused the loss of our new boat, and would have damaged many a vessel. the weather became worse; and as the swell continued high from the northward, i was obliged to stand to sea, and carry a press of sail to keep off the land, which by that time was too much obscured by haze and clouds to admit of our running back. "june st. bad weather, with rain nearly all day. at about twelve miles to the northward of cape san vicente, by estimation, we stood off and on until in the latter part of the day we got a breeze from south, to which sail was made to close the land about cape san vicente. "at noon, on the d, we were well in-shore, and stood along the land, looking for a harbour. seeing a promising place, we anchored off it, in twenty-two fathoms water; and, as the night proved to be fine, remained quiet in smooth water, with the wind off the land, and a regular tide setting past the ship. "at daylight next morning, i went to look at the opening, which, from the masthead, seemed like a spacious harbour; but i found it to be so shallow an inlet, that at its entrance, just within the heads, there was no more than one fathom of water. nevertheless this cove must be the place which the spaniards dignified with the name of port san policarpo. "we weighed and sailed along-shore, but the wind being scant, and the tide against us, it was late before we could get into san vicente bay, where we anchored in a line between that cape and cape san diego, but nearest to the former. in a cove at the head of this bay, mr. banks landed when cook was here. during the night we were tossed about by a very heavy swell, opposing a strong tide; the wind being moderate, not enough to steady the vessel. "finding this morning (june th), that the swell was too high to allow a boat to be lowered in safety, i gave up my intention of examining the cove, and hastened back to the bay { } of good success, to complete wood and water, and obtain rates for the chronometers, previously to leaving the coast. wind and tide favoured us, and at noon we were moored in good success bay. soon afterwards i left the beagle, in my boat, with a week's provisions, intending to try to land near cape san diego, and thence walk to the cape with the instruments; but i found a cross swell in the strait, and a rocky shore without a place in which the boat could land: though i risked knocking her to pieces by trying to land in the only corner where there seemed to be any chance. after this escape i tried farther on, without success; by which time it became dark, and if i had not returned immediately, while the ebb-tide made, the flood would have begun and obliged me to lie at a grapnel, during a frosty night, in a strong tide-way, with the boat's crew wet through: i turned back, therefore, and pulled towards success bay, assisted by the tide, but the cockling sea it made half filled the boat more than once, and we were thankful when again safely on board the beagle. "having failed in this scheme for settling the latitude of cape san diego, i thought of effecting it by bringing the beagle to an anchor in the strait, two or three miles to the eastward of good success bay, and thence connecting the cape to known points by triangulation; the heads of this bay and cape good success, quite correctly placed, serving as the foundation. "june th. i obtained some sights of the sun this morning and observations at noon, besides bearings and angles to verify former ones. all hands were busy wooding and watering, preparatory to returning to monte video. a large albatross was shot by my coxswain, which measured nearly fourteen feet across the wings. " th. the snow which covered the ground when we were first here was quite gone, and the weather was comparatively mild. the frost at night was not more than in a common winter's night in england, the thermometer ranging from ° to °. the tide was carefully noticed this day, being full { } moon. it was high water at a quarter past four, and the tide rose seven feet. " th. we unmoored, weighed, stood to the eastward and anchored with the stream anchor, and a large hawser, in fifty fathoms water, about three miles from success bay. after taking the required angles and bearings we weighed at eleven, and stood towards cape san diego with the first of the flood. the tide being strong, we made rapid progress, and were soon out of the strait; but wishing to see as much of the n.e. coast as possible, in our progress northward, we hauled to the wind and kept near the land during the night, as the weather was fine and settled. "before leaving good success bay and the strait of le maire, i felt satisfied that we had acquainted ourselves with the tides, which are as regular and as little to be dreaded as in any part of the world where they run with strength. they will materially assist any vessel in her passage through the strait; which is very wide, perfectly free from obstacles of any kind, and has good success bay close at hand, in case wind or tide should fail. when the tide opposes the wind and swell, there is always a heavy, and, for small vessels, dangerous 'race' off cape san diego, where the water is more shoal than elsewhere (k), we found it so at a neap flood-tide, but let it be remembered that on another day, at the top of the springs, being the day after full moon, we passed the same spot, at half flood, with the water perfectly smooth, and although strong eddies were seen in every direction, the vessel's steerage was but little affected by them. it is high water in success bay soon after four in the afternoon, on the full and change days, and low water exactly at ten in the morning. the flood tide-stream begins to make to the northward about an hour after low water, and the ebb, to the southward, about the same time after high water. the tides rise from six to eight feet, perpendicularly. at cape pillar the turn of tide, with high water, is at noon: but along the s.w. and s.e. coast the time { } gradually increases to this coast. from cape san diego the flood tide sets north and west along the shore, from one knot to three knots each hour, as far as twenty miles along shore; and the ebb in a contrary direction, but not so strongly, except in san vicente bay. the flood in the strait of le maire runs about two knots in mid channel, more or less according to the wind, and the ebb about one knot an hour. perhaps, at times, when a strong spring tide is retarded in its progress by a northerly wind, there will be a dangerous overfall off cape san diego, like the bores in some parts of the world. "the soundings are tolerably regular, and may give notice of an approach to staten land, or to the n.e. coast, and may guide a ship to the fairway of the strait; but i should not place much confidence in them, near such a rocky coast as that of staten land. "good success bay is an excellent anchorage for vessels of any size to stop in for wood or water; but it would not answer if a vessel required to lie steady for repair, as a swell frequently rolls in. it is quite safe, yet, in the winter season, when easterly gales are common, no vessel should anchor so near the head of the bay as she might in summer; for heavy rollers at times (though rarely) set in. fish we did not try to get, not having spare time, and only a few birds were shot. "on the th, a very fine day with but little wind, we were off the flat-topped hill, called the table of orozco; and, from the mast-head, i had an extensive view of the adjacent country. about success bay and bell mount the land is high, but north of success bay it slopes away towards cape san diego, which is a long, low, projecting point. thence, as far as i could see, the n.e. coast extended, low, excepting a few hills here and there, and unbroken by inlets; the country near it being a pleasant looking hill and dale land, well wooded and quite free from snow. i could distinguish a snow-covered chain of mountains which must have lain near admiralty sound, the country on this side of them appearing to be a continued succession of hill and valley, with only a few of the hills capped with snow, although this was the depth of winter. { } smoke was seen at but one place, about two miles inland. in the evening we got a breeze off shore, and stood along the coast, the moon shining brightly and the weather being fine. i kept rather close to the land, during the night, in order to be near the entrance of the supposed st. sebastian channel in the morning. "at midnight cape santa inez was distant from us three or four miles, but thence we saw very little of the land, till three, near cape peñas, after which the weather became thick, and the wind drew round to the n.e., which made me keep more off shore until daylight ( th), when we bore up and stood for the land. having found cape santa inez and cape peñas correctly laid down on the chart we used, i thought cape st. sebastian would not be far wrong, and we had taken several observations during the early part of the night to correct our reckoning. standing towards the shore, we quickly shoaled our water, and found a ground swell increasing. having made what i supposed to be cape sebastian, and seeing from the mast-head a large opening to the northward of it similar to that laid down in the chart, with low distant land yet farther northward corresponding to the shores of 'bahia de nombre de jesus,' i stood on confidently, thinking how well the chart of this coast had been laid down, and regardless of the soundings decreasing as we went on. seeing, however, from the mast-head, what seemed to be a tide-ripple, two or three miles distant, i called the boatswain, who had been much among the tide-races on this coast, to ask his opinion of it: but before he could get up aloft to me, i saw that it was very low land, almost level with the sea, and what i thought the ripple, was the surf on the beach. standing on a little farther we had but seven fathoms water over a bottom of dark muddy sand, with bits of black slate. at this time, the weather had cleared enough to see the land fifteen or twenty miles on each side, but nothing like an opening appearing, on the contrary, a plain extending to the westward, as horizontal as the sea, i hauled to the wind and stood alongshore to the s.e., to look for an inlet, fancying { } i had overshot the proper place; especially as the land continued flat, and unbroken, for many miles to the n.w., while to the s.e. it seemed hilly and irregular. "having ranged along shore several miles, yet still seeing from the mast-head a continuation of the same kind of coast-line, as far as an eye could trace the surf on the beach, without any opening, we wore ship and stood to the northward, satisfied that the st. sebastian channel did not exist within many miles of the position laid down in the chart. "in the afternoon the weather became very thick, with rain, a fresh wind blowing right on shore, and the glasses falling; so we carried sail to get off the land and out of the shoal water, in which there was a heavy ground swell. at midnight we had obtained a good offing. "on the th, a fresh breeze from the n.e., a low glass, and thick weather, with constant rain, would have prevented my nearing the land again if i had been disposed to do so. though reluctant to leave any part of the coast of tierra del fuego unexplored, while i had so effective a vessel, and all with me in good health, i was bound to remember our distance from the appointed rendezvous; the state of our provisions, of which we had only three weeks left on board; and that i was ordered to be at rio de janeiro on the th of this month. i therefore decided to hasten to port desire, for the sake of the chronometer measurements; and from thence proceed to monte video and rio de janeiro. i had previously made up my mind to carry the fuegians, whom we had with us, to england; trusting that the ultimate benefits arising from their acquaintance with our habits and language, would make up for the temporary separation from their own country. but this decision was not contemplated when i first took them on board; i then only thought of detaining them while we were on their coasts; yet afterwards finding that they were happy and in good health, i began to think of the various advantages which might result to them and their countrymen, as well as to us, by taking them to england, educating them there as far as might be practicable, and then { } bringing them back to tierra del fuego. these ideas were confirmed by finding that the tribes of fuegians, eastward of christmas sound, were hostile to york minster's tribe, and that therefore we could not, in common humanity, land them in nassau bay or near the strait of le maire. neither could i put the boy ashore again, when once to the eastward of nassau bay, without risking his life; hence i had only the alternative of beating to the westward, to land them in their own districts, which circumstances rendered impracticable, or that of taking them to england. in adopting the latter course i incurred a deep responsibility, but was fully aware of what i was undertaking. "the fuegians were much slower in learning english than i expected from their quickness in mimickry, but they understood clearly when we left the coast that they would return to their country at a future time, with iron, tools, clothes, and knowledge which they might spread among their countrymen. they helped the crew whenever required; were extremely tractable and good-humoured, even taking pains to walk properly, and get over the crouching posture of their countrymen. "when we were at anchor in good success bay, they went ashore with me more than once, and occasionally took an oar in the boat, without appearing to harbour a thought of escape. "during the night of the th, we were near the land about sea bear bay; the wind, however, drew to the northward, and with a strong current setting to the s.e., drove us off again. "the th was foggy; clouds preventing any observations, but at three in the afternoon we made the land, a little north of port desire, near what is called in the chart 'rivers peak.' the wind having hauled to the southward, and the current setting northward, prevented our approaching nearer to the port on that day. "at daylight on the th, we were again off rivers peak, notwithstanding our having carried a press of sail in order to make southing during the night. we were set twenty miles to the northward during that time; but a slant of wind and { } the turn of tide in our favour carried us towards the entrance of the harbour, into which we worked, the tide of ebb having just ended; and we moored abreast of the ruins. my first care was to look for traces of the adventure or adelaide, but i found none. a bottle which i had deposited for the adelaide, at our last visit, by captain king's direction, was exactly where i then left it, and the papers it contained were untouched. while in this port i got good observations, the weather being clear, though very cold. no guanacoes were shot although many were seen, but numbers of sea-birds were brought on board.[ ] a quince was given to me which was found in a place where the spanish colony had made a garden. we remarked that the tracks of the guanacoes on shore here were not so large, by one-half, as those we had so lately seen in tierra del fuego. having noticed the currents particularly, in order to compare them with what i observed formerly and with the tide in the port; i can now say, decidedly, that the flood tide comes from the southward, and that the ebb sets to the south-east. north of port desire, or from port desire to cape blanco, the flood is much the strongest, but off penguin island the ebb is, i think, the strongest, setting two or three knots an hour. it is high-water and slack-water, in port desire, at half-past twelve, on the days of full and change. the tides, if not attended to, would baffle a ship much in making this port. "on the st we sailed, with a fresh breeze from the s.w.; and at nine a.m. on the th when about one mile southward of the alleged position of the ariel rocks, and near the nominal longitude, i hauled to the wind and ran some distance on their parallel, looking out for broken water. there was a very irregular and heavy swell, as much as would be raised by a gale of wind, but caused apparently by a current; and while waiting for the meridian altitude, before bearing up, having run twenty miles on the same parallel, a heavy swell rose on the quarter, which struck our weather quarter boat, and turned { } her in upon the deck, breaking both iron davits. one of the davits of the lee-boat was also unshipped by the jerk, and the after-part of the vessel well drenched with water. we secured both boats again, but the one to windward was badly stove. for a moment, i thought we had indeed found the rocks, and the huge black back of a dead whale which just then shewed itself very near the vessel, much increased the sensation. i imagined that we were in a meeting of tides or currents; where old trees, dead whales, &c. are often found, and have frequently caused reports of rocks; for the water was not more shallow than we had found it during the day, the soundings having varied from forty to fifty fathoms; so having obtained the meridional altitude we bore up, and steered our course again. "on the th we entered the plata, and at one a.m. on the th, lobos island was seen, and soon afterwards the high land about pan de azucar. we continued working to the westward, and at daylight were off whale point, but the wind fell light, and the current being against us, we lost during the day what had been gained in the night. at seven p.m. the current set so strongly out of the river that we were obliged to drop a kedge with a stout hawser, and ride by it, though keeping all sail set and going between four and five knots through the water. when the hawser bore a strain, the log was hove, and the current found to be setting more than five knots. this was off maldonado; lobos bearing n.n.e., distant four miles. soon after nine the stream slacked, we tripped the kedge and worked up the river, the wind being still westerly, but the current having turned in our favour. the u.s. frigate hudson passed, steering to the eastward:--she was the first sail we had seen since leaving san carlos de chilóe. at daylight next morning ( th), we were in sight of flores lighthouse, which was reported to be a vessel under sail. soon after which another vessel was reported as being under all studding sails; this was the mount itself: so curiously were objects distorted by the haze. soon after noon we anchored off monte video, and from captain talbot, of h.m.s. algerine, i heard of the arrival there, and subsequent departure of the adventure and the adelaide. { } "on the th of july we sailed from monte video,--on the th made the high land over the island of santa catharina, and after dark anchored in the bay. my object in calling there was to continue the chronometric chain, between tierra del fuego and rio de janeiro, by as short intervals as possible: and the results so obtained proved to be very satisfactory. "while in monte video i tried to have the fuegians vaccinated, but the virus did not take any effect on them. little fuegia was living several days with an english family, who were extremely kind to her; and the others were on shore at different times with me. no one noticed them; being so very like the indians of the neighbourhood. "the apparent astonishment and curiosity excited by what they saw, extraordinary to them as the whole scene must have been, were much less than i had anticipated; yet their conduct was interesting, and each day they became more communicative. it was here that i first learned from them that they made a practice of eating their enemies taken in war. the women, they explained to me, eat the arms; and the men the legs; the trunk and head were always thrown into the sea. "on the d we sailed from santa catalina; and on the d of august anchored in the harbour of rio de janeiro." here the extracts from captain fitz roy's journal end. the adventure and the beagle sailed together from rio de janeiro on the th of august, having left the adelaide as a tender to the flag-ship, but reimbarked her officers and crew; and, after a most tedious passage, anchored in plymouth sound on the th of october. both vessels were soon afterwards paid off; the beagle at plymouth, and the adventure at woolwich. [illustration: engraved by j. gardner. published by henry colburn, great marlborough street, .] * * * * * { } chapter xxiv. a few nautical remarks upon the passage round cape horn; and upon that through the strait of magalhaens, or magellan. ships bound from the atlantic to any of the ports in the pacific, will find it advantageous to keep within one hundred miles of the coast of eastern patagonia, as well to avoid the heavy sea that is raised by the westerly gales, which prevail to the eastward, and increase in strength according to the distance from the land, as to profit by the variableness of the wind when it is in the western board. near the coast, from april to september, when the sun has north declination, the winds prevail more from the w.n.w. to n.n.w. than from any other quarter. easterly gales are of very rare occurrence, but even when they do blow, the direction being obliquely upon the coast, i do not consider it at all hazardous to keep the land on board. in the opposite season, when the sun has south declination, the winds will incline from the southward of west, and frequently blow hard; but, as the coast is a weather shore, the sea goes down immediately after the gale. in this season, although the winds are generally against a ship's making quick progress, yet as they seldom remain fixed in one point, and frequently shift backward and forward six or eight points in as many hours, advantage may be taken of the change so as to keep close in with the coast. having once made the land, which should be done to the southward of cape blanco, it will be beneficial to keep it topping on the horizon, until the entrance of the strait of magalhaens be passed. with respect to this part of the voyage, whether to pass through strait le maire or round staten island, much difference of opinion exists. prudence, i think, suggests the { } latter; yet i should very reluctantly give up the opportunity that might offer of clearing the strait, and therefore of being so much more to windward. with a southerly wind it would not be advisable to attempt the strait; for, with a weather tide, the sea runs very cross and deep, and might severely injure and endanger the safety of a small vessel, and to a large one do much damage. in calm weather it would be still more imprudent (unless the western side of the strait can be reached, where a ship might anchor), on account of the tides setting over to the staten island side; where, if it becomes advisable to anchor, it would necessarily be in very deep water, and close to the land. with a northerly wind the route seems not only practicable, but very advantageous, and it would require some resolution to give up the opportunity so invitingly offered. i doubt whether northerly winds, unless they are very strong, blow through the strait--if not, a ship is drifted over to the eastern shores, where, from the force of the tides, she must be quite unmanageable. captain fitz roy seems to think there is neither difficulty nor risk in passing the strait. the only danger that does exist, and that may be an imaginary one, is the failure of the wind. ships passing through it from the south, are not so liable to the failure of the south-westerly wind, unless it be light, and then a breeze will probably be found from n.w., at the northern end of the strait. the anchorage in good success bay, however, is at hand, should the wind or tide fail. in passing to leeward of staten island, the tide race, which extends for some distance off cape st. john, at the n.e. end of the island, must be avoided: otherwise there exist no dangers. the anchorage under new year islands, although it is a wild one, the bottom bad, and the tide very strong, yet offers good shelter from south-west winds, and might be occupied with advantage during the existence of a gale from that quarter, which is so unfavourable for ships bound round the horn. after passing staten island, if the wind be westerly, the { } ship should be kept upon the starboard tack, unless it veer to the southward of s.s.w., until she reaches the latitude of ° south, and then upon that tack on which most westing may be made. in this parallel, however, the wind is thought to prevail more from the eastward than from any other quarter. never having passed round cape horn in the summer season, i may not perhaps be justified in opposing my opinion to that of others, who, having tried both seasons, give the preference to the summer months. the advantage of long days is certainly very great, but, from my experience of the winds and weather during these opposite seasons at port famine, i preferred the winter passage, and in our subsequent experience of it, found no reason to alter my opinion. easterly and northerly winds prevail in the winter off the cape, whilst southerly and westerly winds are constant during the summer months; and not only are the winds more favourable in the winter, but they are moderate in comparison to the fury of the summer gales. having passed the meridian of cape pillar, it will yet be advisable to take every opportunity of making westing in preference to northing until the meridian of ° or ° be reached, which will enable a ship to steer through the north-westerly winds that prevail between the parallels of ° and °. (see hall's south america, appendix.) with respect to the utility of the barometer as an indicator of the weather that is experienced off cape horn, i do not think it can be considered so unfailing a guide as it is in the lower or middle latitudes. captain fitz-roy, however, has a better opinion of the indications shewn by this valuable instrument: my opinion is, that although the rise or fall at times precedes the change, yet it more frequently accompanies it. the following sketch of the movement of the barometer, and of the weather that we experienced, may be not without its use. being to the north of staten island for three days preceding full moon, which occurred on the d april ( ), we had very foggy weather, with light winds from the eastward and { } northward, causing a fall of the mercury from . to . . on the day of full moon the column rose, and we had a beautiful morning, during which the high mountains of staten island were quite unclouded, as were also those of tierra del fuego. at noon, however, a fresh gale from the s.w. set in, and enveloped the land with a dense mist. no sooner had the wind changed, than the mercury rose to . , but fell again the next morning; and with the descent the wind veered round to n.w., and blew strongly with thick cloudy weather and rain, which continued until the following noon, when the wind veered to s.w., the barometer at . , having slightly risen; but after the change it fell, and continued to descend gradually until midnight, when we had a fresh gale from w.s.w. when this wind set in, the mercury rose, and continued to rise, as the wind veered without decreasing in strength to s.s.w., until it reached . , when it fell again and the weather moderated, but without any change of wind. during the descent of the mercury, the sky with us was dull and overcast, with squalls of wind and rain, but on shore it seemed to be very fine sunshiny weather. the column now fell to . , and during its descent the weather remained the same, dull and showery; but as soon as the mercury became stationary, a fresh breeze set in from the southward, with fine weather. after this to new moon the weather was very unsettled, the wind veering between south and w.s.w.; the barometer rising as it veered to the former, and falling as it became more westerly; but on no occasion did it precede the change. the mean height of the barometer is about . . the mercury stands lowest with n.w. winds, and highest with s.e. with the wind at n.w. or northerly the mercury is low; if it falls to inches or . , a s.w. gale may be expected, but it will not commence until the column has ceased to descend. it frequently, however, falls without being followed by this change. in the month of june, at port famine, the barometer fell to . , and afterwards gradually rose to . , { } which was followed by cold weather, in which the thermometer stood at °. the following table shews the mean temperature and pressure as registered at the observatory at port famine in the strait. +----------+--------------+-----------+ | . | temperature. | pressure. | +----------+--------------+-----------+ | february | . | . | | march | . | . | | april | . | . | | may | . | . | | june | . | . | | july | . | . | | august | . | . | +----------+--------------+-----------+ the difficulties that present themselves to navigators in passing round cape horn, as well from adverse winds as the severe gales and heavy sea to which they are exposed, are so great, that the strait of magalhaens has naturally been looked to as a route by which they may be avoided. hitherto no chart has existed in which much confidence could be placed; but by the present survey, the navigation through it, independent of wind and weather, has been rendered much easier; since a correct delineation of its shores, and plans of the anchorages, have been made; and in the preceding pages, sufficient descriptions of them have been given to assure the navigator of his place, and furnish him with advice as to his proceedings. the local difficulties therefore have been removed; but there remain much more serious ones, which i should not recommend a large, or even any but a very active and fast-sailing square-rigged vessel to encounter, unless detention be not an object of importance. for a square-rigged vessel bound through the strait, the following directions will be useful:-- { } in the eastern entrance the winds will frequently favour a ship's arrival off the first narrow; where, if she selects a good anchorage on the bank which bounds the northern side of the channel, she may await an opportunity of passing through the first narrow and of reaching gregory bay; where also a delay may safely be made for the purpose of passing the second narrow and arriving at the neighbourhood of cape negro; at which place the difficulties and dangers of the eastern entrance cease. the dangers being carefully placed on the chart, and now sufficiently described, nothing need be repeated here; and indeed much must be left to the judgment and discretion of the navigator. the tides answer best for vessels entering the strait at the period of full and change of the moon, since there are two westerly tides in the day. in the winter season, if the morning tide be not sufficient to carry a vessel through the first narrow, she may return to possession bay, select an anchorage, and be secured again before night; or, in the summer, if she has passed the narrow, and has been enabled to anchor for the tide, there will be sufficient daylight for her to proceed with the following tide to gregory bay, or at least to a safe anchorage off the peaked hillocks on the north shore. i have twice attempted to pass the first narrow, and been obliged to return to the anchorage in possession bay; and twice i have passed through it against a strong breeze blowing directly through, by aid of the tide; which runs, in the narrower parts, at the rate of ten or twelve miles an hour. when the tide and wind are opposed to each other, the sea is very deep and heavy, and breaks high over the decks; it is therefore advisable to close reef, or lower the topsails on the cap, and drift through; for the tide, if at the springs, will generally be sufficient to carry a ship to an anchorage, although, not always to one where it would be safe to pass the night. on this account, it would be prudent to return; for, although the holding ground is exceedingly good, yet, to part in the night, or drift towards, or through the narrow, could scarcely happen without accident. { } in leaving the anchorage in gregory bay, attention must be paid to the tide, which continues to run to the eastward in the second narrow, three hours after it has commenced setting to the s.w. at the anchorage. with a leading wind through the second narrow, a ship will easily reach an anchorage off laredo bay, but, if the tide fails upon emerging from it, she should seek for a berth in the bay to the north of elizabeth island, as near to the island as possible, but to the westward of its n.e. end, to be out of the influence of the tide. the depth of water, however, will be the best guide. directions for passing round the south side of elizabeth island are given elsewhere; and as this part offers some dangers, the chart and the description should be carefully referred to. the only advice that seems wanting, to improve the directions for the coast from this to port famine, is, with a south-westerly wind, to keep close to the weather shore, in order to benefit by the flaws down the valleys; but this must be done with caution, in consequence of the squalls off the high land, the violence of which cannot be well imagined by a person unaccustomed to them. of the anchorages between port famine and cape froward, the only convenient one for a ship is st. nicholas bay, to which, if defeated in passing round the cape, she had better return; for it is easy to reach as well as to leave, and extremely convenient for stopping at, to await an opportunity of proceeding. from cape froward to the westward, unless favoured by a fair wind, it is necessary to persevere and take advantage of every opportunity of advancing step by step. there are several anchorages that a ship may take up, such as snug bay, off woods bay, near cape coventry, in fortescue bay, elizabeth bay, and york roads. to the westward, in crooked reach, the anchorages are not so good, and excepting borja bay, none seem to offer much convenience. borja bay, however, is well calculated to supply the deficiency, although for a square-rigged vessel there must be some difficulty in reaching it. { } long reach is both long and narrow, and ill supplied with anchorages for a ship; such as they are, swallow harbour, playa parda, marian cove, and half port bay, seem to be the best. in thick weather, although the channel is very narrow, yet one side is scarcely visible from the other, and the only advantage it has over other parts of the strait is the smoothness of the water. in sea reach there is a heavy rolling swell, with a short and deep sea, which renders it very difficult to beat to windward. tamar harbour, valentine harbour, tuesday cove, and the harbour of mercy, are the best anchorages; and the latter is particularly convenient to occupy, while awaiting an opportunity of sailing out of the strait. in the entrance, the sea runs very heavy and irregularly during and after a gale; so that a ship should not leave her anchorage in the harbour of mercy, without a fair or a leading wind to get her quickly through it. for small vessels, particularly if they be fore-and-aft rigged, many, if not all of the local difficulties vanish; and inlets which a ship dare not or cannot approach, may be entered with safety, and anchorage easily obtained by them. a large ship will perhaps be better off in entering and leaving the strait where there is open space and frequently a heavy sea; but for the navigation of the strait, a small vessel has considerably the advantage. she has also the opportunity of passing through the cockburn channel should the wind be north-westerly, which will very much reduce the length of the passage into the pacific. one very great advantage to be derived from the passage through the strait is, the opportunity of obtaining as much wood and water as can be required, without the least difficulty; and another benefit is, that by hauling the seine during the summer months, from january to may, at the mouth of the river or along the beaches in port famine, at the first quarter flood, a plentiful supply of fish may be obtained. excellent fish are also caught at the anchorage with the hook and line, at all seasons, early in the morning or late in the { } evening. fish may also be obtained with the seine at any other place where there are rivers. freshwater bay and port gallant are equally productive. on the outer coast of tierra del fuego an excellent fish may be caught in the kelp. the advantage which a ship will derive from passing through the strait, from the pacific to the atlantic is very great; and it ought to be great to induce the seaman to entangle his ship with the land when fair winds and an open sea are before him. after passing through the strait, the prevailing winds being westerly, and more frequently from the northward than from the southward of west, they are fair for his running up the coast; or if not, the ship is not liable to receive much injury from the sea, which is comparatively smooth; whereas, to a ship passing round the horn, if the wind be north-west she must go to the eastward of the falkland islands, and be exposed to strong gales and a heavy beam sea, and hug the wind to make her northing. to a small vessel the advantage is incalculable; for, besides filling her hold with wood and water, she is enabled to escape the severe weather that so constantly reigns in the higher latitudes of the south atlantic ocean. coming from the northward, it will be advisable to keep an offing until the western entrance of the strait is well under the lee, to avoid being thrown upon the coast to the northward of cape victory, which is rugged and inhospitable, and, forming as it were a breakwater to the deep rolling swell of the ocean, is for some miles off fringed by a cross hollow sea almost amounting to breakers. the land of cape victory is high and rugged, and much broken; and if the weather be not very thick, will be seen long before the evangelists, which are not visible above the horizon, from a ship's deck, for more than four or five leagues.[ ] pass to the southward of them, and steer for cape pillar, { } which makes like a high island. in calm weather do not pass too near to the cape, for the current sometimes sets out, and round the cape to the southward; but with a strong wind, get under the lee of it as soon as you please, and steer along the shore. in the night it will be advisable to keep close to the land of the south shore; and if a patent log be used, which no ship should be without, your distance will be correctly known. the course along-shore, by compass, is e. ¾ s.; and if the weather be hazy, by keeping sight of the south shore, there will be no difficulty in proceeding with safety. the adventure entered the strait on the st of april, , at sunset; and after passing within half a mile of the islets off the harbour of mercy, steered e. ¾ s. magnetic, under close-reefed topsails, braced by, the weather being so squally and thick that the land was frequently concealed from us; but being occasionally seen, the water being quite smooth, and the course steadily steered, with the patent log to mark the distance run, we proceeded without the least anxiety, although the night was dark, and the squalls of wind and rain frequent and violent. when abreast of cape tamar, that projection was clearly distinguished, as was also the land of cape providence, which served to check the distance shewn by the patent log; but both giving the same results, proved that we had not been subjected to any current; whereas the account by the ship's log was very much in error, in consequence of the violence of the squalls and the long intervals of light winds, which rendered it impossible to keep a correct account of the distance. at daybreak we were between cape monday and the gulf of xaultegua; and at eight o'clock we were abreast of playa parda, in which, after a calm day, the ship was anchored. in the summer season there is no occasion to anchor any where, unless the weather be very tempestuous, for the nights are short, and hardly dark enough to require it, unless as a precautionary measure, or for the purpose of procuring wood and water; the best place for which is port famine, where { } the beaches are strewed with abundance of logs of well-seasoned wood, which is very superior to the green wood that must otherwise be used. notwithstanding that the adventure experienced no current in the western part of the strait, there is generally a set to the eastward, which is more or less felt according to circumstances. the direction and strength of the currents are caused by the duration of the gales. the chart will be a sufficient guide for vessels bound through from the westward as far as laredo bay; after which a few directions will be necessary. the land here should be kept close on board, to avoid the reef off the south-west end of santa magdalena. being abreast of it, bear away, keeping the n.e. extremity of elizabeth island on the starboard bow, until you see santa marta in one with, or a little to the southward of, the south trend of the second narrow (cape st. vincent), which is a leading mark for the fair channel until you pass the spit of shoal soundings, which extends across to santa magdalena. there are also shoal soundings towards the south-west end of elizabeth island; at half a mile off we had five fathoms,--cape st. vincent being then the breadth of santa marta open to the northward of that island. keeping the cape just in sight to the northward of santa marta, steer on and pass round the low n.e. extremity of elizabeth island, off which are several tide eddies. the tide here sets across the channel. now steer for the second narrow, keeping cape gregory, which will be just discernible as the low projecting extreme of the north side of the second narrow, on the starboard bow, until you are three miles past santa marta; the course may then be directed for the cape, opening it gradually on the larboard bow as you approach it, to avoid the shoal that extends off it. if you anchor in gregory bay, which is advisable, in order to have the whole of the tide for running through the first narrow, haul up and keep at a mile and a half from the shore. when { } the north extremity of the sandy land of the cape is in a line with the west extreme of the high table-land, you will be near the anchorage; then shorten sail, and when the green slope begins to open, you will have fourteen fathoms: you may then anchor or keep away to the n.e., and choose a convenient depth, taking care not to approach the shore, so as to bring cape gregory to the southward of s. by w. ¼ w. (by compass). the best berth is with the cape bearing s.s.w. hence to the first narrow, the course by compass is due n.e. by e.[ ] the land at the entrance being low, will not at first be perceived; but, steering on, you will first see some hummocky land, making like islands. these are hills on the eastern, or fuegian side of the narrow. soon afterwards, a flat, low sand-hill will be seen to the northward, and this is at the s.w. extremity of point barranca. on approaching the narrow, at four miles off, keep a cliffy head, four or five miles within the east side of the narrow, open of the trend of point barranca, by which you will avoid the shoal that extends off the latter point. you should not go into less depth than six fathoms. at most times of the tide there are long lines and patches of strong ripplings, through which you must pass. the shoal is easily distinguished by the kelp. when the channel through the narrow bears by compass n. by e. ¾ e., steer through it; and that, or a n.n.e. course, will carry you through. on each side, the bank extends off for some distance; but by keeping in mid-channel, there is no danger until the cliffy coast be past, when reefs extend off either shore for some distance, particularly off cape orange. the n.n.e. course must be kept until the peak of cape orange bears south, and the northern direction hill w.s.w., or w. by s. ½ s. by compass. then steer e.n.e. for cape possession, taking care not to approach too near to the bank { } off cape orange, or to that on the north side of possession bay, for which the chart must be consulted. for a small vessel, the passage through the strait, from west to east, is not only easy, but strongly to be recommended as the best and safest route. indeed, i think the passage would be quite as expeditious, and perhaps much safer, to enter the gulf of trinidad, and pass down the concepçion strait, the sarmiento or st. estevan channels, and smyth channel, and enter the strait at cape tamar. in these channels northerly winds prevail, and there is no want of convenient and well-sheltered anchorages for the night, many of which have already been mentioned, and multitudes of others, perhaps much better ones, might be found. * * * * * appendix. ------ tables of latitude and longitude, variation of the compass, tide, and height. magnetic observations, discussed by major sabine, r.a., f.r.s. zoology; including mammalia--birds--and shells. copies of orders. extracts from a paper published in the journal of the royal geographical society. extract from a game-book. index. * * * * * { } tables of latitude and longitude, variation of the compass, and tide. ------ i. coasts of brazil, river plata, and eastern patagonia. ------ the latitudes to which the character * is prefixed, have resulted from astronomical observation. the longitudes which have been determined by chronometers, are designated by c.; and those by lunar distances by *). those without distinguishing marks are the result of triangulation. the longitudes in the following tables depend upon that of villegagnon island at rio de janeiro, which was found by fourteen chronometers from plymouth to be ° ' " west of greenwich. ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+----------------- name of | | | | tide ---------------------------+ | | |-----+----------- | | | | | direction | | | |h. w.| of flood, place. |latitude |longitude |variat| at | and rise particular spot. | south. | west. | east.|f.&w.| of tide. ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- coast of brazil. | ° ' "| ° ' "| ° '|h. m.| ================ | | | | | santos | | | | | arsenal |* |c. | | | moela lighthouse |* |c. | | | alcatrasse island | | | | | centre |* |c. | | | abrigo island | | | | | centre |* |c. | | | figuera island | | | | | centre |* |c. | | | paranagua | | | | | fort on the bar |* |c. | | | west point of cotinga |* |c. | | | church of sta antonina |* |c. | | | st. catherine | | | | | sta cruz d'anhatomirim |* |c. | | | city, president's house |* | | | | cape st. mary | | | | | extremity | |c. | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- river plata. | | | | | ============ | | | | | gorriti island | | | | | well at n.e. end |* |c. | | | | |*) | | | monte video | | | | | rat island, flagstaff |* | | | | cathedral, cupola |* | | | | lighthouse on mount |* | | | | buenos ayres | | | | | cathedral | |c. | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- east coast of patagonia. | | | | | ======================== | | | | | port sta elena | | | | | observy marked on plan |* |c. | | | feet cape two bays | | | | | hill at projecting point | | | | | cape blanco | | | | | north point | | | | | port desire | | | | | ruins |* |c. | | | ½ feet { } penguin island | | | | | mount at north end | | | | | sea bear bay | | | | |north sandy beach at s. side |* |c. | | | feet shag rock | | | | | rock | | | | | watchman cape | | | | | monte video | | | | | bellaco rock | | | | | rock | |c. | | | port st. julian | | | | |northward shag island, in harbour |* |c. | | |rises | | | | |feet, | | | | |(observed | | | | |off the | | | | |river's | | | | |mouth.) wood mount | | | | | cape curioso | | | | | c. franc. de paulo | | | | | extremity | | | | | santa cruz | | | | | observatory opposite | | | | | feet sea-lion island |* |c. | | | mount entrance |* | | | | station up the river |* | | | | ---- |* | | | | broken cliff peak | | | | | brink | | | | |northw. lion mount | | | | | summit | | | | | observation mt. | | | | | summit |* | | | | coy inlet | | | | | height on south side |* | | | | of entrance | |c. | | | station up the inlet | | | | | cape sanches | | | | | extremity | | | | | tiger mount | | | | | summit | | | | | | |c. | | | c. fairweather | | | | | south extreme. | | | | |n.w. feet gallegos river | | | | | observatory mound |* | | | | feet | |c. | | | north hill | | | | | ---- | | | | | friars | | | | | smallest & northernm. | | | | | largest & southernm. | | | | | convents | | | | | northern | | | | | southern | | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+ * * * * * { } table ii. ------ strait of magalhaens, including the cockburn and barbara channels, and the otway and skyring waters. column titles: a - coast, &c. b - east entrance c - possession bay d - eastern part ( d narrow to port famine) ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+---------------- name of | | | | tide ---------------------------+ | | |-----+---------- | | | | | direction | | | |h. w.| of flood, place. |latitude |longitude |variat| at | and rise particular spot. | south. | west. | east.|f.&w.| of tide. ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- east entrance | ° ' "| ° ' "| ° '|h. m.| ============= | | | | | cape virgins | | | | | s.e. extreme. |* | | | |northward. | |c. | | | dungeness | | | | | extremity | | | | | mount dinero | | | | | summit | | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- possession bay | | | | | ============== | | | | | cape possession | | | | | centre of cliff | | | | | mount aymond | | | | | summit | | | | | cape orange | | | |h. w. about , peak on the s. side of | | | |but the tide the entrance of the | | | |begins to set to first narrow | | | |the n.e. at noon. | | | | | feet. c. espiritu santo | | | | | summit miles inland | | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- eastern part ( d narrow to port famine) | | | ======================================= | | | cape gregory | | | | | extremity | | | | | bush on summit of land |* |c. | | | elizabeth island | | | | | north-east bluff. |* |c. | | | oazy harbour | | | | | entrance | | | | | pecket harb. | | | | | beach opposite the | | | | | anchorage outside. | | | | | cape negro | | | | | south-east extreme | |c. | | | sandy point | | | | | extremity | | | | | point st. mary | | | | | ---- |* | | | | | |c. | | | rocky point | | | | | ---- | | | | | port famine | | | | | observatory |* |c. | | |south. | |*) | | | or ft. point santa anna | | | | | cape monmouth | | | | | extremity | | | | | point boqueron | | | | | ---- | | | | | cape st valentyn | | | | | summit at extreme | | | | | nose peak | | | | | summit | | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- { } ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+---------------- name of | | | | tide ---------------------------+ | | |-----+---------- | | | | | direction | | | |h. w.| of flood, place. |latitude |longitude |variat| at | and rise particular spot. | south. | west. | east.|f.&w.| of tide. ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- admiralty sound | ° ' "| ° ' "| ° '|h. m.| =============== | | | | | port cooke | | | | | rivulet in the bay | | | | | latitude point | | | | | extremity | | | | | bottom of admiralty sound | | | | | summit of mount hope | | | | | curious peak | | | | | summit | | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- east coast of dawson island| | | | | ===========================| | | | | mount seymour | | | | | summit | | | | | ainsworth harb | | | | | project point on w. side | | | | | parry harbour | | | | | outer point on w. side | | | | | card point | | | | | point | | | | | willes bay | | | | | islet in ph. gidley cove |* | | | | cannon point | | | | | extremity |* | | | | soapsuds cove | | | | | rivulet |* | | | | sharp peak | | | | | summit | | | | | cape expectation | | | | | south extremity, or | | | | | trend at entrance of | | | | | gabriel channel | | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- gabriel channel | | | | | =============== | | | | | port waterfall | | | | | port | | | | | nar. of gabriel c. | | | | | midway | | | | | cone point | | | | | summit | | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- dawson island | | | | | ============= | | | | | mount graves | | | | | south summit | | | | | st. peter and st. paul isle| | | | | centre | | | | | port san antonio | | | | | humming bird cove |* | | | | | | | | | s.w. pt of north island | | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- coast from pt. famine to c. froward | | | | =================================== | | | | mount tarn | | | | | peak at north end | | | | | cape san isidro | | | | | extremity | | | | | feet | | | | |southw. c. remarquable | | | | | extremity | | | | | nassau island | | | | | south-east point | | | | | st. nicholas bay | | | | | islet in the centre | | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- { } ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+---------------- name of | | | | tide ---------------------------+ | | |-----+---------- | | | | | direction | | | |h. w.| of flood, place. |latitude |longitude |variat| at | and rise particular spot. | south. | west. | east.|f.&w.| of tide. ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- cape froward to the jerome | ° ' "| ° ' "| ° '|h. m.| channel, and north shore | | | | | of clarence island | | | | | ================== | | | | | cape froward | | | | | summit of the morro | | | | |n.e. cape holland | | | | | s. point of wood bay | | | | | bougainville sugar loaf | | | | | summit of peak | | | | | cascade harb. | | | | | small rock in harbour |* | | | | cordes bay | | | | | outer-point west side | | | | | bell bay | | | | | n.w. pt. bradley cove |* | | | | cape inglefield | | | | | islet off it | | | | | cape gallant | | | | | extremity |* | | | | port gallant | | | | | wigwam point |* |c. | | | or ft. charles island | | | | | wallis mark | | | | | rupert island | | | | | summit | | | | | monmouth islds | | | | | summit of largest island | | | | | point elizabeth | | | | | passage point reef | | | | | point york | | | | | extremity |* | | | | bachelor river | | | | | entrance | |c. | | | | | | | | jerome channel | | | | | bluff extremity, or | | | | | w. point of entrance | | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- crooked reach | | | | | ============= | | | | | cape cross-tide | | | | | extremity | | | |at borja bay. | | | | | feet el morrion, or st. david he| | | | | extremity | | | | | cape quod | | | | | extremity | | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- long reach | | | | | ========== | | | | | snowy sound | | | | | centre of ulloa island | | | | | cape notch | | | | | extremity | | | | | playa parda cove | | | | | anchorage | | | | | half-port bay | | | | | centre |* |c. | | | cape monday | | | | | extremity | | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- sea reach | | | | | ========= | | | | | st. anne island | | | | | centre | | | | | cape upright | | | | | extremity, north trend | | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- { } ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+---------------- name of | | | | tide ---------------------------+ | | |-----+---------- | | | | | direction | | | |h. w.| of flood, place. |latitude |longitude |variat| at | and rise particular spot. | south. | west. | east.|f.&w.| of tide. ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- sea reach | ° ' "| ° ' "| ° '|h. m.| ========= | | | | | cape providence | | | | | ---- | | | | | cape tamar | | | | | observatory, tamar bay |* |c. | | | feet extremity of cape | | | | |eastwd. beaufort bay | | | | | stragglers, southernmost | | | | | cape phillip | | | | | sholl bay |* |c. | | | summit over the cape | | | | | cape parker | | | | | station near it |* |c. | | | point felix | | | | | station on its east side |* | | | | extremity | | | | | valentine harb. | | | | | mount (see plan) | | | | | cape cuevas | | | | | extremity |* | | | | cape cortado | | | | | extremity | | | | | westminst. hall | | | | | eastern summit | | | | | observation mt. | | | | | ---- |* |c. | | | harbour of mercy | | | | | observation islet |* |c. | | | feet | | | | or | | | | | | cape pillar | | | | | extremity | |c. | | | | | | | | cape victory | | | | | extremity |* |c. | | | evangelists, or isles of | | | | | direction | | | | | sugar loaf to south | | | | |variable eastward | | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- magdalen channel | | | | | ================ | | | | | vernal | | | | | pinnacle on summit | | | | | anxious point | | | | | extremity | | | | | mount boqueron | | | | | centre pinnacle | | | | | labyrinth islands | | | | | summit of jane island | | | | | cape turn | | | | | extremity | | | | | warping cove | | | | | ---- | |c. | | | mnt. sarmiento | | | | | n.e. peak ( feet) | | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- { } ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+---------------- name of | | | | tide ---------------------------+ | | |-----+---------- | | | | | direction | | | |h. w.| of flood, place. |latitude |longitude |variat| at | and rise particular spot. | south. | west. | east.|f.&w.| of tide. ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- cockburn channel | ° ' "| ° ' "| ° '|h. m.| ================ | | | | | king island | | | | | summit | | | | |westw^d | | | | | or ft. prowse islands | | | | | station | | | | | park bay | | | | | beach on isthmus | | | | | or ft. bayne islands | | | | | cove at the n. end of | | | | | of south-east island | | | | | eliza bay | | | | | centre | | | | | kirke rocks | | | | | body | | | | | enderby island | | | | | centre | | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- melville sound | | | | | ============== | | | | | mount skyring | | | | | summit ( feet) | | | | | tom harbour | | | | | cove near it |* |c. | | | | | | | | north cove | | | | | entrance |* |c. | | | | | | | | fury harbour | | | | | west point | | | | | west furies | | | | | body | | | | | east furies | | | | | body | | | | | cape schomberg | | | | | summit over extremity | | | | | cape kempe | | | | | peaks over | | | | | copper kettle | | | | | summit | | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- barbara channel | | | | | =============== | | | | | bynoe island | | | | | centre | | | | | mortimer island | | | | | summit | | | | | hewett bay | | | | | south point | | | | | or ft. | | | | |southw. brown bay | | | | | anchorage | | | | | bell mount | | | | | summit | | | | | north anchorage | | | | | ---- | |c. | | | bedford bay | | | | | entrance | | | | | or ft. | | | | |southw. field bay | | | | | point cairncross | | | | | cayetano peak | | | | | summit | | | | | shag narrow | | | | | north end | | | | |[ ] ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- { } ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+---------------- name of | | | | tide ---------------------------+ | | |-----+---------- | | | | | direction | | | |h. w.| of flood, place. |latitude |longitude |variat| at | and rise particular spot. | south. | west. | east.|f.&w.| of tide. ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- barbara channel | ° ' "| ° ' "| ° '|h. m.| =============== | | | | | dighton bay | | | | | latitude beach |* | | | | point elvira | | | | | extremity | | | | | cape edgeworth | | | | | extremity | | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- jerome channel | | | | | ============== | | | | | bachelor peak | | | | | northernmost | | | | | three island bay | | | | | centre | | | | | real cove | | | | | centre | | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- indian sound | | | | | ============ | | | | | cutter cove | | | | | centre | | | | | false corona | | | | | smallest islet |* |c. | | | | | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- otway water | | | | | =========== | | | | | bennett island | | | | | ---- |* | | | | fanny bay | | | | | gidley islet at s. | | | | | entrance | | | | | point martin | | | | | ---- |* |c. | | | | | | | | inglefield island | | | | | north point |* |c. | | | | | | | | shell-note point | | | | | extremity |* | | | | point hall | | | | | extremity | | | | |n.w. ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- fitz-roy passage | | | | | ================ | | | | | donkin cove | | | | | spot marked on plan |* |c. | | | | | | | | wigwam cove | | | | | do. |* |c. | |sets to east | | | |until ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- skyring water | | | | | ============= | | | | | euston opening | | | | | centre | | | | | dynevor castle | | | | | summit | | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- * * * * * { } table iii. ------ the western coast, and interior sounds, from the strait of magalhaens to the north extremity of the gulf of peÑas. ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+---------------- name of | | | | tide ---------------------------+ | | |-----+---------- | | | | | direction | | | |h. w.| of flood, place. |latitude |longitude |variat| at | and rise particular spot. | south. | west. | east.|f.&w.| of tide. ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- smyth channel | ° ' "| ° ' "| ° '|h. m.| ============= | | | | | fairway isles | | | | | ---- |* | | | | deep harbour | | | | | south point of entrance |* | | | | good bay | | | | | north point |* | | | | or ft. oake bay | | | | | larch island |* | | | | otter bay | | | | | anchorage | | | | | summer isles | | | | | summit of larger island | | | | | fortune bay | | | | | rivulet | | | | | or ft. point palmer | | | | | extremity | | | | | isthmus bay | | | | | centre | | | | | welcome bay | | | | | entrance of cove | | | | | or ft. | | | | |(flood sets | | | | |to the | | | | |northward.) point st. julian | | | | | extremity | | | | | island bay | | | | | island at south side | | | | | of port | | | | | hamper bay | | | | | anchorage | | | | | rocky cove | | | | | n.w. point |* | | | | cape cheer | | | | | summit | | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- lord nelson strait | | | | | ================== | | | | | narrow creek | | | | | ---- |* | | | | mount trafalgar | | | | | summit | | | | | point west | | | | | extremity | | | | | cape kendall | | | | | extremity | | | | | relief harbour | | | | | rock on west side |* | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- st. estevan channel | | | | | =================== | | | | | escape bay | | | | | anchorage | | | | |northw. mount trigo | | | | | summit | | | | | cape donaldson | | | | | extremity | | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- { } ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+---------------- name of | | | | tide ---------------------------+ | | |-----+---------- | | | | | direction | | | |h. w.| of flood, place. |latitude |longitude |variat| at | and rise particular spot. | south. | west. | east.|f.&w.| of tide. ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- st. estevan channel | ° ' "| ° ' "| ° '|h. m.| =================== | | | | | rejoice harbour | | | | | north point of entrance | | | | | anchor bay | | | | | north point of entrance | | | | | latitude cove | | | | | ---- |* | | | | guia narrow | | | | | north extremity in | | | | |southw. mid channel | | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- sarmiento channel | | | | | ================= | | | | | bonduca island | | | | | centre | | | | | puerto bueno | | | | | n. pt. of schooner cove |* | | | |flood sets | | | | |to the | | | | |south. blanche passage | | | | | entrance. | | | | | port san mateo | | | | | ---- | | | | | cape st. vincent | | | | | northern trend | | | | | point balthazar | | | | | extremity | | | | | cape san bartholomew | | | | | ---- | | | | | staines peninsul. | | | | | isthmus | | | | | cape flamstead | | | | | rock off the extremity | | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- union sound | | | | | =========== | | | | | shingle road | | | | | anchorage | | | | | point maskelyne | | | | | extremity | | | | | brinkley island | | | | | summit | | | | | peñas de altura | | | | | ---- | | | | | crater cove | | | | | ---- | | | | | stony bay | | | | | west point |* | | | | cape año nuevo | | | | | north extremity | | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- interior sounds | | | | | =============== | | | | | mount burney | | | | | centre peak | | | | | ancon sin salida | | | | | summit of large island | | | | | opposite to cape | | | | | earnest | | | | | cape earnest | | | | | extremity | | | | | leeward bay | | | | | islets within anchorage | | | | | whale boat bay | | | | | beach |* | | | | cape retford | | | | | extremity | | | | | point return | | | | | " " |* | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- { } ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+---------------- name of | | | | tide ---------------------------+ | | |-----+---------- | | | | | direction | | | |h. w.| of flood, place. |latitude |longitude |variat| at | and rise particular spot. | south. | west. | east.|f.&w.| of tide. ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- interior sounds | ° ' "| ° ' "| ° '|h. m.| =============== | | | | | virginia island | | | | | s. e. point |* | | | | easter bay | | | | | beach |* |c. | | | canal of the mountains | | | | | bottom | | | | | last hope inlet | | | | | ---- | | | | | focus island | | | | | summit (centre) | | | | | obstruction sound. | | | | | bottom | | | | | s. e. bight, or the | | | | | nearest part to | | | | | skyring water | | | | | point san juan | | | | | s. w. extremity | | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- concepçion strait | | | | | ================= | | | | | guard bay | | | | | anchorage | |c. | | | innocent island | | | | | summit at north end | | | | | tapering point | | | | | extremity | | | | | point hocio de cayman | | | | | ---- | | | | | walker bay | | | | | beach | | | | | molyneux sound | | | | | rock to n. of point | | | | | michael |* | | | | portland bay | | | | | centre of island | | | | | fronting the | | | | | anchorage | | | | | expectation bay | | | | | anchorage | | | | | tom bay | | | | | beach near anchorage | | | | | open bay | | | | | summit of island off | | | | | pt. brazo ancho | | | | | extremity | | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- gulf of trinidad | | | | | ================ | | | | | red bill island | | | | | summit |* | | | | windward bay | | | | | beach | | | | | double peak mt. | | | | | eastern peak | | | | | cathedral mount | | | | | summit | | | | | neesham bay | | | | | beach |* |c. | | | easter peak | | | | | summit | | | | | port henry | | | | | observatory |* |c. | |noon.| feet ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- { } ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+---------------- name of | | | | tide ---------------------------+ | | |-----+---------- | | | | | direction | | | |h. w.| of flood, place. |latitude |longitude |variat| at | and rise particular spot. | south. | west. | east.|f.&w.| of tide. ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- gulf of trinidad | ° ' "| ° ' "| ° '|h. m.| ================ | | | | | seal rocks | | | | | body | | | | | cape tres puntas | | | | | pillar rock at the | | | | | extremity | | | | | cape primero | | | | | extremity | | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- wide channel | | | | | ============ | | | | | mount corso | | | | | summit | | | | | small-craft bight | | | | | ---- | | | | | sandy bay | | | | | east point. | | | | | saumarez island | | | | | bold head | | | | | fury cove | | | | | head |* | | | |w.s.w. ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- sir geo. eyre sd. | | | | | ================= | | | | | falcon inlet | | | | | cape wellesley, extrem. | | | | | bottom of the sd. | | | | | ---- | | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- mesier channel | | | | | ============== | | | | | rocky bight | | | | | west point. | | | | | level bay | | | | | outer point, n. side | | | | | english narrow | | | | | south end | | | | | north end | | | | | halt bay. | | | | | ---- |* | | | |s.s.e. iceberg sound | | | | | station rock, on the n. | | | | | side of entrance |* | | | | bottom | | | | | white kelp cove | | | | | rock off the entrance |* | | | | middle island | | | | | north point | | | | |northw. waterfall bay | | | | | bottom | | | | |n. by w. island harbour | | | | | west point | | | | | millar island | | | | | south extreme | | | | | millar's monument, | | | | | north extreme | | | | | campana island | | | | | summit at south end | | | | | cape roman | | | | | extremity | | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- guaianeco islands | | | | | ================= | | | | | ayautau island | | | | | summit on the largest | | | | | wager island | | | | | easternmost point | | | | | supposed position of | | | | | the wager's wreck | | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- { } ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+---------------- name of | | | | tide ---------------------------+ | | |-----+---------- | | | | | direction | | | |h. w.| of flood, place. |latitude |longitude |variat| at | and rise particular spot. | south. | west. | east.|f.&w.| of tide. ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- guaianeco islands | ° ' "| ° ' "| ° '|h. m.| ================= | | | | | speedwell bay | | | | | north beach |* |c. | | | | | | | | rundle pass | | | | | south end | | | | | islet, the most northern of| | | | | the group | | | | | summit | | | | | good harbour | | | | | isthmus at the bottom | | | | | byron island | | | | | most western point | | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- gulf of peñas | | | | | ============= | | | | | channel's mouth | | | | | body of rocks off the | | | | | south entrance | | | | | hazard isles, centre | | | | | and westernmost | | | | | e side of northern islet |* |c. | | | bottom of east arm | | | | | bottom of south arm | | | | | xavier island | | | | | ignacio bay (beach) |* |c. | | | xavier bay (lyndsey pt) | | | | | jesuit sound | | | | | north point of entrance, | | | | | or head of false | | | | | harbour | | | | | kelly harbour | | | | | north point of entrance |* |c. | | | cirujano islet | | | | | north-east point | | | | | san tadeo river | | | | | sand hills on east side | | | | |head of st. of entrance | | | | |quintin | | | | |gulf. ft. purcell island | | | | | summit | | | | | isthmus | | | | | centre | | | | | port otway | | | | | observatory |* |c. | | | feet. sugar loaf | | | | | summit | | | | | dome of st. paul | | | | | ---- | | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- peninsula of tres montes | | | | | ======================== | | | | | pt. mitford rees | | | | | extremity | | | | | cape raper | | | | | ---- | | | | | cape tres montes | | | | | ---- | | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+ coast of wellington and | | | | | campana islands | | | | | =============== | | | | | bynoe island | | | | | entrance of fallos ch. | | | | | break sea island | | | | | northernmost point | | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- { } ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+---------------- name of | | | | tide ---------------------------+ | | |-----+---------- | | | | | direction | | | |h. w.| of flood, place. |latitude |longitude |variat| at | and rise particular spot. | south. | west. | east.|f.&w.| of tide. ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- coast of wellington and | ° ' "| ° ' "| ° '|h. m.| campana islands | | | | | =============== | | | | | port santa barbara | | | | | observation inlet |* |c. | | | to feet | | | | |at neaps dundee rock | | | | | summit | | | | | cape dyer | | | | | extremity | | | | | sisters | | | | | centre peak | | | | | parallel peak | | | | | summit | | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- coast of madre de dios | | | | | ====================== | | | | | cape montague | | | | | summit | | | | | april peak | | | | | ---- | | | | | cape santiago | | | | | ---- | | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- cape sta. lucia | | | | | ---- | | | | | cape isabel | | | | | ---- | | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- * * * * * { } table iv. ------ outer, or sea coast, of tierra del fuego. ------ in order to adapt the longitudes of the places mentioned in this table to the meridians of port famine and st. martin cove, at cape horn, the following corrections[ ] have been made to captain fitz-roy's chronometrical results, _viz_:-- townshend harbour } { ' "} stewart harbour } { } to the eastward of captain doris cove } have been placed { } fitz-roy's chronometrical march harbour } { } deductions. good success bay } { } by captain fitz-roy's observations st. martin cove would be in long. ° ' ", which is ' " to the westward of the mean of upwards of thirty chronometrical results from monte video. the difference has, therefore, been equally divided between north cove and st. martin cove; the longitude of the latter being taken at ° ' ", and of port famine at ° '. ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+---------------- name of | | | | tide ---------------------------+ | | |-----+---------- | | | | | direction | | | |h. w.| of flood, place. |latitude |longitude |variat| at | and rise particular spot. | south. | west. | east.|f.&w.| of tide. ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- sea coast of tierra del fuego ° ' "| ° ' "| ° '|h. m.| ========================== | | | | | dislocation har. | | | | | near the projecting pt. |* |c. | | | week islands | | | | | saturday harbour | | | | | latitude bay | | | | | west point of entrance |* | | | | deepwater snd. | | | | | ---- |* |c. | | | laura basin | | | | | north point |* |c. | | | noir roads | | | | | penguin point | | | | | cape noir | | | | | extremity | | | | | tower rock | | | | | south easternmost | | | | | cape gloucester | | | | | summit | | | | | fury harbour | | | | | island in the entrance | | | | | isabella sound | | | | | ---- |* | | | | north cove | | | | | ---- |* |c. | | | mount skyring | | | | | summit | | | | | st. paul | | | | | south-east peak | | | | | townshend har. | | | | | islet on n. side of harb |* |c. | | | cape castlereagh | | | | | extremity | | | | | stewart harbour | | | | | e side of shelter island |* | | | | doris cove | | | | | east point entrance |* | | | | cape alikhoolip | | | | | extremity | | | | | york minster | | | | | summit | | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- { } ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+---------------- name of | | | | tide ---------------------------+ | | |-----+---------- | | | | | direction | | | |h. w.| of flood, place. |latitude |longitude |variat| at | and rise particular spot. | south. | west. | east.|f.&w.| of tide. ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- sea coast of tierra del fuego ° ' "| ° ' "| ° '|h. m.| ========================== | | | | | march harbour | | | | | entrance of the basin |* | | | | adventure cove | | | | | rocky pt. n end of beach |* | | | | ildefonsos | | | | | henderson id. |* |} |(mount beaufoy.) ---- |* |} | | | orange bay | | | | | middle of bay |* |c. | | | st. martin cove | | | | | head of the cove |* |c. | | | cape horn | | | | | summit |* | | | | lennox harbour | | | | | point at n. end of beach |* | | | | evouts island | | | | | centre | | | | | diego ramirez | | | | | s or boat island, summit | | | | | northernmost rock | | | | | barnevelt islds. | | | | | centre |* | | | | spaniard harb. | | | | | point kinnaird | | | | | good success bay | | | | | s. side near sandy beach |* |c. | | | cape san diego | | | | | extremity | | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- * * * * * table v. ------ coast of chile. ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+---------------- name of | | | | tide ---------------------------+ | | |-----+---------- | | | | | direction | | | |h. w.| of flood, place. |latitude |longitude |variat| at | and rise particular spot. | south. | west. | east.|f.&w.| of tide. ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- | ° ' "| ° ' "| ° '|h. m.| san carlos chilóe | | | | | sandy point |* |c. | | | talcahuano | | | | | fort galvez |* |c. | | | valparaiso | | | | | cerro alegre |* |c. | | | juan fernandez | | | | | fort san juan, in | | | | | cumberland bay |* |c. | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------- * * * * * { } table of observed or estimated heights of mountains and particular parts of the sea coast. ang. denotes the height to have been ascertained by angular measurement; bar. by barometer; and est. by estimation. north atlantic ocean. cape verd islands. feet. peak at the n.w. end of san antonio ang. pico antonio, on st. jago ang. pico of fuego ang. south atlantic ocean. coast of brazil. corcovado, at rio de janeiro bar. obs. sugar loaf, do ang. cubatoa, at santos (telegraph house) bar. obs. city of san paulo (base of the cathedral) bar. obs. east coast of patagonia. cliffy coast, near port st. julian to est. mount entrance (santa cruz) ang. cape fairweather and the cliffs to the northward est. cape virgins and the cliffs to the northward est. { } strait of magalhaens. feet. cape possession est. table mountain behind cape gregory to est. point santa anna (port famine) ang. mount st. philip do. ang. mount graves, north summit (dawson island) ang. do. south do. do. ang. lomas range, the highest part over port san antonio ang. mount tarn (peak at the n.e. end) { bar. obs. { ang. mount buckland, gabriel channel est. mount boqueron (entrance of magdalen channel) est. mount sarmiento (bottom of do. ) ang. pyramid hill ( do. do. ) ang. cape froward (land behind the morro) est. cape holland est. mount pond est. mount cross, port gallant { bar. { ang. obs. average height of the land near sea reach to est. outer coast of tierra del fuego. kater peak, on hermite island bar. obs. bell mount, near strait le maire est.[ ] noir island est. south pacific ocean. western coast of patagonia. mount burney ang. cape three points est. mountain within kelly sound ang. sugar loaf (marine islands, in holloway sound) ang. dome of st. paul ( do. do. ) ang. highest peak of juan fernandez (the yungue, or anvil) ang. * * * * * { } magnetic observations, discussed by major sabine, r.a., f.r.s. . _observations of the dip._ captain fitz-roy was furnished with two dip circles, one by gambey, and the other by dollond; the latter supplied by government, and gambey's purchased by himself. gambey's, being found to give results more accordant with each other than dollond's, was used at all the stations, except rio de janeiro. the circle was nine and a-half inches in diameter, and was furnished with two needles. this instrument was, in all respects, a very superior one. it was placed for observation on a stand, which raised it from two to three feet above the ground. the needle was observed in eight positions, and as the readings accorded sufficiently well with each other, their arithmetical mean has been taken as the dip resulting from the observation. the eight positions were as follows: , with the graduated face of the circle towards the east; , with the same towards the west. the needle was then taken out and replaced with the ends of the axle changed, so that each end rested on a different plane to what it did before; it was then observed, , with the face of the circle towards the west, and , with the same to the east. the poles were then inverted, so that the end of the needle which was before a north pole became a south pole, and the four positions were again repeated. the arc indicated by both ends of the needle was read in every position: an observation of the dip consisted, consequently, of sixteen readings. in the subjoined tabular record these are comprised in four entries, a mean being taken of the arc read at the two extremities of the needle, and of the positions and , and : and form the column, a; and the column, a'; and the same positions, with the poles reversed, the columns a" and a"'. { } magnetic dip. -----------+--------+-----+-----+----+---+------------------------------- | | | | | n | needle | | | | | e |---------------+--------------- | | | | | e | marked end a | marked end a | |above| |obs-| d | n. pole | s. pole | | the | |er- | l |-------+-------+-------+------- station | date | sea |therm|ver | e | a | a' | a" | a"' -----------+--------+-----+-----+----+---+-------+-------+-------+------- | |feet.| ° | | | ° ' | ° ' | ° ' | ° ' plymouth |nov. {| | | f. | | | , | | | {| | | f. | | , | , | | , | | | | | | | | | port praya |jan. {| | | f. | | , | | | | {| | | f. | | , | , | | | | | | | | | | | | {| | | s. | | | | , | bahia |mar. {| | | s. | | , | | | , | {| | | s. | | | , | , | | {| | | s. | | | , | , | | | | | | | | | | rio de | {| | | s. | | | , | | , janeiro |apr. {| | | s. | | | , | , | , | {| | | s. | | | | , | | | | | | | | | | {|sept. {| | | f. | | | | | , blanco bay{| {| | | f. | | | , | | {|sept. {| | | f. | | | , | , | {| {| | | f. | | | | , | | | | | | | | | | {|mar. {| | | f. | | | | | falkland {| {| | | f. | | | | | islands {|mar. {| | | f. | | | | | {| {| | | f. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | monte video|nov. {| | | f. | | | | , | | {| | | f. | | | , | | | | | | | | | | | { } port desire|dec. {| | | f. | | | | | , | {| | | f. | | | , | | | | | | | | | | | falkland |mar. {| | | f. | | , | , | | islands | {| | | f. | | | | | | {| | | f. | | | | | , | {| | | f. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | river santa|may {| | | f. | | | | | cruz | {| | | f. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | port san |dec. {| | | f. | | | | | andres | {| | | f. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | port low |jan. {| | | f. | | | | | | {| | | f. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | chilóe |jan. {| | | f. | | | | | | {| | | f. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | valdivia |feb. {| | | f. | | | | | | {| | | f. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | concepçion |apr. {| | | f. | | | | | | {| | | f. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | valparaiso |june {| | | sg.| | | | , | | {| | | sg.| | , | , | | | | | | | | | | | callao |aug. {| | | sg.| | , | | , | | {| | | sg.| | | | , | , | | | | | | | | | galapagos |sept. {| | | sg.| | | , | | islands | {| | | sg.| | , | , | , | | | | | | | | | | galapagos |oct. {| | | f. | | , | | | , islands | {| | | f. | | , | , | | , | | | | | | | | | otaheite, {|nov. {| | | sg.| | | | , | or tahiti {| {| | | sg.| | | | , | {|nov. {| | | sg.| | , | | | , {| {| | | sg.| | | , | | -----------+--------+-----+-----+----+---+-------+-------+-------+------- { } -----------+-------------------+------------------ | | | | | | | | | | place of station | dip deduced. | observation -----------+-------------------+------------------ | ° ' ° ' | plymouth | , } , n.|athenæum | , } | | | port praya | , } , n.|landing place | , } | | | | , } | bahia | , } , n.|san antonio | , } |(dollond's instr.) | , } | | | rio de | , } , s.|villegagnon janeiro | , ) |island. | , ) |(dollond's instr.) | | {| , } | blanco bay{| , } s.|the wells at {| , } | point johnson. {| , } | | | {| } | falkland {| , } , s.|berkeley sound, islands {| , } |magellan or {| , } |johnson cove. | | monte video| , } , s.|rat island. | | | | { } port desire| , } , s.|spanish ruins. | , } | | | falkland | , } , s.| islands | , } |berkeley sound, | , } |port louis. | , } | | | river santa| , } , s.|keel point. cruz | , } | | | port san | , } , s.|christmas andres | , } |cove. | | port low | , } , s.|observation | , } |islet. | | chilóe | } , s.|san carlos, | , } |pt. arena. | | valdivia | } , s.|corral. | } | | | concepçion | , } , s.|fort | , } |galvez. | | valparaiso | , } , s.|near fort | , } |st. antonio. | | callao | , } , s.|arsenal. | , } | | | galapagos | , } , n.|chatham island, islands | , } |stephen bay. | | galapagos | , } , n.|charles islands | , } |island. | | otaheite, {| , } , s.|point or tahiti {| , } |venus. {| } | {| , } | -----------+-------------------+------------------ { } -----------+--------+-----+-----+----+---+------------------------------- | | | | | n | needle | | | | | e |---------------+--------------- | | | | | e | marked end a | marked end a | |above| |obs-| d | n. pole | s. pole | | the | |er- | l |-------+-------+-------+------- station | date | sea |therm|ver | e | a | a' | a" | a"' -----------+--------+-----+-----+----+---+-------+-------+-------+------- | |feet.| ° | | | ° ' | ° ' | ° ' | ° ' new zealand|dec. {| | | sg.| | | , | , | | {| | | sg.| | , | , | , | , | | | | | | | | | sydney |jan. {| | | sg.| | , | , | | | {| | | sg.| | , | , | , | , | | | | | | | | | hobart town|feb. {| | | sg.| | , | | , | , | {| | | sg.| | , | | | , | | | | | | | | | king george|mar. {| | | sg.| | , | , | | sound | {| | | sg.| | , | | , | | | | | | | | | | keeling |apr. {| | | sg.| | , | , | | islands | {| | | sg.| | , | | , | | | | | | | | | | mauritius |may {| | | sg.| | , | | | , | {| | | sg.| | , | , | | , | | | | | | | | | |june { | | | sg.| | | | , | cape of | { | | | sg.| | , | , | | good hope |june {| | | sg.| | | | | , | {| | | sg.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | st. helena |july {| | | sg.| | | , | , | , | {| | | sg.| | , | , | | , | | | | | | | | | ascension |july {| | | sg.| | , | | , | , island | {| | | sg.| | , | | , | | | | | | | | | | bahia |aug. {| | | sg.| | , | | | , | {| | | sg.| | | , | | , | | | | | | | | | { } pernambuco |aug. {| | | f. | | | | | | {| | | f. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | {|sept. {| | | sg.| | , | , | | {| {| | | sg.| | , | , | | , port praya{|sept. { | | | sg.| | , | , | , | , {| { | | | sg.| | | , | , | , {|sept. {| | | sg.| | | | | , {| {| | | sg.| | , | | , | | | | | | | | | | terceira |sept. {| | | sg.| | | | | , | {| | | sg.| | , | | | , | | | | | | | | | falmouth |oct. {| | | f. | | | | | | {| | | f. | | | , | , | , | | | | | | | | | plymouth |oct. {| | | sg.| | | , | , | , | {| | | sg.| | , | | | | | | | | | | | | plymouth |oct. {| | | sg.| | | | , | | {| | | sg.| | | , | , | -----------+--------+-----+-----+----+---+-------+-------+-------+------- { } -----------+-------------------+------------------ | | | | | | | | | | place of station | dip deduced. | observation -----------+-------------------+------------------ | ° ' ° ' | new zealand| } s.|paihia islet. | } | | | sydney | , } , s.|fort macquarie. | , } | | | hobart town| , } , s.|fort mulgrave. | , } | | | king george| , } , s.|landing place. sound | , } | | | keeling | , } , s.|direction inlet. islands | , } | | | mauritius | , } , s.|cooper island. | , } | | | | , } , s.|simon town. cape of | , } | good hope | , } , s.|observatory | , } | (outside). | | st. helena | , } , s.|james town. | , } | | | ascension | , } , n.|barrack square. island | , } | | | bahia | , } , n.|san antonio. | , } | | | { } pernambuco | , } , n.|arsenal. | , } | | | {| , } | {| , } |landing place. port praya{| , } , n.| {| , } | {| , } |quail island. {| , } | | | terceira | , } n.|angra. | , } | | | falmouth | , } , |mr. fox's. | , } | | | plymouth | , } , n.|mount wise. | , } | | | plymouth | , } , n.|athenæum. | } | -----------+-------------------+------------------ observers:--f. capt. fitz-roy. s. lieut. sulivan. sg. mr. stebbing * * * * * { } . _observations of intensity._ the method employed by captain fitz-roy to determine the variations of the magnetic force was that of noting the time of vibration of a magnetic cylinder suspended horizontally. the cylinder was one which had been given by m. hansteen, in , to captain phillip parker king, r.n., and had been used by him during the survey of the coast of south america, which he conducted from to . the apparatus in which it was vibrated, both in captain king's and captain fitz-roy's voyages, was the well-known one of m. hansteen. by observations made with this cylinder on the d march , and again on the th january , in the garden of the royal observatory at greenwich, it appeared that its time of performing vibrations had increased from , seconds in , to , seconds in ; or , seconds in , days. a change of such magnitude in the magnetic intensity of the instrument employed to measure the variations of the terrestrial intensity, and which ought itself, therefore, to be invariable, would, in the generality of cases, have prevented any satisfactory conclusion whatsoever being drawn from the observations. fortunately from the nature of the duties in which captain king was engaged, he had occasion to return frequently to the same anchorages, and by his extreme care to repeat observations on every such return, he has provided a means of computing the decrease of the intensity of the cylinder, proportioned to intervals of time, between and ; and of thus introducing compensations for it, which render the results on the whole nearly as satisfactory as if the cylinder had preserved an uniform magnetic condition throughout. the voyage which captain fitz-roy had to perform promised to furnish few, if any, such opportunities of examining the state of the magnetism of the cylinder, between the departure from and the return to england; and,--as it cannot but be extremely discouraging to officers to make observations which they have reason to apprehend may prove unavailing from defect in the instrument employed,--it must be regarded as exceedingly creditable to captain fitz-roy and his officers, that, with the knowledge of the { } change which the cylinder had undergone in the preceding voyage, they persevered in diligently observing, and carefully recording, its time of vibration, at most of the principal ports which they visited in their voyage of five years' duration. nor was it until their return to the cape verd islands, in september , that they could infer, from observations repeated at the same spot as in their outward passage in , that the cylinder had not varied in any thing like the degree that it had done in the preceding voyage, and that the care and pains they had bestowed were therefore likely to be recompensed by success. this appears a fitting opportunity to remark, how much the establishment in england of a depository for magnetic needles is needed; whence officers, and persons desirous of making such observations, might be supplied with instruments, which had been kept a sufficient time to have attained their permanent magnetic state, and had been examined from time to time to prove that they had done so. the correction for temperature should be ascertained for each needle, and given with it; as well as the time of vibration (or whatever else constituted the measure of intensity,--as, for example, the angle of deflection in mr. lloyd's statical needles,)--observed at the spot which should be selected as most suitable for a point of general comparison; and the observations should be repeated at the same spot on the return of the needle. the want of such an establishment has long been greatly felt; and opportunities, where nothing was wanting but proper instruments, have been lost in consequence, where determinations of great value might have been obtained, in parts of the world of the highest magnetic interest, and where such opportunities are of rare occurrence. the corrections necessary to render the times of vibration at the different stations strictly comparable with each other, are as follows. st, for the rate of the chronometer. d, for the temperature of the needle. d, for the arc of vibration. th, for any change in the magnetic condition of the cylinder. in extensive voyages, the last-named correction, or that for the change in the cylinder itself, is the one which requires principal consideration. the corrections for temperature, and for the arc, on the first of which particularly much stress has sometimes been { } laid, are important when extreme accuracy is sought; as for example, in comparing the force at stations which have served as the unities of different observers: their effect is, however, of little moment in observations which include great differences of the terrestrial intensity. but when the magnetic condition of the needle has varied, and interpolation becomes necessary, the instances are rare in which it can be done with entire satisfaction. the time of vibration of this cylinder at plymouth, with corrections applied for the chronometer's rate, the temperature, and the arc, was, in december , , seconds, with a dip of ° ', , and in october , , seconds with a dip of ° ', . the difference in its magnetic state, at the two periods, is shown by the squares of the times of vibration multiplied by the cosine of the dip observed at the respective periods. this makes known what the time of vibration of the same cylinder would have been, had it been free to move in the direction of the dipping-needle, instead of being suspended horizontally; and, consequently, if it had been acted upon by the total magnetic intensity, instead of by the horizontal component only. it is here assumed that the total terrestrial intensity is constant at the same place. this is doubtless not strictly true; but the amount of the change must be too small to require consideration in the period occupied by captain fitz-roy's observations. the horizontal component must, however, necessarily vary with the changes in the dip: and it is, therefore, from the time of vibration in the direction of the dipping-needle, and not from the time of horizontal vibration, that the change, or otherwise, in the magnetism of the needle is to be inferred. we find, then, the equivalent time of vibration of this cylinder in the direction of the dipping-needle to have been , seconds in december , and , seconds in october ; showing a difference of , seconds in fifty-eight months. if we compare this amount with the far greater loss of intensity sustained by this cylinder in the preceding voyage, it seems a probable supposition that, at the commencement of captain fitz-roy's voyage, the cylinder had nearly attained its permanent magnetic state; and that its further loss of magnetism, occasioning an increase of , seconds in the time of vibration, took place in the early part of the voyage: supposing the loss to have been progressive, and not sudden, as from accidents, of which the observations give no indications. { } consistently with this supposition, the loss has been distributed through the first half, or twenty-nine months, of this voyage, in the proportion of three-tenths of a second per month in the first ten months, commencing december st ; two-tenths per month in the next nine months; and one-tenth per month in the remaining nine months. in the last twenty-nine months of the voyage, the intensity of the cylinder is supposed to have been uniform, and the same which it was found to possess on the return to england in . it is satisfactory that, with this compensation, the observations at port praya, in january , and in september , assign almost identically the same relative magnetic intensity to that station. the correction for temperature for this cylinder not having been previously examined, i received it from captain fitz-roy for that purpose, and made with it the following observations. the cylinder, in its own apparatus, was placed in a large earthen jar, glazed at the top, and standing in a larger earthen vessel, into which warm water could be poured at pleasure, and the cylinder was then vibrated alternately in heated air and in air of the natural temperature. these experiments were made at tortington, in sussex. { } +---------+-------+----------+----------+------------+ | | | | thermom. | time | | |day. | hour. |(reaumur.)|of vibration| +---------+-------+----------+----------+------------+ | | |h. m. | ° | s | | {|june | a.m.| , | , | | {| -- | p.m.| , | , | | {| -- | p.m.| , | , | | {| -- | p.m.| , | , | | exp. {| -- | p.m.| , | , | | {| -- | p.m.| , | , | | {| -- | p.m.| , | , | | {| -- | p.m.| , | , | | {| -- | p.m.| , | , | | | | | | | | {|june | a.m.| , | , | | {| -- | a.m.| , | , | | exp. {| -- | p.m.| , | , | | {| -- | p.m.| , | , | | {| -- | p.m.| , | , | | {| -- | p.m.| , | , | +---------+-------+----------+----------+------------+ +---------+------------------------------------------------------ -+ | | | | | | +---------+------------------------------------------------------ -+ | | | | {|} h. m. ° s | | {|} mean, p.m. , , natural temperature. | | {|} | | {|} | | exp. {|} mean, p.m. , , heated air. | | {|} | | {|} | | {|} mean, p.m. , , natural temperature. | | {|} | | | | | {|} mean, a.m. , , natural temperature. | | {|} | | exp. {|} mean, p.m. , , heated air. | | {|} | | {|} mean, p.m. , , natural temperature. | | {|} | +---------+--------------------------------------------------------+ in the first experiment, t= , ; t' . ; t= °, faht.; and t'= °, faht. in the second experiment, t= , ; t' , ; t= °, faht.; and t'= °, faht. the first experiment gives (t-t')/t(t-t') = . /( , × , )=. . the second experiment gives (t-t')/t(t-t') = , /( , × , )=. . { } whence the formula t'=t [ × . ( °-t)], in which t is the time of vibration at any station, t, the temperature of the cylinder in degrees of fahrenheit, and t' is the equivalent time at a standard temperature of °. the thermometer was noted at the beginning and ending of every set of vibrations, and was always placed in the box with the cylinder. * * * * * at all captain fitz-roy's stations the apparatus was placed for observation on a stand, which raised it from two to three feet above the ground, thereby rendering the cylinder somewhat less liable to be disturbed by local influences: it was not furnished with a means of examining the strict horizontality of the cylinder, that improvement having been introduced into m. hansteen's apparatus at a later period. on this point captain fitz-roy remarks: "a small leaden tripod was used as a stand, whose upper surface was adjusted by a small spirit-level--or roughly by the trough of an artificial horizon, filled with mercury. upon the leaden stand the box containing the needle was adjusted by its foot-screws, so that the suspending fibre of silk hung centrally in the wooden tube, the needle's centre being over that of the graduated circle, and the needle itself near, but not touching, the bottom of the box. the needle was not always strictly parallel to the bottom of the box, nor strictly horizontal, because i would not move the brass stirrup in which it was suspended, but its deviation from strict horizontality _never_ exceeded two degrees, and was seldom nearly so much." the time of completing every tenth vibration was recorded. the time of performing vibrations is deduced from a mean generally of seven partial results: _i.e._ from the th to the th; th to the th; and so on, to the th and th vibrations; the commencing vibration being always at an arc of °. in a very few instances the number of vibrations observed, after the commencing arc of °, was less than ; in such cases the first vibration after the arc had become ° has still been taken as the commencing one, though previous ones may have been recorded; it being kept strictly in view, to obtain the relative time of vibration in arcs as nearly the same as possible, and not exceeding ° as the initial. the arc was reduced to ° generally about the th vibration; and one thousandth of the time of vibration has been taken throughout the series as the correction to infinitely small arcs. { } the object of noting the time of every tenth vibration is to check errors in the counting, which will sometimes occur in the course of the , particularly with the very short and quick-moving needles of m. hansteen's very portable apparatus, and at stations of low dip, where the horizontal force is greatest, and the needle consequently moves most quickly. several such mistakes evidently occurred. when the time of completing every supposed tenth vibration is observed with tolerable exactness, and the duration of each pair of vibrations decidedly exceeds any irregularity of probable occurrence, apart from miscounting the number of vibrations, such mistakes can be discovered with ease, and rectified with certainty. this has been done in every case where no doubt could exist of a mistake of the kind having occurred; such as when all the intervals are of nearly equal duration, with one or two exceptions, which differ as much as three or four seconds from the general body. there are two stations, however, callao and keeling islands, where the rectification is not so clear, or the true result so obvious. at callao there are three series of horizontal intensities, each of forty observed intervals, which should be of ten vibrations each. several of these intervals are between , and , seconds, and several others between , and , seconds. these can hardly represent an equal number of vibrations, because the difference between them is greater than can easily be supposed due to any uncertainty in seizing the particular beat of the chronometer at which the vibration was completed; it is, moreover, about the time that would be occupied by two vibrations more or less. the question then arises, do the longer intervals represent , and the shorter vibrations, or do the longer represent , and the shorter ? in the former supposition the intensity at callao would be about . (paris = . ): in the latter about . . the difference shews how great an error would be risked by either assumption. if we take a mean of all the intervals as they stand, the amount of error risked would be certainly lessened; but we should assuredly not have the true time of three hundred vibrations, except on one supposition: namely, that the irregularities in question are not errors in estimating the number of vibrations, but that each interval really represented an equal number, and that some unusual and accidental cause occasioned the needle to differ so greatly in successive intervals. but this { } supposition would imply a disturbing cause vitiating the series as a measure of the magnetic intensity at the station. i have not ventured, therefore, to draw any conclusion from these observations, farther than to notice, as above, the limits within which, in either of the two first suppositions, the intensity would fall. a nearly similar reasoning applies to the observations at keeling islands; of three series, one is decidedly so irregular, that no inference could be drawn from it; in the two other series the irregularities are neither so frequent, nor so large: my general impression (in the uncertainty created by the irregularity of the first series), is, that the majority of the intervals are of twelve vibrations, and not of ten: if of twelve, the intensity would be about , ; if of ten, about , . the inconvenience of the rapid motion of the needle, occasioned, at one part of the voyage, the practice to be discontinued of observing every tenth vibration, and every twentieth was substituted. this no doubt relieved the perplexity in which the observer occasionally found himself, in having to observe, and record, and be prepared again to observe, at every twenty seconds or less, and so far the change enabled him to observe better. but still, the disadvantage remains, in so quick moving a needle, that if a mistake of two vibrations is made, the difference of time occasioned is not of so marked and decided a character as to be at all times at once distinguished. it is of much more importance that there should be no miscount of the vibrations, than that the times should be recorded correctly to the fraction of a second. it is only the earlier and later times that are finally influential; but every undetected error in the number of vibrations falls with its whole weight upon the result. the occasional discrepancies in the results of the same, or of different, observers, or on the same, or on different, days, which are seen in the subjoined table, are not, i believe, traceable to the source i have been discussing, nor apparently to any other than an actual difference in the time of the cylinder performing its vibration. a mean has been taken as the result at each station, except at st. helena, where the discrepancy on the th and th of july was so considerable, that it has been thought more satisfactory to collect the observations of each day into separate results. the subjoined table comprises the result of each observation, { } and the general results deduced for each station. the column entitled "time" is that of vibrations; and the "corrected time" is the mean of these, corrected for the rate of the chronometer and the arc, and reduced to an average temperature of °. the dips are those observed by captain fitz-roy; except at port famine, where, as captain fitz-roy did not observe, it has been supplied from captain king's observations; and at coquimbo, where, for the purpose of computing the intensity, it has been supplied by estimation from the other geographic positions on this coast, at which captain fitz-roy observed the dip. in the column showing the time of vibration as a dipping-needle at plymouth corresponding to the periods of observation at the several stations, the compensations have been introduced for the variation in the intensity of the cylinder, agreeably to what has been said above on that subject. the two final columns exhibit the values of the total magnetic intensity at the different stations derived from these observations. in the first of the two columns, the values are given relatively to the force at plymouth, considered as unity; and in the second column, relatively to the force at plymouth, expressed by . ; for the purpose of exhibiting captain fitz-roy's results in direct comparison with the determinations of continental observers, who have taken paris as their basis, giving the force at paris the arbitrary expression of . . i have taken the ratio of the force at plymouth to that at paris to be as . to . , which i believe will prove a very near approximation; it is that which results from captain fitz-roy's observations at plymouth, in october (page ), and mine, at tortington, in sussex, in june (page ): the dip at tortington, at the period in question being ° ', and the intensity, compared with paris, through the medium of london, . . { } +--------------------+-------+------+--------+------+---------+---------+ | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |chron.'s| | |corrected| | station. | date. | time.| rate. |therm.|observer.| time | +--------------------+-------+------+--------+------+---------+---------+ | | | s. | s. | ° | | s. | | plymouth |dec. | , | - , | | kg. | , | | | | | | | | | | {|jan. | , | - , | | f. }| , | | port praya {| -- | , | - , | | k. }| | | {| -- | , | - , | | f. }| | | {| -- | , | - , | | k. }| | | {|feb. | , | - , | | f. }| | | | | | | | | | | rio de janeiro |may | , | - , | | s. | , | | | | | | | | | | blanco bay {|sept. | , | , | | f. }| , | | {| -- | , | , | | f. }| | | | | | | | | | | {|mar. | , | + , | | f. }| | | falkland islands, {| -- | , | + , | | f. }| , | | magellan cove {| -- | , | + , | | f. }| | | {| -- | , | + , | | f. }| | | | | | | | | | | monte video {|nov. | , | + , | | f. }| , | | {|-- | , | + , | | f. }| | | | | | | | | | | port desire {|dec. | , | + , | | f. }| , | | {| -- | , | + , | | f. }| | | | | | | | | | | |mar. | , | + , | | k. }| | | falkland islands {| -- | , | + , | | k. }| , | | port louis {| -- | , | + , | | k. }| | | {| -- | , | + , | | k. }| | | {| -- | , | + , | | k. }| | +--------------------+-------+------+--------+------+---------+---------+ +---------------------+--------+--------------------+------------+ | | | time of vibration | | | | |as a dipping-needle.| intensity | | | |---------+----------+-----+------+ | |observed|at each | at | | | | station. | dip |station. | plymouth.| . | . | +---------------------+--------+---------+----------+-----+------+ | | ° ' | s. | s. | | | | plymouth | , | , | , | , | , | | | | | | | | | {| , | , | , | , | , | | port praya {| | | | | | | {| | | | | | | {| | | | | | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | rio de janeiro | , | , | , | , | , | | | | | | | | | blanco bay {| | , | , | , | , | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | {| | | | | | | falkland islands, {| , | , | , | , | , | | magellan cove {| | | | | | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | monte video {| , | , | , | , | , | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | port desire {| , | , | , | , | , | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | falkland islands {| , | , | , | , | , | | port louis {| | | | | | | {| | | | | | | {| | | | | | +---------------------+--------+---------+----------+-----+------+ { } +--------------------+-------+------+--------+------+---------+---------+ | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |chron.'s| | |corrected| | station. | date. | time.| rate. |therm.|observer.| time | +--------------------+-------+------+--------+------+---------+---------+ | | | s. | s. | ° | | s. | | {|may | , | + , | | k. }| | | r. santa cruz {| -- | , | + , | | st. }| , | | {| -- | , | + , | | st. }| | | | | | | | | | | port famine {|june | , | + , | | s. }| , | | {| -- | , | + , | | s. }| | | | | | | | | | | chilóe {|dec. | , | + , | | k. }| , | | {| -- | , | + , | | k. }| | | | | | | | | | | port low {|jan. | , | + , | | k. }| , | | {| -- | , | + , | | k. }| | | | | | | | | | | valdivia {|feb. | , | + , | | k. }| , | | {| -- | , | + , | | k. }| | | | | | | | | | | {|apr. | , | + , | | k. }| | | concepçion {| -- | , | + , | | k. }| , | | {| -- | , | + , | | k. }| | | {| -- | , | + , | | k. }| | | | | | | | | | | coquimbo {|june | , | + , | | k. }| , | | {| -- | , | + , | | k. }| | | | | | | | | | | galapagos islands,{|oct. | , | - , | | st. }| , | | charles island {| -- | , | - , | | st. }| | | | | | | | | | | {|nov. | , | + , | | k. }| | | otaheite, {| -- | , | + , | | k. }| , | | or tahiti} {| -- | , | + , | | k. }| | | {| -- | , | + , | | k. }| | +--------------------+-------+------+--------+------+---------+---------+ +---------------------+--------+--------------------+------------+ | | | time of vibration | | | | |as a dipping-needle.| intensity | | | |---------+----------+-----+------+ | |observed|at each | at | | | | station. | dip |station. | plymouth.| . | . | +---------------------+--------+---------+----------+-----+------+ | | ° ' | s. | s. | | | | {| | | | | | | r. santa cruz {| , | , | , | , | , | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | port famine {| , | , | , | , | , | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | chilóe {| , | , | , | , | , | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | port low {| , | , | , | , | , | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | valdivia {| , | , | , | , | , | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | {| | | | | | | concepçion {| , | , | , | , | , | | {| | | | | | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | coquimbo {| | , | , | , | , | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | galapagos islands, {| , | , | , | , | , | | charles island {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | {| | | | | | | otaheite, {| , | , | , | , | , | | or tahiti} {| | | | | | | {| | | | | | +---------------------+--------+---------+----------+-----+------+ { } +--------------------+-------+------+--------+------+---------+---------+ | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |chron.'s| | |corrected| | station. | date. | time.| rate. |therm.|observer.| time | +--------------------+-------+------+--------+------+---------+---------+ | | | s. | s. | ° | | s. | | new zealand {|dec. | , | + , | | k. }| , | | {| -- | , | + , | | k. }| | | | | | | | | | | {|jan. | , | - , | | s. }| | | sydney {| -- | , | - , | | s. }| , | | {| -- | , | - , | | k. }| | | {| -- | , | - , | | k. }| | | | | | | | | | | hobart town {|feb. | , | + , | | s. }| , | | {| -- | , | + , | | s. }| | | | | | | | | | | king george sound {|mar. | , | - , | | s. }| , | | {| -- | , | + , | | s. }| | | | | | | | | | | {|may | , | - , | | k. }| | | mauritius {| -- | , | - , | | k. }| , | | {| -- | , | - , | | k. }| | | | | | | | | | | {|june | , | - , | | s. }| | | cape of good hope {| -- | , | - , | | s. }| , | | {| -- | , | + , | | f. }| | | {| -- | , | + , | | f. }| | | | | | | | | | | {|july | , | - , | | s. }| | | st. helena {| -- | , | - , | | st. }| , | | {| -- | , | - , | | s. }| | | | | | | | | | | {| -- | , | - , | | s. }| | | st. helena {| -- | , | - , | | s. }| , | | {| -- | , | - , | | s. }| | | | | | | | | | | {|july | , | - , | | s. }| | | ascension {| -- | , | - , | | s. }| , | | {| -- | , | - , | | s. }| | | | | | | | | | | {|aug. | , | - , | | s. }| | | bahia {| -- | , | - , | | s. }| , | | {| -- | , | - , | | s. }| | | {| -- | , | - , | | s. }| | +--------------------+-------+------+--------+------+---------+---------+ +---------------------+--------+--------------------+------------+ | | | time of vibration | | | | |as a dipping-needle.| intensity | | | |---------+----------+-----+------+ | |observed|at each | at | | | | station. | dip |station. | plymouth.| . | . | +---------------------+--------+---------+----------+-----+------+ | | ° ' | s. | s. | | | | new zealand {| , | , | , | , | , | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | {| | | | | | | sydney {| , | , | , | , | , | | {| | | | | | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | hobart town {| , | , | , | , | , | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | king george sound {| , | , | , | , | , | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | {| | | | | | | mauritius {| , | , | , | , | , | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | {| | | | | | | cape of good hope {| , | , | , | , | , | | {| | | | | | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | {| | | | | | | st. helena {| , | , | , | , | , | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | {| | | | | | | st. helena {| , | , | , | , | , | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | {| | | | | | | ascension {| , | , | , | , | , | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | {| | | | | | | bahia {| , | , | , | , | , | | {| | | | | | | {| | | | | | +---------------------+--------+---------+----------+-----+------+ { } +--------------------+-------+------+--------+------+---------+---------+ | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |chron.'s| | |corrected| | station. | date. | time.| rate. |therm.|observer.| time | +--------------------+-------+------+--------+------+---------+---------+ | | | s. | s. | ° | | s. | | {|aug. | , | - . | | s. }| | | pernambuco {| -- | , | - . | | s. }| . | | {| -- | , | - . | | s. }| | | {| -- | , | - . | | s. }| | | | | | | | | | | {|sept. | , | - . | | s. }| | | port praya {| -- | , | - . | | s. }| , | | {| -- | , | - . | | s. }| | | {| -- | , | - . | | s. }| | | | | | | | | | | terceira {|sept. | , | - . | | s. }| , | | {| -- | , | - . | | s. }| | | | | | | | | | | {|oct. | , | + . | | ss. }| | | plymouth {| -- | , | + . | | ss. }| , | | {| -- | , | + . | | ss. }| | +--------------------+-------+------+--------+------+---------+---------+ +---------------------+--------+--------------------+------------+ | | | time of vibration | | | | |as a dipping-needle.| intensity | | | |---------+----------+-----+------+ | |observed|at each | at | | | | station. | dip |station. | plymouth.| . | . | +---------------------+--------+---------+----------+-----+------+ | | ° ' | s. | s. | | | | {| | | | | | | pernambuco {| , | , | , | , | , | | {| | | | | | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | {| | | | | | | port praya {| , | , | , | , | , | | {| | | | | | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | terceira {| | , | , | , | , | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | {| | | | | | | plymouth {| , | , | , | , | , | | {| | | | | | +---------------------+--------+---------+----------+-----+------+ observers:--f. captain fitz-roy. ss. mr. j.l. stokes. kg. capt. king. s. lieut. sulivan. st. mr. p.b. stewart. k. mr. p.g. king. * * * * * { } . _captain king's observations of dip and intensity._ captain king, having hitherto made known his observations with the same cylinder in the years to only by communicating them to m. hansteen, from whom he received the apparatus, has now given permission to captain fitz-roy to publish them with his own. i have already noticed the great loss of magnetism which took place in this cylinder during captain king's voyage, and the care with which that officer availed himself of every opportunity of ascertaining, by direct observation, the proportion of the loss sustained in separate portions of the voyage. there are twelve stations of observation on the east and west coasts of south america, besides three stations in ports of the atlantic on the outward voyage. by the practice of repeating observations at the same station at distant intervals, the south american stations are so linked together and connected, that by adopting a method similar to that used in determining longitudes by means of chronometers, we may compute the intensity at all the south american stations referred to and dependent on the force at rio de janeiro; regarding rio in the same light as a first meridian is considered in determinations of longitude. we may then make rio the means of connecting the whole series with europe; for which it is remarkably well suited, the intensity there having been determined, independently of captain king, by four observers of different nations, whose results are extremely accordant. the dip observations of captain king were communicated, in occasional correspondence during the voyage, to m. hansteen, who computed them by mayer's formula, and arranged them in a table, of which a copy was given by captain king to captain fitz-roy, and is printed in the next page. at some of the stations captain fitz-roy also observed the dip in the subsequent voyage, and, as will be seen, the results of the two observers sometimes differ considerably. this may have been caused, either by instrumental or other error of observation, or by actual differences of dip existing in different localities at the same station. * * * * * { } dips, _observed by_ capt. p. p. king, to . +------------------+-------+---------------------+---------------------+ | | |marked end a n. pole.|marked end a s. pole.| | | |----------+----------+----------+----------+ | station. |needle.| a | a' | a" | a"' | +------------------+-------+----------+----------+----------+----------+ | | | ° ' | ° ' | ° ' | ° ' | | rio de janeiro {| | , | , | , | , | | {| | , | , | , | , | | | | | | | | | {| | , | , | , | , | | sta. catharina {| | , | , | , | , | | {| | , | , | , | , | | | | | | | | | {| | , | , | , | , | | monte video {| | , | , | , | , | | {| | , | , | , | , | | | | | | | | | {| | , | , | , | , | | port famine {| | , | , | , | , | | {| | , | , | , | , | | | | | | | | | {| | , | , | , | , | | gorriti {| | , | , | , | , | | {| | , | , | , | , | | | | | | | | | sea bear bay | | , | , | , | , | | | | | | | | | {| | , | , | , | , | | st. martin cove {| | , | , | , | , | | {| | , | , | , | , | | | | | | | | | {| | , | , | , | , | | chilóe {| | , | , | , | , | | {| | , | , | , | , | | | | | | | | | {| | , | , | , | , | | valparaiso {| | , | , | , | , | | {| | , | , | , | , | | | | | | | | | {| | , | , | , | , | | juan fernandez {| | , | , | , | , | | {| | , | , | , | , | | | | | | | | | talcahuano | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | +------------------+-------+----------+----------+----------+----------+ +------------------+---------------------+-------------------------+ | | | | | | | | | station. | dip deduced. | remarks. | +------------------+---------------------+-------------------------+ | | ° ' ° ' | | | rio de janeiro {| , } , s.| | | {| , } | | | | | | | {| , } | | | sta. catharina {| , } , s.| | | {| , } | | | | | | | {| , } | | | monte video {| , } , s.| | | {| , } | | | | | | | {| , } | | | port famine {| , } , s.| | | {| , } | | | | | | | {| , } | | | gorriti {| , } , s.| | | {| , } | | | | | | | sea bear bay | , , s.| | | | | | | {| , } | | | st. martin cove {| , } , s.| | | {| , } | | | | | | | {| , } | | | chilóe {| , } , s.| | | {| , } | | | | | | | {| , } | | | valparaiso {| , } , s.| | | {| , } | | | | | | | {| , } | | | juan fernandez {| , } , s.| | | {| , } | | | | | | | talcahuano | -- , s.|the particulars of this | | | |observation are wanting. | +------------------+---------------------+-------------------------+ { } the following table contains captain king's observations of intensity, with the times of vibration corrected for the arc and reduced to a standard temperature of °. magnetic intensity, _observed by_ capt. p. p. king _between and ._ ----------------+------------+------+------+-----------+----------------- | | | | corrected | station. | date. | time.|therm.| time. |particular place. ----------------+------------+------+------+-----------+----------------- | | s. | ° | | greenwich {| mar. | , | , | , }|observatory. {| jan. | , | , | , }| | | | | | madeira | may | , | , | , |consul's garden. | | | | | teneriffe | -- june | , | , | , |fort st. pedro. | | | | | port praya {| -- -- | , | , |} , {|landing place, {| -- -- | , | , |} {|quail island. | | | | | {| -- aug. | , | , | , }| {| sept. | , | , | }| rio de janeiro {| -- -- | , | , |} }|rat island. {| -- -- | , | , |} , }| {| -- -- | , | , |} }| {| dec. | , | , | , }| | | | | | sta catharina | nov. | , | , | , |anhatomirim. | | | | | {| oct. | , | , |} , }| gorriti {| -- nov. | , | , |} }|the well. {| jan. | , | , | , }| | | | | | {| dec. | , | , | , }|south point near monte video {| oct. | , | , | , }|the sea. {| june | , | , | , }| | | | | | port sta elena | dec. | , | , | , |landing-place. | | | | | sea bear bay | mar. | , | , | , |landing-place. | | | | | {| jan. | , | , |} | st. martin cove{| -- -- | , | , |} , }|head of the {| -- -- | , | , |} }|cove. {| -- mar. | , | , | , }| | | | | | {| jan. | , | , | , }| {| -- may | , | , | , }| port famine {| -- june | , | , |} , }|observatory. {| -- july | , | , |} }| {| apr. | , | , | , }| | | | | | chilóe {| sept. | , | , |} , |san carlos. {| -- dec. | , | , |} | | | | | | juan fernandez | feb. | , | , | , |landing-place. | | | | | talcahuano {| dec. | , | , | , }|fort galvez. {| may | , | , | , }| | | | | | {| aug. | , | , | , }| valparaiso {| jan. | , | , |} , }|almendral. {| -- feb. | , | , |} }| ----------------+------------+------+------+-----------+----------------- { } at rio de janeiro, which was the first station observed at in south america, the cylinder was vibrated in august , september , and december ; in the intervals between these dates are comprised the greater part of the observations on the east side of south america. there is no direct observation at rio subsequently to december ; but we are enabled to supply the time of vibration, which would have been observed had the cylinder been employed at rio on june , , in the following manner. we have seen that on the th september the time of vibration was observed at rio; on the th december following it was observed at monte video. these observations give the intensity at monte video relatively to that at rio, subject to whatever change of magnetism the cylinder may have undergone in the interval of three months. this comparison was repeated in the following year, on captain king's return from monte video to rio, the interval being nearly of the same duration, and the order of the experiment reversed, the passage being in this instance from monte video to rio, it having been before from rio to monte video. on the supposition of an uniform, or nearly uniform rate of change in the cylinder, the errors arising therefrom during the two passages would be of opposite kinds, and should compensate each other in a mean of the two comparisons. calling the force at rio unity, these comparisons give its value at monte video respectively as follows, namely, september and december ... . } october and december ... . } mean . . on the st of june , being then on his return from the west coast of south america, and on the eve of sailing for england, captain king again observed the time of vibration of the cylinder at monte video; whence, through the preceding comparison, we obtain the time of vibration at rio, which should belong to the same date. we have thus a fourth date at rio, which, added to those enumerated above, will include the whole of the south american stations; and we have only to distribute in each interval the loss of magnetism which the observations shew to have taken place from one date to the next, in the manner which may appear most suitable. there is no very obvious indication that the loss was other than gradual; and by considering it uniform in each separate { } interval, the results are found extremely accordant at several other stations at which observations were repeated at distant intervals. in the first of the subjoined tables are given the times of vibration at rio at the four periods referred to; and the corresponding times as a dipping needle. in its three last columns are shewn,--the number of days comprised in each interval,--the increase in the time of vibration owing to the loss of magnetism,--and the resulting daily correction, on the supposition in each case of the loss having been uniform in the interval during which it occurred. the second table contains the corrected times of horizontal vibration at each of the south american stations, at the dates respectively inserted,--the corresponding times as a dipping needle,--the times of vibration as a dipping needle at rio de janeiro at the same dates, derived from the observations in the first table,--and the resulting intensity at each station relatively to unity at rio. thus far the results are derived from captain king's observations, unmixed with those of any other observer: but in order to bring captain king's series into connexion with the general body of results of other observers, the values of his intensities are expressed in the final column in terms of the scale in common use, in which the force at paris = , , and at rio de janeiro , ; the latter being the mean of four independent determinations by the following observers, namely, and freycinet , } lütke , } , erman , } fitz-roy , } port st. elena is not included in this table, as no dip was observed there, and the total intensity consequently cannot be computed. the three stations, madeira, teneriffe, and port praya, at which the cylinder was vibrated in the outward voyage, are also without dips observed by captain king. the deficiency at port praya has been supplied from captain fitz-roy's observations and my own, both having been made at the same place at which captain king's intensity was observed,--captain fitz-roy's at a later, and mine at an earlier date. at madeira also the dip has been supplied from my observations, which were made in the british consul's garden at funchal, where captain king's cylinder was vibrated. i have { } deducted, from my determination of the dip, ' for the probable change between and . at teneriffe the dip has been frequently observed; but the values assigned by different observers vary so much as to indicate a more than usual frequency of local disturbance, which might also be expected from the geological character of that island. it would be unsafe therefore to employ any dip for that station but one which was certainly obtained at the same spot at which the horizontal intensity was observed. the dates of the observations at these three stations fall between the observations at greenwich in march , and those at rio de janeiro in august of the same year. having the intensity at greenwich = , and at rio = , , and the dip at greenwich ° ', and at rio ° , we have the time of vibration of captain king's cylinder as a dipping needle at rio at the respective dates as follows, namely, march , . august , . it appears therefore that but a very slight change took place in the magnetism of the cylinder during the outward voyage, and we may take , as the time of vibration at rio, corresponding to the dates of the intermediate observations; and this is done in the table for madeira and port praya. { } table i. ------------------+------------------------+---------+-----+--------- | time of vibration. | | | |-----------+------------+ | | rio de janeiro. |horizontal.|as a dipping|interval.|loss.|per diem. | | needle. | | | ------------------+-----------+------------+---------+-----+--------- | s. | s. | days. | s. | august , | , | , |} | , | . september , | , | , |} | | december , | , | , | | , | . june , | , | , | | , | . ------------------+-----------+------------+---------+-----+--------- table ii. ---------------+-------------+------------------------+------------------ | | time of vibration. | intensity. | |------------------------+-----------+------ | | at the station.|at rio.| | | |--------+-------+-------+ | | | | as a | as a | | | | |dipping|dipping| |rio= station. | date. |horizon.|needle.|needle.| rio= , .| , . ---------------+-------------+--------+-------+-------+-----------+------ | | s. | s. | s. | | madeira | may | , | , | , | , | , | | | | | | port praya {| june |} , | , | , | , | , {| and |} | | | | | | | | | | sta catharina | nov. | , | , | , | , | , | | | | | | gorriti {| oct. |} , | , | , | , } | -- {| and nov. |} | | | } , | , -- | jan. | , | , | , | , } | | | | | | | monte video | dec. | , | , | , | , } | -- | oct. | , | , | , | , } , | , -- | june | , | , | , | , } | | | | | | | sea bear bay | mar. | , | , | , | , | , | | | | | | st. martin {| jan. |} , | , | , | , } | cove {| and |} | | | } , | , -- | -- mar. | , | , | , | , } | | | | | | | port famine | jan. | , | , | , | , | -- | -- may | , | , | , | , } | -- {| -- june |} , | , | , | , } , | , {| and july |} | | | } | -- | april | , | , | , | , } | | | | | | | chilóe {| sept. |} , | , | , | , | , {| and dec. |} | | | | juan fernandez | feb. | , | , | , | , | , | | | | | | talcahuano | dec. | , | , | , | , } , | , -- | may | , | , | , | , } | | | | | | | valparaiso | aug. | , | , | , | , } , | , -- {| jan. |} , | , | , | , } | {| and feb. |} | | | | ---------------+-------------+--------+-------+-------+-----------+------ { } .--the following table exhibits the magnetic observations of captains king and fitz-roy collected in one view. ---------------+---------+----------+----------+--------------+---------- | | | | |intensity, | | | | | paris= stations. |latitude.|longitude.|variation.| dip. | , . ---------------+---------+----------+----------+--------------+---------- | ° ' | ° ' | ° ' | ° ' | madeira | n.| w. | -- | | k. , | | | | | terceira | n.| w. | w. | f. n.| f. , | | | | | | | | |{ -- | k. , port praya | n.| w. | w. |{f. , n.| f. , | | | |{f. , n.| f. , | | | | | ascension | s.| w. | w. | f. , n.| f. , | | | | | st. helena | s.| w. | w. | f. , s.|{f. , | | | | |{f. , | | | | | falkland | s.| w. | e. |{f. , s.| f. , islands | | | |{f. , s.| f. , | | | | | pernambuco | s.| w. | w. | f. , n.| f. , | | | | | bahia | s.| w. | w. |{f. , n.|}f. , | | | |{f. , n.|} | | | | | rio de janeiro | s.| w. | e. |{k. , s.|}f. , | | | |{f. , s.|} | | | | | sta catharina | s.| w. | -- | k. , s.| k. , | | | | | gorriti | s.| w. | -- | k. , s.| k. , | | | | | monte video | s.| w. | e. |{k. , s.| k. , | | | |{f. , s.| f. , | | | | | blanco bay | s.| w. | e. | f. , s.| f. , | | | | | port desire | s.| w. | e. | f. , s.| f. , | | | | | sea bear bay | s.| w. | -- | k. , s.| k. , | | | | | r. santa cruz | s.| w. | e. | f. , s.| f. , | | | | | st. martin cove| s.| w. | -- | k. , s.| k. , | | | | | port famine | s.| w. | e. | k. , s.|{k. , | | | | |{f. , | | | | | port san andres| s.| w. | e. | f. , s.| -- | | | | | port low | s.| w. | e. | f. , s.| f. , | | | | | chilóe | s.| w. | e. |{k. , s.| k. , | | | |{f. , s.| f. , | | | | | valdivia | s.| w. | e. | f. , s.| f. , | | | | | concepçion | s.| w. | e. |{k. , s.| k. , | | | |{f. , s.| f. , | | | | | valparaiso | s.| w. | e. |{k. , s.|}k. , | | | |{f. , s.|} | | | | | coquimbo | s.| w. | e. | -- | f. , | | | | | callao | s.| w. | e. | f. , s.| | | | | | galapagos | s.| w. | e. | f. , n.| islands | | | | | | | | | | ditto | s.| w. | e. | f. , n.| f. , | | | | | juan fernandez | s.| w. | | k. , s.| k. , | | | | | otaheite | s.| w. | e. | f. , s.| f. , | | | | | cape of good | s.| e. | w. | f. , s.| f. , hope | | | | | | | | | | mauritius | s.| e. | w. | f. , s.| f. , | | | | | keeling islands| s.| e. | w. | f. , s.| | | | | | new zealand | s.| e. | e. | f. , s.| f. , | | | | | king george | s.| e. | w. | f. , s.| f. , sound | | | | | | | | | | hobart town | s.| e. | e. | f. , s.| f. , | | | | | sydney | s.| e. | e. | f. , s.| f. , ---------------+---------+----------+----------+--------------+---------- { } general remarks. . _variation._ captain fitz-roy's observations are so well distributed over the southern hemisphere, that a good view of the changes which the variation is undergoing throughout its meridians may be obtained by comparing his determinations with those of earlier observers at the same stations. the following table has been formed for the purpose of exhibiting such a comparison at all those stations where materials for it exist; and i may here remark how much such comparisons are facilitated by the valuable collection of early observations contained in the appendix to the magnetismus der erde. cape of good hope. | valparaiso. observer. | date.| variation.| observer. | date.| variation. | | ° ' | | | ° ' davis | | . e. | don g. juan | | . e. keeling | | . w. | vancouver | | . e. leydecker | | . w. | lütke | | . e. mathews | | . w. | fitz-roy | | . e. la caille | | . w. | wales | | . w. | callao. wales | | . w. | ulloa | | . e. bligh | | . w. | duperrey | | . e. dentrecasteaux | | . w. | fitz-roy | | . e. freycinet | | . w. | fitz-roy | | . w. | galapagos islands. | vancouver | | . e. st. helena | b. hall | | . e. davis | | . e. | fitz-roy | | . e. halley | | . e. | halley | | . w. | otaheite. mathews | | . w. | cook | | . e. wales | | . w. | wales | | . e. hunter | | . w. | bayley | | . e. macdonald | | . w. | vancouver | | . e. krusenstern | | . w. | duperrey | | . e. fitz-roy | | . w. | fitz-roy | | . e. | rio de janeiro. | bay of islands, n. zealand. cook | | . e. | tasman | | . e. hunter | | . e. | cook | | . e. freycinet | | . e. | duperrey | | . e. rumker | | . e. | fitz-roy | | . e. erman | | . e. | fitz-roy | | . e. | sydney. | cook | | . e. falklands islands. | hunter | | . e. freycinet | | . e. | flinders | | . e. duperrey | | . e. | freycinet | | . e. fitz-roy | | . e. | duperrey | | . e. | fitz-roy | | . e. port famine | wallis | | . e. | van diemen's land. carteret | | . e. | tasman | | . e. fitz-roy | | . e. | bayley | | . e. | bligh | | . e. concepÇion. | fitz-roy | | . e. la perouse | | . e. | b. hall | | . e. | mauritius. duperrey | | . e. | keeling | | . w. fitz-roy | | . e. | mathews | | . w. | freycinet | | . w. | duperrey | | . w. | fitz-roy | | . w. { } we may derive from the facts in the above table the following general and easily remembered conclusion in regard to the changes of the variation in the southern hemisphere; namely, that taking for our point of departure the meridian of ° west in south america, we find that at all the stations east of that meridian to the cape of good hope inclusive, the north pole of the needle has moved towards the west; and that all the stations west of the same meridian to mauritius inclusive, the north pole of the needle has moved towards the east. an almost equally simple generalization may be drawn in respect to the changes of situation of the lines of equal variation in the southern hemisphere: but here it must be supposed either that the reader is thoroughly familiar with the general arrangement of these lines, or that he has a map of them before him. he will find such a map of the variation lines in in the fifth report of the british association; but any other map, corresponding to any epoch within the last hundred years, will equally serve the purpose. referring to such a map, it will be seen that the lines of variation in the south pacific, form a system of nearly concentric curves, of an oval, or pear-shaped form, the outside curves having a higher variation, which progressively diminishes to the centre. we may regard this system as comprehending the whole of the geographical space between the coast of south america and the meridian of new zealand. throughout this space the variation is easterly, and increases: we may consequently characterize the change in the situation of the lines of equal variation as a progressive closing-in { } of the curves from all sides towards the centre, by which the areas severally comprehended by them become less; and the lower variations, as they successively reach the centre, disappear, and are replaced by the closing-in of those of next higher amount. the changes which have taken place at all captain fitz-roy's stations comprised within the space referred to, are accordant with the systematic alteration thus described. in all other parts of the hemisphere the lines of variation have a progressive westerly movement, and to this also captain fitz-roy's observations correspond. it follows, from what has been stated, that the lines on the western side of the concentric system in the south pacific have an eastward movement, which presents an apparent anomaly to the general progress of the lines of variation in the southern hemisphere, which is from east to west. otaheite, and the bay of islands in new zealand, present examples of changes in the variation corresponding to this apparent anomaly. the consistency, however, both of the movement and of the configuration of the lines of variation in this quarter, with those in other parts of the southern hemisphere, and with the general system of the magnetic phenomena, has been shewn by mr. hansteen in the magnetismus der erde, and in the annalen der physik, vol. xxi. the annual amount of the change of the variation appears considerably greater at the cape of good hope and mauritius than at any other of captain fitz-roy's stations, amounting to about eight minutes; shewing that the variation lines in that quarter are changing their position more rapidly than elsewhere. the north pole of the needle is moving to the west at the cape, and to the east at mauritius; but it will be seen, by a reference to the map, that these opposite movements are in perfect correspondence with the uniform westerly progression of the variation lines, and result from their configuration. at the stations in the vicinity of the meridian of ° west, the change appears to be very small. [the variation at ascension ( ° ' w.) is correctly inserted in the tables: it is the only one of captain fitz-roy's stations at which his observations are not accordant with those of other observers: the discordance may be occasioned by the great prevalence of local disturbances at ascension.] { } ii. _dip._ the following table exhibits the comparison of captain fitz-roy's observations of the dip in the southern hemisphere, with those of earlier observers, at stations where the materials for such a comparison exist. ascension. | | observer. | date.| variation.| observer. | date.| variation. | | ° ´ | | | ° ´ la caille | | . n. | lütke | | . s. cook | | . n. | king | | . s. sabine | | . n. | fitz-roy | | . s. duperrey | | . n. | fitz-roy | | . n. | king george sound. | vancouver | | . s. st. helena. | flinders | | . s. la caille | | . s. | fitz-roy | | . s. cook | | . s. | fitz-roy | | . s. | van diemen's land. | cook | | . s. cape of good hope. | bertrand | | . s. la caille | | . s. | dentrecasteaux | | . s. bayley | | . s. | de rossel | | . s. bayley | | . s. | fitz-roy | | . s. abercrombie | | . s. | bayley | | . s. | sydney. freycinet | | . s | flinders | | . s. fitz-roy | | . s. | freycinet | | . s. | brisbane | | . s. mauritius (port louis) | duperrey | | . s. la caille | | . s. | fitz-roy | | . s. duperrey | | . s. | fitz-roy | | . s. | n. zealand (bay of islands). | duperrey | | . s. otaheite. | fitz-roy | | . s. cook | | . s. | cook | | . s. | tierra del fuego. bayley | | . s. | bayley } | | duperrey | | . s. | lat. °. '; } | | . s. erman | | . . s| long. . . } | | fitz-roy | | . . s| king } | | | lat. °. '; } | | . s. lima and callao. | long. . . } | | feuillée | | . s. | humboldt | | . s. | falkland islands. duperrey | | . s. | freycinet | | . s. fitz-roy | | . s. | duperrey | | . s. | fitz-roy | - | . s. valparaiso. | malaspina | | . s. | sta catharina. vancouver | | . s. | duperrey | | . s. lütke | | . s. | king | | . s. king | | . s. | fitz-roy | | . s. | rio de janeiro. | la caille | | . s. concepÇion. | freycinet | | . s. feuillée | | . s. | king | | . s. perouse | | . s. | lütke | | . s. duperrey | | . s. | erman | | . s. | fitz-roy | | . s. we may classify the changes which are taking place in the dip in the southern hemisphere in four divisions, characterised by an { } alternate increase and decrease of dip. commencing with the meridian of greenwich, and proceeding eastwardly round the hemisphere, we may distinguish the divisions as follows, in the order of their geographical succession. _ st. south dip increasing._ annually. st. helena to , ' do. to , cape of good hope to , do. to , mauritius to , do. to , to this division also belongs ascension; but as the north end of the needle dips at that island, the change is _north dip diminishing,_ instead of _south dip increasing._ ascension to , annually. do. to , -- _ d. south dip decreasing._ new zealand to , annually.[ ] _ d. south dip increasing._ otaheite to , annually. _ th. south dip decreasing._ annually. lima and callao to , ' do to , valparaiso to , concepçion to , do. to , tierra del fuego to , falkland islands to , st^a catharina to , rio de janeiro to , do. to , in the d and d divisions the annual change is small; in the st and th considerably greater. it is greatest at the southern station in south america; the observations at valparaiso, concepçion, tierra del fuego, and the falkland islands, concur in shewing it to exceed '. the observations at ascension, st. helena, and the cape of good hope, concur in shewing an annual change in that quarter of the st division exceeding '. as the south dip decreases in south america, and increases in africa, it is obvious that somewhere intermediately the dip must be stationary. between africa and new zealand, for the same reason, there must be a second locality so characterised. between new zealand and otaheite, a third; and between otaheite and the west coast of south america, a fourth. captain fitz-roy has { } stations in the second of these localities only, between africa and new zealand. at hobart town, sydney, and king george sound, there appears to have been little or no change in the dip since the commencement of the present century. the arrangement of the changes of dip in the southern hemisphere in four divisions, characterised by an alternate increase and decrease of dip, is in correspondence with the _double flexure_ of the lines of dip; and is a consequence of the western motion of the two southern magnetic poles. careful observations made at st. petersburgh, have shewn that the annual change of the dip in the northern hemisphere takes place altogether between the months of may and december; there being in fact a small movement in an opposite direction between december and may. this fact is of great interest in its bearing on the study of the causes of the magnetic phenomena. we have as yet no corresponding knowledge in regard to the southern hemisphere. the magnitude of the annual change which captain fitz-roy's observations show is now taking place at the cape of good hope, is deserving of attention in this respect. a large amount of annual change is obviously highly favourable for a determination of all the circumstances belonging to it; and its existence at the cape, where there is already a fixed observatory, points to that station as most eligible for this investigation. the observations at ascension shew that the epoch is fast approaching when the needle will pass from north to south dip at that island: it is extremely desirable that the period at which this change takes place should be determined with as much precision as possible. iii. _intensity._ i have discussed in the seventh report of the british association, the very important inferences in regard to the general distribution of magnetism in the southern hemisphere, afforded by captains king and fitz-roy's most valuable series of intensity observations; but no inferences in regard to the _changes_ which this phenomenon may be supposed to undergo can be drawn, as has been done in the cases of the variation and dip, because we possess no observations of the intensity made at a sufficiently early period to afford good materials for such a comparison. edward sabine. * * * * * { } catalogue of the more interesting specimens of natural history that were collected during the voyage. ------ mammalia. . mustela zorilla. desm:[ ] the skunk. this animal was found abundantly on the coast of patagonia, between monte video and cape gregory, at the eastern entrance of the strait of magalhaens. it appeared to be the same species throughout the whole extent of the coast.--mus. zool. soc. . mustela lutris.--lin. _lutra marina_, steller. erxleb. harlan; _enhydra marina_, fleming. the sea otter exists, but not very plentifully, on the coast of tierra del fuego; we saw very few. the fuegian indians hunt them with dogs which are trained for the purpose.--museum zool. soc. . canis. the dogs belonging to the fuegian indians are certainly of the domesticated kind, originally obtained, probably, from the spanish settlements at buenos ayres; generally they resemble the esquimaux breed, but are much more diminutive in size. . canis vulpes. two if not three distinct species of the fox were brought home; one, of a small size, was thought to be a novelty; the other, perhaps, was only remarkable for its large size. mr. vigors thought the small one was quite new; the last is perhaps _c. cinereo argenteus_.--museum of zool. soc. . felis puma. several were seen: a skeleton was found on the shores of the strait, supposed to be one of the above species. { } . felis pajeros.--desm. e. m. p. . chat pampa, d'azara, . . a variety of this species was given to me, by the patagonian indians, that had been recently killed; the skin was preserved, and is now in the museum of the zoological society. the following is the description of my specimen:-- the prevailing colour is a yellowish grey, deeper above, and gradually blending into the colour of the belly, chin, neck, inner part of the legs, the region of the anus, and below the root of the tail, which are white; the under part of the neck and belly also are spotted with black, disposed in transverse bands; the fore arms have three similar transverse bands, and the thighs four encircling the legs; ears white inside and tipped black; eyes dark blue, eyelids whitish, corner of the eyes black, particularly at the anterior or inner angle; claws whitish, and paws black; whiskers white, and some long white hairs over the eyes; the canine teeth are very acute, and have the longitudinal grooves or angles deeply marked. inches. length of the body from the extremity of the nose to the root of the tail length of tail ¾ ditto head breadth of head between the ears - / height at the shoulder . otaria jubata.--desm. e. m. no. . the sea lion of anson and other voyagers; numerous in the eastern entrance of the strait, and particularly at port san julian and the neighbourhood of port desire. . otaria flavescens.--desm: e. m. . a young male was found on the beach, near port famine, that had been recently wounded by the indians, and had crawled on shore to die. . ctenomys magellanicus. n. s.--bennet. this little animal possesses fur as soft as the chinchilla. it abounds in the neighbourhood of cape gregory, at the eastern entrance of the strait of magalhaens, and burrows under the { } ground, which is so much undermined by them that it gives way at almost every step. it is a timid little fellow, feeds upon grass, and is eaten by the patagonian indians.--see bennet in the proceedings of the zool. soc. dec. , . a specimen is preserved in the museum. . kerodon kingii. n. s. see bennet ut supra, in museum of zool. soc. . cavia cutleri, n. s. nob.--see bennet ut supra. this specimen is in the collection of the society. it was known in the voyage by the name of the peruvian cavy: it was presented to one of the officers of the beagle by an american sailing master, mr. cutler, of stonington, u.s., a very intelligent person, to whom we are much indebted for information. the name which i have proposed for it is in recollection of the benefit we derived from his experience and knowledge of the intricate navigation of the south-western coast of patagonia, which was freely imparted to us on several occasions.--see bennet in proceedings of zool. soc. ut supra. . dasyprocta patachonica.--desm. e. m. . i regret very much that the only specimen obtained was not preserved. desmaret seems to suspect that it differs sufficiently in its dentition from the agouti to constitute a new genus, for which he has proposed the name _dolichotis_.--see e. m. . . dasypus minutus.--desm. procured at port sta elena, and corresponds exactly with the description of the above species. it is the tatou pichiy, or tatou septième of d'azara. . auchenia glama.--desm. e. m. . a living female guanaco was brought home in the adventure, and placed in the garden of the zoological society. the guanaco inhabits patagonia from buenos ayres to the strait of magalhaens: we also found it on king charles foreland, the eastern island of tierra del fuego, and on navarin island, at the north side of nassau bay, in the vicinity of cape horn. * * * * * { } birds. . sarcoramphus gryphus.--duméril. the condor. _vultur gryphus._--lin. . cathartes iota.--chilian eagle. . polyborus vulgaris.--_falco brasiliensis._ latham. caraçara eagle. strait of magalhaens. . milvago ochrocephala.--spix. young birds. strait of magalhaens. . haliÆtus erythronotus.--nob. in zool. journal, iii. . _hal. capite alisque fusco-griseis; dorso scapularibusque rufis, corpore caudâque subtus albis, fasciis fuscis gracilibus leviter notatis, hâc fasciâ latâ prope apicem nigrâ._ the total length of the bird from the _apex_ of the bill to the extremity of the tail is feet; of the bill from the _rictus_ to the _apex_ inches; from the cere inch; of the wing, from the end of the carpal joint to the end of the third quill feather, inches; of the tail ½ inches; of the _tarsus_ three inches. strait of magalhaens. . falco sparverius.--latham. strait of magalhaens. . falco peregrinus? strait of magalhaens. . polyborus brasiliensis. polyborus novæ zealandiæ. falco novæ zealandiæ of latham. . circus histrionicus.--nob. in zool. journal, iii. . _falco histrionicus_, quoy and gaimard. _circo cineraceus uropygio corporeque subtus albis: hoc fasciis frequentibus rufis notato._ the length from the _apex_ of the bill to that of the tail is { } inches; bill inch; wing, from the carpal joint to the end of the third quill feather, ½ inches; tail inches; _tarsus_ ½ inches. strait of magalhaens. . strix rufipes.--nob. in zool. journ., iii. . _str. saturate brunnea, albido fulvoque maculata fasciataque femorum tarsorumque plumis rufis._ the total length is ½ inches; that of the bill inch; of the wing, from the _carpus_ to the end of the fourth quill feather, inches; of the tail ½ inches; of the _tarsi_ - / . . strix nana.--nob. in zoological journal iii. . _str. fusco brunnea, fronte nuchâ alisque albo-notatis, gulâ albâ, caudâ fasciis frequentibus rufis notatâ._ the total length is - / inches; of the bill ½ inch; of the wing, from the _carpal_ joint to the extremity of the fourth quill feather, ¾ inches; of the tail ¾ inches; of the _tarsi_ / . _n.b._--three other species of this genus are in the collection which appear to be new. . hirundo.--sp.* . hirundo.--sp.* . hirundo.--sp.* * three distinct species of swallow, very much resembling the british species,--_hir. rustica_, _urbica_, and _riparia_. strait of magalhaens. . turdus magellanicus.--nob. in proceedings of zool. soc. _turd. corpore supra grisescenti olivaceo, subtus pallidè rufescenti, capite supra, remigibus, caudâque fusco-atris gulâ-alba, fusco-atro lineatâ._ strait of magalhaens. . synallaxis anthoides.--nob. in proceedings of zool. soc. _syn. supra brunnea plumis in medio fusco latè striatis, tectricibus alarum superioribus rufo tinctis subtus pallidè cinerea; rectricibus lateralibus ad marginem externum, fasciâque alarum, rufis. statura. syn. spinicaudæ._ strait of magalhaens. . sylvia spinicaudÆ.--latham. { } . sylvia dorsalis.--nob. in zool. journ. iii. . _syl. nigra, dorso scapularibusque rufis, remigibus rectricibusque fuscis._ the length from the end of the bill to that of the tail is ½ inches. . sylvia obscura.--nob. in zool. journ. iii. . _syl. corpore unicolore fusco-nigro, alis brevibus rotundatis caudâ brevi, pedibus elongatis, fortibus pallidis._ the length from the apex of the bill to that of the tail is ¼ inches; of the wing, from the carpal joint to the end of the fourth quill feather, - / ; of the tail ¼; of the _tarsi_ ¾. . troglodytes. . fringilla.--(several species, probably new.) . sturnus militaris.--lin. motacilla patachonica.---lin. patagonian warbler of dixon's voyage. . sturnus.--sp. (black)? leistes sp. vigors. . dendrocolaptes albo-gularis. nob. in proceedings of zool. soc. _dend. corpore supra, abdominisque lateribus, rufo brunneis; remigibus secundariis, dorso imo, caudâque rufis; mandibulâ inferiori ad basim, gulâ, jugulo, pectore, abdomineque medio, albis, hujus plumis brunneo ad apicem marginatis; rostro sursum recurvo._ length - / inches.--strait of magalhaens. . psittacus smaragdinus.--gmel. . psittacara leptorhynca. nob. in proceedings of zool. soc. _psitt. viridis: fronte, strigâ per oculos, caudâque rufis: capite nigro, abdomine imo rufo, variegatis; mandibulâ superiori elongatâ, gracillimâ._ staturâ.--_psitt. lichtensteinii æqualis. habitat in insulâ_ chilóe. . picus magellanicus.--nob. in zool. journ. iii. . _pic. niger, capite cristato colloque coccineis, remigibus albo notatis._ foem. _capite cristato nigro, fronte mentoque coccineis._ { } the length of the bird from the tip of the bill to the extremity of the tail is inches; of the bill ½; of the wing, from the carpal joint to the fourth quill feather, ¾; of the tail ½; of the _tarsi_ - / ; of the external hind toe, the nail included, . strait of magalhaens. . picus melanocephalus.--nob. in proceedings of zool. soc. _pic. capite corporeque supra nigris, hoc albo maculato; pectore abdomineque albis, illo albo lineato, hoc albo fasciato._ length or inches.--strait of magalhaens and chilóe. . mellisuga kingii--vigors in zool. journal, iii. . _ornismya sephanoides._--lesson et garn. _mell. supra metallicè viridis, infra alba viridi variegata, vertice splendide rubeo, rectricibus acuminatis._ this bird was found in the strait of magalhaens, so late in the year as the month of may, when it was seen flying in a snow-squall. it seemed regardless of the cold, and so long as the _fuchsia_ and _veronica_ were in blossom, so long did this hitherto supposed to be delicate little bird, remain to cull their sweets, or rather to prey upon the insects which buried themselves in the flowers; for, innocent as it seems, it is insectivorous. the bird was long known to naturalists, but was not described until november , when mr. vigors described it, from a specimen transmitted by me to the museum of the zoological society. it was found by mm. lesson and garnot, on the coast of chile, where we also subsequently found it. m. lesson described it in his useful little manuel d'ornithologie, ii. p. , as above, and has given a detailed account. had not mr. vigors previously described it, i should have had pleasure in referring it to their description, and their excellent plate, in lesson's monograph upon the trochilidæ. . trochilus fernandensis.--nob. in proceedings zool. soc. _troch. ferrugineo-rufus; capitis vertice splendenti-coccineo; remigibus fuscis._ length, inches. island of juan fernandez, south pacific. . trochilus stokesii.--nob. in proceedings of zool. soc. _troch. corpore supra viridi-splendente, subtus albo viridi-guttato; capite supra, guttisque confertis gulæ lazulino-splendentibus; { } remigibus fusco-atris; remigum omnium, mediis exceptis, pogoniis internis albis._ length inches. island of juan fernandez. hylactes.--_novum genus. megapodio affine._ _characteres generici._ _rostrum subelongatum, subtenue, apice subemarginato; naribus basalibus, longitudinalibus, membranâ subtumescenti pilisque per mediam longitudinem tectâ._ _alæ, brevissimæ, rotundatæ; remige ta longissimâ._ _cauda, subelongata, gradata._ _pedes, fortes: tarsis subelongatis, in fronte scutellatis; digitis unguibusque elongatis, hic fortioribus subcompressis; halluce fortissimo, incumbente._ this genus appears to have some resemblance to mm. quoy and gaimard's genus _megapodius_: but no specimen of it being in this country, and my bird differing in essential points from its generic characters, particularly in the length and form of the wings, which in my bird are rounded, and so short as not to reach beyond the base of the tail, i have formed it into a new genus, for which the term hylactes (from its note, which very much resembles the sharp bark of a dog) has been selected. . hylactes tarnii.--nob. in proceedings of zool. soc. _hyl. saturate fusco-brunneus; fronte, dorso, abdomineque rufis, hoc fusco fasciato._ at chilóe and port otway, in the gulf of peñas. the specific name i have selected is in compliment to mr. john tarn, surgeon of the adventure, to whose attention, in procuring and preserving numerous specimens in ornithology, i am greatly indebted. . struthio rhea.--lin. ( .) the american ostrich. maldonado. . columba fitz royii.--nob. in proceedings of zool. soc. _col. binacea; alis, dorso imo, caudâque plumbeis, hujus fasciâ remigibusque atris: nuchæ plumis viridi-splendentibus; fascia occipitali albá._ in the woods of chilóe. dedicated to captain robert fitz roy, who succeeded to the command of h.m.s. beagle upon the death of captain stokes. { } . columba meridionalis.--nob. in zool. journal, iv. . _col. brunnescenti-plumbea, subtus rufescens; colli lateribus purpureo nitore splendentibus, genis pennisque secundariis nigro maculatis, rectricibus apice griseo fasciâque sub-apicali nigrâ._ length, ½ inches. . ardea.--sp. one of the night bitterns. . ardea major.--bonat., e. m. . port otway, gulf of peñas. . ibis melanopis.--bonat., e. m. . port san julian. in the ency. méth. the length of the bird is stated to be inches, but in the dict. d'histoire naturelle inches is given, which is correct. . totanus fuscus? . scolopax magellanicus.--nob. in zool. jour. iv. . _scol. supra brunneus, rufo fulvo nigroque maculatus undulatusque; abdomine medio albo; pectore brunneo rufoque sparso; tarsis brevibus._ the length of the bird from the front to the end of the tail is ½ inches; of the beak ½; of the wing, from the carpal joint to the end of the quill feather, ; of the tail ½; and of the _tarsi_ - / . strait of magalhaens. . rhynchÆa occidentalis.--nob. in zool. jour. iv. . _rhync. supra brunnea, capite summo pectore alisque saturatioribus, fulvo undulata strigataque; abdomine, maculâ utrinque pectorali, maculisque alarum, albis, stringâ frontali brunneâ._ the length of the bird from the forehead to the end of the tail is seven inches; of the bill - / ; of the wing from the carpal joint to the extremity of the first quill feather, ¼; of the _tarsus_ - / ; of the tail ¾. strait of magalhaens. this bird may be considered as one of the most interesting acquisitions made in our voyage. the singular and strongly marked genus has been hitherto considered peculiar to the old world; and two species only having been discovered, an additional species from the new world is an important accession to science. the form of our magellanic bird accords accurately with that of the old world species, the bill being distinguished chiefly by its { } inferior length. the general appearance of the plumage also is similar, although it possesses sufficiently distinctive characters to authorize this species being separated from the other. . rallus setosus.--nob. in zool. journ. iv. . _rall. supra brunneus, dorso alisque nigro notatis, subtus plumbeus; remigibus primariis rectricibusque fuscis, his saturatioribus; fronte setoso._ the length of the bird from the forehead to the extremity of the tail is inches; of the bill - / ; of the wing, from the carpal joint to the end of the second quill feather, - / ; of the tail ; of the _tarsus_ - / . . rallus antarcticus. nob. in zool. jour. iv. . _rall. supra brunneus, nigro strigatus; subtus plumbeus, femorum tectricibus crissoque atris, albo-fasciatis._ the length of the body is ½ inches; of the bill ¼; of the wing, from the carpal joint to the end of the second quill feather, ¾; of the tail, ¾; of the _tarsus_ / . . fulica chloropoÏdes.--nob. in zool. journ. iv. . _ful. capite, coll. superiore, caudâque atris; corpore reliquo atro-fusco, crisso albo._ the length of the body is inches; of the bill ¼; of the wing, from the carpal joint to the extremity of the second quill feather, ½; of the tail ; of the _tarsi_ . . fulica gallinuloÏdes.--nob. in zool. jour. iv. . _ful. atro-fusca; dorso saturatiore, capite atro, gulâ albo-notatâ crisso albo, rostro angusto, in frontem parum extendente._ . chionis alba.--forster. seen at cape horn, and at sea, four hundred miles from the nearest land. captain foster, of h.m.s. chanticleer, saw some at south shetland. . hÆmatopus palliatus.--temminck. strait of magalhaens. . hÆmatopus leucopus.--gam. strait of magalhaens. the above two species of hæmatopus were frequently seen on { } the shores of the strait; the latter appears to answer the description of m. bougainville. see lesson, manuel d'ornithologie, ii. . . charadrius pluvialis.--var. not to be distinguished from the golden plover. . charadrius rubecola.--nob. in zool. jour. iv. . _char. capite summo, dorso, alis, caudâque supra grisescenti-fuscis, thorace nuchâque pallide griseis; pectore rufo, collari subpectorali nigro; fronte, striga superciliari, abdomine, crisso, rectricibusque lateralibus albis._ the length of the body is - / inches; of the bill ¾; of the wing, from the carpal joint to the end of the first quill feather, - / ; of the tail ; of the _tarsi_ ¼. mountains of the strait of magalhaens , feet above the level of the sea. . vanellus cayanensis.--ency. méth. . pl. , fig. . maldonado, river plate. . podiceps.--sp. very much resembling p. minor. . podiceps.--sp. . podiceps leucopterus.--nob. in zool. jour. iv. . _pod. capite colloque superioribus nigris, gulâ griseo-albidâ, collo inferiore rufo; dorso fusco-atro; abdomine strigâque latâ alarum albis._ the length of the body is inches; of the bill ; of the wing, from the carpal joint to the apex of the second quill feather, ¼; of the _tarsi_ . . aptenodytes magellanica.--e. méth. . aptenodytes chrysocome.?--a young bird. . phalacrocorax niger.--nob. in zool. journal, iv. . _phal. intensè niger, circulo angusto ab oculis descendente, mandibulasque circumcingente, paucisque genarum capitisque plumis albis._ the length of the bird is inches; of the bill - / ; of the wing, from the carpal joint to the extremity of the third quill { } feather, ; of the tail ½; of the _tarsi_ . the irides a bright blue green; the pupils black. this bird is probably d'azara's black zaramagullon (no. of his birds of paraguay), but it has not hitherto been described. . phalacrocorax atriceps.--nob. in zool. journal, iv. . _phal. capite supra corporeque superiore atris, inferiore albo; rostro pedibusque flavescentibus, rectricibus duodecim._ the dimensions are nearly the same as those of the last bird, except those of the bill, which is a quarter of an inch longer. . phalacrocorax cirriger. _phal. supra fusco-griseus, subtus albidus; gulâ, cirroque longitudinali per collum utrinque descendente, albis; rostro pedibusque rubris; rectricibus quatuordecim._ the length of the body is inches; of the bill - / ; of the wing, from the carpal joint to the extremity of third quill feather, ; of the tail ; of the _tarsi_ ¾. . phalacrocorax imperialis.--nob. in proceedings of zoological society. _phal. capite cristato, collo posteriori, corporeque supra intense purpureis; alis scapularibusque viridi atris; remigibus rectricibusque duodecim fusco-atris; corpore subtus, fasciâ alarum, maculâque dorsi medii sericeo-albis; rostro nigro; pedibus flavescentibus._ _statura._--_phal. carbonis._ _hab._--interior sounds of western patagonia. . phalacrocorax sarmientonus. _phal. capite, collo, dorsoque imo atro-purpureis; pectore abdomineque albis; dorso superiori, scapularibus, alisque viridi-atris; remigibus rectricibusque duodecim atris; gulâ, genis, femorumque tectricibus superioribus albo-notatis; rostro nigro; pedibus flavescentibus._ _staturâ præcedentis._ strait of magalhaens. . phalacrocorax erythrops.--nob. in proceedings of zoological society. _phal. capite, collo, corporeque supra purpureo-atris; pectore abdomineque albis; genis parcè albo-notatis; facie nudâ rubrâ; { } remigibus, rectricibus duodecim, rostroque sub-brevi atris: pedibus flavescentibus._ _staturâ paulo minor præcedentibus duobus._ . larus hÆmatorhynchus.--nob. in zool. journ. iv. . _lar. corpore plumbeo-griseo, dorso medio alisque nigris, his albo notatis; rostro pedibusque sanguineis._ the length of the bird is inches; of the bill ; of the wing, from the carpal joint to the end of the first quill feather, ; of the tail ; of the _tarsi_ . irides green silvery colour, pupil dark. . larus fuscus? . larus ridibundus? . lestris catarrhactes? . procellaria gigantea. a young bird. . procellaria capensis. this beautiful, but well-known petrel, was, of course, our constant companion on all occasions of our being at sea, and was particularly numerous off the entrance to the river plata, feeding probably upon the exuviæ that drift out with the current. one being taken with the hook, was killed, and in its entrails several small fragments of granite were found mixed with the half-digested food. a remarkable instance of the natural habits of this bird has lately come to my knowledge, which deserves to be recorded. the late mr. george fairfowl, surgeon r.n., on his return from new south wales, in the year , caught one of these birds, and let it go, with a ribbon tied round the body, by which it was easily distinguished; the bird was thereby observed to follow the ship, from day to day, for the space of , miles. . procellaria berardi. . procellaria wilsonii.--prince of musignano. _thalassidroma wilsonnii_--vigors. . diomedea exulans. . cygnus anatoÏdes. _cygn. albus, remigibus primariis ad apicem nigris; rostro pedibusque rubris, illo lato, subdepresso, tuberculo nullo._ { } interior sounds on the west coast of patagonia. molina describes a chilian duck, _anas coscoroba_, thus: _a. rostro extremo dilatato rotundato_; _corpore albo_; but i do not think it can be the same as mine, or he would have noticed its red feet and bill. it certainly is not _a. candidus_, of viellot; the _ganso blanco_ of d'azara, which the author of the article in the dict. d'hist. nat. xxiii. supposes to be the one and the same with _a. coscoroba_. molina gives but a short description of that bird. . anser inornatus.--nob. in proceedings of zool. society. _mas. ans. albus: dorso inferiori, caudâ, fasciis nuchæ dorsique superioris femorumque tectricum, pteromatibus, remigibusque atris: rostro nigro, pedibus flavescentibus._ foem. _capite colloque canis; dorso superiori corporeque inferiori albis, nigro confertim fasciatis; dorso imo remigibus, rectricibusque nigris; ptilis speculoque albis; tarsis subelongatis._ strait of magalhaens. . micropterus brachypterus.--quoy and gaimard. zool. de l'uranie, pl. . _oidemia patachonica._--nob. zool. journal, iv. . _anas brachyptera._--latham. racehorse.--cook.--byron. _micropt. supra plumbeo-grisescens, abdomine albescente speculo alarum albo; rostro luteo; ungue nigro._ . micropterus patachonicus.--nob. in proceedings of zool. soc. _micropt. supra plumbeo grisescens; gulâ scapularibusque rufescentibus; abdomine speculoque alarum albis; rostro virescenti-nigro, ungue nigro._ smaller than _m. brachypterus_. this bird having a smaller body than the first, is enabled to fly; which with the scapulars and the feathers of the throat being of a redder hue than those of _m. brachypterus_, authorizes its being considered as specifically new. . anas nigricollis.--ind. orn. ii. . this bird has a wide range on the south american continent. it frequents the river plata, strait of magalhaens, and several parts of the western coast, as far up as chilóe. { } . anas chiloensis.--nob. in proceedings of zool. society. _an. fronte, genis, abdomine, uropygio, pteromatibusque albis; capite posteriori, collo, dorso inferiori, ptilis, remigibusque primariis, caudâque fuscis; dorso superiori, pectoreque fusco et albo fasciatis; remigibus secundariis et tertiis scapularibusque nitidè atris, his albo lineatis; abdominis lateribus crissoque rufescentibus; strigâ post oculos, latâ splendidè purpurascenti-viride._ length about inches. island of chilóe. . anas fretensis.--nob. in proceedings of zool. soc. _an. gulâ, genis, collo, pectore, dorsoque anteriori pallidè badiis; collo graciliter undulato; pectore dorsoque anteriori atro maculato; dorso abdomineque imis, crisso, caudâque albis nigro fasciatis; dorsi fasciis latis, abdominis gracillimis, caudæ sublatioribus, crissi sparsim undulatis; capite supra, remigibus, scapularibusque virescenti-atris; his albo in medio lineatis; tectricibus plumbeo-canis, fasciâ apicali albâ; speculo supra viridi, deinde purpureo, fasciâ atrâ apice albo terminatâ._ _statura anatis creccoidis_, nob. strait of magalhaens. . anas rafflesii.--nob. in zool. jour. iv. . _an. castaneo-rufa, capite abdomineque medio saturatiorbus; notis dorsi, remigibus, caudâ supra, crissoque nigris; ptilis cæruleis, pteromatibus albis, speculo alarum viridi._ a figure of the bird is given in the supplementary plates of the zool. jour. supp. xxix. length, inches. strait of magalhaens, and western coast to chilóe. this beautiful bird bears the name of the late sir j. stamford raffles, to whose exertions the science of zoology is under no trifling obligation. . anas specularis.--nob. in zool. jour. iv. . _an. capite summo, dorso, alis, caudâque nigris: subtus pallidè griseus, pectore brunneo undulato: speculo lato purpurascenti-aureo splendente, fasciâ atrâ alterâque albâ marginato: maculâ utrinque suboculari, mento, thoraceque albis._ the length of the bird is inches; of the bill - / ; of the wing, { } from the carpal joint to the extremity of the second quill feather, ; of the tail ; of the _tarsi_ ¼. . anas specularioides.--nob. in zool. jour. iv. . _an. capite summo corporeque supra fuscis: subtus pallidè griseus, pectore rufo-brunneo fasciato: remigibus, crisso, rectricibusque atris: speculo subangusto purpurascenti-aureo splendente, fasciâ atrâ, alterâque apicali albâ._ the length of the bird is inches; of the bill - / ; of the wing, from the carpal joint to the extremity of the second quill feather, ½; of the tail ; of the _tarsus_ ½. strait of magalhaens. this is the common duck in the vicinity of port famine, and in the winter months is excellent eating. . anas creccoides.--nob. in zool. jour. iv. . _an. pallidè brunneo-griseus, fusco sparsus notatusque; dorso imo, ptilisque fuscis, his apice rufo; speculo nigro, fulvo marginato._ the length of the bird is ½ inches; of the bill ¾; of the wing, from the carpal joint to the extremity of the second quill feather, - / ; of the tail - / ; of the _tarsus_ ¼. * * * * * { } shells. description of the cirrhipeda, conchifera, and mollusca, in a collection formed by the officers of h.m.s. adventure and beagle, employed between the years and in surveying the southern coasts of south america, including the strait of magalhaens and the coast of tierra del fuego. by captain phillip p. king, r.n., f.r.s., &c., assisted by w. j. broderip, esq., f.r.s., &c. (from the zoological journal.) the testacea, of which the following paper is a descriptive list, were principally collected upon the coast of south america; and, upon my arrival in england, were submitted to the examination of mr. george sowerby; who very obligingly selected the undescribed species from the collection which had been formed under my superintendence by the officers of h.m.s. adventure and beagle, employed under my command in surveying the southern coast of south america. to these gentlemen i am greatly indebted for the unwearied assiduity which they at all times displayed, and for the extent of the collection in this, as well as in other departments of natural history. in the description of the species i have had the benefit of the advice and assistance of my friend mr. broderip; and to his knowledge of the subject, and the attention which he has devoted to my collection, i owe in a great measure the paper which i have now the satisfaction of presenting to the public through the medium of the zoological journal. upon examining my specimens, mr. george sowerby found that he possessed several species not in my collection. these had been obtained during the voyage, and had been purchased from some of the crew by mr. sowerby, who handsomely put his acquisitions into my hands for description. ------ . balanus psittacus. syn. lepas psittacus. molina, ., . _b. testâ albido-rosaceâ, subconicâ, elongatâ, rudi, longitudinaliter creberrimè striatâ; radiis transversim striatis; operculo transversìm { } profundè sulcato, lineis elevatis creberrimè plicatis; valvis posticis valdè productis, acuminatis._ _habitat ad oras concepçionis et insulam chilóe. mus. brit., nost., broderip, &c._ this cirrhiped which, at concepçion de chile, is frequently found of a larger size than ½ inches long and ½ in diameter, forms a very common and highly esteemed food of the natives, by whom it is called _pico_, from the acuminated processes of the two posterior opercular valves. the anterior and posterior opercular valves, when in contact, present some resemblance to a parrot's beak, whence molina's name. it is also found very abundantly at valdivia and at calbuco, near the north end of the island of chilóe. it occurs in large bunches, and presents somewhat of a cactus-like appearance. the parent is covered by its progeny, so that large branches are found composed of from fifty to one hundred distinct individuals, each of which becomes in its turn the foundation of another colony. one specimen in the possession of my friend w. j. broderip, esq., consists of a numerous group based on two large individuals. they are collected by being chopped off with a hatchet. at concepçion, where they are found of larger size than to the southward, they are principally procured at the island of quiriquina, which lies across the entrance of the bay; whence they are exported in large quantities to valparaiso and santiago de chile, where they are considered as a great delicacy, and indeed with some justice, for the flesh equals in richness and delicacy that of the crab, which, when boiled and eaten cold, it very much resembles. . elminius leachii.[ ] _e. testâ albidâ, truncatâ, longitudinaliter striatâ, radiis creberrimè longitudinaliter substriatis; operculo ad basin transversim striato, quadripartito; long. / ; lat. / ; poll._ _habitat._ _in museo geo. sowerby et nost._ . scalpellum papillosum. _s. pedunculo creberrimè papilloso; testâ lævi valdè compressâ; long. omnino / ; / pedunculi; lat. / , poll._ { } _habitat in mare alto circa oras patagonicas. mus. nost., g. sowerby._ taken by a dredge in fathom water, off the coast of south america, in latitude ½° south, and found adhering to a terebella. . pholas chiloensis. molina. _p. testâ elongatâ posticè ovato-rotundatâ, costis posticis dentato-muricatis; anticè attenuatâ striis transversis posticè undato-muricatis, anticè muticis; lat. : long. ; poll._ _habitat ad insulam chiloei. mus. brit., nost., brod., stokes._ some doubt has been thrown upon the existence of this shell, notwithstanding the description of molina. a species very nearly approaching it, if not identical, was found at rio de janeiro; but as only single valves were obtained, and these were in a very imperfect state, i have not ventured to characterise it. the soft parts of _pholas chiloensis_ are considered very delicate by the inhabitants of the island of chilóe, by whom the animal is called "_co-mes_." they are found in great abundance at low water imbedded in the rocks near sandy point, at san carlos de chilóe. . solen scalprum. _s. testâ lineari subrectâ extremitatibus subrotundatis; cardine bidentato; long. / ; lat. - / ; poll._ _habitat ad patagoniæ oras orientates_ (sea bear bay). _mus. nost._ . anatina elliptica. _a. testâ ellipticâ, subtenui, transversim striató, anticè sub-truncatâ, epidermide fuscâ, tenui; long. - / ; lat. - / ; poll._ _habitat ad oras antarcticas_ (new south shetland). _mus. brit., nost._ this shell was found at new south shetland, by lieutenant kendall, of his majesty's sloop, chanticleer, by whom it was presented to me. . mactra edulis. _m. testâ subtrigonâ, tumidâ, sublævi, fulvo-squalidâ, intus albâ, dentibus lateralibus prominentibus; long. ; lat. - / ; poll._ _habitat in freto magellanico_ (port famine). _mus. brit., nost., brod._ this shell was found in great abundance on the flat of sandy mud, which fronts the west shore of port famine, and proved a { } valuable article of food to the ship's company, particularly during the winter months, when sea-birds and game were not to be procured, and the fish had deserted us. i have named it, in allusion to its affording us a grateful, as well as seasonable, supply of fresh food. . erycina solenoides. _e. testâ subellipticâ, transversim creberrimè substriatâ, albidâ, epidermide fusco-griseâ; long. paulo minus; lat. ; poll._ _habitat in freto magellanico_ (sandy mud flats of port famine). _mus. brit., nost., brod._ . tellinides rosacea. _t. testâ subtrigonâ, planulatâ, striis concentricis creberrimis; long. / ; lat. - / ; poll._ _habitat ad littora brasiliæ_ (santos). _mus. nost._ . venus inflata. _v. testârotundatâ, concentricè substriatâ, albente, intus albâ, lunulâ obsoletâ; long. - / ; lat. - / ; poll._ _habitat in freto magellanico_ (port famine). _mus. nost._ . venus antiqua. _v. testâ sub-ovali, convexiusculâ, creberrimè cancellatâ, sub-fuscâ, intus albidâ; lunulâ cordatâ; long. - / ; lat. ; poll._ _obs. in junioribus, striis transversis concentricis elevatis, acutis._ _habitat ad littora occidentalia patagoniæ_ (gulf of peñas and its vicinity). _mus. brit., nost., brod._ . arca angulata. _a. testâ transversâ, subcordato-quadratâ, intus fusco-violascente; latere antico producto, elevato, undulatim lamellato, postico rotundato; umbonibus valdè remotis, areâ cardinali maximâ, striatâ; margine hiante; long. - / ; lat. - / ; poll._ _habitat ad_ juan fernandez. _mus. nost._ this shell was dredged up from fathoms water in the offing of cumberland bay, at juan fernandez; it was attached to a branch of coral. the hinge is broad and smooth, with distinct markings; the gape is rather wide, and the anterior part of the shell rises rather elegantly, like the stern of some indian canoes, and in all the specimens but one, terminates in a point. the one above { } described has a rounded form; the bows or front being rather elegantly and finely lamellated in a wavy form; the colour of the hinge is red, and the inside is generally of a brownish purple; in some it has a more yellow tinge. . arca pectinoides. _a. testâ auriculatâ, cordatâ, ventricosâ, multi-costatâ, transversim striatâ, albâ, epidermide rufo nigricante, pilosâ; umbonibus sub-approximatis, incurvatis, margine crenulato; long. ; lat. - / ; poll._ _habitat ad_ rio de janeiro. _mus. brit., nost., brod._ . nucula striata. _n. testâ striatâ, subtumidâ, crassâ, sub-trigonâ, albâ; latere antico productiori, sub-rostrato; long. / ; lat. / ; poll._ _habitat in mari alto circa oras patagonicas. mus. nost._ taken by a dredge in fathoms water, miles from the coast of south america, in the neighbourhood of port sta elena. . modiola sinuosa. _m. testâ ventricosâ, subovatâ, longitudinaliter striatâ; intus iridescente, margine sinuoso, epidermide fuscâ; long. / ; lat. / fere; poll._ _habitat ad littora brasiliæ_ (santos). _mus. nost._ . pecten patachonicus. _p. testâ sub-æquivalvi, brunneâ, longitudinaliter creberrimè elevato-radiatâ; intus albidâ, longitudinaliter sub-radiatâ; long. - / ; lat. - / ; poll._ _obs. auribus inæqualibus._ _habitat in freto magellanico passim. mus. nost._ . pecten vitreus. _p. testâ subæquivalvi, translucente, longitudinaliter multi-sulcatâ; sulcis convexis flavidulis, valvâ inferiore pallidiori; long. - / ; lat. - / ; poll._ _obs. auribus inæqualibus._ _habitat in freto magellanico passim. mus. nost._ this shell is found attached to the leaves of the _fucus giganteus_, and, with other _mollusca_, is the food of the steamer or race-horse duck (_micropterus brachypterus and m. patachonicus_). { } . terebratula flexuosa. _t. testâ rotundato-cordatâ, gibbâ, sub-fuscâ, longitudinaliter creberrimè sulcatâ; margine valdè flexuoso; long. - / ; lat. - / paulo minus; poll._ _habitat in freto magellanico_ (port famine). _mus. brit., nost., brod._ this shell, which was dredged up from deep water in the bay of port famine, attached to stones, is not a common shell in the strait. . terebratula sowerbii. _t. testâ subrotundâ, planiusculâ, subfuscâ, longitudinaliter radiatim transversim substriatâ, medio supernè depressâ, infra convexâ, subglabrâ; margine utrinque crenulato, medio glabro; long. - / ; lat. / paulo plus; alt. / poll._ _habitat in freto magellanico. mus. nost., geo. sowerby._ . chiton setiger. _c. testâ ovali, anticé subattenuatâ; valvis subdentatis, tenuiter concentricè striatis, anticâ -radiatâ, posticâ lævi, parvulâ; areis lateralibus striis duabus elevatis marginalibus; ligamento marginali lævigato, setigero; long. - / ; lat. - / ; poll._ _habitat ad oras insulæ_ tierra del fuego _et in freto magellanico. mus. brit., nost., brod._ shell ovate, rather attenuated towards the anterior end, generally of a light blue-green colour, variegated with markings of dark slate. valves slightly beaked with minute concentric striæ, the lateral compartments with two marginal ridges, which in some specimens are granulose, in others smooth. the anterior valve has eight, besides two marginal, ridges of the same character; the posterior valve is very small and smooth. border coriaceous, and set with bristles produced from three rows of tufts or pores. in some of the specimens in my possession the bristles are rubbed off. the shell is found in all parts of the shores of tierra del fuego, particularly on its seaward coast, and the western parts of the strait of magalhaens. . chiton bowenii. _c. testâ oblongo-ovatâ, castaneo-rufâ; dorso elevato; valvis subdentatis, sublævibus concentricè tenuiter striatis; areis lateralibus radiatim sulcatis; ligamento marginali granuloso, nigro; long. - / ; lat. ½; poll._ { } _habitat ad oras insulæ_ tierra del fuego _et in freto magellanico. mus. brit., nost., brod._ shell oblong-ovate, and generally of a chestnut red, and the granulose ligament black; the colour of the younger specimens is more brilliant, and sometimes interspersed with yellow. middle valves slightly toothed, and very delicately lineated, the lines forming an obtuse angle in the direction of the axis of the shell; the lateral compartments are marked with deeper striæa or grooves, radiating from the upper angle to the base, which, crossing the transverse markings of the valve, have a reticulated appearance: the anterior and posterior valves are radiated with fine lines. this chiton was discovered by mr. bowen, surgeon of the beagle, by whom it was presented to me. the specimen was sent home among a collection of natural history, transmitted in the year . . fissurella coarctata. _f. testâ ovatâ, anticé attenuatâ, elevatâ; radiis frequentibus elevatis; internè virescenti; foraminis margine externo juxta medium coarctato, subdentato; long - / ; lat. - / ; alt. / ; poll._ _habitat ad portum_ praya. _mus. brit., nost._ . helix translucens. _h. testâ subglobosâ, translucente, levissimè transversim striatâ; anfractu basali lineâ longitudinali castaneâ sub-mediâ ornato; long. / ; lat. / ; poll._ _habitat ad_ rio de janeiro. _mus. brit., nost., brod._ . helix pusio. _h. testâ rotundo-complanatâ, creberrimè striatâ, translucente, maculis castaneo-rufis ornatâ; long. / ; lat. / ; poll._ _habitat ad_ juan fernandez. _mus. brit., nost., brod._ . helicina sordida. _h. testâ globoso-conoideâ; anfractibus rotundatis longitudinaliter striatis; operculo castaneo; long. / paulo plus; lat / paulo plus; poll._ _habitat ad_ rio de janeiro. _mus. brit., nost._ the colour of this shell is of a dirty yellowish white, with a slight tinge of diaphanous violet within the margin of the lip. . pupa subdiaphana.--no. . mss. _p. testâ cylindraceâ, albâ, subdiaphanâ, transversim creberrimè substriatâ; long. / paulo minus; lat. / paulo minus; poll._ { } _habitat ad portum_ praya. (cape verd islands.) _mus. brit., nost._ . bulinus gravesii. _b. testâ subventricosâ, longitudinaliter subrugosâ, sub-albidâ, fusco-maculatâ, spirâ longitudinaliter striatâ; long. - / ; lat. / paulo minus; poll._ _habitat ad_ valparaiso. _mus. nost._ i have named the shell after my shipmate and friend, lieutenant thomas graves, whose zeal and assiduity in assisting and increasing my collections of natural history was as unwearied as the alacrity and ability which he displayed in the primary and more important objects of the voyage, of which, in his majesty's ship adventure, he filled the appointment of assistant surveyor. to lieutenant graves i am principally indebted for my land-shells, and i therefore take the opportunity of recording the valuable assistance he rendered me during the whole period of his serving under my command. . bulinus gravesii, var. _b. testâ subpyramidali, scabrâ, albidâ, aliquando lineolis raris; epidermide lutescente; long. - / ; lat. / paulo plus. poll._ _habitat ad_ valparaiso. _mus. brit., nost., brod._ this is certainly a variety of no. , bulinus gravesii. . bulinus dentatus. _b. testâ cylindraceâ, punctatâ, sub-diaphanâ, fusco maculatâ; aperturâ dentatâ, clausiliam mentiente; long. / ; lat. / ; poll._ _habitat ad oras brasiliæ_ (st. catherine). _mus. brit., nost._ . bulinus lutescens.--no. . mss. _b. testâ obovatâ, ventricosâ, subscabrâ, lutescente; long. - / ; lat. / ; poll._ _habitat ad maldonado_ (gorriti). _mus. brit., nost., brod._ . bulinus corrugatus.--no. mss. _b. testâ subalbidâ, transversim et longitudinaliter rugoso-striatâ, maculis fuscis, obsoletis; aperturâ purpurascente; columellâ nigricante purpureâ; long. - / paulo plus; lat. / ; poll._ _habitat ad_ concepcion. _mus. brit., nost., brod._ the body-whorl of the older specimens of this shell is rather roughly striated or wrinkled, the last but one slightly so, and the remaining whorls are quite smooth. the colour is whitish, with { } purple spots more or less obsolete: the old specimens are sometimes of a dull yellowish white. a specimen is deposited in the british museum. the young shells of this species are of a whitish brown, with darker coloured striæ. they are very fragile and semi-transparent. . bulinus sordidus.--no. mss. _b. testâ pyramidali, transversim striatâ, fuscâ; anfractu basali ad suturam subalbido, lineâ subcentricâ pallidâ; labii vix reflexi margine albo; long. - / ; lat. / poll._ _habitat ad brasiliam_ (rio de janeiro). _mus. nost._ . bulinus multicolor.[ ]--no. mss. _b. testâ ovato-pyramidali, longitudinaliter et transversim creberrimè substriatâ, luteo-fuscâ maculis albis et purpureo-atris fucatâ; labio roseo subreflexo; columellâ subalbidâ, aperturâ intus subatropurpureâ; long. - / ; lat. / ; poll._ _habitat ad brasiliam. mus. nost., geo. sowerby._ .* bulinus rosaceus. _b. testâ ovato-oblongâ, scabriusculâ; apice et anfractibus primis, rosaceis, cæteris viridi-fuscis; labro albo; suturis crenulatis seu plicatis; long. - / ; lat. ; poll._ _habitat ad oras americæ meridionalis_ (chile). _mus. brit., nost., brod., geo. sowerby, &c._ soon after the return of the expedition, my friend mr. broderip, to whose inspection lieutenant graves had submitted his collection, observing symptoms of life in some of the shells of this species, took means for reviving the inhabitants from their dormant state, and succeeded. after they had protruded their bodies, they were placed upon some green leaves, which they fastened upon and ate greedily. these animals had been in this state for seventeen or eighteen months, and five months subsequently another was found alive in my collection, so that this last had been nearly two years { } dormant. the shells were all sent to mr. loddige's nursery, where they lived for eight months, when they unfortunately all died within a few days of each other. soon after the shells were first deposited at mr. loddige's, one got away, and escaped detection for several months, until it was at last discovered in a state of hybernation; it was removed to the place where the others were kept, when it died also. the upper surface of the animal when in health is variegated with ruddy spots and streaks on an ash-coloured ground. . partula flavescens. _p. testâ subfusiformi, pallide flavâ, interdum castaneâ vel flavo et castaneo variâ; long. / ; lat. / paulo plus; poll._ _habitat ad oras americæ meridionalis_ (valparaiso). _mus. brit., nost., brod._ this shell varies in its colour almost as much as _bulinus citrinus_. . achatina donellii.--no. mss. _a. testâ subalbidâ, transversim substriatâ, anfractu basali ventricosâ; long. / paulo plus; lat. / ; poll._ _habitat ad lima._ _mus. nost._ . achatina diaphana. _a. testâ subcylindraceâ, diaphanâ, transversim striatâ; long. / ; lat. / ; poll._ _habitat ad insulam_ juan fernandez, _in montibus._ _mus. brit., nost., brod._ . achatina strigata.--no. mss. _a. testâ diaphanâ, subalbidâ, creberrimè transversim substriatâ, strigis longitudinalibus castaneis raris; anfractu basali subangulato; long. / paulo plus; lat. / paulo minus; poll._ _habitat in paludibus brasiliæ_ (santo paulo). _mus. nost._ . achatina sordida.--no. mss. _a. testâ subdiaphanâ, subconicâ, anfractu basali ventricoso; long. / paulo plus; lat. / paulo plus; poll._ _habitat ad brasiliam_ (rio de janeiro). _mus. nost._ . achatina sellovii. _a. testâ cylindraceâ transversim striatâ subdiaphanâ; long. / ; lat. / ; poll._ _habitat ad brasiliam_ (st. catherine). _mus. brit., nost., brod._ this shell, which i found at the city of nossa sen^a. de estero, { } i have dedicated to my friend, dr. sellow, whose researches in natural history for several years past in the interior of brazil, are well known to the scientific world. . succinea fragilis. _s. testâ ovato-acutâ, diaphanâ, ventricosâ, transversim striatâ, obliquè subrugosâ; spirâ brevi; long. / paulo minus; lat. / ; poll._ _habitat ad insulam_ juan fernandez. _mus. brit., nost., brod._ . succinea patula. _s. testâ diaphanâ, ovato-rotundatâ, ventricosissimâ, transversim creberrimè striatâ; spirâ brevissimâ; aperturâ patulâ; long. / paulo plus; lat. / paulo plus; poll._ _habitat ad insulam_ juan fernandez. marinula. _nov. genus._ _character genericus._ _testâ ovato-productâ, sub-solidâ; aperturâ ovatâ, integrâ; columellâ bidentatâ, et basin versus uniplicatâ; dentibus magnis sub-remotis conniventibus, superiore maximo; operculum nullum._ . marinula pepita. _m. testâ ovato-productâ, viridi-fuscâ; anfractibus sub-tumidis; spirâ brevi; aperturâ nigricante; dentibus plicâque albidis; long. / ; lat. / ; poll._ _habitat ad insulam_ chilóe. _mus. brit., nost., brod., g. sowerby_. this animal, which i have thought it necessary to assign to a new genus, appears to have for its nearest neighbours the genera auricula and pedipes. it was found on the wooden piles which support the mole in the bay of san carlos, in chilóe, below the wash of the high water. the mole stands out into the sea, and there is no fresh water near it, save a very little rill, which discharges its tiny stream more than fifty yards off. . lymnÆa diaphana.--no. mss. _l. testâ turritâ, transversim substriatâ, anfractibus ventricosis; long. / ; paulo plus; lat. / ; poll._ _habitat ad fretum magellanicum_ (cape gregory). _mus. brit., nost., brod._ this shell was found in the fresh-water ponds in the neighbourhood of cape gregory, which is on the continental side of the eastern end of the strait of magalhaens. { } . ampullaria cumingii. _a. testâ globosâ, transversim striatâ, subalbidâ, longitudinaliter castaneo-lineatâ et fasciatâ, epidermide virescente; umbilico parvo; lat. - / ; long. - / ; poll._ _habitat in sinu panamæ_; (island of saboga, in a small hill-stream). _mus. brit, nost., brod._ from mr. cuming's collection. i have named this shell after mr. cuming, from whom i received it. . natica globosa. _n. testâ globosâ, tenui, ventricosissimâ, corneâ, vel subalbidâ, subtilissimè striatâ; spirâ brevi; umbilico parvo; operculo valdè tenui; long. / paulo plus; lat. / ; poll._ _habitat ad fretum magellanicum_ (cape gregory). _mus. brit., nost., brod._ . natica castanea. _n. testâ ovato-acutâ castaneâ, albo-lineatâ; aperturâ mediocri; columellâ valdè callosâ; umbilico mediocri; long. / ; lat. / ; poll._ _habitat ad brasiliæ; oras, circa_ santos. _mus. nost._ . turbo lugubris. _t. testâ nigricante, striatâ; aperturâ argenteâ; labri margine nigrâ, subcrenulatâ; operculo valdè lapidoso, albo; long. - / ; lat. - / fere; poll._ _habitat ad sinum_ peñas. _mus. brit., nost., brod._ . odontis subplicata. _o. testâ granuloso-striatâ, viridi-fuscâ, nigro maculatâ; umbilico mediocri; labri margine sub-plicato; long. / ; lat. / paulo plus; poll._ _habitat ad brasiliam_ (rio de janeiro). _mus. brit., nost._ . littorina flava. _l. testâ longitudinaliter striatâ, sub-flavâ; spirâ brevi; anfractu basali ventricoso; columellæ purpurascentis margine et aperturâ sub-flavâ; operculo nigricante; long. / paulo plus; lat. / poll._ _habitat ad brasiliam_ (rio de janeiro). _mus. brit., nost._ in young shells there are a few obscure reddish brown streaks crossing the striæ. . littorina perdix. _l. testâ striis elevatis balteatâ, albidâ, fusco-maculatâ, striis interstitialibus minus elevatis, ambabus sub-cancellatis; aperturâ albâ, { } labri margine tenui, castaneo-maculatâ; long. / ; lat. / poll._ _habitat? mus. nost._ . littorina striata. _l. testâ ovato-conicâ, fuscâ, striis elevatis scabrâ; spirâ brevi; anfractu basali tumido; aperturâ nigricante, basin versus strigâ luteoalbâ ornatâ; labri margine crenulato albo-fulvido; operculo nigro; long. / paulo plus; lat. / ferè; poll._ _habitat in mari atlantico boreali_ (port praya). _mus. brit., nost._ . margarita fasciata, n. s. _m. testâ albidâ, creberrimè striatâ, purpureo fasciatâ, aperturâ argenteâ; long. / ; lat. / ferè; poll._ _habitat in mari pacifico. mus. nost._ portions of the striated surface are elevated into belts, which are of a purple colour. . margarita violacea. _m. testâ sub-ovatâ, violaceâ, spirâ brevi; anfractibus tumidis; aperturâ iridescente; long. / ; lat. / fere; poll._ _habitat ad fretum magellanicum. mus. brit., nost., brod._ of this shell the indians make their necklaces; it is found adhering to the leaves of the fucus giganteus, and is the principal food of the steamer or racehorse duck (_micropterus patachonicus_, nob. in proceedings of the zoological society, december , , page ). . margarita coerulescens. _m. testâ sub-complanatâ, coeruleâ, striatâ, albido-lineatâ, aperturâ iridescente; lat. / ferè; long. / ; poll._ _habitat ad fretum magellanicum (cape gregory). mus. brit., nost., brod._ . turritella tricarinata. _t. testâ turritâ, anfractibus tricarinatis; carinis nodulosis; long. - / ; lat. / paulo minus; poll._ _habitat ad oras americæ meridionalis_ (valparaiso). _mus. brit., nost., brod._ the _carinæ_ are nodulous, or twisted like the strands of a rope; the twists of the upper _carina_ are in the direction of a water-laid, { } or right-handed rope, and those of the two lower _carinæ_ are in the opposite direction, or like what is termed a hawser-laid rope. between these nodulous _carinæ_ are elevated lines, and the base is very strongly striated. found in deep water in the bay of valparaiso. dead shells of this species are occasionally found thrown upon the beach, near the almendral. . turritella nodulosa. _t. testâ elongato-turritâ; anfractibus striatis; striis duabus maximis subnodulosis; long. - / ; lat. / fere; poll._ _habitat? mus. brit., nost._ the two large _striæ_, which are remarkable for the nodules, are not far from the middle of each whorl, and generally are nearer the upper suture: of these the lowest is the largest. . murex salebrosus. _m. testâ elongato-ovatâ, subalbidâ, fasciis fuscis, epidermide cinereâ; spirâ brevi; anfractibus angulatis, nodulosis; aperturâ oblongâ ad basin angustâ, castaneâ, intus albâ; labro internè denticulato, dentibus obtusis albis; columellâ rectâ, lævi; canali brevi; long. - / ; lat. ; poll._ _habitat? mus. nost., geo. sowerby._ this species approaches _murex vitulinus_ very nearly; the body-whorl is very much elongated, and the nodules which mark the angles of the whorl are formed of the more elevated parts of what may be termed coarse longitudinal plaits. . murex rhodocheilus. _m. testâ ventricosâ, albâ, fasciis elevatis striatis; septemfariam varicosâ, varicibus roseis denticulatis; aperturâ rotundatâ, roseâ, intus albidâ; labri margine asperrimè denticulato; caudâ mediocri, sub-recurvâ; long. - / ; lat. - / ; poll._ _habitat? mus. nost._ . triton ranelliformis. _t. testâ ovato-fusiformi, subdepressâ, albidâ fusco fasciatâ, costatâ; costis granulosis, interstitiis striatis; aperturâ subrotundâ, albidâ; columellâ subrugosâ; labro internè obtusè denticulato; margine undulato; epidermide viridi-fuscâ, scabrâ; long. - / ; lat. - / ; poll._ _habitat ad sinum peñas et oram occidentalem americæ meridionalis. mus. brit., nost., brod._ { } the denticules of the outer lip are ranged in pairs, at regular and somewhat distant intervals. . triton scaber. _t. testâ ovato-acutâ, cancellatâ; spirâ elongatâ; epidermide fuscâ, setosâ; aperturâ albâ granulosâ; labro interne obtusè denticulato; long.; lat.; poll._ _habitat ad oras americæ meridionalis_ (valparaiso). _mus. nost._ the denticules of the inner lip are more elevated than those of the last (t. ranelliformis), and are equidistant. it was fished up with the anchor in valparaiso bay. . monoceros fusoides. _m. testâ ventricosâ, spirâ mediocri, anfractibus bicarinatis; anfractu basali lineis elevatis admodum distantibus cincto; aperturâ patulâ; dente labiali brevi, lato, obtuso; canali producto, recto, integro; operculo corneo; long. ¾; lat. - / ; poll._ _habitat ad oras americæ meridionalis_ (concepcion). _mus. brit., nost., brod._ approaching fusus in its elongated and entire canal, while its exterior lip has the labial tooth which distinguishes _monoceros_. the columella is not straight, as in all the other species, but curved, so as to make an angle in some specimens at the commencement of the canal, and in all it becomes very broad at the point where it is opposite to the tooth. the shell is of a reddish colour, ventricose, and girt with elevated lines, about a quarter of an inch apart. the spire has only two of these lines on each whorl, and has a bicarinated appearance. the aperture is wide, the outer lip sinuous, its tooth short, broad, and obtuse, and the operculum horny. the shell is seldom found in a perfect state, the beak being generally broken off, and the surface is, in all the specimens that i have seen, covered with a calcareous encrustation, entirely concealing the colours. . buccinum muriciforme. _b. testâ ovato-fusiformi, cinereâ; anfractibus tumidis, costellatis, costellis cancellatis; aperturâ castaneo-nigricante; labri margine crenulato. muricem mentiens; long. ; lat. / ; poll._ _habitat ad fretum magellanicum. mus. brit., nost., brod._ the eggs of this species were found, and are preserved in spirits. { } . buccinum squalidum. _b. testâ conico-fusiformi, fuscâ; anfractu basali ventricoso; spirâ mediocri; aperturâ fuscâ, lutescenti, patulâ; long. - / ; lat. - / ; poll._ _habitat? mus. brit., nost., brod._ . buccinum deforme. _b. testa ovatâ, subponderosâ, subalbidâ, fasciis duabus fuscis obscuris; spirâ brevi; anfractu basali subdepresso, suturam versus crasso; columellâ valdè callosâ; long. - / ; lat. paulo plus; poll._ _habitat ad flumen plata_ (gorriti). _mus. brit., nost._ the eggs of this shell, contained in a transparent orbicular nidus, the size of a turtle's egg, were found thrown up on the sea-beach of the island. in the month of january they were observed in all stages of growth. a series was preserved in spirits, and presented to the college of surgeons. . columbella mitriformis. _c. testâ fusiformi, luteo-rufescente, fasciis nigro-castaneis, maculis albis tessellatâ; long. / ; lat. / ; poll._ _habitat? mus. brit., nost., brod._ . mitra pusilla. _m. testâ ovato-acutâ, ventricosâ, fulvâ, creberrimè costatâ; costis interstitiisque striatis, basi granulosâ; spirâ brevi, anfractibus suturam supereminentibus; columellâ quinque-plicatâ; long. / ; lat. / paulo plus; poll._ _habitat? mus. nost._ the denticules of the outer lip are arranged in pairs, at regular, and somewhat distant, intervals. . voluta. a fragment of a turbinated shell, bearing marks more assignable to voluta than to any other genus, was found on the sea-beach in the neighbourhood of cape fairweather, on the east coast of patagonia, in latitude ½° south. the remains appear to differ from _voluta ancilla_ and _v. brasiliana_. * * * * * { } copies of orders. ------ his majesty's surveying vessel adventure, sea bear bay. sir; th march . it is my direction, that when finally parting company from me, you proceed to the execution of the following orders, in company with the adelaide schooner, the commander of which, upon our meeting him, will receive instructions to put himself under your command. you will, as soon as possible, make the best of your way to port famine, stopping at pecket harbour to communicate with the indians, should they be there, for the purpose of securing a supply of guanaco meat for the ship's company. at port famine you will immediately detach lieutenant skyring, with a boat and boat's crew, in the adelaide, to co-operate with lieutenant graves in surveying the magdalen channel and its communication with the sea; after which you will direct him to rejoin you, by the barbara channel, at port gallant, whither you will proceed, after completing your water at port famine; on your way to which, if you should have an opportunity, the following bays, on the south side of the strait, might be planned, viz. lyell bay, cascade bay, san pedro bay, and freshwater bay (or cove). the coast also to the west of the barbara channel, behind the islands of charles and ulloa, should be examined; and of the northern arm of the jerome channel, called in the chart, indian sound, we know nothing. if, after the return of the adelaide, you should find the weather so favourable as to permit your extending your exploration of those parts of the strait which are yet unknown to us, you will remain for that purpose; but, at all events, you are to leave the strait by the middle of june, or the first of july at latest, and repair with the adelaide to san carlos, at the north end of chilóe, where you will find or hear of me, by the th of august. { } in performing the above orders you will act as you may consider best for their most effectual execution, keeping in mind that the most desirable part is the survey of the magdalen channel. from our experience, last year, of the weather during the months of april and may, i am in hopes of your being able to work during those months, with success; but should you meet with bad weather, you will be most careful in not exposing your people unnecessarily to the severity of the climate. upon detaching the adelaide you will appoint lieutenant skyring to the superintendence of the service upon which she is sent, giving lieutenant graves instructions to that effect accordingly. i have, &c. (signed) phillip parker king, commander and senior officer. * * * * * his majesty's surveying sloop beagle, port famine. sir; april , . in obedience to the orders i have received from commander phillip parker king, senior officer of the expedition for the survey of a part of south america, it is my direction that you proceed immediately, in the adelaide schooner, to survey as much of the magdalen channel and the strait or channel of santa barbara as you find practicable at this season of the year. if, in the execution of this service, you should find the season too much advanced to proceed without much risk to the vessel, or exposing yourself and the men to much bad weather, you will give up the design, and hasten to port gallant. should the beagle not be in port gallant at your return, and no letter left for you in a bottle, you will wait there one week, and then return to port famine. at all events, you will endeavour to rejoin the beagle before the first week in june has ended. i have, &c. (signed) robert fitz-roy, commander. to lieut. wm. geo. skyring, his majesty's sloop beagle. * * * * * { } sir; beagle, port famine, th april . in obedience to the orders i have received from captain king, it is my direction that you put yourself under the orders of lieut. skyring, and proceed with him as he may think best for the execution of the service upon which he is ordered, and in which you will give him every assistance that you can afford. mr. kirke, with a boat and boat's crew, will be sent to assist you. i have, &c. (signed) robert fitz-roy, commander. to lieut. thos. graves, commanding his majesty's schooner adelaide. * * * * * sir; beagle, port gallant, th june . it is my direction that you put yourself under the orders of lieutenant skyring, and co-operate with him in the execution of the service on which he is about to be employed. mr. kirke, with a boat and five men, will be sent to assist. i have, &c. (signed) robert fitz-roy. to lieut. thos. graves, commander. his majesty's schooner adelaide. * * * * * sir; beagle, port gallant, june th . it is my direction that as soon as you consider the rates of the chronometer on board the adelaide sufficiently settled, you proceed in her to search for, and, if practicable at this season of the year, survey such part of the passage which is supposed to lead from the vicinity of cape tamar to concepcion strait and the gulf of trinidad, as your time and provisions will allow. your chief object will be to open a passage from cape three points to cape tamar, between the mass of islands which lie between those capes. { } when to the northward of cape tamar, and before reaching as far north as oracion bay, or the latitude of ° ', should you notice an opening to the eastward, with a current or stream of tide setting through it, and an appearance of its joining another body of water, of considerable extent, you will endeavour to ascertain whether it communicates with the skyring water, provided that, in so doing you do not turn from your chief object more than a few days. in the execution of the above orders you will act as you may consider best for the service of his majesty; and if, at any time before its completion, you find your provisions getting short, the climate too severe, or yourself, or those under your orders, in bad health, you will immediately make the best of your way to chilóe. you will endeavour to be at san carlos, in the island of chilóe, before the th of september, and will let nothing that can be avoided detain you beyond that time. i have, &c. (signed) robert fitz-roy, commander. to lieutenant wm. geo. skyring, his majesty's sloop beagle. * * * * * by phillip parker king, esq., commander of his majesty's surveying vessel adventure, and senior officer of an expedition for the survey of a part of south america. as soon as you shall have completed the rates of your chronometers and be otherwise ready, it is my direction that you proceed to sea in his majesty's sloop under your command, to survey the sea-coast of tierra del fuego, from cape pillar to the east entrance of the strait of magellan, in the progressive examination of which you will be guided by the state of the weather, and other circumstances, keeping in view that the most interesting part of the coast is that portion between christmas sound and the strait le maire, particularly the openings of new year sound and nassau bay, and the openings to the eastward of the latter as far as new island; as there is reason to believe that there is a considerable body of water to the eastward of the termination of admiralty { } sound, communicating with the sea by some one if not many openings in the neighbourhood of nassau bay, and with an outlet on the n.e. coast (st. sebastian channel); and as the existence of such a strait would be of the greatest importance to small vessels bound to the westward round cape horn, you will see it fitting not to spend so much time to the westward of cape noir as may in the least impede the determination of the question, or prevent it being completely explored. it is my intention to be at port famine by the st of april, and at rio de janeiro by the st june, calling in my way at monte video, or gorriti, for chronometrical observations; and if can, conveniently, i shall also go to port desire for the same purpose. but as it is at present uncertain what orders i may find for me at valparaiso, you are to act according to your own discretion, so that you arrive at rio by the th of june to rejoin me. given under my hand, on board the adventure, at st. carlos de chilóe, november th, . phillip p. king, commander. to robert fitz-roy, esq., commander of h.m.s. beagle. * * * * * by phillip parker king, esq., commander of his majesty's surveying vessel adventure, and senior officer of an expedition for the survey of a part of south america. as soon as the adelaide tender is ready, you will proceed to sea, in the execution of the following orders:-- as your principal object will be to trace the main-land from the peninsula of tres montes to the southward, by penetrating into all the openings that lead easterly, you will commence at the channel mouths, and explore them to their termination. in the event of their affording a communication with the gulf of trinidad, and your having time, you will examine the channels that you have reported to exist in the neighbourhood of neesham bay, so as to complete the fallos channel, which separates campana from the land within it. should the channel mouths not afford the expected termination, you will proceed through the mesier or fallos channels, in { } which, and in the channels more to the southward, you will explore all openings leading into the interior, and, if possible, not lose sight of the main-land until you reach the strait of magellan; by doing which it is expected, from the results of your last survey, that you will pass through the skyring and otway waters, and enter the strait by the jerome channel. the above being the principal object of your operations, you will take every opportunity of examining all other interesting parts of the coast, in the vicinity of your anchorages, among which the following seem to be of most interest:-- the guaianeco islands, and the probable place of the wager's wreck, which would seem to be to the southward of, and not far from the dundee rock of your former survey. if time afforded, it would be interesting to lay down the shores of concepcion strait; also to examine the deep opening on the west side of st. estevan channel, in the latitude of ° '. lord nelson strait is also of much interest, and any extension of our knowledge of the land that bounds the western side of smyth channel. but in these you will be guided by your own discretion, keeping in mind the principal object of the present survey, that of tracing the shores of the main-land. the adventure will be at port famine by the st of april, if nothing occurs to prevent it; and at rio de janeiro by the st of june, where you will rejoin me; but you are at liberty to call at monte video, on your way, for any supplies which you may require. (signed) phillip p. king. th dec. . san carlos de chilóe. to lieutenant w. g. skyring, commanding h.m. schooner adelaide, tender to h.m.s. adventure. * * * * * { } some observations relating to the southern extremity of south america, tierra del fuego, and the strait of magalhaens; made during the survey of those coasts in his majesty's ships adventure and beagle, between the years and . by captain phillip parker king, f.r.s., commander of the expedition. ------ [the original paper, from which the following observations have been extracted, was read before the geographical society of london on the th of april and th of may ; and was printed in the journal of that society for the same year. it is here reprinted, with a few omissions and very slight alterations, in order that this volume may contain all that the author has yet published respecting south america; excepting particular sailing directions.] ------ considering the vast extent of the sea-coast of the southern extremity of america, it is not a little surprising that it should have been so frequently passed by, during the last century, without having been more explored. within the last twenty years, however, it has been very much resorted to by english and american vessels in the seal trade, and to the observing portion of their enterprising crews many of its intricacies are well known; but as the knowledge they have derived from their experience has only in one instance, that of mr. weddell's voyage, been published to the world, our charts cannot be said to have been much improved for the last fifty years. the eastern coast of patagonia, by which name the country between the river plata and the strait of magalhaens[ ] is known, { } was coasted, as well as the north-eastern side of tierra del fuego, by malaspina; and the charts of his voyage not only vie with any contemporaneous production for accuracy and detail, but are even now quite sufficient for the general purposes of navigation. the strait of magalhaens has been explored by several navigators; but, among the numerous plans of it extant, those of sir john narborough and cordova are the most correct. the first is particularly noticed in the late admiral burney's very useful work, and the result of the last has been published in the spanish language, and is entitled "ultimo viage al estrecho de magallanes." a second voyage was also made by cordova to the strait, the proceedings of which form an appendix to the above work. it is furnished with a good general chart of the coast, another of the strait, and many plans of the anchorages within it. byron, wallis, carteret, and bougainville, had already made considerable additions to narborough's plan, from which a chart had been compiled that answered all the purposes of general geographical information, and might even have been sufficient for navigation: for the latter purpose, however, cordova's chart was much superior; but, being published in spain only, and its existence little known in england, i found great difficulty in procuring a copy before i sailed, for my own use. the southern coast of tierra del fuego, between cape good success, the southern limit of strait le maire, and cape pillar at the western end of the strait of magalhaens, was very little known. cook's voyage affords several useful notices of the coast between cape deseado and christmas sound, and the dutch fleet under hermite partially explored the neighbourhood of cape horn: a confused chart of this coast, however, was the best that could be put together; and although mr. weddell has more recently published an account of the harbours and anchorages near cape horn and new year sound, yet little available benefit was derived from it, because these different navigators having confined their examinations to small portions of the coast, it was difficult to connect their respective plans, even on so small a scale as that of the general chart. the western coast of south america, which is very intricate, extending from cape victory (the north-west entrance of the { } strait of magalhaens) to the island of chilóe, may be said to have been wholly unknown; for since the time of sarmiento de gamboa nothing in the least descriptive of it had been published, with the exception of the brief notices of two missionary voyages in piraguas, from chilóe to the guiateca and guaianeco islands. every person conversant with south american geography, must be acquainted with the voyage of sarmiento. from the determined perseverance shown by that excellent and skilful navigator, through difficulties of no ordinary nature, we are possessed of the details of a voyage down the western coast, and through the strait of magalhaens, that has never been surpassed. his journal has furnished us with the description of a coast more difficult and dangerous to explore than any which could readily be selected--for it was at that time perfectly unknown, and is exposed to a climate of perpetual storms and rain: yet the account is written with such minute care and correctness, that we have been enabled to detect upon our charts almost every place described in the gulf of trinidad, and the channels to the south of it, particularly their termination at his ancon sin salida. it would be irrelevant to enter here into the history of sarmiento's voyage, or indeed of any other connected with these coasts. modern surveys are made so much more in detail than those of former years, that little use can be made of the charts and plans that have been hitherto formed; but the accounts of the voyages connected with them are replete with interesting and useful matter, and much amusement as well as information may be derived from their perusal, particularly sir john narborough's journal, and byron's romantic and pathetic narrative of the loss of the wager. the cordillera of the andes, which is known to extend from the northern part of the continent almost to its southern extremity, decreases in elevation near the higher southern latitudes. in the neighbourhood of quito, chimborazo and pinchincha rear their summits to the height of nearly twenty-two thousand feet above the level of the sea; near santiago de chile the highest land is supposed to be fourteen thousand feet; farther south, near concepcion, it is lower; and near chilóe there are few parts of the range exceeding seven thousand feet. between chilóe and the { } strait of magalhaens the average height may be taken at three thousand feet; though there are some mountains which may be between six and seven thousand feet high. by a reference to the chart it will be seen that about the parallel of ° the coast begins to assume, and retains to its furthest extremity, a very different appearance from that which it exhibits to the northward, where the sea, which is kept at a distance from the cordillera by a belt of comparatively low land for continuous intervals of some hundred miles, washes a long unbroken shore, affording neither shelter for vessels nor landing for boats; but, to the southward of that parallel, its waters reach to the very base of the great chain of the andes, and, flowing as it were into the deep ravines that wind through its ramifications, form numerous channels, sounds, and gulfs, and, in many instances, insulate large portions of land. in fact, the whole of this space is fronted by large islands and extensive archipelagoes, of which the most conspicuous are the great island of chilóe, wellington island, the archipelago of madre de dios, hanover island, and queen adelaide archipelago. the last forms the western entrance of the strait on its north side. the land of tres montes, however, is an exception: it is a peninsula, and is the only part of the continent within the above limits that is exposed to the ocean's swell. it forms the northern part of the gulf of peñas, and is joined to the main by the narrow isthmus of ofqui, over which the indians, in travelling along the coast, carry their canoes, to avoid the extreme danger of passing round the peninsula. it was here that byron and his shipwrecked companions crossed over with their indian guides: but it is a route that is not much frequented; for this part of the coast is very thinly inhabited, and the trouble of pulling to pieces and reconstructing the canoes,[ ] an operation absolutely necessary to be performed, is so great, that i imagine it is only done on occasions of importance. in this way the piraguas which conveyed the missionary voyagers to the guaianeco islands were transported { } over the isthmus; the particulars of which are fully detailed in their journals.[ ] the river san tadeo, although of small size, being navigable only for eleven miles, is the largest river of the coast south of the archipelago of chilóe, and therefore merits a particular description. at seven miles from the mouth it is fed by two streams or torrents, the currents of which are so strong that a fast-pulling boat can hardly make way against it. one of these streams takes its rise in a mountainous range, over which perhaps the communicating road passes; and the other is the drain of an extensive glacier or plain of ice of fifteen miles in extent. the river falls into the gulf of st. estevan over a shallow bar, upon which there is scarcely two feet water, and at low tide is probably dry. at the head of st. estevan gulf is st. quintin sound; both were examined and found to afford excellent anchorage, and they are both of easy access should a ship, passing up the coast, find herself upon a lee shore and not able to weather the land, as was the case with the ill-fated wager.[ ] the guaianeco islands form the southern head of the gulf of peñas; then follows wellington island, separated from the main by the mesier channel, which had not been previously explored, its mouth only being laid down in the charts, compiled from the information of machado, a pilot who was sent in by the viceroy of peru to examine the coast from chilóe to the strait { } of magalhaens.[ ] this channel is also noticed in one of the two missionary voyages above mentioned; but the object of these expeditions being for the purpose of converting the indians to christianity,[ ] and not for the extension of geographical knowledge, little information of that nature could be obtained from their journal: the entrance of the mesier, however, is described by them; and on one occasion they were obliged to take refuge in it for fifteen days.[ ] with this exception i cannot find that it had ever been entered before our visit. the length of the channel is one hundred and sixty miles, and it joins the concepcion strait behind the madre de dios archipelago, at the brazo ancho of sarmiento. lieutenant skyring, who superintended this particular part of the survey, called the land which it insulates, wellington island; the seaward coast of which is fronted by several islands. fallos channel, which separates the campaña and wellington islands, was examined, from its northern entrance, for thirty-three miles, and was conjectured, after communicating with the sea at dynely sound, to extend to the southward, and fall into the gulf of trinidad by one of the deep sounds which were noticed on the north shore. about thirty miles within the mesier channel, from the northern extremity, the west side appears to be formed by a succession of large islands, many of which are separated by wide channels leading to the south-west, and probably communicating with the fallos channel. on the eastern shore the openings were found to be either narrow inlets or abruptly terminating sounds. on both sides of the channel the coast is hilly, but not very high, and in many places there is much low and generally thickly wooded land. this character distinguishes the mesier from other channels in these regions. the trees here are nearly of the same description as those which are found in all parts between cape tres montes and the strait of magalhaens. of these the most common are an evergreen beech (_fagus betuloides_), a birch-like beech (_fagus antarctica_), the winter's bark (_winterana aromatica_[ ]), and a tree with all the appearance and habit of a cypress, of which the indians make their { } spears. among others there is one, the wood of which being extremely hard and weighty, answers better than the rest for fuel: the sealers call it 'the red wood,' from its colour. from the great quantity of timber which grows here it would be naturally supposed probably that spars for masts could be easily obtained, or at least wood useful for less important purposes; but although many trees were found that were sufficiently large at the base, they grew to no great height; and, in consequence of the moisture of the climate, and the crowded state of the forests preventing the admission of the sun's rays, the wood generally proved to be decayed in the heart; besides being very apt, even after a long seasoning, to warp and split when exposed to a dry air. ten miles beyond white-kelp cove, which is fifty miles within the entrance, the character of the mesier channel changes entirely; the shore on either side being formed of mountainous and precipitous ridges rising abruptly from the water. after this, at halt bay, twenty-three miles beyond white-kelp cove, the channel narrows for a considerable distance, and in three particular places is not more than four hundred yards wide. this part of the channel is called in the chart the english narrow. it is long and intricate, with many islands strewed throughout; and preserves its tortuous and frequently narrow course to its junction with the wide channel, in which the breadth increases to two miles and a half; and then, running thirty-four miles with a direct and unimpeded course, falls into the concepcion strait as above stated. at the point where the mesier and the wide channels unite, a deep sound extends to the n. n. e. for forty-six miles. it was named sir george eyre sound. an extensive glacier sloping into the sea from the summit of a range of high snowy mountains, that are visible from many parts of the mesier channel, terminates this sound; and near the head of it several large icebergs, containing no inconsiderable blocks of granite, were found aground.[ ] { } of the archipelago of madre de dios we know very little. it has probably many deep openings on its seaward face, and is fronted by islands and rocks. its character is rocky and mountainous, and by no means agreeable. the wide and safe channel of concepcion strait separates it from the main land, which in this part is much intersected by deep sounds, the principal of which, the canal of san andres, extends to the base of the snowy range of the cordillera, and there lieutenant skyring describes it to be suddenly closed by immense glaciers. behind hanover island, which is separated from madre de dios by the concepcion strait, the main-land is very much intersected by sounds like the san andres channel, extending to the base of the andes. south of hanover island is queen adelaide archipelago, through which are several channels that communicate with the strait of magalhaens; of which the principal, smyth channel, falls into the strait at cape tamar. in the winter of , captain robert fitz-roy, then commanding the beagle, in examining the jerome channel, which communicates with the strait in that part called crooked reach, discovered 'otway water,' an inland sea fifty miles long, trending to the n.e., and separated from the eastern entrance of the strait by a narrow isthmus; the actual width of which was not ascertained, for in the attempt the boats were nearly lost. the south-eastern shore is high and rocky, and generally precipitous, but the northern is formed by low undulating grassy plains, free from trees, and precisely like the country about the eastern entrance of the strait. at the north-west corner of the water a passage was found leading in a north-west direction for twelve miles, when it opened into another extent of water, about thirty-four miles long and twenty wide. this he called the skyring water. its southern and western sides are bounded by mountainous land, but the northern shore is low, apparently formed of undulating downs and grassy plains, and in some places watered by rivulets. at the western extremity of the water two openings were observed, separated by a remarkable castellated mountain which was called dynevor castle. beyond the southernmost opening there was no land visible, not even a distant mountain, which induced captain fitz-roy to suppose that it was a channel communicating with the { } western coast; but from what we now know, it is not probable that it can lead to anything of consequence. it is, perhaps, backed by low marshy land reaching to the hills at the bottom of glacier bay, which, from the distance being seventy miles, were not visible above the horizon. the northern opening probably passes dynevor castle, and, perhaps, nearly reaches the bottom of obstruction sound. the skyring water was not further explored; partly from want of a sufficient quantity of provisions to undertake it with any prospect of succeeding, and partly from a strong south-westerly gale, from which there was no shelter for the open boats in which this examination was performed. the remainder, therefore, of captain fitz-roy's time was spent in completing what he had commenced; and, after an absence of thirty-two days, he rejoined his ship at port gallant. at the western end of the passage, which unites the waters, the shore is well clothed on the north side with luxuriant grass and trefoil, with here and there a sprinkling of brushwood, but is entirely destitute of trees. the soil, although dry, is light, and tolerably good; but the ground is perforated everywhere by some burrowing animal, probably skunks, or _cavias_. the tracks of horses were noticed in many places, and the bones of guanacoes were scattered about. water was not very plentiful, but several small brooks and springs in the sides of the hills were observed, sufficient for all useful purposes. on the south side of the passage the land is low, but wooded: the banks are from five to forty feet high, sloping to the water, and covered with grass. in the entrance the tide ran five or six knots at the neaps, but inside with only half that rapidity. on the north side, at the distance of a mile and a-half, there is a ridge of hills, to the summit of which captain fitz-roy made an excursion, which is described in the narrative. in consequence of the supposed communication of the skyring water with some part of the western coast, a careful examination was made of every opening trending into the interior behind the islands and archipelagoes that line the western coast; the result of which has proved that the hypothesis so naturally formed was not confirmed by fact. a reference to the chart will show how carefully the search was carried on, and with what want of success it was concluded. the deep opening discovered by sarmiento, and { } named by him, 'ancon sin salida,' was found, upon examination, to extend so far into the interior, and in the direction of the skyring water, that the most strict investigation of the numerous sounds and canals was made, in the perfect conviction of finding the desired communication. but after a patient, laborious, and minute examination, particularly of those openings which led to the southward, among which obstruction sound held the most flattering appearance, lieutenant skyring, who performed this service, was obliged to give up the search and return. at one part, near the south-eastern end of the sound, he entered an opening, which at first had an appearance that was favourable to the desired communication, but it terminated in low, woody land. there was, however, a hill near the shore, which he ascended with the hope of obtaining a view of the country; but the sides and summit of the hill were so thickly wooded as to obstruct his view, and with the exception of some distant high land in the south-east quarter, and a sheet of water about six miles off in the same bearing, nothing was discerned to repay him for the fatigue and trouble of the ascent. whether the water is a lagoon, or a part of the skyring water, or whether it communicates with the opening trending round the north side of dynevor castle, yet remains to be ascertained. being foiled in this attempt, lieutenant skyring proceeded onward in a s.s.w. direction, and after a pull often miles came to the bottom of the sound, which was terminated by high, precipitous land encircling every part. neither wigwams nor traces of indians were seen, another proof, were one required, of the sound not communicating with the skyring water; for the indians very rarely visit these deep inlets, but are always to be found in narrow straits or communicating channels, where, from the strength of the tide, seals and porpoises, which constitute the principal food of the fuegian indians, abound. sarmiento's name, therefore, of 'ancon sin salida,' which we had hoped to have expunged from the chart, must now remain, a lasting memorial of his enterprising character, and of a voyage deservedly one of the most celebrated, as well as most useful, of the age in which it was performed. the termination of obstruction sound is one of the most remarkable features in the geography of this part of south america. in this examination the southern extremity of the cordillera was { } ascertained. the eastern shores of the interior channels were found to be low plains, with no hills or mountains visible in the distance; and such being characteristic also of the northern shores of the otway and skyring waters, it is probable that all the country to the east of the sounds is a continued plain. recent traces of indians were seen in some places; but at the time our party was there, they were either absent or had concealed themselves. i should not think that these interior sounds are much frequented by them; a family was, however, met in the passage between the otway and the skyring water, clothed with guanaco skins, like the patagonian tribes, but in manners and disposition resembling the wandering inhabitants of the strait and tierra del fuego; and they had canoes, which the patagonians do not use. they had probably come thus far for the purpose of communicating with the latter tribes, with whom they frequently have friendly intercourse. no guanacoes were seen either on the shores of the inland waters or of the sounds within the 'ancon sin salida,' although the country, being open and covered with luxuriant grass, was peculiarly suited to their habits; but as several large herds of deer were observed feeding near the sea-shore of obstruction sound, and the neighbouring country, the presence of these latter animals may probably be the cause; for on the eastern coast, where the guanacoes are every where abundant, the deer do not make their appearance. sea-otters were the only other animals that we met with; but they were only occasionally noticed, swimming about the kelp. the shores of the sounds were in many places crowded with the black-necked swan (_anas nigricollis_, linn.), and there were a few seen, but only one captured, whose plumage, excepting the tips of the wings, which were black, was of a dazzling white colour. i have described it in the first part of the proceedings of the zoological society as a new species (_cygnus anatoïdes_.) the strait of magalhaens, being a transverse section of the continent, exhibits a view of its geological structure. the strait may be divided into three portions; the western, the central, and the eastern. the western and central are of primitive character, rugged and very mountainous; but the eastern portion is of recent formation and low. the western tract is composed of a succession of stratified rocks, a difference at once distinguishable by the form { } and nature of the ranges, and the direction of the shores: the hills are irregularly heaped together; the sounds are intricate and tortuous in their course, and the shores are formed by deep sinuosities and prominently projecting headlands: the channels, also, are studded with innumerable islands and rocks extremely dangerous for navigation. in this portion the rock is, for the most part, granite and greenstone. near the centre of the strait, the rock being clay-slate, the mountains are higher, and more precipitous and rugged in their outline; and consequently not easily to be ascended. they are in general three thousand feet, but some are found to be four thousand feet, in height; and one, mount sarmiento, is upwards of six thousand feet high, and is covered throughout the year with snow. the line of perpetual snow in the strait seems to be about three thousand five hundred feet above the sea: the mountains, whose height does not exceed three thousand, are, during the summer, frequently free from any, excepting in holes, where a large quantity is accumulated by drifting, and protected from the sun. the strait here is quite free from islands, and it is a remarkable fact, that where the greenstone formation terminates, there the islands cease to appear. the slate formation continues as far as freshwater bay, where the stratified rocks leave the coast and extend in a north-west direction. the soil then becomes apparently a mixture of decomposed slate and clay; the slate gradually disappearing on approaching to cape negro, where the rock partakes of the character of the east coast. here again we observe, along with the change of geological character, the re-appearance of islands, the soil of which is clayey, but with masses of granite, hornblende rock and clay slate protruding in many places through the superficial soil, which, although it yields a poor grass, is entirely destitute of trees. in that portion of the strait to the eastward of cape negro the hills are remarkable for the regularity and parallelism of their direction, and their general resemblance to each other. on the north shore, near cape gregory, a range of high land commences suddenly, with rather a precipitous ascent, and extends for forty miles to the north-east, where it terminates in detached rocky hills. the south-western end of the range is a ridge of flat-topped { } land covered with soil, but with here and there a protruding mass of primitive rock: one of these appeared to be of sienite or granite. the north-eastern end of this range is perhaps more bare of soil, and, therefore, exposes the rock, which shows itself in detached hills. precisely similar in appearance and direction is a range on the south shore, about fifty miles in length, commencing at cape monmouth and terminating in detached hills in the vicinity of the south side of the first narrow. the courses, also, of both the first and second narrow, which are just within the eastern entrance of the strait, are nearly parallel with these hills; and the smaller ranges of eminences, elizabeth island and the cliffy land of cape negro, where the clay formation commences, all trend to the n.n.e., preserving a general resemblance of form and character to the two ranges above mentioned. the irregularity of the topographic features of the western portion of the strait, combined with its confused assemblage and immense number of islands and rocks;--the regularity of the strata--the coinciding parallelism of all the bays, channels, and sounds,--and the total absence of islands in the central portion or slate formation;--together with the remarkable similarity of the direction of the hills and coast line, and the stratification of the north-eastern tract, which is very different from that of the centre;--are very striking facts, and, geologically considered, are of great interest. no less remarkable, however, and equally interesting, is the character of the vegetation; not so much in the variety of plants, as in their stunted growth to the westward, their luxuriance in the centre, and the total absence of trees to the eastward. for this modification the following reasons seem to me to account sufficiently. to the westward the decomposition of granite, and the other primitive rocks which are found there, forms but a poor, unproductive soil; so that, although the land is thickly covered with shrubs, they are all small and stunted: the torrents of water also that pour down the steep sides of the hills, wash away the partial accumulations of soil that are occasionally deposited; consequently, few trees are to be found, excepting in clefts and recesses of the rock, where decomposed vegetable matter collects and nourishes their growth; but even there they are low and stunted, for the most luxuriant seldom attain a larger diameter than nine or ten inches. { } from the regularity of the direction of the strata in the slate districts the vallies are very extensive, and, being bounded on either side by precipitous mountains much intersected by deep ravines, receive large streams of water, which, uniting together in their course to the sea, form no inconsiderable rivers. during the winter months these rivers become swollen and overflow their banks, and deposit a quantity of alluvium, which, blending with the fallen leaves and other putrescent substances, produces a good superficial soil, in which trees grow to a large size, and the shrubs and smaller plants become particularly luxuriant and productive. at port famine, and in its neighbourhood, the evergreen beech (_fagus betuloides_) grows in the greatest abundance, and reaches a very large size. trees of this species, of three feet in diameter, are abundant; of four feet, there are many; and there is one tree (perhaps the very same noticed by commodore byron[ ]), which measures seven feet in diameter for seventeen feet above the roots, and then divides into three large branches, each of which is three feet through. this venerable tree seemed to be sound, but from our experience of several others that were cut down, might be expected to prove rotten in the centre. this tendency to decaying in the heart may be attributed to the coldness of the schistose sub-soil upon which the trees are rooted, as well as to the perpetual moisture of the climate above alluded to. the slate formation ceases at port st. mary, but there is no decided change in the vegetation until we come to cape negro, where the clay commences; and from thence onwards there is not a tree to be found. the nature of the soil is not favourable to plants which take a deep root, and, therefore, only shrubs and grasses are found: the former are thinly scattered over the extensive plains which characterise this country; but the grasses are abundant, and although of a harsh and dry appearance, must be nourishing, for they form the chosen food of numerous and large herds of guanacoes. besides the evergreen beech above-mentioned, there are but few other trees in the strait that can be considered as timber trees. such an appellation only belongs to two other species of beech and the winter's bark. the last, which is also an evergreen, is to be found mixed with the first, in all parts of the strait; so that { } the country and hills, from the height of two thousand feet above the sea, to the very verge of the high-water mark, are covered with a perpetual verdure which is remarkably striking, particularly in those places where the glaciers descend into the sea; the sudden contrast in such cases presenting to the view a scene as agreeable as it seems to be anomalous. i have myself seen vegetation thriving most luxuriantly, and large woody-stemmed trees of fuchsia and veronica[ ] (in england considered and treated as tender plants), in full flower, within a very short distance of the base of a mountain, covered for two-thirds down with snow, and with the temperature at °. the fuchsia certainly was rarely found except in sheltered spots, but not so the veronica; for the beaches of the bays on the west side of san juan island at port san antonio are lined with trees of the latter, growing even in the very wash of the sea. there is no part of the strait more exposed to the wind than this, for it faces the reach to the west of cape froward, down which the wind constantly blows, and brings with it a succession of rain, sleet, or snow; and in the winter months, from april to august, the ground is covered with a layer of snow, from six inches to two or three feet in depth. there must be, therefore, some peculiar quality in the atmosphere of this otherwise rigorous climate which favours vegetation; for if not, these comparatively delicate plants could not live and flourish through the long and severe winters of this region. in the summer, the temperature at night was frequently as low as ° of fahrenheit, and yet i never noticed the following morning any blight or injury sustained by these plants, even in the slightest degree. i have occasionally, during the summer, been up the greater part of the night at my observatory, with the internal as well as the external thermometers as low as freezing point, without being particularly warmly clad, and yet not feeling the least cold; and in the winter, the thermometer, on similar occasions, has been at ° and °, without my suffering the slightest inconvenience. this i attributed at the time to the peculiar stillness of the air, although, within a short distance in the offing and overhead, the wind was high. whilst upon this subject, there are two facts which may be { } mentioned as illustrative of the mildness of the climate, notwithstanding the lowness of the temperature. one is the comparative warmth of the sea near its surface, between which and the air, i have in the month of june, the middle of the winter season, observed a difference of °, upon which occasion the sea was covered with a cloud of steam. the other is, that parrots and humming-birds, generally the inhabitants of warm regions, are very numerous in the southern and western parts of the strait--the former feeding upon the seeds of the winter's bark, and the latter having been seen by us chirping and sipping the sweets of the fuchsia and other flowers, after two or three days of constant rain, snow, and sleet, during which the thermometer had been at freezing point. we saw them also in the month of may upon the wing, during a snow shower: and they are found in all parts of the south-west and west coasts as far as valparaiso. i have since been informed that this species is also an inhabitant of peru; so that it has a range of more than ° of latitude, the southern limit being ½° south.[ ] tierra del fuego is divided by several channels; a principal one of which is opposite to cape froward, and another fronts port gallant. the easternmost, called magdalen, trends in a due south direction for nineteen miles, and separates the clay slate from the more crystalline rocks, which seem to predominate in clarence island, and are chiefly of greenstone; though, at the eastern end, there is much mica slate. at the bottom of magdalen sound the channel turns sharply to the westward; and, after a course of about forty miles, meets the barbara channel, which, as above-mentioned, communicates with the strait opposite to port gallant, and both fall into the sea together. magdalen sound and its continuation, cockburn channel, are almost free from islands and rocks; but the barbara channel, which separates { } the granite from the greenstone and mica slate districts, is throughout thickly strewed with islands, which reduce the channel in some parts to a mile, and, in one place, to not more than fifty yards in width. here, of course, the tide sets with great strength. several vessels, however, have passed through it under sail; and one ship, a whaler belonging to messrs. enderby, working through the strait, and finding much difficulty in passing to the westward, bore up, and, the wind being fair and the distance to sea only fifty miles, ran through it without accident. the land to the westward of the barbara channel is high and rugged; and although in the vallies, ravines, and sheltered nooks, there is no want of vegetation, yet, in comparison with the eastern part of the strait, it has a very dismal and uninviting appearance. it was called by sarmiento, 'santa ines island';[ ] but narborough called it, 'south desolation; it being,' as he says, 'so desolate land to behold.'[ ] clarence island, which is fifty-two miles long and twenty-three broad, although equally rocky, is much more verdant in appearance. the uniform direction of the headlands of the north shore of the island is remarkable. upon taking a set of angles with the theodolite placed upon the extremity of the west end of bell bay, opposite to cape holland, the most prominent points to the south-east, as far as could be seen, were all visible in the field of the telescope at the same bearing. the same thing occurred on the opposite shore of the strait, where the projections of cape gallant, cape holland, and cape froward, are in the same line of bearing; so that a parallel ruler placed on the map upon the projecting points of the south shore, extended across, will also touch the headlands of the opposite coast. the eastern island, which had been previously called, and of course retains on our chart the name of king charles south land, extends from the entrance of the strait to the outlet of the barbara and cockburn channels, at cape schomberg. the northern part partakes of the geological character of the eastern portion of the strait. the centre is a continuation of the slate formation, which is evident at a glance, from the uniformity of the direction of the shores of admiralty sound, the gabriel channel, and all the bays and mountain ranges of dawson island. the south shore, or seaward coast line, is principally of greenstone, { } excepting the shores of the beagle channel, which extends from christmas sound to cape san pio, a distance of a hundred and twenty miles, with a course so direct that no points of the opposite shores cross and intercept a free view through; although its average breadth, which also is very parallel, is not much above a mile, and in some places is but a third of a mile across. the south shores of hoste and navarin islands are of horn-blende rock, which is also the principal component of the islands in the neighbourhood, as well as of the island itself of cape horn. the eastern part of king charles south land is low, with plains like the patagonian coast; but the range of high land interrupted at port famine extends down the north side of admiralty sound, and perhaps, with some few intervals, continues to the south-east extremity of the land, near cape good success, which is the south cape of the west side of strait le maire, and there terminates in lofty mountains covered with snow, one of which, called in the charts 'the sugar loaf,' is probably four thousand feet high. the eastern shore of king charles south land, towards the south part, is lofty, but near the northern part is very low. the interior is also low, with extensive plains, abounding with guanacoes, some of which also were found, and shot by the officers of the beagle, within fifty miles of cape horn. the eastern coast of patagonia, from the entrance of the strait of magalhaens to the river plata, is comparatively low. from cape virgins to port st. julian, where porphyritic claystone commences, the coast is formed of clay cliffs, horizontally stratified, and the country is undulating, with extensive plains, or pampas, covered with grass, but without trees. at port st. julian, the country becomes hilly, and continues so as far to the northward as latitude °, the rock being porphyritic. the clay formation to the southward has been likened to the appearance of the coast of kent, and at a short distance it bears certainly a very great resemblance to it; but the cliffs, instead of being of chalk, are composed of a soft marly clay, without any gravel or impressions of organic remains, excepting at port st. julian, where fossil shells, both bivalves and univalves, are found imbedded in clay cliffs; and on the surface are lying, strewed about, large oyster-shells. in the clay formation there are two rivers: the gallegos, in lat. ° '; and port santa cruz, in lat. ° '. the gallegos, at { } high water, may be easily entered, but at low water the banks are dry to a great extent; a channel, however, is left on its south side, of sufficient depth for a small vessel: the tide rises forty-six feet, and the stream is very strong. port desire, in ° ' south latitude, has a narrow entrance with strong tides; but affords in the offing very good anchorage as well as shelter from the prevailing winds, which are offshore, or westerly. the inlet extends up the country, nearly in a west direction, for eighteen miles; but the land is dry and parched, and very unsuitable for the establishment which the spanish government formed there not many years since, and of which evident traces remain to this day. st. george's gulf, called in the old charts 'bahia sin fondo,' or deep-sea gulf, was formerly considered to be a deep sinuosity of the coast, into which a river emptied its waters after winding through a large tract of country; for, until the descubierta and atrevida's voyage of discovery, very vague accounts had been given of this, or indeed of any other part of the coast. the gulf, upon that examination, was found to possess no river or creek in any part excepting on the north side, where there are several deep bays and coves, which are, and have been frequented by our sealing vessels. the country about is dry and parched, although partially covered with small shrubs, and a wiry grass on which large herds of guanacoes feed. according to falkner (the jesuit missionary, who resided many years among the indian tribes inhabiting the country about buenos ayres), the eastern coast between the latitudes of ° and ° is frequented by the natives for the purpose only of burying the dead: they have, however, been occasionally met with travelling along the coast, apparently without any particular object in view. near port desire i have seen the graves of the indians on the summit of the hills, but the bodies had been removed, probably by the indians themselves; for we are informed by falkner, that, after the dead have been interred twelve months, the graves are visited by the tribe, for the purpose of collecting the bones and conveying them to their family sepulchres, where they are set up and adorned with all the beads and ornaments the friends and family of the deceased can collect for the occasion. the ceremony { } is performed by certain women of the tribe whose peculiar office it is to attend to these rites. in the year , from the commencement of january to the middle of august, the adventure (the ship i commanded) was at anchor at port famine, in the strait of magalhaens, in latitude ° ¼' south, and longitude ° ' west of greenwich; and during the whole of that time a careful meteorological journal was kept. the temperature was registered from a very good thermometer of fahrenheit's scale, suspended within a copper cylindrical case of nine inches diameter, and perforated above and below with holes, to admit a free current of air. the cylinder was fixed to the roof of a shed, thatched with dried leaves to shelter it from the sun, while the sides were open. the barometer (a mountain barometer made by newman, with an iron cylinder) was hung up in the observatory, five feet above the high-water mark, and both instruments were examined carefully and regularly at the following hours, namely: six and nine o'clock in the morning, at noon, and at three and six o'clock in the evening. the state of the atmosphere was observed daily, by daniel's hygrometer, at three o'clock in the afternoon. the maximum and minimum temperatures were also observed twice in twenty-four hours, from a six's thermometer, namely: at nine o'clock in the morning, and at nine in the evening. from this journal the following abstract has been drawn up:-- { } summary of meteorological observations. ------ table i. mean height of the barometer, corrected for neut^l. p^t. and capill^y. and reduced to the temperature of °. +------+--------------------+----------------------+ | | autumnal period. | brumal period. | | |------+------+------+-------+-------+------+ | hour | feb. |march.|april.| may. | june. | july.| +------+------+------+------+-------+-------+------+ | |inches|inches|inches|inches |inches |inches| | vi. | . | . | . |+ . |+ . | . | | ix. | +. | +. | +. | . | . | . | | xii. | . | -. | . | . | . | . | | iii. | -. | . | -. | -. | -. | -. | | vi. | . | . | . | . | . | . | +------+------+------+------+-------+-------+------+ | means| . | . | . | . | . | . | +------+------+------+------+-------+-------+------+ +------+-----------------------+ | | means. | | |-------+-------+-------+ | hour |autumn.|brumal.|au.&br.| +------+-------+-------+-------+ | | inches|inches |inches | | vi. | . |+ . | . | | ix. | +. | . | +. | | xii. | . | . | . | | iii. | -. | -. | -. | | vi. | . | . | . | +------+-------+-------+-------+ | means| . | . | . | +------+-------+-------+-------+ table ii. +----------------------------------------------------------+ | thermometer--fahrenheit. | +------+--------------------+----------------------+-------+ | | autumnal period. | brumal period. | days| | |------+------+------+-------+-------+------+ of | | hour | feb. |march.|april.| may. | june. | july.|august.| +------+------+------+------+-------+-------+------+-------+ | | ° | ° | ° | ° | ° | ° | ° | | vi. | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | | ix. | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | | xii. | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | | iii. | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | | vi. | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | +------+------+------+------+-------+-------+------+-------+ | means| . | . | . | . | . | . | . | +------+------+------+------+-------+-------+------+-------+ +------+-----------------------+ | | means. | | |-------+-------+-------+ | hour |autumn.|brumal.|au.&br.| +------+-------+-------+-------+ | | ° | ° | ° | | vi. | . | . | . | | ix. | . | . | . | | xii. | . | . | . | | iii. | . | . | . | | vi. | . | . | . | +------+-------+-------+-------+ | means| . | . | . | +------+-------+-------+-------+ { } table iii. daniel's hygrometer, observed at p.m., daily, and compared with the mean temperature. +---------------------+-----------------------+-----------------------+ | | autumnal period. | brumal period. | | |-------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------+ | | feb. | march.| april.| may. | june. | july. | +---------------------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------+ | | ° | ° | ° | ° | ° | ° | | monthly mean tem. | . | . | . | . | . | . | | from table ii. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | temperature of | . | . | . | . | . | . | | dew point | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | difference between | . | . | . | . | . | . | | mean temperat. | | | | | | | | and dew point | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | dryness (the point | . | . | . | . | . | . | | of saturation | | | | | | | | being ) | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | elasticity of vapour| . | . | . | . | . | . | | | | | | | | | | weight of a cubic | . | . | . | . | . | . | | foot of vapour in | | | | | | | | grains | | | | | | | +---------------------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------+ +---------------------+--------+---------------------------+ | | days | means. | | | of |--------+--------+-------- | | | august.| autumn.| brumal.|au.&br. | +---------------------+--------+--------+--------+---------+ | | ° | ° | ° | ° | | monthly mean tem. | . | . | . | . | | from table ii. | | | | | | | | | | | | temperature of | . | . | . | . | | dew point | | | | | | | | | | | | difference between | . | . | . | . | | mean temperat. | | | | | | and dew point | | | | | | | | | | | | dryness (the point | . | . | . | . | | of saturation | | | | | | being ) | | | | | | | | | | | | elasticity of vapour| . | . | . | . | | | | | | | | weight of a cubic | . | . | . | . | | foot of vapour in | | | | | | grains | | | | | +---------------------+--------+--------+--------+---------+ table iv. +---------+-----------------------+------------------------------------+ | | | temperature. | | | |------------------+-----------------+ | | pressure. | air. | water. | | |-------+-------+-------+-----+-----+------+-----+-----+-----+ | months | max. | min. | range | max.| min.| range| max.| min.|range| +---------+-------+-------+-------+-----+-----+------+-----+-----+-----+ | |inches.|inches.|inches.| ° | ° | ° | ° | ° | ° | | february| . | . | . | | | . | . | . | . | | march | . | . | . | | . | . | . | . | . | | april | . | . | . | . | | . | . | . | . | | may | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | | june | . | , | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | | july | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | | august }| . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | | days}| | | | | | | | | | +---------+-------+-------+-------+-----+-----+------+-----+-----+-----+ +---------+---------------------+ | | dew point, | | | hygrometer | | |------+------+-------+ | months | max. | min. | range | +---------+------+------+-------+ | | ° | ° | ° | | february| . | | . | | march | | | | | april | | | | | may | | | | | june | . | | . | | july | . | | . | | august }| . | . | . | | days}| | | | +---------+------+------+-------+ { } from the preceding tables it will be seen that the mean temperature for the autumnal period (the months of february, march, and april) was °. ; the maximum and minimum were respectively ° and °. for the brumal period, the three following months, the mean temperature was °. , and the maximum and minimum °. and °. . during the former, or autumnal period, the barometer ranged between . and . inches, and for the latter it was between . and . inches. the range for the first being . inches, and for the last . inches. * * * * * { } extract from the beagle's 'game' book, . +--------+-----------------------------+-------------------------------| | date. | giver. | given for fresh provisions. | +--------+-----------------------------+-------------------------------| | may | mr. may | ducks redbills. | | -- | george west | gulls, goose. | | | mr. murray | lbs. of guanaco meat. | | | capt. fitz-roy | fish (from natives). | | | do. | shags, redbills. | | | j. bennett | shags, goose, penguins. | | june | j. bennett | shags, fish. | | | capt. fitz-roy | albatross, bittern. | | | lieut. kempe | shags, geese. | | | mr. brailey | hawk, owl. | | | jas. forsyth | redbills, sea-pigeons, | | | do. | redbills, hawk. | | | do. | shags. | | -- | lieut. kempe | shags, ducks, redbills,| | | | sea-pigeons. | | | lieut. kempe, mr. stokes, | shags, steamer-ducks, | | | and j. forsyth | redbills, | | | | sea-pigeons, hawks, | | | | owls. | +--------+-----------------------------+-------------------------------| _note._--otters, foxes, and seal, were tried more than once, but discarded. very young seal, however, were liked, as well as young penguins. { } extract from the beagle's 'game' book, . +---------+-----------------------------+-------------------------------+ | date. | given as fresh provisions. | to whom. | +---------+-----------------------------+-------------------------------+ | may | ducks, goose | the sick. | | -- | gulls, redbills | the fuegians. | | | lbs. of guanaco meat | all hands. | | | fish | sick & fuegians. | | | shags, redbills | sick. | | | shags, redbills | fuegians. | | | shags | sick. | | | goose, penguins | fuegians. | | june | shags, fish | sick. | | | albatross, bittern | fuegians. | | } |{ shags, redbills, } | | | } |{owl, pigeons, } | all hands.[ ] | | |{hawks, geese } | | | | shags | sick and fuegians. | | | shags, ducks, | | | | redbills | all hands.[ ] | | | shags, pigeons, | | | | owls | all hands. | | | shags, redbills, | | | | hawks | all hands.[ ] | | | shags, redbills |}sick and fuegians. | | | shags, steamers |} | +---------+-----------------------------+-------------------------------+ * * * * * { } { } index. adelaide (tender) granted, proceedings, , , goes to look for san sebastian channel, - return to port famine, sent to cayetano island, loses boat, - in bougainville harbour, further proceedings, , , , suffers from gale in river plata, detention, - goes to magdalen channel, , , , , , proceedings, - at chilóe, proceedings, - repaired, sails to gulf of peñas, arrives at port famine, sails with adventure to monte video and rio de janeiro, particulars of her last cruise, - left as tender to flag-ship, . adventure, leaves river plata, at sta. elena, - anchors near cape fairweather, enters strait of magalhaens, passes first narrow, in gregory bay, passes second narrow, in freshwater bay, at port famine, - in laredo bay, in gregory bay, - at rio de janeiro, goes to santos, sta. catharina, monte video, thence to southward, , re-enters strait, in possession bay, in gregory bay, in port famine, scurvy on board, leaves port famine, enters river plata, brazilian squadron, , at rio de janeiro, in pampero, , at port desire, in sea-bear bay, goes to staten land, st. martin cove, at valparaiso bay, at chilóe, at valparaiso, goes to juan fernandez, at concepcion, enters strait of magalhaens, in playa parda, fortescue bay, reaches port famine, departs finally, at rio de janeiro, arrival in england, . admiralty sound, glaciers, weather, indians, passages, description of shores, - . agnes islands, rocks, dangers, . agüeros, boundaries of chilóe, description of piraguas, quoted on climate, , account of missionary voyages, - . ainsworth, mr., goes to survey port san antonio, drowned, burial-place, - . aldunate, takes chilóe, yntendente of the province, anecdote, goes in adventure to valparaiso, . alerse, good qualities of wood, difficult to obtain, - . _anas specularis_, . ancon sin salida (of sarmiento), adelaide there, weather, traced, . andres san, canal (of sarmiento), disappointment, . _anser nigricollis_, . anson, juan fernandez, . antonio san, port, cordova's account, vegetation, humming-birds, { } weather, , detention there, - . _apterodytes magellanica_, . araucanian indians, dress, meeting, , . _araucaria imbricata_, . _argonauta tuberculosa_, found in maw of dolphin, containing _octopus ocythöe_, , . ariel rocks, supposed, search for, meeting of currents gave rise to false report of their existence, , . asses' ears, . aymond mount, . barbara channel, islands, rocks, tides, . barbara santa, port, oak-beam, supposed wager's, found, mountains, island, productions, wigwams, weather, , . barnevelt islands, . barometer, observations for height of mount tarn, , for weather, , before pampero, , observations, , , for height of mountain de la cruz, attention to, changes, , , , , , . beagle, leaves monte video, at sta. elena, approaches strait of magalhaens, passes first narrow, at gregory bay, at port famine, prepared to go to west part of straits, and sails, , anxiety for, arrival, proceedings, currents, squalls, doubles cape froward, leaves port gallant, cape tamar, danger, difficulties, dangerous service, - sails from pert famine for monte video, goes thence to rio de janeiro, ordered to port desire, protracted absence, arrival at port famine, sails again, return, proceedings during absence, dangers off parallel peak, sufferings of crew, at port santa barbara, port henry, port otway, perilous situation in channel's mouth, sufferings of crew, at port otway for recovery, - injured during pampero in river plata, sails thence, at port desire, in sea-bear bay, proceedings from, to, arrival at chilóe, sails for tierra del fuego, at rio de janeiro, proceedings during absence, weather, anchorage, gales, boat stolen, critical accident, in good success bay, at monte video, returns to england, - . bell cape, tide-race, rocks, , . bellaco rock, unsuccessful search for, found and examined, . black river, branch of san tadeo river, rapid currents, obstructions, shores, glaciers, . blanco cape, shoals off, . boat upset, lives lost, , boat stolen, , yawl lost, another boat lost, boats in danger, whale-boat stolen near cape desolation, basket-like substitute described, boat building, finished, . borja bay, weather, williwaws, , . bougainville, , , , memorial, , on patagonians, , . bougainville harbour, , , . breaker bay, , . buckland mount, . bueno port, its excellence, productions, , . burney mount, . bynoe, mr., excursion, volunteer in adelaide, , meets indians, volunteers again in adelaide, , . byron, commodore, notice of sedger river, of patagonians, of cave near port otway, endeavour to trace steps of his party after loss of wager, account of circumstances connected with it, - his description of montrose island, . bowen, mr., ascends mountain de la cruz, . campana island, bad weather, danger of beagle, , . candish, arrival in the strait, conduct to settlers, gives the name of port famine, . canqueña, or cagge, , . (note.) { } carlos san, de chilóe, anchorage, position, buildings, woods, piraguas, - . cascade bay, . cavia, by some called hare, . centurion, , , . chama, . channel's mouth, anchorage, weather, surf, desolate scene, perils, squalls, inlets near, gales, tides, . chanticleer at monte video, at st. martin cove, sails thence, . _charadrius rubecola_, . charles islands, surveyed, . chilóe, position, extent, population, , government, troops, cultivation, peasantry, manners, morals, schools, language, produce, manufactures, exports, imports, varieties of wood, , log roads, ploughs, soil, forced contributions, birds, shell-fish, mode of cooking, anecdote, climate, - struggles against chile, . cholgua (_mytilus magellanicus_, lamarck), . choro (_mytilus choras_, molina), . cockburn channel, . _coleoptera_, a few species at sta. elena, . _concholepas peruviana_, used as drinking cups, . condor, size, accounts of molina and humboldt, . _crepidula_, one species at sta. elena, . cruz, de la, mountain, ascended, memorials found, , ascended again, , its height, . _cygnus anatodoides_, . _dasyprocta_ (agouti), . _dasypus minutus_, of d'azara, . deer, on point sta. anna, track near obstruction sound, many more observed, supposed of a novel species, . desire, port, examined, , , , quince found there, tides, . diego ramirez islets, climate, . diego san, cape, strong tide, coast near, . dislocation harbour, . dogs, , , , , , fine one (fuegian), , small-sized, at juan fernandez, fine fuegian dog, one like young lion, . doris cove, weather, . dungeness point, . eagle bay, , , . easter bay, , . elena, sta. port, arrival there, coast, bad weather, fossil oyster-shells, animals and birds, scarcity of fish, trees, traces of natives, departure, . englefield island, . estevan san, channel of, tides, . evangelists, or isles of direction, . eyre, sir george, sound, glaciers, whales, seal, icebergs, . fairweather, cape, gale near, singular error, abundance of fish, , departure from, , . falkner, the jesuit, description of patagonians, , funeral ceremonies, graves, . famine, port, former spanish colony, , , , , named by candish, shells, animals, birds, fishing, preparations and departure, re-visited, events there during absence, weather, winter, floods, lightning, scurvy, effects of weather, , beagle there, adventure there, finally quitted, . felipe, san, spanish settlement under sarmiento, viedma, , abandoned, now port famine, . _felis pajaros_, . fire, at port sta. elena, at port famine, boat and sheds destroyed by fuegians, , at port desire, , in gregory bay, traces of near level bay, . { } fitz-roy, robert, commander, appointed to beagle, proceedings at port desire, explores jerome channel, scenery, indian channel, narrow escape, at port gallant, search for passage into skyring water, at chilóe, leaves san carlos, goes to relieve party in distress, excursion to cape gloucester, , search for lost boat, - remarks on tierra del fuego, excursion in boat, bad weather, gales, proceedings and return on board, , further proceedings to return to england, , . fortescue bay, , , . foster, henry, captain, meeting with, arrangements, in st. martin cove, sails thence, some account of his death, . fox, at sta. elena, curious chase of one, . freshwater bay, vegetation, . freyre, attacks and takes chilóe, , . froward, cape, described, . fuegians, first seen, wigwams, numbers, dress, food, character, near cape rowlett, manners, curious anecdote, , weapons, skill, barter in magdalen channel, conduct, in harbour of mercy, description of persons, ornaments, food, habitations, domestic ties, affection, , , at port san antonio, behaviour, appearance, cunning, in warrington cove, visits, canoes, carving, natives at port famine, mischievous, near point santa anna, troublesome, met again, near otway water, paint, cunning, anecdote, abuse, in fortescue bay, plank canoes, 'pecheray,' anecdote, curious circumstances, at port famine, misconduct, precautions, quarrel, , driven away, caution, , met by adelaide's boat's crew, curious notices, habits, theft, , few in number, at landfall island, conduct to party in distress, arms, bird-catching, near otway bay, living among tame seals, traces on noir island, steal whale-boat, met with, further meetings, boat's gear found, various incidents connected with natives, , thieves' family seized, another party met, guides escape, other meetings, , three children left on board beagle, two of them restored, natives in march harbour, young man detained, disturbance in march harbour, skirmish, their strength and daring, 'york-minster,' 'boat memory,' 'fuegia basket,' conduct of fuegians on board to other natives, , 'yapoos' mode of fishing, natives near nassau bay, skins, wigwams, without arms, tractable, in murray narrow, large wigwam, food, 'jemmy button,' in valentyn bay, dogs, . fury harbour, wreck of saxe coburg, described, examined, rocks, . gabriel channel, weather, squalls called 'williwaws,' . _gadus_, . gales, usual direction, , observations, usual course of, . gallant, port, , humming-birds, natives, , , , . gallegos river, tides, . geology of country near port sta. elena, cape fairweather, , mount sarmiento, mount tarn, port waterfall, admiralty sound, gabriel channel, near second narrow, cape froward and port gallant, mount maxwell, tower rock, cape horn, st. martin cove, juan fernandez, grafton islands, cape castlereagh, doris cove, . gilbert islands, doris cove, . glaciers, , , , , , , , . gloucester, cape, , excursion to, weather, natives, produce, . graves, mr., goes in hope, proceedings, , , { } surveys lomas bay, sails again in hope, returns, appointed to adelaide tender, in gregory bay, , in port gallant, , detached, loss of boat, , at bougainville harbour, , with patagonians, , at port gallant, honourable trait, journal, - near cape upright, goes to chilóe, . gregory bay, beagle joins adventure there, gales, mirage, patagonians, scenery, productions, fires, natives, . guanacoes, , , near cape orange, in gregory bay, bezoar-stone, mode of hunting them, unusual chase, near sea-bear bay, very large ones seen near windhond bay, numerous near aguirre bay, . guayaneco islands, , . guyot duclos, , notice of natives, skirmish with natives, . henry, port, productions, scenery, , . hermite island, remarkable peaks, survey, . hope, mount, , , . hope, decked boat, crew, sails on survey, proceedings, meets fuegians in brenton sound, , passage back to port famine, repaired, goes to eagle bay, into gabriel channel, further proceedings, - sails again, goes with captain king, further proceedings, . horn, cape, ascent of highest point, memorial left, weather, . horn island, . _hymenoptera_, at port sta. elena, . icebergs, field of ice, , , . icy sound, glaciers, avalanches, . ildefonsos, . indian channel, bivouac, weather, . island harbour, weather, . jerome channel, scenery, . jesuit sound, explored, . juan fernandez, establishment, productions, dogs, goats, fish, buccaneers, botany, trees, fruits, , shells, coral, anchorage, animals, seals, birds, excursions, thermometer, . kater peak, ascended, , , again, , . kelp, or sea-weed, its great use, immense growth, . kelp fish, excellent food, . kelly harbour, . kempe, lieut., excursions, , in chase of fuegians, , promptness, , left in charge of beagle, vigilance, , . kempe harbour, . kirke, mr., goes in adelaide, , , ascends mount skyring, near cape tamar, sails again in adelaide, examines the channel's mouth, zealous exertion, examines sir george eyre sound, further proceedings, , traces canal of the mountains, , worsley sound, disappointments, , further examinations, - . latitude bay, advantages, . laura basin, . leeward bay, . lennox harbour, natives, . _lepidoptera_, a few species at port sta. elena, . _liévre pampa_, of d'azara, . lizards, . lobos, port, . lomas bay, . loyasa's voyage quoted, . lucia santa, cape, coast near, . lyndsey, serjeant, death of, burial, . magalhaens, strait of, voyage to explore, under don antonio de cordova, account of bad weather, confirmed by wallis and carteret, difference in spelling name, vegetation of strait, animals, scenery, { } whales, &c., climate, re-passed, entered again, finally quitted, . magdalen channel, anchorage, scenery, examined, directions, . magnetic influence, unusual, , , , , , , . maire le, strait, tides in, , . malaspina, at port sta. elena in , . march harbour, , . maria, a patagonian, first interview with, at gregory bay, , visits ships, obtains guanaco meat for them, interview with on shore, acts as priestess, cupidity, 'toldo,' disappointment, cordial meeting with, presents, importunity, anecdote, scene in toldo, re-visited, . marian cove, . martin st. cove, weather, ascent of kater peak, , , gales and williwaws, . maxwell, port, . mesier channel, entrance to, entered by adelaide, anchorages, shores, trees, scarcity of inhabitants, . millar, alexander mr., death of, . misery mount, . mitchell, lieut., activity, , , . montes tres, cape, , , , . morton island, tide between it and gold-dust isle, . mountains, canal of the, . morrion el, . _muræna_, near cape fairweather, . murray, mr, accident, goes to e. end of landfall islands, in distress, goes to euston bay, - goes to cape desolation, bad weather, severe gales, return anxiously looked for, sends coxswain back in basket-like canoe, loss of whale-boat, search for her, , , goes away again, penetrates into channels leading from christmas sound, goes to head of nassau bay, discovers beagle channel, natives, goes towards cape good success, extract from journal, natives near cape graham, difficulties, , , . muscle bay, . _murex_ at port sta. elena, (_magellanicus_) brought up by lead, found in eagle bay, . _mytilus_, at port sta. elena, at port gallant, . _mytilus choras_, at chilóe . _mytilus magellanicus_, at chilóe, . narborough, sir john, quoted, , , , notice of patagonians, , , . narrow, english, described, , . narrow, first, passage attempted, cleared, tides, passed again, , tide-race before filtering, . narrow, guia, tides, passed by adelaide, . narrow, kirke, prospect after leaving it, tides, errors, wider channel, plan of narrow, singular eddies, , . narrow, murray, tides, shores, natives, woods, , channels near, mountains, anecdote, wigwam, tides, glaciers, disadvantages, . narrow, second, passed, , . narrow, shag, . narrow of san benito, . narrow, white, intricate, agreeable prospect, . nassau bay, master passes through it, formerly bay of st. francis, errors in charts, further examined, . nautical remarks, gales on the eastern coast of patagonia, entrance of strait of magalhaens, staten island, new year islands, passage round cape horn, barometer, barometer off cape horn, , directions for passage through strait, anchorages, , advantage of passing strait from pacific to atlantic, , further directions, , , . neesham bay, indians near, . negro cape, , , , . { } new year sound, , . nodales, voyage of the, , bellaco rock, san sebastian channel, , discovered sea-bear bay, . noir island, roadstead, penguins, tower rocks, . north cove, . obstruction sound, tides, remarks, . _oidemia patachonica_, . oliver islands, . _ophidium_, near cape fairweather, . orange bay, , anchorage, productions, . _orthoceratite_, fossil resembling an, rocky bay, . osorio pedro, at chilóe, byron, 'desecho,' . _ostrea edulis_, at chilóe, . _ostrea_, fossil at port sta. elena, . otway, port, weather, woods, trees, soil, birds, . otway water, . pampero, , . parallel peak, , . patagonians, near gregory bay, size, friendliness, dress, weapons, three go in adventure to cape negro, native names, appearance described, met again in gregory bay, animals with them, account of various tribes, , go on board ships, intoxication, trade, religious ceremony, , toldos, utensils, tomb, father's grief, women, occupations, parental affection, anecdotes, their size, former accounts compared, , , , , , character, contempt for fuegians, fires, tomb in gregory bay re-visited, natives arrive, traffic, cordial meeting, natives on board, in pecket harbour, hunting, , seen again, toldos, portuguese sailors living with them, native language, observed again in passing gregory bay, . patagonian cavy, . _patella deaurata_, at port sta. elena, . _patella trochi-formis_, . paul's, st., dome of, . pecheray, fuegian expression, anecdotes, , , mentioned again, . pecket harbour, , , , . _pecten vitreus_, in eagle bay, . penguins, mode of feeding young, . _phalacrocorax imperialis_, . _phoca jubata_, food of fuegians, . pico, . pillar, cape, , , mountains near, tide, . pinoleo, araucanian cacique, account of meeting near concepcion, daughters, their dress, ornaments, reception from him, his appearance, followers, intoxication, . pinto, general, director of chile, . piure, remarkable appearance, . plata, river, brazilian squadron, confusion, mistake, severe 'pampero,' effects, , gales, currents, . playa parda, . _polyborus novæ zealandiæ_, . possession, cape, tides, , detention, weather, . _psittacus smaragdinus_, near port famine, . quintin san, sound, , adelaide there, . quod, cape, . roldan campana de, . rundle passage, . rupert island, rocks, weather, . saddle island, magnetic, needle much affected, scenery, whales, kelp-fish, . santiago, journey to, , weather, . sarmiento, sent to look for sir francis drake, enters strait, sails to form establishments, { } marks out city, colonists' sufferings, goes to rio de janeiro, disappointments, taken to england, his account of natives near useless bay, campana de roldan, discovery of gulf of trinidad, , his 'abra' opposite playa parda, quoted, . sarmiento channel, passed, discoveries, course followed, . sarmiento mount, first appearance, height, , seen again, , , . saxe cobourg, prince of, wrecked in fury harbour, crew's sufferings, saved by beagle, . sea-bear bay, described by nodales, animals, birds, . seal, teaching their young to swim, . sebastian san, channel supposed, noticed by nodales, various voyagers' opinions, vain search, . sedger river, mouth changes, remarks, trees, . shags (corvorants), nests on trees in courtenay sound, . sholl, robert lieut., interview with natives, , , death of, . skyring, lieut., , , takes command of beagle, superseded, takes command of adelaide, goes to survey magdalen, cockburn, and barbara channels, reaches port gallant, part company near cape upright, meets indians, near cape upright, searches for 'ancon sin salida' of sarmiento, natives, tides, weather, his journal, sails for gulf of peñas, journal of proceedings, examines river san tadeo, proceedings, returns to adelaide, illness, officers' proceedings, resumes duty, disappointments, , excellence of charts, . skyring mount, ascent, memorial, , described, strong local attraction, effect on compasses, , view from it, . skyring water, tides, land, birds, . skunk, or zorillo, , . smyth channel, fish, survey, . snakes at port sta. elena, . snowy sound, . speedwell bay, abundance of wild-fowl, crabs, potatoes, trees, . spencer cape, , . steamer-duck, or race-horse, , . stewart harbour described, its advantages, . stokes, pringle captain, commands beagle, , , , rescues crew of shipwrecked vessel, journal, to dangerous cruise, skill and daring, rides to patagonian toldos, ordered to port desire, arrival at port famine, proceedings during absence, sails again, describes bougainville harbour, returns to port famine, sufferings, illness, , death, unfinished journal, - . stokes, mr. goes to explore jerome channel, , narrow escape, , examines hope harbour, fury harbour, , . success good, cape, , shores, anchorage in bay, swell, gales, . tadeo san, river, , , . tamar cape, weather off, beagle in bay of, returns three times, . tarn, mr., excursion to eagle bay, ascends mount tarn, , interview with natives, summit of table land, laredo bay, in adelaide, , with patagonians, signal-fire, guanacoes, . tarn mount, ascent of, temperature, observations, descent, , . teal found at port sta. elena, . tower rock near port desire, remarkable, narborough's description, . tower rocks, off noir island, . tower, rock like, near aguirre bay, . trinidad sanctisima, golfo de la, . tres puntas cape, , . { } _trochilus_ at juan fernandez, . ulloa, don j. juan, y don a. de, their account of the anchorage at juan fernandez, . 'ultimo viage al estrecho de magallanes,' quoted, , , , . upright, cape, bay, weather, . useless bay, natives near, . valdivia de, don pedro, founds cities, indians destroy them, settlers migrate, . valentyn hay, natives, . valparaiso, , . vicente san, bay, . viedma andres de, at san felipe, wrecked, return, distresses, , . video monte, departure from, return to, and sail from, revisited, meeting with captain foster at, gales in leaving, return there, finally quitted, . virgins cape, , , . wager, loss of, to , . warrington cove, geology, productions, . waterfall bay, weather, tides, . waterfall, port, - . weddell's leading hill, , . whales, dead, mistaken for rocks, , . white kelp cove, fish, birds, . william, cape, . wickham lieut., takes command of hope, meets indians, returns to port famine, in gregory bay, obtains curious birds, at port famine, goes to patagonians, ill, goes overland to port desire, at santiago, , . williwaws, , . wilson, mr., goes to landfall island, , , good drawings, natives, , sketches of coast, . woodcock mount, - . wreck found in port sta. elena, in fury harbour (of saxe cobourg), , . xavier san island, examined further, . xavier port, woods, water, birds, . xaultegua, gulf of, curious islet, frost and snow, . york-minster of cook, noticed, mark for march harbour, , . 'yungue' (juan fernandez), height, woods, squalls, , . zorillo, , . end of vol. i. * * * * * london: printed by j. l. cox and sons, , great queen street, lincoln's-inn-fields. * * * * * notes [ ] excepting one for signals. [ ] twelve additional seamen having been ordered, by the admiralty, for the adelaide schooner. [ ] on the north side of the river plata. [ ] commonly called magellan. see p. . [ ] _dasyprocta patachonica_: it is the _patagonian cavy_ of dr. shaw, and pennant's quadr., tab. , and the _liévre pampa_ of d'azara. m. desmarest thinks that if the teeth were examined it would form a new genus, for which he proposes the name of _dolichotis_ (ency. meth. mamm. p. ). at present he has, from its external character, placed it amongst the genus _dasyprocta_ (agouti). the only one that was taken was not preserved, which prevented me from ascertaining the fact. [ ] _dasypus minutus_, desm. _tatou pichiy_, or _tatou septième_ of d'azara, &c. &c. it has seven bands. [ ] a similar error was made by one of the ships of the fleet under loyasa in the year . the nodales also, in their description of the coast, mention the similarity of appearance in the two capes, virgins and fairweather. "y venido de mar en fuera à buscar la tierra facilmente podian hacer de rio de gallegos el cabo de virgenes," (and in making the land cape virgins may easily be mistaken for the river gallegos).--viage de los nodales, p. . [ ] some of the specimens of the clay strata consist, according to dr. fitton, who has kindly examined my collection, of a white marl not unlike certain varieties of the lower chalk; and of a clay having many of the properties of fuller's earth. the pebbles on the beach consist of quartz, red jasper, hornstone, and flinty slate, but do not contain any stone resembling chalk flint. [ ] dr. fitton considers these masses of clay to bear a resemblance to the upper green sand of england. [ ] ultimo viage al estrecho de magallanes, part ii. p. . [ ] a hill on the north shore of possession bay, having near it, to the westward, four rocky summits, which, from a particular point of view, bear a strong resemblance to the cropped ears of a horse or ass. these are described less briefly in the sailing directions. [ ] flowing into the strait from the east towards the west. [ ] fucus giganteus. [ ] usually called by seamen 'kelp.' [ ] columns of smoke rising from large fires. [ ] berberis. [ ] previous to the expedition quitting england, i had provided myself with medals, to give away to the indians with whom we might communicate, bearing on one side the figure of britannia, and on the reverse george iv. "adventure and beagle," and " ." [ ] narborough, p. . [ ] ultimo viage, p. . [ ] from an attentive perusal of the voyage of magalhaens, i have lately been led to think that this is the mountain which magalhaens called roldan's bell. sarmiento has, however, assigned that name to a mountain at the back of his bay of campana, which will be noticed in it's proper place. the name of mount sarmiento was too long, and too well established with us, or i should have restored the name bestowed upon it by magalhaens. herrera, in his descripcion de las indias occidentales, cap. xxiii, notices the "campana de roldan" as a great mountain in the midst of the entrance of a channel; they gave it this name (campana de roldan) because one of magalhaens's companions, named roldan, an artillery officer, went to examine it. "y la campana de roldan una peña grande en medio al principio de un canal: dieron le este nombre porque la fué a reconocer uno de los compañeros de magallanes llamado roldan que era artillero." [ ] by angular measurement, with a theodolite, from the tent, the base being by diff. of lat. , feet, and allowing / of the intercepted arc for terrestrial refraction , feet. by angular measure with sextant (index error, dip, and / of the intercepted arc being allowed) the base being , feet , by angular measurement, with a theodolite, from warp bay, by lieuts. skyring and graves , ------ mean , feet, ------ but as the last observation, from the angle of elevation being greater, was more likely to be correct, , feet is considered to be its elevation. [ ] at a subsequent visit, embracing a period of days, it was only seen on twenty-five, and during seven days only was it constantly visible. on the remaining eighteen, portions only were seen, and those but for a few hours at a time. [ ] sarmiento's voyage, p. . [ ] id. l.c. [ ] see burney, ii. p. , for a fuller account; also id. . [ ] who made a remark on the occasion, which became proverbial, "that if a ship carried out only anchors and cables, sufficient for her security against the storms in that part of the world, she would go well laden." burney coll. vol. ii. . [ ] burney, ii. . [ ] the situation of "jesus" must have been about half-way between the first and second narrow, near the point named in the chart n.s. de valle, where some peaked elevations, dividing vallies near the coast line, are conspicuous. the beagle anchored there, and found plenty of fresh water. [ ] close to port famine. [ ] from sarmiento's description of the coast, point santa brigida is the outward point of nassau island.(a) see sarmiento's voyage, p. . [ ] formerly spelled 'candish.' [ ] "near to port famine they took on board a spaniard, who was the only one then remaining alive of the garrison left in the strait by sarmiento. the account given by this man, as reported by magoths, is, that he had lived in those parts six years, and was one of the four hundred men sent thither by the king of spain in the year , to fortify and inhabit there, to hinder the passage of all strangers that way into the south sea. but that town (san felipe) and the other spanish colony being destroyed by famine, he said he had lived in a house, by himself, a long time, and relieved himself with his caliver(b) until our coming thither." burney, ii. p. . this man died on the voyage to europe. id. p. . [ ] so named by bougainville. [ ] it belongs to the group which m. temminck has lately named _hylobates_, without attending to the name long since conferred upon it by dr. fleming. i designated it _oidemia patachonica_, from its large dimensions, in my communication upon the ornithology of the straits. zoological journal, vol. iv. p. . on my return to england, i found that m. de freycinet had figured this bird, in the account of his last voyage in l'uranie, where it is described by messrs. quoy and gaimard under the name of _micropterus brachypterus_. [ ] cook's second voyage, to. p. . [ ] on the shores of eagle bay we procured a large collection of shells, among which were _margarita violacea_ (nob. in zool. journ. v. , no. ), a beautiful _modiola_ (_m. trapesina_, lam.^k), a new _pecten_ (p. vitreus nob. in zool. jour. v. , no. ), and a delicate transparent-shelled _patella_, answering the description of _p. cymbularia_. these four species were found attached to floating leaves of the kelp (_fucus giganteus_), and afford food to the steamer-duck. we also collected good specimens of _murex magellanicus_, lam.^k, of _fissurella picta_, lam.^k, and a great number of the common patella of the strait, which forms a considerable article of food for the natives. [ ] byron's voyage round the world, to. p. . [ ] l. c. [ ] _psittacus smaragdinus_, gmel. i have no doubt that the bird we saw is the same as bougainville procured, and from which a description has been given in the ency. méth., art. ornith. ; although a material error is made, for they are not _splendidé viridis_, nor is the _uropygium_ red, in other points, however, the description is correct. see buffon's hist. nat. des oiseaux, vi. . pl. enl. n. , perruche des terres magellaniques. [ ] bougainville says, "we have likewise perceived some perrokeets: the latter are not afraid of the cold." to which the english translator, t. r. forster, who is incredulous of the correctness of bougainville's assertion, appends the following note: "perruches, probably sea-parrots, or auks." buffon also doubted the fact, and the author of histoire naturelle, art. oiseaux, tom. ii. p. , suggests the possibility of a specimen having been obtained in some other part of the world, and put, by mistake, amongst those collected in the strait. [ ] so named because mr. tarn, the surgeon of the adventure, was the first person who reached its summit. [ ] the height of this place, as shown by the barometer, on the ascent, was feet, and, on the descent, feet. [ ] on this table-land the barometer stood at , . temperature of the air °, , and of the mercury °, , which gave the elevation , feet. [ ] the result of the barometric observation for the height of mount tarn is as follows: height by one barometer { ascent , . } { descent , . } mean , . feet. do. two do. { ascent , . } { descent , . } -- , . ------- , . ------- by angular measurement from observation cove, port famine, with theodolite, allowing / of the intercepted arc for terrestrial refraction, the height is , feet. another observation, with the sextant, made it , feet. the mean , i consider more correct, from the difficulty of obtaining a correct reading of the barometer on the summit. [ ] by daniell's hygrometer, used in this sheltered spot, i found the temperature of the air to be °; dew point °: but upon exposing the instrument to the wind, the air was ½°, and the dew point °: the difference in the former being °; and the latter ½°; from which the following results are obtained: air. dew pt. diff. exp. dryness. weight of a cubic. foot of air. in the ravine . exposed to wind ½ ½ . ------------------------------------------- difference ½ ½ . the above being the difference in the short space of three feet apart; the instrument, in the first case, being just under the lee of the rocky summit of the mountain, and in the last, above it, exposed to the wind. [ ] the air was so dry this afternoon that i failed to procure a deposit of dew upon daniell's hygrometer, although the internal temperature was lowered from ° to °. one of jones's portable hygrometers was also tried, and the temperature was lowered to °½ without a deposit; so that, the difference being more than thirty degrees, the expansive force of the air must have been less than , the dryness, on the thermometric scale, less than , and the weight of vapour, in a cubic foot of air, less than , grains. [ ] fires made to attract attention, and invite strangers to land. [ ] this fern we found at the island of juan fernandez also. [ ] after the lieutenant of the adventure. [ ] at mr. tarn's request. [ ] king's 'australia,' vol. i. p. ; also vol. ii. pp. , , and . [ ] at high tide the sea-water undermines, by thawing, large masses of ice, which, when the tide falls, want support, and, consequently, break off, bringing after them huge fragments of the glacier, and falling into the still basin with a noise like thunder. [ ] "en los dias , y , oimos un ruido sordo, y de corta duracion, que, por el pronto, nos pareció trueno; pero habiendo reflexîonado, nos inclinamos à creer que fué efecto de alguna explosion subterranea, formado en el seno de alguna de las montañas inmediatas, en que parece haber algunos minerales, y aun volcanes, que están del todo ó casi apagados, movièndonos a hacer este juicio, el haberse encontrado, en la cima de una de ellas, porcion de materia compuesta de tierra y metal, que en su peso, color, y demas caracteres, tenia impreso el sello del fuego activo en que habia tomado aquel estado, pues era una perfecta imagèn de las escorias del hierro que se ven en nuestras ferrerías.--_apendice al viage de cordova al magallanes_, p. . [ ] no canvas could withstand some of these squalls, which carry spray, leaves, and dirt before them, in a dense cloud, reaching from the water to the height of a ship's lower yards, or even lower mast-heads. happily their duration is so short, that the cable of a vessel, at anchor, is scarcely strained to the utmost, before the furious blast is over. persons who have been some time in tierra del fuego, but fortunate enough not to have experienced the extreme violence of such squalls, may incline to think their force exaggerated in this description: but it ought to be considered, that their utmost fury is only felt during unusually heavy gales, and in particular situations; so that a ship might pass through the strait of magalhaens many times, without encountering one such blast as has occasionally been witnessed there.--r. f. [ ] "sub rupe cavatâ arboribus clausam circum atque horrentibus umbria." [ ] mount boqueron. [ ] including the master, there were on board, when cast away, twenty-two persons. [ ] bougainville harbour, better known to sealers by the name of 'jack's harbour.' [ ] "voyage autour du monde." . [ ] one of the feathered tribe, which a naturalist would not expect to find here, a 'humming bird,' was shot near the beach by a young midshipman.--stokes ms. [ ] hawkesworth's coll. of voyages, vol. i. p. . [ ] it was here that commodore wallis and captain carteret separated, the dolphin going round the world; the swallow returning to england. sarmiento's name of puerto de la misericordia, or 'harbour of mercy,' being of prior date, ought doubtless to be retained. [ ] called the scilly isles. [ ] 'anas rafflesii,' zool. journ., vol. iv., and tab. supp., xxix. [ ] of these a species of mactra (_m. edulis nob._) was most abundant. [ ] burney, i. and . [ ] falkner's patagonia, pp. , . [ ] it is good to be drunk, it is pleasant to be drunk. [ ] two portuguese seamen, however, who had resided some months with them, having been left behind by a sealing vessel, and taken off by us at a subsequent period of the voyage at their own request, informed us that maria is not the leader of religious ceremonies. each family possesses its own household god, a small wooden image, about three inches in length, the rough imitation of a man's head and shoulders, which they consider as the representative of a superior being, attributing to it all the good or evil that happens to them. [ ] burney, i. p. . [ ] ibid. p. . [ ] burney, i. . [ ] ibid, i. . [ ] sarmiento, p. . [ ] sarmiento's appendix, xxix. [ ] purchas, iv. ch. and . [ ] burney, ii. p. . [ ] the tribes described by this boy are the . kemenites, inhabiting a place called karay. . kennekas, karamay. . karaike, morine. . enoo, the tribe to which the indians, whom they murdered, belonged. [ ] burney, ii, . [ ] ibid. ii. . [ ] hawksworth's coll. i . [ ] ibid. [ ] see a letter from mr. charles clarke, an officer on board the dolphin, to mr. maly, m.d., secretary of the royal society, dated nov. , , read before the royal society on th april , and published in the fifty-seventh volume of the phil. trans., part i. p. , in which an exaggerated account is given of this meeting. the men are described to be eight feet high, and the women seven and a half to eight feet. "they are prodigious stout, and as well and proportionably made as ever i saw people in my life." this communication was probably intended to corroborate the commodore's account. [ ] ultimo viage, p. . [ ] falkner, according to dean funes, was originally engaged in the slave trade at buenos ayres; but afterwards became a jesuit, and studied in the college at cordova, where, to an eminent knowledge of medicine, he added that of theology. he is the author of a description of patagonia, published in london after the expulsion of the jesuits.--(_ensayo de la historia civil del paraguay, buenos ayres, y tucuman, por el doctor don gregorio funes, iii. p. , note. published at buenos ayres. vo. ._) [ ] see dean funes's account of buenos ayres, and of the indian tribes, vol. ii. . [ ] we left gregory bay in the morning, and passed cape virgins in the evening of the same day. [ ] on our passage from santos to st. catherine's, in latitude ° south, we caught a 'dolphin' (_coryphena_), the maw of which i found filled with shells, of _argonauta tuberculosa_, and all containing the '_octopus ocythöe_' that has been always found as its inhabitant. most of the specimens were crushed by the narrow passage into the stomach, but the smaller ones were quite perfect, and had been so recently swallowed that i was enabled to preserve several of various sizes containing the animal. to some of them was attached a nidus of eggs, which was deposited between the animal and the spire. the shells varied in size from two-thirds of an inch to two and a half inches in length; each contained an octopus, the bulk and shape of which was so completely adapted to that of the shell, that it seemed as if the shell increased with the animal's growth. when so many learned naturalists have differed so materially as to the character of the inhabitants of the argonauta, it would be presumption in me to express even an opinion; i therefore merely mention the fact, and state that in no one specimen did there appear to be any connexion between the animal and the shell. [ ] nodales, p. . [ ] falkner says, in his account of the burial ceremonies of the southern patagonians--that, after a certain interval, the bodies are taken out of the tomb, and skeletons are made of them by the women--the flesh and entrails having been burnt. it is possible that in this case the body had been so treated, and that the fire near it was for the purpose of burning the flesh, and perhaps with it all the flags and ornaments of the tomb. [ ] he was a great favourite with them. [ ] the medicinal property of this intestinal concretion is well known wherever the animal is found. marcgrave, in his "tractatus topographicus et meteorologicus brasiliæ," folio, p. , says:--"hæc animalia (guanacoes) generant lapides bezoares in sinu quodam ventriculi, qui maximi æstimantur contra venena et febres malignos ad roborandum et refocillandum cor, aliosque affectus. materia è qua generantur sunt herbæ insignis virtutis, quibus vescuntur naturæ instinctu ad sanitatem tuendum, aut morbos et venena superandum. hi lapides inveniuntur in adultioribus hisce animalibus atque interdum tam grandes, ut unum in italiam attulerim qui pendet uncias duas supra triginta."--mr. thompson, on intestinal concretions. see his syn. of chemistry, iv. . [ ] _anser nigrocollis_. encyc. méthod., art. ornithol. . [ ] weddell's voyage. [ ] i cannot avoid noticing here the considerate conduct of the commander-in-chief (sir george eyre) with respect to this appointment. by the tenor of my instructions the adventure and beagle were placed under the admiral's orders; and the vacancy, had he wished to exercise his prerogative, might have been filled by one of his own followers. it was, however, given, at my request, to mr. sholl, as being more conversant with the duties of this peculiar service than any of the midshipmen of the flag-ship. the admiral's conduct, on this occasion, calls for my warmest thanks. [ ] relacion del viage, &c. que hicieron los capitanes b. g. de nodales y gonzalo de nodales, p. . [ ] falkner describes the indians who inhabit the eastern islands of tierra del fuego, to be 'yacana-cunnees,' and as he designates those who inhabit the patagonian shore of the strait by the same name, it might be inferred that they are of the same race; but however closely connected they may have been formerly, they certainly are not so now, for maria (the patagonian) spoke very contemptuously of them, and disclaimed their alliance; calling them 'zapallios,' which means slaves. [ ] berberis ilicifolia.--banks and solander mss. [ ] the specimen that was found at port gallant was sent by me to mr. vigors, who considering it, although well known to ornithologists, as never having yet been named, describes it in the zoological journal (vol. iii. p. , aug. ), as mellisuga kingii. shortly afterwards m. lesson published it in his manuel d'ornithologie (vol. ii. p. .), as _ornismya sephaniodes_, as a discovery belonging to la coquille's voyage, in the illustrations of which it is figured at plate . i rather think, however, that it is molina's _trochilus galeritus_.--(molina, i. .). [ ] sarmiento, p. . [ ] este monte es el que llaman las relaciones antiguas la campana de roldan.--sarmiento. [ ] here we obtained a second species of the steamer-duck, which is described in the proceedings of the zoological society of london, as '_micropterus patachonicus_, nob.' it differs from the _m. brachypterus_ not only in colour but in size, being a smaller bird, and having the power of raising its body, in flight, out of the water. we called it the 'flying steamer.' [ ] afterwards examined by capt. fitz roy. it was called xaultegua by sarmiento, who very correctly describes it.--(sarmiento's voyage, p. .) [ ] because they formed a capital leading mark for the strait of magalhaens. [ ] beagle island n. °. e., cape isabel n. °. e., a remarkable mountain in the bight between cape santa lucia and cape isabel n. °. w. cape santa lucia n. °. w.; distance off shore three leagues; and soundings fifty fathoms, sandy bottom. [ ] (sarmiento, p. .) [ ] the description of port henry is given in our sailing directions. [ ] the n.w. end of the island de la campana bearing n. °. '. e. two distant hummocky islands (answering pretty well in position with the guaianeco islands of the spanish charts) n. °. '. e., and n. °. '. e., and a remarkable rock, the 'dundee' of bulkeley and cummings, about forty-five feet high, rising like a tower from the sea, distant offshore five miles, bearing east of us, distant one mile. [ ] length twenty feet five inches and a half, sided twelve inches, and moulded eight inches and a half. [ ] xavier's island is certainly the montrose island of byron's narrative. the wager was lost, as will be seen, more to the southward, on the guaianeco islands. [ ] this group was afterwards called hazard isles. [ ] d'azara, in his essai sur l'histoire naturelle des quadrupèdes de paraguay, gives the following account of this animal, which he calls yagouaré. it burrows in the ground, eats insects, eggs, and birds, when it can surprise them, and moves about the plains and fields both by day and night in search of food; brushing the ground with its body, and carrying its tail horizontally. it regards not the presence of man or beast; unless an attempt be made to injure or take it, when it gathers up its body, bristles up the hairs of its tail, erecting it vertically; and in this position awaits the approach of its enemy, at whom it ejects its urine, which produces so unbearable a smell, that neither man, dog, nor tiger, will attempt to touch the animal. the yagouaré moves very slowly, and cannot run. it produces two young ones, which are placed at the bottom of its burrow. the unconquered indians of the pampas make mantles with the furs of the fox, cavia, or other animals, and border them with the skins of the yagouaré, which are very soft and fine, and would be fit for being employed by the furrier were it not for the disagreeable odour which they impart to every thing they touch. the indians eat the flesh of this animal, which they irritate until its only means of defence is unavailing, and it can be captured without offensive consequences. [ ] from which the mount (at monte video) bore n. °. w., distant eight leagues. [ ] specimens of this rock are deposited in the geological society's museum, nos. and - . [ ] see zoological journal, vol. iv. p. . [ ] nos. and in the geological society's museum. a new species of solen (_solen scalprum_, nob., zool. journ. v. . no. .) was found on the beach; and the camerated nidus of _buccinum muriciforme_, nob., zool. journal, l.c. no. . [ ] according to capt. fitz roy the best berth is in sixteen fathoms. (sail. directions.) [ ] nos. to , geo. soc. museum. [ ] a species of gunnera (_dysemore integrifolia_, banks and solander), and the green-stemmed cineraria (_cin. leucanthema_. banks and solander). [ ] nos. to , in geol. soc. museum. [ ] the changes of pressure, during the intervals of ascent and descent, were obtained by registering the ship's barometer, which was done by signal from the stations on shore, when the readings were taken. during the ascent the column fell . inches, and during the descent rose . inches. corrections were made for the dew point, as observed by daniell's hygrometer at the base and summit, and the calculations were made according to the formula in daniell's meteorological essay. the following is the result: by bunten's syphon. by jones . ascent . . descent . . ------ ------ mean . . mean of the two instruments . feet. [ ] this rock is very similar to the boulders and pebbles which we found on the beach at point st. mary (freshwater bay). [ ] the underwood is composed chiefly of _arbutus rigida_--_berberis parvifolia_ and _ilicifolia_--(_sempervirens_ of banks and solander). _veronica_ (_decussata_?) and, in moist places, _cineraria leucanthema_, and _dysemore integrifolia_; both of which are found in all the sheltered corners of tierra del fuego. no _fuchsia_ was seen, but mr. anderson gathered the sweet-scented _callixene marginata_, and a species of _escalonia_, on the hill sides. [ ] ann. meeting, th nov. . [ ] the survey of this part now presents the navigator with the means of ascertaining his position, to a nicety, by angles taken with a sextant between cape horn summit and jerdan's peak, or mount hyde, and kater's peak; and if jerdan's peak and mount hyde be brought in a line, and an angle taken between them and cape horn summit, the operation will be still more simple. [ ] miers, in his account of chile, gives a table of barometrical measurements of the heights of the land between valparaiso and mendoza, from which it appears that he has deduced the height of curacavi to be , feet. as my determinations are the results of observations made on my way to and from santiago, i have no doubt of their correctness, and think that the registered height of miers's table should be . instead of . . [ ] the following are the results of the barometrical determination of the height of various points on the road between valparaiso and santiago:-- feet above the sea. casa blanca, ten leagues from valparaiso highest point of the road over the cuesta de zapata , inn at curacavi plain near bustamente summit of cuesta de prado (not certain to feet) , inn, or post-house, at the base of the east side of the cuesta de prado , santiago, by mean of numerous observations , miers makes the above places above the sea as follows:-- feet above the sea. casa blanca summit of cuesta de zapata , curacavi , summit of cuesta de prado , post-house, prado , santiago, mean of two observations , do. by malespina , } { , } do. mercurio chileno , ½ } spanish { , } english [ ] probably they are the same as we observed on the fish taken by us off cape fairweather, and which, i believe, to be nearly allied to the one that is figured in cuvier's règne animal, plate xv. figure , a species of _lernæa_, or _entomoda_ of lamarck, iii. . the species is new. [ ] geol. soc. museum, nos. to , and zool. mus. [ ] by angular measurement it was found to be , feet. [ ] the wristbands of our shirts, and all our outer clothes, were coated with ice, while our inner clothing was wet through. [ ] on heaving up the best bower, we found it had lost one fluke. [ ] the adventure arrived on the st.--p. p. k. [ ] in the old dutch charts, a passage was laid down near the place, and nearly in the direction of the cockburn channel, and named 'jelouzelt:' but until some written authority can be produced to prove that this passage was explored, or, at the least, discovered by the person who gave the name of 'jelouzelt' to one of the almost innumerable openings in tierra del fuego, it does not appear that the inlet so called has any claim to our consideration, greater than that of the non-existing san sebastian channel,--or a number of other imaginary passages which must have been laid down, upon supposition only, in many old charts. the first person known to have passed through the cockburn channel was the mate of the prince of saxe cobourg, who went in a boat (see page ). it was afterwards passed by mr. william low, master of the mercury, and has since been used by several vessels. [ ] since surveyed by capt. fitz roy in the beagle, - . [ ] san carlos, in chilóe. [ ] mr. kirke. [ ] a heap, or stack of corn. [ ] no doubt the mount oracion of sarmiento, p. .--p. p. k. [ ] this place is described in sarmiento's journal, p. .--p. p. k. [ ] ensenada de la oracion of sarmiento.--p. p. k. [ ] this bay is also described by sarmiento as an 'ancon sin salida,' p. ; but it is evidently not the one that bears that name on the chart.--p. p. k. [ ] here is certainly the ancon sin salida of sarmiento, whose journal describes the inlet as terminating in a cove to the north, p. . the mountain of año nuevo cannot be mistaken; indeed the whole of the coast is so well described by the ancient mariner, that we have little difficulty in determining the greater number of places he visited. in all cases we have, of course, preserved his names. the chart compiled by admiral burney is a remarkable instance of the care which that author took in arranging it, and how ingeniously and correctly he has displayed his judgment; it is also a proof that our favourite old voyager, sarmiento, was at least correct in his descriptions, although he appears to have been quite ignorant of the variation of the compass.--see burney coll. voyages, p. ; and sarmiento, p. . [ ] 'cordillera nevada' of sarmiento. [ ] a very full and detailed account of this journey is given by agüeros, in his 'history of the province of chilóe,' pp. to , as well as in the 'chronicles of the province of lima, by padre fr. diego de cordova,' salinas, chap. xvii. p. . [ ] agüeros, l. c. p. . [ ] agüeros describes its boundary thus:--it is situated between the latitudes ° ' and °; from point capitanes to quilan. on the north it is bounded by the territories of the indian tribes juncos and rancos, which extend to valdivia; on the n.e. by those of the ancient but destroyed city osorno; on the south by the archipelago of guaitecas and guaianeco, and others which extend to the strait of magalhaens; on the east by the cordillera; and on the west by the sea. (agüeros, p. .) [ ] when the yntendente, or governor of the province, visited castro for the purpose of taking a census of the population, a family of indians waited upon him to render an account of their property; who, upon being asked whence they came, replied, "del fin de la cristiandad." the name being new to the yntendente, it was explained to him that they belonged to caylin, which was more generally known by the above name, because there existed no christian population beyond, or to the southward of, that island. [ ] in the year there were , (agüeros): and in , , . [ ] agüeros says, "both men and women go generally with the foot and leg uncovered; with the exception of the principal families; but even those do not all wear shoes."--(agüeros, p. .) [ ] places where seal congregate--so called always by the sealers. [ ] potatoes are not mentioned in the report, yet they must have been exported in considerable quantities. [ ] molina, i. . a species of 'dolichos.' [ ] the fanega weighs lbs. and contains twelve almudes, which being cubic measures of eight inches and a half, contain each . cubic inches; therefore a fanega contains . cubic inches, and as an english bushel contains . cubic inches ( . x )/ . = - / lbs. the weight of a bushel. [ ] molina notices the 'cagge,' or 'chilóe duck,' (_anas antarctica_) vol. i. p. , and calls it _anas hybrida_. m. lesson, in his 'manuel d'ornithologie,' ii. , has taken great pains to describe it, and remarks, with reason, that much obscurity exists in the specific descriptions of the goose kind in the malouine (falkland) islands, and the extreme southern land of america. the male, lesson says, is white, the feet and beak of a bright yellow colour. all the specimens that we saw, and numbers were killed by us, had a black beak with a red cere--otherwise m. lesson's description is correct. in many specimens, however, we found the tip of the primary wing feathers black, which is not to be wondered at when the colour of the female is considered, but which it is not an easy task to describe. m. lesson, i think, has done it justice in a note to his vol. ii. p. :--"anas antarctica. a capite griseo, genis gulo colloque albo et nigro acuti-striatis; oculorum circuitu nudo: pectore abdomineque omninò atris, atque vittis niveis notatis: tectricibus alarum nigris; dorso uropygio caudâ et ano albis; alis niveis cum speculo lato virescente, brunneo marginato; pennis longis aterrimis; rostro et pedibus, aurantiacis." these birds are very common in the straits of magalhaens, and every where on the west coast between the strait and chilóe; also at the falkland islands. the _cancania_ (or _canqueña_) is the _anas magellanica_, _anser magellanicus_ (ency. méth. p. ). from buffon's description, and a well-drawn but badly-coloured figure, in the planches enluminées, no. , i have no hesitation in assigning it to that kind. the colour of the head, however, instead of being 'reddish purple,' is cinereous with a reddish hue; the feathers of the sides and thigh covers are white, with five black bars, the extremity being white; the central portion of the abdomen is white; the speculum of a splendid shining green. this bird is common to the strait as well as to chilóe, and is probably byron's 'painted duck,' and the _anser pictus_ of the ency. méth., p. . m. lesson considers _anas leucoptera_, gmel. as the male of _anas magellanica_, which may be doubted. the 'barking bird,' as our sailors called it, was first brought to me by capt. stokes, having been shot during the beagle's visit to port otway, in the gulf of peñas. it was an imperfect specimen; but mr. tarn afterwards obtained for me several others. it seems to have a great affinity to the genus _megapodius_; but no specimens of that genus being in england when i was last there, and the barking bird differing in essential points from m. tenminck's description of the genus, and from the figured specimen of _megapodius freycinettii_;--particularly in the length and form of its wings, which are rounded, and so short as not to reach beyond the base of the tail;--also in the emargination of the upper mandible;--i have been induced, by mr. vigors' advice, to form it, provisionally, into a new genus, termed _hylactes_. (see proc. zool. soc., vol. i. p. .) there is another specimen in our collection (now in the zoological society's museum), which will probably be placed in this genus, but there existed some uncertainty in essential points, which prevented my describing it before i left england. [ ] among the numerous testaceous productions is a small shell, which constitutes a new genus. _marinula_, nob. in zool. journal, vol. v. p. . it was found on the wooden piles which support the mole in the bay of san carlos, below the wash of the high water. the mole stands out into the sea, and there is no fresh water near it, save a very little rill, which discharges its tiny stream more than fifty yards off. this shell was named _marinula pepita_, zool. journal, l. c. no. . the following is its generic character:--'testa ovato-producta, sub-solida; apertura ovata, integra; columella bidentata et basin versus uniplicata; dentibus magnis sub-remotis conniventibus, superiori maximo; operculum nullum.' [ ] zool. journal, vol. v. p. . [ ] some have since been found on the north-east side of the guaytecas islands. [ ] chaura. una murta que no se come. febres, dict. of the chileno language. it is, however, edible, and has rather a pleasant flavour. [ ] the small-pox was introduced into the island, in the year by a ship from lima; but it was confined to san carlos, and was soon eradicated. the measles also were introduced by similar means, in the year ; but did not re-appear after once ceasing. [ ] see orders to captain fitz roy, in the appendix. [ ] see orders to lieut. skyring, in the appendix. [ ] phil. journal, and annals of philosophy, for march (new series x.), . [ ] juan fernandez is called 'de tierra,' because it is nearer the mainland than another adjacent island, which is called 'mas-a-fuéra' (farther off, or more in the distance). [ ] anson's voyage, p. . [ ] arca angúlata. see zool. journal, vol. v. p, . [ ] trochilus fernandensis, nob. _troch: ferugineo-rufus; capitis vertice splendento-coccineo; remigibus fuscis._ long. uncias. trochilus stokesii, nob. _troch: corpore supra viridi-splendente, subtus albo, viridi-guttato; capite supra, guttisque confertis gulæ lazulino-splendentibus: remigibus fusco-atris; remigum omnium, mediis exceptis, pogoniis internis albis._ long. ½ uncias. proceed. zool. society, vol. i.; also phil. magazine, for march , p. . [ ] pinoleo (from 'pino,' pisando; and 'leo,' rio; or, pisando sobre el rio, living close to the banks of a river), is the chief of a small tribe, whose territory is near the river imperial; but he generally lives in the confines of concepcion. he has four wives in the interior (la tierra) and three in the town. [ ] hall's extracts from a journal, vol. i. pp. . . [ ] in febres 'arte de la lengua de chile' they are thus described "ahujas grandes con una plancha redonda de plata como una hostia, ò mayor, con que prenden las mujeres sus mantas--certain large bodkins, with a round silver plate, as large as, or larger than, an oyster, with which the women fasten their mantles." [ ] the ornament on the forehead, which is worn only by unmarried women, is called trare-lonco, from the old chilian words trarin, to fasten, and lonco, the head. the bracelet is called anello curo; the anklets, anelleo. [ ] from 'mari,' diez, and 'loan,' huapo: whence mariloan means 'huapo como diez,' or, 'equal to ten men.' [ ] the same comet was seen at the mauritius; and its orbit calculated. see ast. soc. proceedings, and phil. journal. [ ] they are deposited in the museum of the geological society. [ ] the marine islands were so called, in remembrance of the four marines who were put on shore from the wager's boats, and left behind. see byron's nar., p. . [ ] mr. kirke, who examined them, says, "there are two openings opposite xavier island, on the mainland: the northernmost runs through high land, and is terminated by a low sandy beach, with a river in the middle, running from a large glacier; the southern inlet is ended by high mountainous land." [ ] on the west shore mr. kirke noticed what appeared to be a channel, about twelve miles n.w. of halt bay, in the mouth of which was a considerable tide-ripple; an almost certain indication of such an opening. "i thought the inlet about twelve miles north-west of halt bay much like a channel. i also noticed a distinct tide ripple, which i did not remark near any other opening. to me this appeared the southernmost inlet, of any depth; or at all likely to be a channel."--kirke ms. [ ] at the request of lieutenant mitchell, of the adventure. [ ] iron pyrites. [ ] _phal: capite cristato, collo posteriori, corporeque supra intensè purpureis; alis scapularibusque viridi-atris; remigibus rectricibusque duodecim fusco-atris; corpore subtus, fasciá alarum maculâque dorsi medii sericeo-albis; rostro nigro; pedibus flavescentibus. staluria phal. carbonis._ it was found in the inner sounds, within the 'ancon sin salida.'--proceed. of the zool. society, vol. i.; also phil. magazine, for march , p. . [ ] _c. albus remigibus primariis ad apicem nigris, rostro pedibusque rubris, illo lato subdepresso._ molina describes a chilian duck thus. anas coscoroba--_a. rostro extremo dilatato rotundato, corpore albo_, but i do not think it is the same as my specimen; certainly it is not _anser candidus_ of veillos, the ganso blanco of d'azara, which the author of the dict. d'hist. nat. (xxiii. .) supposes to be the same as a. coscoroba (id. p. ). molina's description is very short, and does not mention the tips of the primary wing-feathers being black. [ ] mate, lent to the beagle, from the adventure. [ ] a small vessel may moor between the islands, instead of lying in the outer road. [ ] the three peaks, in-shore of cape kempe, are very remarkable. [ ] specimens of the rock at the summit are in the collection at the geological society, numbered and . [ ] geological society, coll. no. . [ ] geological society, no. to , (perhaps clay-slate. p. p. k.) [ ] name given by sealers to a thick rushy kind of grass, which grows near the sea, in these latitudes. [ ] a high mountain at the n.w. end of london island. [ ] i carried two tents from the beagle, theirs having been cut up for the basket. [ ] it afterwards appeared that we had taken the families of the very men who stole the boat from mr. murray. [ ] adventure passage. [ ] gilbert islands. [ ] doris cove. [ ] so called in remembrance of the basket-like canoe by which we received intelligence of the loss of our boat. [ ] the man i took out of the canoe. [ ] it had formerly belonged to h.m.s. doris, which was condemned at valparaiso; being unserviceable. [ ] mr. murray had some bottles of beer in his boat--besides those in which the men's allowance of spirits was kept. [ ] in the lost boat were several pieces of spare line, 'king's white line,' quite new. [ ] false cape horn, or cape false. [ ] a rushy kind of coarse grass. [ ] the mercury in the barometer fell to , , and the oil in the sympiesometer to , ; the thermometer ranging from ° to ° (faht.) [ ] in longitude . . w. [ ] the stuffed skin is now in the british museum. [ ] the powder and shot expended here procured four meals of fresh provisions for all hands. [ ] from the adventure's deck, the eye being thirteen feet above the water, they were seen on the horizon at the distance of fourteen miles. [ ] if from the second narrow, n.e. ¼ e. will be the compass course; but i should recommend a ship to haul up to the northward until abreast of cape gregory, and then to steer as above. [ ] the tide begins to set to the southward at noon, at full and change. [ ] in the appendix to the second volume these alterations are discussed.--r. f. [ ] , ang. r. f. [ ] this is derived from the observations of captains duperrey and fitz-roy at the bay of islands, in lat. °. '. the interval is short; but the indication receives confirmation from the observations of captains cook and vancouver at dusky bay, new zealand, in lat. °. '. cook °. ' } '. annual decrease. vancouver . } [ ] or _mephitis americana_? [ ] _elminius kingii_, gray in zool. miscell. from a specimen collected during the voyage.--ed. [ ] whilst this sheet was printing, the september number of the annales des sciences made its appearance in england, containing a description of the above shell by m. sander rang, accompanied by an excellent figure (annales des sciences naturelles, september , p. , pl. , f. ). it is there named _helix multicolor_. in my description i have considered it to be a _bulinus_, but its specific name has been altered to that given to it by m. rang. [ ] there has existed much difference of opinion as to the correct mode of spelling the name of this celebrated navigator. the french and english usually write it magellan, and the spaniards magallanes; but by the portuguese, (and he was a native of portugal,) it is universally written magalhaens. admiral burney and mr. dalrymple spell it magalhanes, which mode i have elsewhere adopted: but i have since convinced myself of the propriety of following the portuguese orthography for a name, which to this day is very common both in portugal and brazil. [ ] during our examination of this part, our boats ascended the river san tadeo, and endeavoured in vain to find any traces of the road; an almost impenetrable jungle of reeds and underwood lined the banks of the river, and time was too valuable to admit of further delay, in search of an object comparatively of minor importance. [ ] agüeros, descripcion historial de la provincia y archipielago de chilóe, , p. . [ ] the precise situation of the wreck of this vessel had hitherto been very vaguely marked on our charts: a careful perusal, however, of byron's narrative, and of agüeros' account of the missionary voyages in , sufficiently points out the place within a few miles. it is on the north side, near the west end of the easternmost of the guaianeco islands, which we named, in consequence, wager island. at port santa barbara, seventeen miles to the southward of this group, a very old worm-eaten beam of a vessel was found, which there is reason to think may be a relic of that unfortunate ship. it was of english oak, and was found thrown up above the high-water mark upon the rocks at the entrance of the port. no other vestige was detected by us;--the missionaries, however, found broken glass bottles, and other evident traces of the wreck. at chilóe i saw a man who had formed one of this enterprising party, and obtained from him a curious and interesting account of those voyages. [ ] agüeros, p. , et seq. [ ] ibid. p. , et seq. [ ] ibid. p. . [ ] living plants of the above trees, and other vegetable productions from the strait of magalhaens, were introduced into england upon the return of the expedition, and have since thriven exceedingly well. [ ] near falcon inlet, seven miles up the eastern side of sir george eyre sound, are some large 'rookeries,' or breeding-haunts, of fur-seal. many thousands of these animals were congregated together, which probably had been driven from the sea-coast by the activity of the seal-fishers; and perhaps, for many years, if not ages, have been breeding undisturbed in this hitherto unknown, and therefore safe and quiet recess. two seals that were killed appeared to be of the same description as the species which frequents the sea-coasts. [ ] hawkesworth, voyages, i. . [ ] the stems of both from six to seven inches in diameter. [ ] this bird, although not rare in several english collections had never been noticed until i forwarded it to england in the early part of the year , when my friend mr. vigors described it in the zoological journal for the month of november (vol. iii. p. ), under the name of _mellisuga kingii_. shortly afterwards, m. lesson published it in his manuel d'ornithologie (vol. ii. p. ), as _ornismya sephaniodes_, as a discovery belonging to the coquille's voyage, in the illustrations of which it is figured at plate . [ ] sarmiento, p. . [ ] narborough's voyage, p. . [ ] except gun-room, second and third messes. [ ] except cabin, fourth and fifth messes. [ ] except cabin, sixth and seventh messes. additional notes by robert fitz-roy (a) by nassau island is meant the land forming the south shore of the second narrow.--r. f. (b) a kind of gun.--r. f. (c) while the 'current' runs eastward for many days in mid-channel, or along one shore, it often happens that the 'stream of tide' either sets in a contrary direction, along each side of the strait, or that it follows only the shore opposite to that washed by the 'current.'--r. f. (e) or the animal called by molina 'huemul.'--r. f. (f) thomas sorrell, now boatswain of the beagle ( ). he was boatswain of the saxe cobourg, when wrecked in fury harbour.--r. f. (g) campana, or bell mountain.--r. f. (h) i do not think the bay adjacent to cape horn is that which was named by d'arquistade 'st. francis,' and, if my supposition is correct, port maxwell is not the place which was called 'st. bernard's cove.' see second volume.--r. f. (k) sharp frosts sometimes occur.--r. f. (l) this was a remarkable instance of what i often observed afterwards in those regions, a kind of 'ignis fatuus,' which sometimes was stationary, like the light of a lanthorn, and at others suddenly flitting, like the flashes of pistols, at a distance. it was only seen upon the lower hills.--r. f. (m) each officer and man, when detached from the beagle during a night, carried a blanket, or large poncho (sewed up, and with a drawing-string, like a large bag), in which he slept, and found much comfort and warmth.--r. f. (n) like a roebuck; supposed to be the 'huemul' mentioned by molina.--r. f. (o) black-necked swan, noticed elsewhere by captain king.--r. f. (p) noticed previously by captain stokes.--r. f. (q) at the western entrance of the strait the water is said to be generally a few degrees warmer than at the eastern.--r. f. (r) por milagro (miraculously); as the inhabitants told me.--r. f. (s) i do not think that there is any opening at the bottom of keats sound; which lies at the base of a chain of snow-covered mountains, whose southern side i have closely traced.--r. f. (t) a kind of beech, found every where on these shores. the literal meaning of roble, is oak.--r. f. (u) native of chilóe.--r. f. (v) when moderately laden they are stiff under sail; and are not such very bad sea-boats, if properly managed.--r. f. (w) not since the first spanish conquest, perhaps.--r. f. (x) i believe that the natives who have canoes of the kind described above, do not go near the hermite islands, on which cape horn is situated.--r. f. (y) for evidence that indians have been thereabouts, see byron's account of the cave entered by the surgeon of the wager. i believe that curious place was either in, or close to, port otway.--r. f. (z) could 'plasta' refer to alexander campbell?--r. f. (a) pedro osorio died at san carlos in .--r. f. (b) or by an earthquake wave.--r. f. (c) during much of this cruise, lieutenant skyring was so ill that he was unable to leave the adelaide; and for a month he was confined to bed. his illness was caused by fatigue, and by sitting too long while constructing charts.--r. f. (d) mr. kirke was rather short-sighted, and therefore unable to discern distant objects clearly. from the natives of ponsonby land, between the otway and skyring waters, i procured, and gave to captain king, some short straight horns, and parts of the skins of animals, which were probably deer of the kind seen by mr. kirke, and, since that time, by mr. low, when he followed my track into the skyring water with his sealing vessel, the unicorn schooner.--r. f. (e) in otway bay, not far from landfall island, is a rock on which mr. low found fuegians living among a number of (apparently) tame seals. see second volume.--r. f. (f) and thence to the strait of le maire.--r. f. (g) see second volume for further remarks on this subject.--r. f. (h) mr. sorrell, formerly with mr. weddell, and since that time with mr. brisbane.--r. f. (k) five fathoms only were found in one spot during the beagle's last voyage.--r. f. [illustration] [illustration] * * * * * corrections made to printed original: errata et corrigenda:--" ", printed as "----" in original. page (in "these wigwams are thus constructed:"):--"constructed", printed as "constucted" in original. page (in "to the best account"):--"account", printed as "acccount" in original. page (top of column ):--" ", printed as " " in original. page (chionis alba):--" .", printed as " ." in original. page (achatina donellii, in "mus. nost."):--"mus.", printed as "must." in original. appendix header page (in "royal geographical society"):--"society", printed as "sociely" in original. [illustration: map of the cape horn region.] the gold diggings of cape horn a study of life in tierra del fuego and patagonia by john r. spears illustrated g. p. putnam's sons new york west twenty-third street london bedford street, strand the knickerbocker press copyright, by g. p. putnam's sons _entered at stationers' hall, london_ the knickerbocker press, new rochelle, n.y. to all who love the red aborigines of the americas as god made them. preface i am impelled to say, by way of preface, that the readers will find herein such a collection of facts about the coasts of tierra del fuego and patagonia as an ordinary newspaper reporter might be expected to gather while on the wing, and write when the journey was ended. it was as a reporter of _the sun_, of new york, that i visited the region described. and instead of giving these facts in the geographical sequence in which they were gathered, i have grouped them according to the subjects to which they relate. so it happens that the work is what may be properly called a collection of newspaper sketches rather than the conventional story of a traveller. i make this explanation the more freely for the reason that book-buyers as a rule, so book publishers have repeatedly told me, do not take kindly to newspaper sketches bound in book form. they resent as an attempted imposition, it is said, the masking of such writings in the garb that belongs to literature, just as they would resent the sale of cotton-seed oil under the name of lard. however this may be i am bound to avoid even the appearance of any such deceitful intent. on the other hand there are people who depend almost entirely on the newspapers for their reading matter. they seem to prefer the style of the newspaper writers. perhaps a book that is avowedly the work of a reporter will meet their approval. at any rate i should be particularly sorry to have any of them think, when the book is offered to them by the bookseller, that it is anything different from what it is. then there is the pleading of the baby act in literature--the offering of apologies for shortcomings and asking for the leniency of the reader. i do not think i ought to do it. it is as if a dairy farmer, while asking full price for his butter, should say: "i've a realizin' sense that the smell haint just right. the dinged cows was eatin' leeks afore i know'd it, but i done my best at the churnin' an' i hope ye'll make allowances." if a buyer is looking for a book with the odor of flowers and new-mown hay in it i do not think it is becoming to ask him to take one flavored with garlic instead. save for the matter manifestly from books and records i obtained the facts herein by observation and interviews; and i am willing to abide by the press law that a blunder is inexcusable. it is, of course, the honest intent of the news-gatherer to write his facts so that they will not be ignored or misunderstood or forgotten, but when he fails to reach that standard he loses his market, and he ought to lose it. and the man who essays the creation of something permanent ought not to ask that he be judged by a lower standard than that of the writers for "ephemeral publications." i am under great obligations to many of the people whom i met in the course of the journey, for assistance in gathering facts, but of the whole number mr. e. l. baker, the american consul at buenos ayres; herr bruno ansorge, of the paramo mining company; mr. adolph figue, a merchant at ushuaia; and revs. john lawrence and thomas bridges, missionaries, were at especial pains to help me. i should like to thank them again for what they did. and were i not prohibited from doing so i would include one other name--that of the runaway sailor boy from new york whom i found in the desolate harbor at the east end of la isla de los estados. having said this much i can very cheerfully face the inevitable--the fact that the work will be judged by its merits. if it succeeds i shall be glad, of course; if it fails i shall know better what to do next time. j. r. s. contents. page chapter i. after cape horn gold chapter ii. the cape horn metropolis chapter iii. cape horn aborigines chapter iv. a cape horn mission chapter v. along-shore in tierra del fuego chapter vi. staten island of the far south chapter vii. the nomads of patagonia chapter viii. the welsh in patagonia chapter ix. beasts odd and wild chapter x. birds of patagonia chapter xi. sheep in patagonia chapter xii. the gaucho at home chapter xiii. patagonia's tramps chapter xiv. the journey along-shore list of illustrations. page map of the cape horn region _frontispiece_ gold-washing machines. paramo, tierra del fuego punta arenas, strait of magellan yahgans at home( ) the mission station at ushuaia( ) ushuaia, the capital of argentine tierra del fuego( ) an ona family( ) aluculoof indians( ) government station at st. john. (from a sketch by commander chwaites, a.n.)( ) a tehuelche squaw( ) tehuelches in camp( ) gauchos at home among the ruins at port desire, patagonia santa cruz, patagonia( ) the governor's home and a business block in gallegos, the capital of patagonia( ) note : reproduced by permission of charles scribner's sons, from an article, by the author of this book, in scribner's magazine, entitled "at the end of the continent." the gold diggings of cape horn. chapter i. after cape horn gold. if any of the readers of this book have an unrestrainable longing for wild adventure, with the possibility of suddenly acquiring riches thrown in as an incentive to endurance, let them pack their outfits and hasten away to the region lying between cape horn and the straits of magellan to dig for gold. neither australia nor california in their roughest days afforded the dangers, nor did they make the showings of gold--real placer gold for the poor man to dig--that have been, and are still to be found in tierra del fuego, and the adjoining islands. nor is the gold in all cases too fine to be saved by ordinary rude sluices, for "nuggets as big as kernels of corn"--the ideal gold of the placer miner--have been found by the handful, and may still be had in one well-known locality if the miner is willing and able to endure the hardships and escape the dangers incident to the search. but because of the hardships and dangers it is a veritable tantalus land. there are many more skeletons of dead miners than authentic records of wealth acquired in tierra del fuego, while those who have now and again struck it rich and gotten clean off with the dust usually have gone no further with it than punta arenas in the straits of magellan, for punta arenas is to this region what san francisco was to california and virginia city to the deserts of nevada. the story of the cape horn gold diggings is especially remarkable in this, that the gold there should have remained undiscovered during the centuries that passed after the first navigators landed in the region. consider that magellan first saw patagonia and the strait that bears his name more than years ago. consider further the character of magellan, and the host of explorers that followed him. they were all admirals, or bore other titles of high rank, and we call them famous, but they were almost to a man notion peddlers--men who started out with stocks of gewgaws and trifles which they were to swap for valuables. magellan went out, not to make himself famous as a navigator, but to reach the spice islands by a shorter, and therefore more profitable, route than that by the cape of good hope. he was out for fortune, and the fame of making discoveries was an incidental matter. and so for the rest. they were not very particular or nice as to how they got gold to ballast their ships. they plundered harmless people on the african coast and elsewhere; robbed ships found under other flags than their own; even sacrificed innocent human lives in their thirst for gold. not one of these greedy sailors and pirates but would have gone almost wild with joy at the finding of a mine of gold. and yet here, in the streams that empty into the straits of magellan, even in the streams near port famine, where sarmiento's colony starved to death, and in the sands of the coast of patagonia, were gold diggings--the genuine placer diggings, as said. these navigators sailed along with their eyes on the gold-bearing shores. they even filled their water casks in the gold-bearing streams. it is likely that the time came when scarcely a day in the year passed when some sailor's eye was not on land in the cape horn region where gold could be found, but not until the latter half of the nineteenth century was gold actually obtained there. then, when gold was found, comes another curious feature of the story. it probably took twenty years after the finding of the first dust--twenty years, during every one of which, some gold was found in the region--to create anything like a stir in the matter. i say probably twenty years because the actual dates are not known. the story of the cape horn mining region begins on the mainland of patagonia north of the straits of magellan, and it is at the beginning a very hazy story. i could not learn definitely either the name of the first man who found gold in the vicinity of the strait, or the exact locality in which it was found. i talked with miners and merchants of the region on the subject, but no one knew anything about it worth mention. an _official memoria general_ on the subject of mines, printed in buenos ayres in , says that "several years before it was known that gold existed on the east coast of patagonia, and also in the little streams that run from different points of the andes. this fact has been confirmed in various places and at different times by chilean miners and shipwrecked seamen." and that is the best information i could get on the subject. early in commander george chaworth musters of the english navy, visited punta arenas, en route for a journey across patagonia with the tehuelche indians. in one of the stores of the town, where he stopped for the purpose of "purchasing tobacco and other necessaries," he found some nuggets of gold. he speaks of them incidentally along with the indian weapons, girdles, and other curios, that the store contained, but a yankee sailor from the schooner _rippling wave_, who happened into the store while musters was there, became enthusiastic over it and said: "ah, that's the stuff we used to grub up in a creek in californy. i guess if the old boat lays her bones on these here shores, i'll stop and turn to digging again." in and again in , don ramon lista, an argentine explorer and writer, visited punta arenas, and on his return to buenos ayres he printed his experiences in a pamphlet. in that he says: the creek called las minas that bounds the settlement on the north abounds in grains of gold; and from until many natives of the island of chiloé have lived well on the daily product of their labors in washing the gold-bearing sand. in the year , a small schooner engaged in the seal fishery, and commanded by a noted argentine sailor, don gregorio ibañez, was stranded near cape virgin, the extreme southeast corner of patagonia. the crew, without exception, had the good fortune to escape to the land with some provisions and other valuables, including a shovel. the shovel may seem to be a novel tool for shipwrecked seamen to carry through the surf, but don gregorio knew what he was doing. patagonia is a desert region very much like certain parts of the united states. one may travel hundreds of miles without seeing a drop of sweet water, and yet with a shovel water a-plenty may be had by him who knows where to dig. don gregorio, having landed his provisions, put a man at work digging in the sand not very far from the surf in search of water. whether he found water or not tradition does not tell. the story tellers all forget about the water as they relate how, when the digger had gotten down about three feet, he began to throw out a layer of black sand such as no one of the crew had seen before--a black sand that was dotted all over with little and big dull yellow particles. that was such an odd-looking sand that don gregorio and the digger and all hands had to take a proper look at it. and when they had taken this look, they almost went crazy with excitement, because those yellow particles were pure gold. but, as i said, neither this discovery nor the gold that was dug from las minas creek at punta arenas, nor the stories of these doings which were carried to england and to california by ships passing that way, had any effect in creating a rush to the diggings near the straits. in explanation of this indifference, it may be said that the diggings, even of las minas creek were, on the whole, rather lean. instances of considerable finds are mentioned by the old timers of punta arenas. men cleaned up the stuff by the ounce, in spots, but the run of what men got was "mere day wages." the find of don gregorio's sailors was not considered of any importance--the tiny nuggets were supposed to be a stray deposit, and not indicating any bed of gold-bearing sand. the stuff lay in the sand of the beach, and who had ever heard of such a thing as placer diggings in the sand along the shore? in as many as men worked the sands of las minas creek and made day wages at it. in the united states the fact that men with hash bowls could wash out even "mere day wages" would create a rush to the region, while the finding of an occasional nugget "of the weight of grammes," as occurred in las minas creek, would create a stampede, of course, but in the spanish-american countries the conditions and the people are different. however, a time came when even the people of punta arenas got excited. the steamship _arctic_ of one of the lines running through the strait was, in , wrecked on cape virgin very near the place where don gregorio's sealing schooner went ashore. like the inhabitants of the bahama islands, the people of punta arenas used "to thank god for a good wreck." the _arctic_ was a remarkably good wreck, for she was a well-found, handsomely fitted passenger ship. a motley crew of men hastened from punta arenas to the beach at cape virgin, some to get what they could from her lawfully, and some to get what they could in any way. it is said now that some one of the number was familiar with the story of what don gregorio's sailors found when digging for water, and so the old story of gold discoveries there was retold as the gang smoked and talked and sorted their plunder. thereat some of them went digging "just for luck," and found something more exciting even than the silk fittings, chronometers, cordage, and anchors which they had taken from the _arctic_--they found gold. one fred otten cleaned up seventeen kilos ( . pounds) of gold in the course of two weeks, they say, and that sort of luck was enough to rouse even the phlegmatic wreckers of the straits of magellan. here, then, at the wreck of the steamship _arctic_, is found the real beginning of the story of the cape horn gold diggings. in those days punta arenas was a supply depot for a fleet of sealing schooners that eventually destroyed the rookeries of the region to the south. the sealing sailors took a hand in with the gold washers. they did more than that. they had, as they would have said, a severe look at the ground round about as well as at the layer of sand in which the gold was found. the lofty banks--in fact, everything in sight from the beach--was what geology sharps would call an alluvial formation. the lofty precipices were composed of layers of clay, sand, pebbles, shells, the débris of prehistoric seas and floods. in one of these layers--a layer that cropped out under the tide waters--was gold galore. jack couldn't explain it, and he didn't want to; but when he had helped to skin the gold-bearing layer from the clay as far as he could reach, he remembered that he had seen just such beaches with banks behind them elsewhere--on tierra del fuego, on new island, on lennox, on navarin, on wollaston, on hermit, on cape horn itself. he had seen those lofty banks from the decks of sealing schooners, and he was game to go to them to see if there was gold in the sand along the shore there as there was at cape virgin. why shouldn't there be? and there was. nor were the citizens of punta arenas the only ones excited by this find of gold dust in the sand at cape virgin. the argentine government sent an engineer to examine the region, and the opinion formed by the engineer was that "the gold-bearing sands of patagonia are richer than those of california and australia." so says an old public document. further than that, "there was much agitation in buenos ayres among speculators in mines who had great hopes that grand fortunes might be obtained easily in patagonia. a great number of persons solicited from the government concessions of mines of gold. but as the greater part of the solicitors had never been in patagonia, and were obliged to gather their information from others as to the desirable points, it happened that much confusion arose." "much confusion" just describes what happened. many concessions were not only issued on overlapping claims, but on the same claims, and there were many heart-burnings and feuds over patches of sand that were not worth anything. one don gregorio lezama, with a capital of $ , , organized an expedition, and sent it out with sluices and wind-mill pumps to supply the sluices. they reached the diggings and set up both sluices and pumps. then they found that when the wind did not blow the pumps could not supply the sluices with water, and when the wind did blow the men could not supply the sluices with gold-bearing sand, because that sand was found only where the waves would then prevent the work of the men. so the wind-mill outfit was abandoned and another pumping arrangement to be worked by mules was sent out. the record contains this paragraph as to the subsequent doings: the company continued its operations for more or less months, and obtained some pounds of gold; but the general outlook was not very encouraging, the work was suspended, and the company liquidated itself. so it happened, of course, to the majority of people who went in the rush to cape virgin diggings. they eventually suspended operations and liquidated themselves. nevertheless a number had "struck it rich," and that, as said, started the search for the precious metal along the stormy coasts and under the towering precipices of the islands away south to cape horn. my first view of a cape horn mine camp was obtained on the east coast of tierra del fuego. i had taken passage on an argentine naval transport that was bound on a voyage with supplies for the officials and troops at various stations which the argentine government has established in recent years throughout the region. to promote the development of its territories the government carries prospectors and their outfits at very moderate charges, considering the kind of navigation. accordingly this transport had on board four men and about three tons of provisions and other supplies to be landed at el paramo, the first mine camp established on the east coast of tierra del fuego. paramo is a spanish word meaning desert. it is a very good name for the camp. when one has heard the story of this desert camp he will have gained some idea of the life of a prospector and miner in the cape horn region. the founder of el paramo was one julius popper, one of the pioneer prospectors of tierra del fuego. he was, in fact, the first prospector to make a journey across the island, though missionaries, of whom a curious story will be told at another time, had explored it on another quest. popper was an engineer of rare attainments--a civil, mechanical, and mining engineer--good in all three branches: an astronomer; a linguist who spoke and wrote a dozen languages fluently. he could with equal grace and precision conduct a lady to dinner or knock all the fight out of a claim jumper. unfortunately, when just beginning to realize on his investments in tierra del fuego, he died at the hands of murderers. he was poisoned in buenos ayres by men whom he had offended in the south. in the year the cape virgin diggings were so far worked out that no more than day wages--a paltry $ a day, as the miners call it--could be had. only the plodders would remain there, and julius popper was never a plodder. so an exploring company of eighteen was gotten together, with pack horses and a mining outfit, together with arms, ammunition, and a permit from the argentine government to use them whenever necessary. the landing was made at future bay, opposite punta arenas. it was in the month of september, the spring of the southern latitude. snow lay so deep on the mountains that a track had to be cleared with shovels for miles. then the brush was elsewhere so thick that axes had to be used to open a passage for miles, but after five days' labor they got to santa maria river, where they found eight men at work on a sluice taking out about grains of gold a day. this was mere day wages, and they pushed on until they reached useless bay, and then took an easterly course which they held clear across the island, reaching the coast at the north of san sebastian bay. here, in a tongue of sand that encloses the northeast side of the bay, they found the gold they were looking for in a layer of black sand, exactly like the layer that had been found at cape virgin, although there was no bank of any kind behind the beach. having staked claims here they went away south, discovering and naming capes, rivers, and ranges of hills, with here and there more placer gold. it was an open prairie country, with a species of sagebrush on it such as is found in patagonia, but instead of a desert they here found plenty of water everywhere, and sometimes too much in the shape of swamps; but, unfortunately, the gold was usually found where there was not a running stream within miles. it was apparent that all sluices would have to be supplied by means of pumps. eventually they fell foul of the indians. a shower of arrows came at them from the brush, but all fell short. the number of indians was estimated at eighty, armed with bows. the eighteen white men turned loose winchesters in reply, the indians lying down while the fire lasted, and jumping up to discharge their arrows when it slackened. by the time the magazines of the rifles were empty the indians abandoned the fight. one gets an idea of the quality of the white fighters from the fact that but two of the indians were killed, and the further fact that when the fight was over mr. popper posed his men in the attitude of troops repelling a charge, took a position himself astride one of the dead indians, and then had the outfit photographed for subsequent use, on the cover of a pamphlet in which he described the journey he had made. to the camp called paramo, that was established in consequence of popper's expedition, came, as said, the argentine naval transport, bringing four men and some tons of supplies, on the morning of may th. considering its age, the number of men employed--from thirty to forty--, and the fact that it is also a government station, having a prefect, a chief of police, a schoolmaster, a secretary to the prefect, and a squad of soldiers to maintain the dignity of the officials, it was a remarkable camp. there was just three buildings in sight--a boarding-house for the miners, a home for the mine bosses, and a combined stable and storehouse. the camp of the government was said to be located two leagues back in the country. the buildings were of wood, roofed with corrugated, galvanized iron. they were huddled together so that they looked from the ship as one building. they were on the usual mine-camp model of north america--one story high, box shaped, and with small windows and no superfluous doors. a barbed wire corral stood at one side of the buildings, which were located so near the beach that a high surf at spring tide was sure to send the foam quite to the foundations on which they stood. indeed, one of them was protected from the surf by a sort of a wooden sea wall. beyond the houses stretched a low yellowish grassy plain that was very like a nebraska prairie in appearance, and a league away to the north rose a low range of treeless hills. the diggings lay right in the beach. when popper first discovered the claim the black sand that contained the gold lay in a bed of from three to four inches thick, that was for the most part under a layer of coarse gravel two to three feet thick, though in some places the black sand was found free of any cover at low tide. of the richness of the diggings in the early days it may be said that the mine was discovered in september, . popper had to return to buenos ayres and organize a company to work the deposit as well as perfect his title to the claims according to argentine law, and then ship a steam pumping plant with sluices and material for the camp to the locality. this all took time, and it was not until the end of the following antarctic winter that he got his plant in operation. he was then able to pass an average of fifty cubic yards of sand through his sluices per day. from this he cleaned up in the course of the first year, after the discovery, pounds (weight avoirdupois) of pure gold. as another indication of the richness of this territory, i can say that we took on a government official who had been at the station two leagues back considerably less than a year, but he had cleaned up enough gold to satisfy him. he was going home to buenos ayres, rich. he had worked diggings outside the paramo claim, using common sluice boxes. while this easily-obtained gold-bearing sand was being worked off, the miners observed that the supply was renewed somewhat by every storm that raged, and further, that when a storm happened to come at the time of the spring tides, a very much larger quantity of gold-bearing sand was washed up by the waves than in ordinary storms. this had happened, too, at cape virgin, but the renewal of the gold supply by the storms was not so notable there. however, it appears that eventually a time came when the miners at paramo were able to work off all the black sand between storms. so it happened--so it happens in these days that the miners sit down and smoke their pipes till the storm comes and goes. after the surf of the storm is gone and the tide runs out, a fresh layer of black sand is found with gold in it. the miners say the sand is washed up from a streak that crops out somewhere below low tide. they think that this layer could be reached by sinking a shaft near the buildings, but they can't sink a shaft profitably on account of the water coming in. the black sand lies on clay, and all the layer, and the other layers above it, are, so to speak, afloat with water. so they work only after a heavy surf. the weather, on the average, keeps them busy about half the time. the land is controlled by a german-argentine corporation, of which herr carlos backhausen and herr bruno ansorge are superintendent and foreman. the men work the sand on shares, and do so well that, paradoxical as it may seem, there is difficulty in keeping a full gang of men at work. the trouble is, that, as soon as the men get a few ounces of dust to their credit, they must take it and go away to punta arenas and swap it for such joys as may be had in that tiny metropolis. at paramo, on the beach, they now use a combination of wooden sluices and a copper-plate machine with which all gold miners are familiar, but which could not be briefly described here. the riffles in the sluices save the coarser gold, while the mercury on the copper plates takes up the flour gold as it drifts away over the plates. water for all the machines is pumped from the sea, and it is worth while telling that experiments there show that some pay streaks can be profitably worked with salt water when fresh water fails to save a satisfactory return. geologists find this gold-bearing layer of black sand (it is a magnetic iron sand) a most interesting study. they say the deposit at paramo is a continuation of that found at cape virgin, and that deposit is found at intervals on the patagonia coast to the gallegos river. the geologists are even confident that it crops out at intervals for over a thousand miles along the patagonia coast--always below the water line. of course, this bed of sand was deposited where it is now found by the action of water, and it must have existed at one time in the form of a reef or vein a thousand miles long in some prehistoric range of mountains. what a lead that would have been for some lone prospector! [illustration: gold-washing machines. paramo, tierra del fuego] returning north from paramo on the east coast of tierra del fuego, the transport entered the straits of magellan and went to punta arenas. from punta arenas we went down through cockburn channel to the antarctic ocean, and then, turning east, cruised through brecknock pass, desolation bay, whale sound, darwin sound, and beagle channel via the northwest arm. thence we coasted along east and up through the straits of le maire on the north side of staten island, which we followed to st. john bay on the east end. these are positively the wildest, most dangerous waters in the world. as will be told, the hidden reefs and the whirling tornadoes formed combinations that made experienced travellers look serious, although in a steamer that was as good a seaboat as ever floated. and yet the prospectors of punta arenas have sailed all over that route, summer and winter, in twenty-five catboats, looking for gold. at ushuaia, the capital of argentine tierra del fuego, a small village in beagle channel, i fell in with harry hansen, a punta arenas prospector, who for six months had been cruising about the islands to the south of the channel, and was on his way home very much disgusted with the life of a prospector. he, with a brother, had faced every kind of a storm known to the cape horn region. they had been obliged to live for weeks, as the indians do, on limpets and clams only. their only home had been the tiny cabin of a -foot sloop. as a result of the six months of hardship and work they had about twenty-five ounces of gold dust. so they sold their sloop and took passage with us for the gallegos river. as we steamed along they told stories of gold hunting around cape horn. lennox island is just now the centre of interest in that region. lennox has high banks and sandy beaches, exactly like those of cape virgin, and the gold is found in a layer of black sand that crops out below sea level, and is washed up within reach by the waves. but, according to the hansens, the best of the diggings there were worked out. there was no longer any fresh, unworked ground, with its layers of dust that could be scraped up with a table knife at the rate of three kilos a day, and so lennox was not worth the attention of any enterprising prospector. the plodders who were willing to carry mercury to put in the sluices, and to sit down and wait for the storms to bring up fresh sand could make a couple of guineas a day easily enough, but the hansens did not want any such wages as that. under the point of new island, very appropriately called the asses' ears, a wide beach was pointed out as the location where an extraordinary find was made. a party from punta arenas had landed there, and had sunk a wide shaft several feet into the sand, looking for the gold-bearing layer, but without finding it, although the indications along shore were good. they abandoned the spot after a day or two and went away. then another party came along some time later, and just for luck concluded to sink the well a little deeper. that was the luckiest conclusion they ever came to. within one foot they struck pay dirt, took out over pounds weight ( kilos) within a month, and sailed away content. their story, when told at punta arenas, sent a host of eager fellows down there to get what was left, and, singular to relate, about every man who went there among the first three boat-loads did well. but when i was passing this point only the smoke of the camp-fire of one lone gold-digger could be seen faintly beneath the asses' ears. he was the last of the plodders, according to the hansens, and was likely to become as rich and as mean as some folks they knew in punta arenas--men willing to get rich by saving and scrimping out of a paltry $ a day. and then there was the little bay on the tierra del fuego mainland, called port pantaloons. no man of any experience ever thought of landing there to look for gold. one glance was sufficient to show that no gold could be found there. so everybody supposed, at least. instead of steep banks, showing the well-known layer formation of cape virgin, was a gentle, grassy slope, with a brook that came splashing down a woody ravine. it was a pretty enough place--in fact, the scenery was probably what made a party of seven greenhorns from punta arenas, out with a little schooner, put in there and land. did i believe in the old saying "a fool for luck"? well, if i didn't i would after living in punta arenas a while. these seven greenhorns made a camp and went washing for gold at port pantaloons. at the end of five weeks to a day from the time they left punta arenas they were back again, and had exactly four kilos of gold (say nine pounds) each. and every man of them took the first steamer for europe, intending to settle down and live on the interest of his money instead of having a good time in punta arenas, as he might have had. of course, there were a lot of people at punta arenas who made haste to go down to port pantaloons to clean up what these greenhorns had left; but, remarkable to tell, when the experienced miners came to wash where the greenhorns had been, there was found nothing left to clean up. the greenhorns had found a pocket, and had cleaned it themselves. and then there were the cape horn group and new year's island off the north coast of staten island. the hansens had visited both localities and had found, as they said: plenty of the stuff, but it was too fine for our sluices without mercury. besides, we didn't have a proper ship for these waters. she was only a ten-tonner. if you want the gold you can have it, but nobody from punta arenas will help you get it. it takes too much capital to set up copper-plate machines there, and those that have the capital haven't the pluck to face the sea in these waters. i suppose you could average fifteen grammes a day without mercury if that would satisfy you. but of all spots in the cape horn region, sloggett bay, on the south coast of tierra del fuego, about forty miles west of the strait of le maire, is the most tantalizing. more expeditions have been fitted out in punta arenas to go to sloggett bay than to any two gold diggings besides. almost every expedition has gotten gold, and yet never did an expedition there pay the outfitters. indeed, more lives have been lost trying for sloggett bay gold than at any two points besides. and that is saying a good deal. there is a man now in punta arenas who went down to this bay in a well-built little schooner, which was manned by fourteen men all told. they had heard of the gold found there--gold "in nuggets as big as kernels of corn"--, and nothing should stop them in the work of getting it, they said. they moored their little craft with long cables and chains, and made everything as snug and safe as the most experienced sailors and sealers could suggest. then they went to work, stripping off the six-foot layer of gravel that overlies the gold-bearing sand and carrying the latter up out of reach of the waves; for they had to work at low tide. the gold is all under water at high tide. they were a hardy lot and enthusiastic. they worked all of every low tide, and ate and slept during high water. they got on well with their work, for a time, but they made a terrible mistake. they slept in their schooner and kept no lookout--trusted to their moorings to hold them fast. one night they went to sleep, as usual, well-tired from hard labor. then came one of those fearsome gales that characterize the region. with a speed and power that are beyond description, it picked up the schooner on the crest of a wave and dashed it into kindling wood on the beach--dashed out the lives of thirteen of the men as well. one only was left alive, and, curiously enough, he was entirely uninjured. "the first i knew that there was a storm," he said, "was when i woke up lying on the beach, with the wreckage around me." this man did just what might be expected, they say, of any one of the cape horn miners. he camped on the beach, and worked away at the pay streak as best he could, until rescued by other prospectors; and he is still a gold seeker in the cape horn region. sloggett bay is really no bay at all. it is a roadstead with sheltering walls on the northerly and westerly sides, and a very good bottom to hold an anchor. it is about as much of a harbor as a ship would find on the bar off sandy hook, save that there are mountains along shore instead of low, sandy beaches. for a northerly or westerly gale the shelter is as good as any one could wish, but the waves from the southeast drive in with appalling fury. indeed, any southerly gale is dangerous, for the whirling squalls slew a small boat around until broadside to the combers, and then the end comes before the unfortunate gold hunter has time to think twice. the gold of sloggett bay is marvellous gold. it is, as said, nugget gold as distinguished from gold dust. the traditional "nuggets as big as kernels of corn" are to be had there. i have seen them myself, and when one has seen a handful of such stuff he does not wonder that prospectors keep trying again and again, in spite of the fair certainty of death. the pay streak at sloggett bay lies under water, as it does elsewhere throughout the cape horn region, but it is harder to get, because it can hardly be said to crop out at all. one must strip off about six feet of sand and gravel at low tide, and then shovel out the pay streak, carry it up clear of high tide, and there wash out the gold. of course, when the tide comes in again the space stripped of the covering sand is recovered, and stripping must be done over again at the next low tide. that is very discouraging work, but no form of coffer dam yet devised by the miners has saved it. they all agree that there is only one way in which the sloggett bay field can be worked, and they think that that way would probably fail too. the ideal sloggett bay outfit would be a big steam dredge, fitted to scoop up sand, gravel, and pay streak all together, and after running the stuff over the sluices and copper plates, to discharge the débris in a lighter, that could be towed away and emptied in water too deep to work. if such an outfit could hold on for a week, they say it would pay for itself. if it could hold on for a month it would make its owners rich. that it might hold on for a week or two is reasonably probable, but the chances are that it would become a mass of wreckage even before it reached the bay. the prospectors say that no dredge ever built for harbor work could stand a southeast gale there for an hour, and yet the sailors among them say that a dredge built specially for the work on the lightship model, with proper ground tackle for mooring fore and aft, could stand the gales there as well as the storms on the georges bank of massachusetts are weathered by the lightship. among the stories the miners tell of the luck they have had is one that, whether true or false, is interesting, for even if false it shows that the man who told it was an original liar; as a matter of fact, i have no reason for doubting the story. mr. theo benfield, whom i met in punta arenas, said that during a journey from the strait up the coast he stopped one day under one of the vertical earth banks called barancas in that country to pick out a fossil that he saw protruding. the relic proved to be a part of a mastodon's lower jaw, having two teeth still in place. it was in bad condition, and he was about to throw it away, when he saw that in a split in the top and side of one tooth was a bit of some foreign substance to which he applied his knife. he found that it was gold, that had, as he believed, been deposited there in fine grains by the action of water, and that the grains had united as deposited. the gold, as he says, was in a split in the tooth evidently made there when the jaw was broken. he related the story in support of a theory in regard to the origin of nuggets which he held, thus: gold, as it comes from the broken-down quartz veins is usually very fine, but as the grains are carried along by the water they fall into little cavities, where, by the action of chemicals in the water, they are united. the split in the old tooth had at some time been lying in a place where gold dust had silted into it until it was about full, and the particles uniting had formed a curious nugget. unfortunately mr. benfield was more interested at that time in getting gold than in questions relating to the origin of nuggets, and so smashed the tooth to get the stuff. he got, he says, over eight grammes from the tooth. if his story be true, he might have obtained many times the value of that much gold for the relic intact, but he did not think of that at the time, and so we have only one man's word in relation to the matter. it is a remarkable fact that, in spite of all the prospecting done, no gold-quartz veins have yet been found. louis figue, a merchant at ushuaia, in the beagle channel, showed me a specimen of nickel ore that had yielded a remarkable per cent. on the first assay; but the only bit of gold ore i saw or heard of was a small piece of free-milling stuff belonging to bruno ansorge of paramo. it was rich, but where the vein was none could tell, for it was from a bit of drift rock called float by the miners, and had been picked up between useless and san sebastian bays. very likely the placer gold found in all the streams of tierra del fuego (stream gold as distinguished from that in the beach), and that in the streams emptying into the straits of magellan, comes from veins yet to be found up in the mountains where the streams rise. very likely systematic search would discover the veins. but the search would have to be made under circumstances that would make the fair-weather prospectors of colorado and the grubstake eaters of the mojave desert gasp. the mountains of the cape horn region are snow-topped the year round. the cold is not so intense as the early travellers would make one believe, but there is a strength and a twist to the gales--especially a twist--that is beyond description. and the gales come every day in summer and every week in winter. expeditions have traversed tierra del fuego with horses, but the cheapest and the most comfortable way (in spite of the danger) to prospect the region is from a well-found boat. moreover, every land expedition must contain enough men to keep up a military guard, because of the hostility of the indians, while two well-armed, sober men, can defend a well-found boat from the savages, and if skilful and cool can usually escape the danger of storms. but neither from boats nor from a land expedition has any one as yet been able to explore the higher parts of the mountain sides. indeed, where nothing else prevents it, the tropical luxuriance of the evergreen beeches and magnolia brush heads off the hardy prospector. it is hard work climbing up rocky gulches and declivities under the most favorable circumstances, but when one must face fierce gales of wind and at the same time hew his way through a solid mass of brush covering the whole space to be explored, the task becomes too great even for a yankee prospector. it never has been accomplished, and possibly it never will be accomplished; but, as they say very often down there, who knows? there is not a mine camp in all the cape horn region south of the strait, though paramo, with its three buildings, and say thirty men, is known as a camp. the placers, as found on almost every sandy beach of the region, are all soon worked over, and thereafter pay only day wages. so no camp or village springs up, as would happen were a rich true fissure vein to be found. but ushuaia, in the beagle channel, the capital of argentine tierra del fuego, has three stores and a small mixed population, besides the troops that maintain argentine dignity, and, with its occasional indian visitors, its happy-go-lucky architecture, and its heaps of empty bottles, is not unlike a north american mine town. the headquarters of the cape horn miners will be found at punta arenas. the peculiarities which makes punta arenas at once one of the most interesting, and one of the most disappointing towns in the world, will be described in the next chapter but it may be said now that miners' supplies--picks, pans, clothing, and food--are cheaper here than at any other miners' supply town in the world. but while a man may get these things at a low price, he has to buy a boat instead of the burros he would buy in the states to carry his outfit. a couple of burros cost say $ in colorado, but here he must buy a sloop or a catboat, and he ought to buy a schooner fifty feet long instead. now any kind of a boat fit to carry even the amphibious prospector of the cape horn region costs at least $ in gold, and must be fitted out at a cost of from $ to $ more, not to mention the mining outfit proper. the prospecting sloop of the cape horn region is usually of the model of the little oyster sloops to be found about the harbor of new york. the hold is stowed full of provisions, tools for mining, and lumber for sluices. naturally these prospectors carry a much better supply of food than prospectors elsewhere do. the rocky mountain prospectors with their burros must needs be content with meal, beans, bacon, and, perhaps, coffee, but in the cape horn region they carry a great variety of stuff in tin cans and chili claret by the half barrel. all this costs money, but it is none too good for that climate. and even the best-provided outfits are sometimes away from home so long that the supplies are exhausted. they sail away south feeling quite certain that they will be back soon with their vessel ballasted with gold, but the shortest time spent away from port by any party i heard of was that of the seven who returned from port pantaloons in five weeks. the hansens were away eleven months in - . every year some sail away, and the sail disappears beneath the white peak of mt. sarmiento, plainly seen from the water front of punta arenas. after three or four months the "white wings outfit" or the "mary g. outfit" is casually mentioned by the bar-room groups as one that should be heard from before long. two or three months later the outfit is mentioned frequently and with ominous looks and shakings of the head, while an anxious-faced wife or mother is seen hurrying to the beach whenever a sail appears in the south, to learn if it be the one she thinks of as she lies awake every night listening to the cape horn gales. she goes down quickly, but she comes back slowly and with a dry throat as she learns that it is neither the _white wings_ nor the _mary g_. the region seems but a narrow space as one looks at the maps, but it is a wide one with labyrinthian channels and hidden bays, the ports of many a missing sloop and catboat of which never a trace will be found to tell the tale of disaster. it is a region where no man with a wife or other person depending on him should enter, but for the young and independent fellow, who can gain vigor and courage in facing the mad freaks of an antarctic gale, there is no place better than that beyond the straits of magellan. he may not get rich--the chances are that he'll be glad to work his way north in the stoke hole of some steamer--but he will have had an experience that will make him contented to live thereafter in the milder region of uncle sam's domain, and will, moreover, fit him to make his way there better than he could have been prepared in any other way. chapter ii. the cape horn metropolis. this is the story of what may be called the cape horn metropolis, for it is the story of a town which, though a village in population, is the business centre of the region extending from port desire, on the patagonia coast, to the little island whose southern angle is called cape horn, and from the falkland islands on the east to the limits of the islands on the west coast of the southern continent. moreover, it is a town whose characteristics are absolutely astounding, even to an experienced traveller who visits it for the first time, and, curiously enough, the more he may have read and heard about it the more he is likely to be astonished when he at last sees it himself. "la colonia de magallanes," as punta arenas is styled in the public documents of chili, is more than fifty years old, and that, to the traveller looking at it from a ship's deck, is one of the most astonishing statements made about the town. on "the st of april, , the government of chili planted the tri-color banner in the ancient port of famine, thus taking possession, in the name of chili, of the straits of magallanes," as the chilian record says. it is tolerably easy to guess that the chili government did this act more from a sentimental desire to hold possession of the territory that had been famous in history, than from any expectation that the region would be worth the expense of holding. besides the desire to hold ground with historical associations, the government wanted a penal colony that would be a very long way from the capital. a penal colony, it was argued, would not only hold troublesome convicts, but would serve as a place for employing members of the army suspected of plotting a revolt against the government. this colony at port famine depended entirely on supplies of food from valparaiso, and as navigation in those days was much more uncertain than now, the settlement sometimes well-nigh repeated the experience of sacramento's colony, that in the sixteenth century starved to death there. because of their sufferings, the convicts rose up one day and took possession of the settlement. the governor was killed. then a ship happened along and the mutineers boarded it and compelled the crew to sail on, but a chilian man-o'-war overtook them, whereat the convicts were for the most part hanged to the yard-arms. it is said that a man was seen hanging from every yard-end on the warship, and she was a full-rigged ship--had twenty-four yard ends to hang men to. the buildings at port famine having been burned by the convicts, the government decided to re-establish the colony just south of a long tongue of sand made by a mountain stream emptying into the strait some miles north of port famine. the new settlement was named from the old one--la colonia de megallanes--but because of that tongue of sand it was nicknamed sandy point by english-speaking seamen and punta arenas (which means sandy point) by all others, and so the town is called by everybody in the region. as said, this was a place far out of the way. the life which the unfortunates there had to endure may, perhaps, be imagined by those who understand human nature, but not fully realized. here were men condemned to live shut off from all civilized associations because of crimes of which they had been convicted. they were put in charge of men suspected of trying to commit other crimes. in most cases keeper and prisoner were guilty as charged, but in many cases both were innocent. in all cases the keeper was an absolute monarch with the power, if not the right, to take the life of any convict under him; and, for that matter, the officers could shoot the soldiers without very great risk of adequate punishment. "it's coolish like the year round," said an old sailor there who had known the town twenty-five years ago, "but when i saw the colony first it wasn't a cable's length from hell." that the colony did not remain a mere penal settlement with a mental atmosphere like that of sheol was primarily due to the enterprise of a yankee from newburyport, mass., mr. william wheelwright, who founded the steamship line called the pacific steam navigation company. this company began running steamers through the straits of magellan in , and they all stopped at the colony perforce, because it was a convenient place to take on coal from hulks that were kept there for the purpose. it was natural that a trade in fresh meats and vegetables should grow out of the coming of the steamers. and that trade was to punta arenas what a long drink of chili claret is to the wayfarer from the patagonia desert. it brought a new life to the place. on the day the first steamer called the population was souls. in it numbered . then other elements of growth appeared. there was the gold, for instance, as told in the last chapter. the gold did not bring a stampede, but it affected the population in a curious fashion. "men don't have to slave it for a boss in a gold camp. when they get out of grub they can take a pick and shovel and go dig some gold," said mr. h. grey, a yankee merchant there. as the abundance of food affects the increase of wild animals, so the certainty of earning a living affects the growth of a human population. but punta arenas grew from one cause that had nothing natural about it, save as some seafaring people seem to be naturally of a devilish disposition. one of the most prominent promoters of the growth of punta arenas was the hard-fisted yankee skipper--he who commanded the sealer and whale ship fitted out in new london or new bedford to skin the rookeries of staten island and others farther south. not that the skipper deserved thanks or praise from the people of punta arenas or any other people in this matter. he did not do it intending to promote the prosperity of punta arenas or its people. the skipper who helped the growth of punta arenas was an infamous scoundrel, who got sailors to toil and drudge for him until they had filled his ship with skins and oil, and then by cruelty that is shocking to consider drove them ashore at punta arenas that he might rob them of their hard-earned wages. some other sea captains than yankees have driven sailors ashore there, too, but the yankees have done the most of it. [illustration: punta arenas, strait of magellan.] nine tenths of the population with whom i talked had been sailors. not all had been hazed from ships, but the majority had. last of all came the one industry that was to make punta arenas the antarctic metropolis. mr. h. l. reynard, an englishman living in punta arenas, rented elizabeth island early in the seventies, and brought some sheep there from the falklands. the sheep took kindly to their new home, and increased so rapidly that mr. reynard soon had to move some of them to the mainland. they say he now owns over , sheep, besides horses and cattle galore, and enjoys--really enjoys--an income of not far from £ per week. the people of punta arenas did not wait until mr. reynard became rich before following his example. they began to invest in sheep as soon as they saw that sheep were profitable, and so far as i could learn every man there who had gone into the business and had given it ordinary care had made money. so the sheep spread far and wide over the region, and men came to care for them and punta arenas was the point to which all these men came for supplies. and, as has happened elsewhere, so here the rearing of cattle and horses goes along with the rearing of sheep. it appears that during the early years the garrison in charge of the convicts numbered on the average sixty soldiers of the line. besides these the government employed a lot of men to hunt the guanaco and the cattle that ran wild in the cordilleras, in order to keep the garrison supplied with meat, and, incidentally, to help the soldiers hunt runaway convicts of whom not a few were found brave enough to face the terrors of the patagonia desert for the sake of liberty. such tales as may be gathered of the doings and sufferings of these runaways are almost beyond belief. to follow the beach to the santa cruz river, a journey of from two to three weeks, subsisting on the few raw fish that might be cast up by the sea, and passing two days at a stretch without water, were matters of common experience. to wander inland and perish miserably while striving to reach a mirage lake often happened. however, it was not so much for the love of liberty that men fled from the punta arenas prison, as it was because they could not endure the sufferings peculiar to their situation. it was because officers as well as soldiers of the line and convicts were in exile, and because the worse instincts of the officers were brought out by the hardships they endured. in such a penal settlement as that was matters naturally went from bad to worse, and a second mutiny was inevitable. on the night of november , , the soldiers and convicts united to take the town, and succeeded. and for three days they held it. they caught the commander of the garrison and revenged the cruelties of which he had been guilty by cutting off his nose, cutting out his tongue, putting out his eyes, hacking off his limbs, and last of all severing his head from his body, and setting it upon a pole at the prison gate. with equal animosity they sought the governor and the chaplain, but both had fled in time, the former deserting his wife and children that he might save his own skin whole. then the mutineers sacked the town and lived riotously until a chilian man-o'-war appeared in the offing, when they gathered their plunder together and started away, according to one account, in number, and, according to another, in a mob numbering . incredible as it may seem, these mutineers, although they had forty horses in all, took not one scrap of food with them. instead of food they loaded themselves and the animals with clothing, bales of dry goods, fancy cutlery, bric-à-brac--almost anything and everything the town afforded that would be of no benefit in the journey that was before them. the chilian authorities made no pursuit worth mention, though a handful of men well armed and mounted could have rounded up the whole company. unmolested they marched away. the first night they killed three horses for food. the next night and the next and the next they continued to kill horses. they kept at it till all were gone. other horses were captured from incoming gauchos, but these did not suffice. many mutineers were killed in murderous quarrels, but more died because of the hardships of the route. they found freedom on the desert pampas, but hunger and thirst overtook them, and crawling beneath the scant shelter of the thorny bushes growing there, they died, and the foxes and vultures ate them. at the end of three months a company of forty reached the welsh settlement on the chubut river, and these were carried to buenos ayres by the argentine government, and were there eventually turned loose. with the burning of the prison an incubus that had weighed upon punta arenas vanished. the town was free to rise and flourish as the exuberant fancy of its people might dictate, for the prison was never rebuilt. i first saw punta arenas on the th of may, . i was on the deck of the argentine naval transport _ushuaia_, and the reader should remember that may there corresponds to november in the north, while the latitude of the magellan region is precisely that of the coast of labrador. with these geographical facts in mind, the appearance of things about punta arenas was astonishing, for it was a waterside settlement, backed by grassy, rolling hills, above which rose mountains green with verdure that never fades. indeed, but for the snow-capped peaks away back in the cordilleras, one would have had hard work bringing himself to realize that this was the magellan of which the early navigators drew such bleak pictures. and yet port famine, where sarmiento's colony starved to death, was but a few miles away to the south,--in sight, in fact, from the masthead. the general aspect of the scenery beyond the settlement was very much like that to be found in the adirondacks after an early snow has whitened the higher peaks, leaving the foot-hills showing darker and greener by contrast. but the similarity to an adirondack picture ended at the village limits. there is nothing in the new york wilderness, nor yet in the camps that are found in the rocky mountains, that may be compared to punta arenas as it appeared from the water. four streets ran from the beach up over the gentle slope--streets yellow with sand, then black with mud and glistening bright with pools of stagnant water. a stirring population kicked up sand and mud and splashed through the water. between these streets and facing them were massed, of course, the houses--wall after wall and roof after roof, almost every wall of wood and every roof of corrugated iron, the exceptional walls being made of iron, like that in the roofs. but more singular still was the fact that every building appeared new--a shining mass of pine boards and zinc-white iron, save in those cases where paint had been used, and these houses looked more conspicuous even than the rest, for the prevailing color of paint was a brilliant pink. the harbor, which is simply an open roadstead, was by no means uninteresting. a great line steamship, as trim looking as a man-o'-war, was at anchor discharging and taking in cargo from big lighters alongside. a great german bark lay beside a big hulk, into which it was discharging coal brought from cardiff. a handsome little man-o'-war of the cruiser type floated the tri-color flag of chili above her quarter deck. and besides these a whole fleet--a score or more of schooners, sloops, and catboats, the trading and prospecting fleet of the region--bobbed about and tugged at their cables under the impulse of a smart wind from westward, while lighters and small boats were passing to and fro among the vessels at anchor. one of the small boats came alongside with a grocery salesman seeking orders, and when it went away i went along. it was a clean-lined yawl, with able seamen at the oars, but it could not travel fast enough to please me. i had seen mine camps in the rockies, and in the deserts of california--creede and death valley; i had camped with cowboys and shepherds in jackson's hole beyond the teton mountains, on the plains of no man's land, and in the forks of the red river of the south; i was acquainted with the life of lumbermen in the adirondacks and the wilds of nova scotia; and i had sailed from the arsuk fiord in greenland to chicago. but here was a town with pink roofs that sheltered at once the miner, the prospector, the cowboy, the lumberman, and happy-go-lucky jack. what might not one expect in the way of wild life in such a town as this? a long wood-and-iron pier furnished a landing for passengers, and at the head of this stood a new wood and iron hotel, two stories high, and having a bar-room in the corner next to the pier. i registered there under the eye of the clerk, who also served as bartender. my observations of this man were encouraging. he was talking french to one customer and spanish to another as i entered. he addressed me in english when i came in, and then a moment later opened a door behind the bar and called for hot water in german. judging from what i saw later still, when a pretty girl passed, i should say he was not unfamiliar with the sign language. he also knew how to mix hot whiskeys. after a little talk about the variety of people in the population of the town, i determined to take a look at the gambling-houses of the place by daylight, so i said: "how many sporting houses in town?" the barkeeper smiled blandly. "a plenty," he said; "you'll find the best looking girls in the second house beyond the postoffice right up this street." "i meant gambling-houses," said i, "but since you've mentioned sporting women, how many dance-houses does this place support?" "one. it's the house i mentioned. both the girls like to dance, but of course one of them has to furnish the music. they've got one of these--how do you call them--pianos that turn with a crank, eh? it's a fine instrument, i tell you. of course, if you want to take a chum along you can get a boy to turn the crank." "wait," said i. "what was the number of the biggest gang of cowboys you ever saw come to town?" "i suppose as many as twenty." "did they have any money?" "you bet they did." "and did they spend it?" "as quick as the lord would let 'm." "how many men have you seen coming from the diggings with dust?" "half a dozen, maybe. why?" "did they blow in the dust?" "well, rather." "and yet there is only one dance-house in town and that has but two women in it?" "that's just the size of it." "let us return to the subject of gambling-houses. how many have you?" "one." "do they have big play there?" "that's what they do--sometimes." "where is it? i'd like to see it." "um--" the barkeeper hesitated a moment, and then went to the door and looked up and down. "i don't see a member anywhere," he said, "but some of them will be in at dinner, and i'll introduce you." "does one need an introduction to get in?" "certainly." "what! police watch it in a town like this?" "police? no. it's a private club, gentlemen, eh? they would admit you on your card, i dare say, but it pleases the army and navy members to observe the usual formalities. did you think it was run like a saloon?" as was said, punta arenas is a town whose characteristics are absolutely astounding, even to an experienced traveller. cowboys, shepherds, lumbermen, miners, and sailors gather there to waste their substance in riotous living, and do so waste it, but there is not one public gambling-house in town, and the one lone dance-house there has but two girls in it and a hand-organ for music. "how long have you been in this town?" said i to the drink mixer. "about twelve years." "professional gamblers ever come to town?" "i think so--one came. he was a yankee, they say." "what made you think that?" "well, we were up in bray's billiard saloon. bray is the boss billiard player of this town, and he was showing us some fancy shots, when a stranger dropped in and had a drink, and then we sat around and chatted. but bray wanted to play billiards, and so pretty soon he asked the stranger to take a cue. the stranger said he liked to play billiards, but it was not worth while to play against the boss player of the town. "'never mind that,' said bray. 'we'll play for the drinks and see how we match.' "so they began. the stranger was a pretty fair player, and pretty soon bray had to do his best, though by doing his best he managed to beat the stranger. i think it was thirty-two or thirty-three points. the stranger showed interest in the game, but was going to put down the cue, when bray said: "'i'll just give you thirty points and beat you for ten dollars.' "the stranger showed eagerness at once, and putting up the cash went at it. that was a right pretty game, let me tell you, for both men played well, but at the last bray ran out, although the stranger had but one point to make. the stranger looked excited when bray ran out, and taking out a wad said: "'i'll bet you one hundred, or two hundred, or three hundred you can't do that again.' "'i'll go you for three hundred,' said bray. it was just what bray had been aching for. "it was bray's first shot, and he made a string of nine. thereat the stranger took his cue, chalked it, winked at the crowd, and ran out his string without a break. then he picked up the cash, stuffed it in his pocket, and started out, whistling _yankee doodle_. we judged by that circumstance that he was a yankee." i was in punta arenas four days, and talked with a variety of people, but that was the only gambling story worth telling that i heard. i asked if fights and bloodshed were known to the town since the convict mutiny. they replied that fights were not unknown, but were rare. "do the fighters never kill each other?" "i fancy not," said the barkeeper. "ever had cold-blooded murders for money?" "not in my day, anyhow." "then you've never lynched anybody here." the barkeeper laughed. "that's just like a yankee," he said. "the only lynchings i ever heard of took place in the states. the government keeps soldiers here, and everybody is afraid of them." this last statement explained why the town was peculiar. the government is monarchial in fact, though nominally republican. chili is ruled, as all latin-american countries are, by the army. punta arenas is ruled by an army officer sent from santiago. the town ordinances are backed by bayonets. the texas town marshal in all his glory could not keep the peace as soldiers can. the government has decreed that there shall be no gambling-houses in punta arenas of the style found in united states mine camps. neither shall there be dance-houses. instead of these, drinking saloons are permitted in unlimited numbers, and one or two young women can get a license for a saloon as readily as a man can. there are almost one hundred licensed bars in punta arenas. they are found scattered everywhere about town. the young women who own saloons commonly sit in the doorway knitting or sewing in the daytime. one who saw them said their trade would probably be larger if they remained behind the bar or wore veils. a more wretched-looking lot of women was never seen in the saloon business. it is in little wooden shanties, with corrugated iron roofs--utterly barren, squalid shanties--that the riotous living of punta arenas is found, and there is not one bright or picturesque feature about it to give excuse for its existence. after leaving the bartender at the hotel, i started out to see so much of the town as could be observed in walking the streets. it is a town laid out on the checkerboard plan, and like all spanish-american towns has a plaza or public square. the streets are unpaved. this means that near the beach, where there is sand, the wheeling is pretty fair, save in the driest weather, and elsewhere is pretty bad when fair on the beach, and good when it is bad on the beach. but one can find much deeper mud even in the outskirts of new york city than is found in the streets of punta arenas. the sidewalks are peculiar. under a village ordinance every such walk is edged with a six-inch square timber. between this timber and the front wall of the house could be found, in a few places stone, in fewer tile brick, in some well-packed beds of sand, but in the majority of cases little narrow lakes of water securely held in place by the timber sea-wall. the plaza showed a rich black loam and nothing else. facing the plaza was the old official residence of the governor. it was one of the few buildings remaining from the early days. it was a wooden structure that had originally had a shingle roof over all, but the moss-grown shingles had rotted away in patches, and had been replaced with odds and ends of board, tin, and sheet-iron. the contrast between the governor in his gorgeous uniform and his official house was something stunning. the home was the only real shabby building in town. the traveller who lands in punta arenas and fails to climb the hills behind the town makes a mistake, because the picture is wonderfully beautiful and striking as well. the yellowish hills of tierra del fuego rise up in the east beyond the broad waters of the strait. the snow-capped peaks of mt. sarmiento and its neighbors appear above the horizon at the south, while in the west the evergreen mountains rise boldly up from the water's edge. and then, right at the foot of these dark-green mountains lies the zinc and pink town, the most absurd foreground to a magnificent landscape that ever was imagined. the lower hills to the northwest of the town have been chopped over in part and are covered with dead trunks of trees, giving the landscape the appearance of what the early settlers in the forest districts of the united states called a deadening. the trees seemed to have been killed by some kind of an epidemic. they say in the town that the trees were killed by lightning, but i did not see any marks of lightning on the trunks. however they died, the landscape there is wild enough to please an insane artist. the only manufacturing industries of the place are the saw-mills and a brick-yard. the saw-mills are located some distance from the village, and are not novel, but the brick-yard is right at hand. i examined the brick, and found a product that i had not seen equalled since i saw the courthouse in greer county, tex., which had crumbled under a summer squall. even the hardest burned brick in this kiln could be broken with the naked hands. a worse industry than brick-making, however, was started some years ago in the town. what they called a vein of coal was discovered some five miles from the beach, and, after some talk, a company was formed to exploit it. a pier was built at the beach, a railroad laid thence to the mine, and rolling stock brought out from england. this done, they found that they had a lignite instead of a coal mine. the pier has gone to pieces, and the old locomotive could be seen partly buried in the sand not far from the head of the ruined pier. this is the coal of which all the writers who have visited the strait speak enthusiastically. however, the town is going to have more industries, and there is to be still more business done by the traders. the increase in the number of sheep will soon compel the traders to establish a freezing establishment there in order that their surplus sheep may be shipped to market. just now they sell their surplus to men wishing to establish ranches up country, but there will soon be no more room for new ranches up country. then punta arenas may yet manufacture goods from its wool, and it could very profitably tan its products of hides and skins. the region produces a bark so rich in tannin that it could be profitably exported to the states, but still more profitably used on the ground. the chili government will make liberal concessions to any man who knows the tannery business and has the capital to establish it there. but one must have the knack to get along comfortably with odd people if he would succeed in any business there. the sales of merchandise in the town are naturally large in certain lines, and they are particularly satisfactory to the merchants, for the reason that many original packages are called for. it is a wholesale trade to a remarkable degree. moreover, the merchants deliver goods to customers by means of sailboats instead of by wagons, as new york merchants do. but, one scarcely need add, there is no free delivery by boats. the navigation of the straits region is hazardous, and therefore expensive. only the hardiest sailors will undertake the handling of a -foot catboat where, to quote capt. samuel wallis, one of the early navigators, "even in midsummer the climate was cloudy, cold, and tempestuous." the business feature of the town that interests travellers most is that of the dealer in indian-made goods and curiosities. indians from the pampas and from the southern islands come to punta arenas to sell skins, furs, feathers, baskets, arrow-heads--what not. the dealers find sale for more stuff, in fact, than the indians bring, so they have some goods made to order in the town. the goods are all sold as genuine indian-made things, and in a way so they are. there are squaws in town who make a living doing work of this kind. i saw one of them deliver an armful of rugs made of guanaco skins to one of the dealers. she was dressed in a tailor-made suit of good material; she had gold jewelry a plenty, and her hair was banged across her forehead. the dealer said she was a half-breed tehuelche, and i did not doubt it, but when one buys indian-made relics he does not suppose that the indian wore a tailor-made suit and bangs. i asked luis zanibelli, who was formerly a maiden lane jeweller in new york, and is now in the relic business there, how to tell goods made in the wilds from those made by half-breed squaws with bangs. "that's easy," he replied. "smell of the goods. the genuine indian goods from the pampas or the islands always smell bad." the club of which the barkeeper had spoken as a gambling resort is an oddity in name, if in no other way. it is called the "cuerpo de bomberos," and that translated into english means the body or society of firemen. there is a neat little red club-house, built somewhat on the model of ancient colonial mansions in the states--that is, with pillars in front. there is a yard full of flower-beds in front of that, and there are flowers there in may, at least, if not later. the house is furnished as club-houses are elsewhere, except that it has no kitchen. the annual dues amount to less than a dollar a month gold, and for this the members have a remarkably pleasant resort. the barkeeper thought the play was heavy; this is interesting as showing what is considered heavy play at punta arenas. the heaviest loss of which i heard was paper dollars--a trifle over $ gold. the favorite game is baccarat, but the seductive influences of draw poker are not unknown. the list of members includes the merchants, sheep-owners, and officials living in the vicinity or stationed there by government, and in punta arenas the word vicinity covers a territory a hundred leagues away from the centre. speaking of the flowers in front of this club-house reminds me that punta arenas is the greatest town for flowers i ever saw. every house has window gardens, and many houses have bays and rooms set apart for great masses of potted flowers and shrubs. it has many more flowers in proportion to the population even than the tropical cities like rio. flowers grow wild there in great profusion, too, among which the wild fuschias make the most profuse display, while the ferns and lichens are something to delight the eye of even the least observant. for the rest, punta arenas claims a population of . it is not unlike some united states towns in the matter of a local census, but after making due allowances for local pride and enthusiasm, it still is found a live and growing village. lots in the business part of the town now sell for pounds sterling where paper dollars would have sufficed ten years ago. indeed, a lot was sold while i was there for £ that changed hands in for $ national currency. the old settler goes about the street bewailing the fact that he didn't buy when he first came, and saying it is too late now. but those who buy now point to the growing traffic through the straits, and refer to the line of huge steam tugs now building in england that will tow sailing ships through the narrow waters and against the winds that vexed and baffled the early navigators; they speak confidently of the spread of sheep ranches on tierra del fuego, and the apparently unfailing discoveries of new gold-fields among the islands to the south; they talk of the increased demand for the wood of the straits. they balance against the frosts and cold rains of midsummer the many indian summer days of winter, and tell stories of invalids regaining health that would make both denver and los angeles green with envy. they find, in fact, no end of signs of future prosperity for their austral metropolis, and if somebody does not dig a canal from the caribbean sea to the pacific they are very certain to find these signs well founded. even if such a canal is made, only one element of the prosperity of the place will be injured--the traffic through the straits--and that probably will not be wholly destroyed, while the other elements can scarcely fail to improve continually. mr. julius popper wrote in of punta arenas, that it was "a town that opened its doors at a.m., and was more concerned about picnics and dances than business." mr. frank vincent said in , that it was a community scarce one of whom "would be willing to stay if he could get away." the people there say these remarks were libellous when written. i am bound to say that in , if a man wanted to get to windward of a punta arenas man in the matter of business, it was necessary to get up in the morning before crow peep. and as for the people wishing to get away, one would have hard work to find a citizen there who could be driven away with a shotgun. in spite of its climate and its government, it is a blooming and booming community, and because of the enterprise of its citizens it deserves all the prosperity the free pastures of the pampas and the waves of the sea are bringing to it. chapter iii. cape horn aborigines. this is the story in part of one of the most interesting and most unfortunate tribes of indians known in the history of american aborigines--interesting because of their remarkable qualities of mind and body, and unfortunate because they have been almost exterminated by changes in their habits, wrought by christian missionaries. it begins with what was said of them and their country by the early explorers, and it ends where the missionaries began what was intended to be the work of civilizing them. it tells of the race as god made it. what the white man did for it will be told later. the cape horn archipelago, as the islands south of the straits of magellan may be called, contained when discovered, and still maintains, three distinct tribes of indians. one tribe occupied the island of tierra del fuego to the north and east of the coast range of mountains, of which mts. darwin and sarmiento are the chief peaks. it was a land tribe; that is, they rarely if ever built canoes, and they subsisted almost entirely on such products as the land afforded. another race occupied the islands to the west of cockburn channel. they were always, so to speak, a race of sailors; they built canoes, cruised about their region as fancy or the prevalence of food dictated, and were very little dependent on land beasts for food. last of all, we come to the tribe that lived and now exists among the islands lying south of tierra del fuego and along the very narrow south beach of that great island itself--a tribe that might well be called the antarctic highlanders, since they live further south than any other known people--and the land they occupy is but a succession of mountain peaks. these people are known as the yahgans. the known history of the yahgans begins in the stories told by the early navigators of the region--a brief matter--merely the record of what the early navigators saw of them--but it is worth printing in part here because it is interesting, and because the reading of the mistakes made by the early travellers will help to impress on the memory the peculiarities of this remarkable tribe. darwin, the naturalist, under date of december , , wrote of the yahgans: while going one day on shore near wollaston island, we pulled alongside a canoe with six fuegians. these were the most abject and miserable creatures i anywhere beheld. on the east coast the natives, as we have seen, have guanaco cloaks, and on the west they possess sealskins. among these central tribes the men generally have an otter skin, or some small scrap, about as large as a pocket handkerchief, which is barely sufficient to cover their backs as low down as their loins. it is laced across the breast by strings, and according as the wind blows it is shifted from side to side. but these fuegians in the canoe were quite naked, and even one full-grown woman was absolutely so. it was raining heavily, and the fresh water together with the spray trickled down her body. in another harbor not far distant, a woman who was suckling a recently born child came one day alongside the vessel and remained there out of mere curiosity while the sleet fell and thawed on her naked bosom and on the skin of her naked baby! these poor wretches were stunted in their growth, their hideous faces bedaubed with white paint, their skins filthy and greasy, their hair entangled, their voices discordant, and their gestures violent. at night five or six human beings, naked and scarcely protected from the wind and rain of this tempestuous climate, sleep on the wet ground coiled up like animals. viewing such men one can hardly make oneself believe that they are fellow-creatures and inhabitants of the same world.... there is no reason to believe that the fuegians decrease in number. [illustration: yahgans at home.] quotations might be multiplied but two or three brief ones relating to the land in which the yahgans lived will suffice: king says that "the vegetation is magnificent in some places, and under the shelter of the great forests some plants are found that would be considered delicate in england." captain cook agrees with this, and describes the wild celery as among the delicate vegetable productions, but he concludes that "it is the most savage country i have seen. there is no place in the world which offers such desolate landscapes." to this may be added the testimony of admiral anson, who said emphatically that it was "the most horrible country which it was possible to conceive." on the whole, it appears from reading the stories of these early navigators that the land of the yahgans, while lacking the eternal ice of the eskimo land, was bad enough, and in the matter of storms it was worse even than the region of baffin's bay. as for the difference in the people, it is apparent that the yahgans were believed to be far more wretched than the people of the north, because the eskimos were clothed in the warmest of furs and lived in huts, which, if made of ice and snow, were still perfect shelters from the furies of the storms, while the yahgans went naked and often slept unsheltered from the snow and the freezing sleet that fell in every month of the year. the islands on which are found the homes of the yahgan indians are almost without exception mountains that rise from the depths of the southern sea. as one sails among them the idea that here is a mountain chain that at some time long past was suddenly submerged in the sea is irresistible. for miles and leagues one may coast along without finding a beach wide enough to furnish a foothold, not to mention a place for hauling up a yawl. that the mountain is as precipitous below the water as it is above is easily proved, for soundings with the deep-sea lead line often give to fathoms within feet of the shore line. rising to the height of to feet, these precipitous mountain peaks are lacking in nothing to make them grand and impressive. that they seemed desolate to the early navigators none need doubt, however, for the old-time sailors had a ship wretchedly unfit for such stormy seas, and he was ill-clad, half-fed, and homesick. no mountains seen through riffs in storm clouds and between marching columns of freezing rain could seem pleasant to them. but wherever there is shelter from the prevailing gales a narrow beach is found commonly. above this grows a forest of trees, of which the greater number are the antarctic beech, and nearly all the rest are species of magnolia. some grow to a diameter of two feet and a height of fifty. nearly all of the trees are green the year round, and the magnolias are of a particularly bright and beautiful green. as one climbs the mountains the trees are seen to be of smaller and smaller sizes until at from to feet above the sea mosses take the place of trees. above the mosses come barren rocks and eternal snows. in many parts of beagle channel, and especially at the east end, there are fairly level spaces bordering the water, with foot-hills that are rolling instead of craggy. even at the foot of mount misery, on the east end of navarin island, a mountain that got its name from the severity of the gales that come from its gulches, the scenery is anything but desolate and horrible. indeed, natural grassy meadows and green groves so alternate with park-like beauty over the undulating ground, that one scarcely can resist the idea that all those open spaces in the woodland are the work of man. the eye involuntarily seeks for farm-house and barn, while the sight of the red-haired guanaco makes the scene all the more pastoral, for the wild beasts seem in that picture very like domestic animals. my own view of the picture was under peculiarly favorable circumstances, for, although in the month of may, which corresponds to the november of the north, the sun was bright and warm, the water sparkled, and a breeze sweet and gentle just stirred the grass on the lawns and lifted the green-leaved boughs of the trees. seen on another day, when whirling snow-laden squalls came down from the mountain to rip open the sea and hurl its foam five hundred feet into the air, the picture would have had a different aspect, but no landscape which contains green meadows and green trees the year round can be called "desolate." as to the meteorological condition among the islands the experience of the missionaries there during twenty odd years has cleared away many myths. some of captain cook's men nearly froze to death in the land of the yahgans, but it is a fact that even the confined waters (salt) do not freeze over often or remain frozen for any long time, while a prolonged storm, during which the thermometer ranged from ° to ° fahrenheit, is mentioned in the missionary records as an unusually cold spell. at the worst, the thermometer at ushuaia has not gone lower than ° below zero, fahrenheit, and ushuaia is about the coldest spot in the region, because it stands under lofty, glazier-covered mountains that shut out the rays of the sun for nineteen hours out of the twenty-four during the short days of winter. one white man at ushuaia told me that it was a climate in which winter and summer alternated every week, and that describes the matter fairly well. that it is better than people elsewhere suppose may be inferred by the fact that the white men now there, while admitting the frequent recurrence of boisterous storms, invariably said it was "the healthiest climate in the world," and a few said they liked it better than any other. having considered the yahgans' country and its climate, we now come to their homes and home life. of the yahgans as architects and as tailors, i am bound to say that they have been well described by the old-time explorers. the hut was a structure made of poles and a thatch of brush and grass that was of about the shape of a yankee haycock, and only a little larger. it was open on the lee side, the thatching, such as it was, covering two thirds of the circumference to windward. the fire was built just within the door or opening, and the inhabitants sat on grass or moss that partly covered the earth floor. it was sometimes customary, where the indians expected to live for some time in one place, to scoop out the earth of the bottom of the wigwam and heap it up against the brush wall, thus making a saucer-shaped cavity for the floor, the brim of which rose high enough to serve somewhat as a wind break. moreover, the limpet and other shells gathered by the squaws were commonly piled to windward of the hut. but even then, if judged by any white man's standard, the yahgan house was as bad as any in the world. so, too, of his dress. he wore a single guanaco or sealskin across his shoulders, holding it in place by thongs that crossed his breast. this was the best he wore. they were often stark naked, save for a breach clout, and the children were always so. the traveller who visits hermite island, in the immediate vicinity of cape horn, will find them so at this day. living thus, "shelterless and naked in a land of fierce and freezing storms," one need not wonder that even scientific observers believed the yahgan "the most miserable specimen of humanity to be found on earth." and yet all who thought him either physically or mentally uncomfortable when in his natural state were entirely wrong. on the contrary, he was about the healthiest and happiest savage that ever smashed the head of an egotistical, meddlesome white man. the yahgan was built for the climate where he was found. he was in one respect like the whale that lived in the waters about him. he had a coat of fat under his skin that was very much better for him than the best of flannels and blankets. besides, he had a custom that at once protected him from the cold and rendered him offensive to his white discoverers. he greased himself all over frequently with any oil at his command, and that is a custom worth remembering by people who may be cast away or lost in cold climates. had the early explorers imitated instead of despised the yahgan, they would have had fewer tales of suffering to tell. in these later years, sporting men of the united states have learned that when about to enter long-distance swimming matches they can endure the cooling effects of a race through the water much better if they coat themselves thickly with some such grease as vaseline. the yahgan used whale oil as we use vaseline. the explorers spoke of his "filthy greasy skin," but the scientific sporting man of new york now imitates the yahgan, even though vaseline gathers during a swim any flotsam that comes handy by. the yahgan was "shelterless and naked in a land of fierce and freezing storms," but he did not freeze; he did not even shiver in ordinary cape horn weather. however, one can understand why the explorers did not perceive the real condition of the yahgan. they were cold in spite of thick flannels, and it was but natural that they should judge others by themselves. but one cannot so easily understand how the explorers fell into such errors as they did about the ingenuity and the mechanical skill of the native. the results of yahgan handicraft were everywhere visible. he could not make either a good house or a broadcloth suit. in his hands a white man's coat was ripped to pieces and the strips used for decorations. but there were his canoes and his weapons--especially his canoes. the yahgan boats are mentioned slightingly, if at all, by nearly every traveller who has visited the region. "the boats are unwieldy and logy, and the indians seem to have no knack of propelling them at any sort of speed," says a latter-day writer, who saw a canoe of the kind in the straits of magellan. this was the writer's judgment in the matter. but along with his judgment he gave the dimensions of the boat. it was "about twenty-five feet long, four feet wide, and three feet deep, with comparatively sharp ends." the facts as i saw them are so, save that the ends seemed to me to be extremely sharp. now let any civilized canoe expert imagine a boat of those proportions with lines in an exact arc of a circle, and then let him say whether he knows of any superior model among either civilized or savage nations--a model better adapted for combined speed, safety, and capacity than this. my own experience with indian canoes includes the kayaks and oomiaks of the eskimos in greenland, the dugouts of old providence island in the caribbean sea, and the bongos of the bay of panama, but i am bound to say that the most graceful canoe, as well as the strongest, i ever saw was made by the yahgan. however, one fact about these canoes will convince any one who knows what cape horn storms are that the yahgan canoe is of a remarkable model. the yahgans used them in navigating the waters of the cape horn archipelago. further than that, both the rev. thomas bridges and the rev. john lawrence, who for twenty years have been familiar with the yahgans, told me that they never heard of a yahgan being upset in his canoe until in these later years, when the possession of axes and the teachings of the missionaries led the indians to substitute dugouts of an entirely different model for the canoes they had made in the old days. judged only by his house and his clothing, the yahgan was of a lower grade of intelligence, or at least was worse off, than many brutes. judged by his canoe, he was a naval architect who produced a model to which the designers of yachts in the united states and england are in these days of "spoon" bows approaching, but have not yet equalled. when the yahgan would build a canoe he stripped wide pieces of bark from the tallest and smoothest tree trunks he could find, using shell axes, in the old days, to cut the trees. the bark was stripped from the trunk with a wooden tool, something like a chisel, and of the very shape found most advantageous by the white men who, in pennsylvania and the adirondacks, supply hemlock bark to the tanneries. having his bark off the tree, the yahgan cut the strips into such shape that when sewed together they would form a canoe with a midship section, say four feet wide by three deep, that was almost the arc of a circle. from this section the model tapered away almost on the arc of another circle. it had a sheer at once pleasing to the eye and well adapted to ride the most tempestuous seas in the world. to brace this bark sheathing the yahgan made ribs of split saplings that looked like hickory barrel hoops--ribs at once strong and light--while the rails and beams were made of round wood. the bark strips were sewed together with whalebone taken from whales stranded on the beach. the ribs, rails, and beams were lashed in place by sinew, usually guanaco sinew, for that curious animal is found on several islands of the yahgan region. into the bottom of this canoe the yahgan put an inverted sod perhaps two by three feet large, and on this his squaw built a small fire for warmth. forward and aft of the fire were put little layers of brush and grass. the man squatted on the grass forward of the fire, and his favorite squaw, if he had more than one, was just aft of it, the terms forward and aft being used to indicate only the direction in which the canoe travelled, for both ends were alike. the other squaws and the children were distributed further from the fire. a squaw with an infant would keep it in her lap. the squaws paddled, the men used the weapons. but one may doubt whether the yahgan canoe shows greater ingenuity than yahgan weapons and implements for obtaining food do. mention has been made of the shell axe. it was made of a five-inch clam shell, or one larger. a rounded stone was lashed with sinew to the hinge side of the shell to give weight and make a good hand hold. then the opposite side was ground to a cutting edge by rubbing away the softer inner or convex surface on a smooth rock. yahgan chips made with this tool were small, but to see the rapidity with which an old yahgan makes the blows, or better still, to see the wavy surface of a strip of wood dressed with a shell axe--a paddle, for instance--is a matter of interest almost worth a journey to the region. with this tool the yahgan felled trees, or fashioned his harpoon, or stripped the blubber from a stranded whale, or trimmed his o'er long bangs, as occasion required. when compared with the stone axes used by aborigines who knew not iron, this shell axe is a striking illustration of noteworthy differences between the yahgan and the other tribes. the shell axe was frail, but keen-edged. it required a quick but delicate hand to manipulate it. the stone axe was blunt and heavy. impelled by a rude hand, it smashed its way through whatever opposed its progress. with the shell axe in hand, we begin to perceive somewhat of the mental habits and character of the yahgan indian--to see, at least, that he preferred to accomplish certain ends by delicate means rather than by sheer brute strength. then there were his harpoons. i have one of which the head, made from a whale rib, is twenty-five and one quarter inches long. to make a diagram of it let the reader place a dot on a sheet of paper to represent the point, and then draw from this dot two straight lines that shall diverge from each other only one inch and three quarters when twenty-one inches long. that will give an idea of the beautiful taper of the weapon. it has a single barb, at once deep and strong. it is secured to the shaft in such a way that when a seal was struck the harpoon head dropped from its place in the shaft, or handle, after which the handle was towed broadside on through the water by the wounded beast. of course, towing the harpoon shaft in this fashion impeded the animal's flight more than towing it end on would do. another harpoon that i have is twenty-one inches long, and but one inch wide and a half inch thick at the base, but instead of one heavy barb near the base it has a series of twenty-six small ones along one side. these barbs hook back like shark's teeth, and are about as keen-pointed. nothing of better shape to hold fast could be devised by a fish-hook maker. indeed, the turtle hunters of the west indies, who have a steel harpoon of a similar shape, do not make as well-formed barbs. the harpoon of one barb is for seals, otters, and small whales (large whales were never attacked unless stranded), while the other form was for the various kinds of birds found in the region. for fish spears the yahgan lashed two or three of the bird harpoon heads to a shaft in such a manner that the points were spread out; the harpoon heads formed a v or a tripod, as the case might be, and the barbs were all on the inside. the fish were speared at night by the light of a torch. by having two or more of the harpoon heads on the shaft the chances of hitting the dimly seen fish were of course increased, and, moreover, a fish caught between two of the harpoon heads and impaled by a third, was held no matter how it struggled or what its strength. nor were the spear and harpoon handles merely saplings cut in the forest. the yahgan used a perfectly round handle for one harpoon and a six-square handle for the other, and both were worked from solid wood with his wonderful shell axe. i speak now, of course, of the original native weapon, and not of what the modern yahgan buys of white traders. if any reader owns one of the old specimens of indian workmanship let him keep it with great care, for the workmen who could make them are dead and their art is lost forever. less showy but equally remarkable were the peculiar wooden chisels with which the squaws stripped limpets from rocks six feet under water and brought them to the surface, although they were as heavy and as ready to sink as stones. for gathering shell-fish the squaws made baskets of rushes. these baskets were of the shape of the plain earthen cooking jars found in the old ruins and cave dwellings of new mexico and arizona. for a long-range weapon the yahgan used the sling. he saw the ona indians with their bows and arrows. the onas also used the bolas, which are the favorite weapons of the patagonian indians. with the ona indians the bow and the bolas were used with great success in killing the fleet-footed guanaco. now the yahgan, as said, found the guanaco in his own proper country as well as when he went visiting the onas on the borderland, and he must have fully appreciated all that the onas could do with their bolas and bows. some of the yahgans even learned to use these ona weapons, but they never adopted them. the reason is not far to seek. the yahgan sling had a much greater range. the missionaries tell about yahgans killing birds afloat at a distance of two hundred yards. to hit any wild fowl at that distance with a rifle would be called right good shooting. the guanaco was knocked down and stunned by heavy round pebbles at ranges up to one hundred yards. why, then, did not the ona adopt the sling? the answer is an interesting one for the student of anthropology. the home of the ona was on the prairies of tierra del fuego, where round pebbles are not to be found, but material for bows and arrows is abundant. the ona could not burden himself with pebbles for a sling when journeying across these prairies. on the other hand, the yahgan lived on the beaches, where rounded pebbles were forever at hand, and when he travelled it was not afoot, as the ona did, but in a first-class canoe, where he could carry as many pebbles as he wanted. the yahgan sling was made of a piece of raw hide, to which were attached strings of braided sinew that always ended in fancifully wrought knots. the yahgans did not fish with hooks, because they could catch more fish without. the squaws caught the fish. they paddled to the fishing ground in the morning and at night, when for an hour each time, the light being just right, the fish would bite. the line was a strand of seaweed, which may be had there, slender and strong, of any length up to a hundred fathoms, perhaps. bait--meat--was tied to one end of the line, which was loaded with a sinker of stone rounded to a shape to sink swiftly. the fish swallowed the bait and the squaw drew it gently but quickly to the surface. then she snatched the fish into the boat and the bait from its gullet with a motion that georges bank codfishermen understand, and then let her bait run quickly down again. some fish, too large to land thus, were speared when they came in sight. the time for fishing was so short that the squaws had to improve it to the utmost advantage, especially as there were many days when the storms prevented all fishing. they had no time to waste in removing hooks from the gullets of fish. it is a fact that when hooks were given them by seamen they never used the things for fishing. the yahgan squaws did not know the joys of taking four-pound trout with a seven-ounce rod, but they had just as much fun as do the new yorkers who go out to the fishing banks every summer day, and they caught more fish, too. the yahgan household utensils were few in number and of the simplest character. he made neither pots, nor kettles, nor cups, nor basins, nor any sort of receptacle for liquids. he never boiled his food, and when the missionaries came to the yahgan land the indians found the spectacle of a pot full of boiling meat a most entertaining one. and yet the yahgans tried out the oil from whale blubber and other fats, and stored it away for future use. the fat was impaled on a stick that was then thrust into the ground close to a bed of coals. the oil was tried out thus, and it dripped down into the shoulder blade of a guanaco kept for the purpose. when the hollow of this bone was full, the oil was poured into a bladder or into the bladder-like leaf of a seaweed that can be found everywhere in the region. moreover, there were large clam and other sea shells on every beach. these served every need of the yahgan in the way of cups and basins. what he needed to make he made with unusual neatness and skill, but he knew when he had enough and worked for nothing whatever beyond. if, now, it has been demonstrated that the early explorers looked at the yahgan products through prejudiced eyes, the reader will pass with increasing pleasure to a consideration of the habits of thought and mental capacity of this antarctic highlander. i quote darwin in this matter, because he was the most eminent of all who have seen the yahgans, and should have been less liable than others to make errors. darwin had on his ship a yahgan called jemmy button, who had been carried to england and taught some of the english language. of this yahgan darwin said: "i should think there was scarcely another human being with so small a stock of language." the rev. thomas bridges, who now lives opposite gable island, in the beagle channel, has for nearly forty years made a study of the yahgans and their language. he has made out of this study a complete grammar of their language, and has written what is practically a complete yahgan-english lexicon. fully to appreciate the facts that appear in these two manuscript books, one must not only be something of a linguist, but must have knowledge of other aboriginal tribes. for instance, it is helpful to know that ensign roger wells, jr., u. s. navy, working in alaska, prepared an anglo-eskimo vocabulary of words, and an eskimo-english vocabulary of words. to quote from a pamphlet issued by the alaskan bureau of education in , _circular of information no. _, the most important contribution to a knowledge of the eskimo language is in process of preparation by l. m. turner, in his observations made in - , at point barrow. "it will contain a vocabulary of the koksoagmyut of over words." cruden's _concordance of the bible_ gives words exclusive of proper names; cleveland's _concordance to the poems of milton_ gives milton's vocabulary as , words, while shakespeare himself had a vocabulary of about , . but the yahgans, despised by many as "savages of the lowest grade," pitied by a few as "most abject and miserable creatures"--these yahgans had a language from which has been compiled a vocabulary of over , words. as i have said, this is a story in part of one of the most interesting american tribes. how small is the proportion of the story that i can give may be inferred from what has just been said about their language. where did they get or develop all those words? are those , words the remains of a language which, under other circumstances, was greater, or is the vocabulary now at its greatest state of perfection? how does it happen that such a remarkable mental development was found in a people that lived as these yahgans did? questions multiply, but no answers are found. anthropologists suppose that the peoples living at the ends of the earth under adverse circumstances are "conquered races, exiles, or criminals." it is guessed by some who have read of the yahgan that he comes from some ancient peruvian or brazilian civilized tribe, and fled in war time to cape horn. but the yahgan language is not that of peru or of brazil, or even that of the lost tribes of israel. there is in it nothing to connect it with any of the other great languages of the world. why, then, should we think incredible the possibility of the yahgans having originated where they are? in the alluvial beds of patagonia and of tierra del fuego are found the petrified remains of the opossum, the kangaroo, and the monkey. the ostrich and a modified camel (the guanaco), now live on the desert plains of patagonia. who, then, shall say positively that the yahgan race has not lived through the cataclysms that destroyed the opossum and the monkey and left the ostrich and the camel? some years ago the chili government sent an expedition to explore the yahgan country. the report made by the commander on his return refers to the yahgan language as "nasal and harsh; it sounds like the barking of a dog," but all who speak the language agree that it is as soft and sweet to the ear as a love-song in french. to make a study of the construction of this language here would be impossible for lack of space, even if i knew the facts, but something of the way the yahgans talked to one another will be interesting, because it gives an insight into their character. let it be remembered that this was a tribe of so-called savages, and that among savages the squaw is supposed to be a wretched slave. to the casual observer the yahgan squaw was a slave. she paddled the canoe "while the man sat in the bow holding his weapons." but the yahgan squaw's life was certainly not without its amenities, if one may judge by the language. thus the yahgan man never spoke to his squaw of any property in the family as "mine." he said "ours" instead. he even said "our harpoon." he never gave orders directly to either squaw or child. if he wanted something done he would use an expression that meant "tell to do"; it was as if he said to his squaw, "have some one do so and so." more remarkable still, there was no such word in the language as "obey." they said instead, "oblige me by," "make me the favor of," "would you be pleased or be so kind as to do this or that?" even when the yahgan was angry and wished to drive away an offensive person he used a polite sentence. as among civilized people certain terms and names may be used between man and wife, or when talking to a physician or between two men talking alone, without incurring an accusation of using indecent language, so among the yahgans there were certain forms of expression for use in private and others for society. in short, it was a modest race; in this respect it was, perhaps, the most remarkable of all the american indian nations. they had poets and novelists and historians. they knew, for instance, how to tell in the most delicate fashion those sly stories in which the point was found in the thought of the listeners, and not in the words of the speaker--where the speaker's words suggested but did not say the thought. no people in the world enjoyed well-told stories of the kind more than they, but only the skilful--the literati--were permitted to tell them. a gross expression was never permitted in company. it is a lasting pity that none of these tales has been preserved for study. the missionary taught the yahgans that their soul's salvation was imperilled by such thoughts, and the remnant of the race has become so degraded in every way that the best of this wonderful oral literature has been lost. they had songs, but no music as civilized people understand that word. their songs were what travellers call "monotonous chants." however, they danced to some songs, and their words were poetic if the song did lack jingle and varied intonations. "food was abundant in the old days," said the rev. thomas bridges, "and life was easy with them." hence the yahgans had abundant leisure to sit about the hut fire and talk to one another. their conversation is best described by the word bright. they were as quick-witted--as quick and brilliant at repartee as the irish or french. they also made many puns. they were what may be called a "clubable race," to borrow a johnsonian expression. the missionaries say that within their limits of knowledge they were ready and logical thinkers. sarcastic remarks and cynical observations abounded in their fireside conversations, as well as flashes of kindly humor. in politics and religion they were almost equally interesting. they had no form of government--neither chief nor legislative council--but public opinion ruled with an iron hand. theirs was the simplest form of a republic. when men violated social usages, as sometimes happened, the guilty were ostracized, and such was the habit of thought among them that this ostracism drove the guilty one away to live by himself. occasionally several families were thus driven into exile together, but i did not learn of the existence of any such colonies of outlaws as that found below st. lawrence bay on the siberian coast or the kevalinyes, whose home is back of point hope in alaska. crimes against property were rare. as to the property of white men they were called thieves and robbers. fitzroy is particularly severe on them in describing their lax notions about property. it seems to me, however, that the yahgans and all aboriginal tribes, for that matter, have been unjustly condemned in this matter. that they took things that seemed of infinite value to them, which did not belong to them, is not denied. but this act was not morally what the same act on the part of a civilized man would have been. among the aborigines--especially among the yahgans--there was much property held in common. it was no harm among them to take of a neighbor's fuel; his paints were freely divided; his wood for use in making paddles or spear-shafts was practically common property. all food taken was equally divided, and when chance threw a prize, say a wrecked ship, in their way, all shared the valuables found. so when they saw among white men a superabundance of good things, the taking of what they saw did not seem the evil thing that it would have been to the conscience of a white thief. they were, in short, socialists rather than thieves. crimes against the person were avenged by the injured one or his relatives, so that feuds and vendettas led families to hunting each other, hither and yon, across stormy seas and into wild and secluded nooks and inlets. but the yahgan did not delight in open warfare or bloodshed. warfare with neighboring tribes was almost unknown. the nearest approach to it was when some yahgan family went hunting some family of a neighboring tribe to avenge an injury suffered by some member of the aggressive family. on rare occasions other families in both tribes took up the quarrel. the yahgan could work himself into a foaming passion--he literally frothed at the mouth in his rage--but he preferred to make even murder a fine art. he would plan and scheme for months in order that he might revenge himself without making an open attack. it is said that even the strong and influential in a clan would work in this fashion when seeking revenge on the weaker ones, who might have been crushed by a blow at any moment. a favorite way of killing an enemy was found in the practice of gathering the eggs of the sea fowl. in the cape horn region the sea fowl make their nests on the faces of precipices that literally overhang the stormy seas. there is but one way to reach the nests. the egg gatherer must be lowered by a rope from the brow of the cliff. the yahgans had an excellent rope in the long stalks of seaweed common in the region, and the egg harvest was for most of them a time of rejoicing. it was also the time for bloody revenges. the one who sought revenge would ask his enemy to go seeking eggs, and that was an invitation not to be declined. even when the invited one suspected a sinister motive in the cordiality of the request he must needs accept, because a refusal would be construed by his neighbors into an acknowledgment that the other had cause for seeking revenge. and such an acknowledgment would justify the other in more open means of revenge, and would stamp the refuser as a coward also. so the invited one would smilingly accept the invitation. with his heart sinking within him, he would follow the leader to the crest of the awful precipice, look down five hundred feet to the crags at its foot, and then without a word suffer himself to be lowered over the brow at the end of a rope that he knew would soon be chafed until his weight would break it. these yahgans had no knowledge of god or of a life to come. that they should have faced certain death in a frightful form thus calmly when they were young, and life was still sweet, and a loved wife and children would be left to other hands, is one of their most interesting characteristics. although about all the crimes known to yahgans grew out of the relations of the sexes--although there was almost invariably a woman in every case--it is a fact that the grossest crimes of passion known to civilized races (such as incest) were unknown among yahgans. marriage was a matter of purchase and sale; wives were sold, sometimes, by husbands, and daughters were invariably sold by fathers. the marriage ceremony consisted in painting the girl in a certain fashion for several days before she was delivered to her husband. a new canoe was very often the price of a girl. it is a curious fact, illustrative of yahgan society, that a father sometimes sold his girls to men whom he did not really like. a man of influence could have any girl he wished; her father would rather let the transfer be made than offend the man of influence, and that, too, when the influential fellow already had a wife or two. but there were forms and methods in the marriage negotiations that were dear to the yahgan heart. the dicker for a wife as conducted amounted to what would be among civilized people at once an intrigue and the negotiating of a treaty. it was because of this delicacy of feeling among the yahgans that the brutal white whalers and seal hunters that came to the region were unable to do any serious damage to this race previous to the year . the yahgan would not tolerate the rude lasciviousness of the white seamen, and until taught that it was wicked, stood up, man fashion, and fought in defence of his wives and daughters. in religion the yahgans were oddities, though not unique. they knew nothing of god, and had no word expressive of such an idea. to the great grief of the missionaries, there was nothing in the yahgan language by which the idea of an everlasting, all-powerful god who must be obeyed could be adequately conveyed to yahgan listeners, nor had they any word for or thought of a future life. but the yahgan's mind was not wholly material. he believed in spirits or supernatural and invisible beings, but these were invariably terrible. there was a spirit of the forest, and another of the water, and another of the kelp. crouching over his tiny fire by night, the yahgan heard weird voices among the waving trees on the mountain side above him, he felt the breath that scattered the embers of his hearth, he saw the deluge that drowned out even his brightest flames, and all these were manifestations of a power that was ill-defined in his mind, but nevertheless real. the yahgan mother in this fearsome presence clasped her babe more closely to her bosom, not that it was cold, but to save it from some grasping hand that was always expected, but never came. in the eddying waters of the tide rip was a boisterous devil that strove at one moment to throw the canoe into the air, and the next to suck it down to the unknown region below, while in the beds of kelp lurked a silent spirit that with soft and slimy touch grasped the bottom of the canoe, and held it fast until at times the frantic occupants leaped overboard and disappeared. in their thoughts of death the yahgans were perhaps unique. they had a word which meant dead. when a seal had been harpooned, or a tree cut down, or a fish beheaded, they said that death ensued. the thing killed was dead. they had another word which meant lost. if a tool were mislaid so that it could not be found, or if a dog were left somewhere on the coast so that he could not find his way to his master's hut, the tool or the dog was lost. in times of sickness or of wounds, the yahgans gathered about an afflicted one and with rude incantations strove to save the ebbing life until the spirit had gone forever. then they quickly took up the body, and, carrying it out of the wigwam, buried it where it could be most easily put out of sight. this done, they returned and painted their faces in such fashion that all other yahgans who beheld them could tell how closely the dead one had been related to the living, and the cause of the death--whether by disease, by accident, or by murder. this was their only way of showing they were in mourning. they rarely spoke of the one who had passed away, and when they did so speak they never said he was dead. they said he was lost. this also was a matter of grief to the missionaries. when they would have spoken to the yahgan of his dead relatives they could not without offending him seriously; at least that was the condition of affairs when the missionaries first came. they had a folk-lore that is now for the most part forgotten, but one of their traditions was at the foundation of a cruel custom. long ago, they said, a yahgan woman chose a great rock instead of a husband, and, in consequence, bore a child that was at once a human being and a stone. when this hybrid grew to man's estate it turned against the tribe, because, perhaps, of indignities suffered by its mother, who was ostracized. no yahgan man could stand against it, though numbers could temporarily overpower it. they, therefore, combined and thrust harpoons through it; they chopped it to pieces; they weighted it with rocks and cast it into a lake; but after each apparent death it appeared again in another part of the coast as healthy as and rather more malicious than before. the monster was rapidly becoming an invincible terror, when, by chance, it stepped on a thorn, which pierced its heel and the monster was unable to extract it. its heel was the one part of its body where a mortal wound could be inflicted. from the effects of this thorn it became gradually weakened, and they were eventually able to destroy it altogether. the memory of the deeds done by this being was so terrifying, that the tribe determined that no such thing should ever come again to wreck their peace. to prevent such a coming they invariably destroyed at birth any infant that came into the world not perfectly formed. the yahgan's stature was not such as to meet the approval of the british explorers from whom americans have obtained their ideas of yahgan forms, but there never was a natural-born cripple to be seen among them. what the yahgans' claims to physical beauty were may still be learned by one who sees them at the hermite group of islands, but in the beagle channel they have been so altered by new clothing and habits of life that scarcely a trace of their old-time form remains. the description of the old-time navigator is not attractive: these poor wretches were stunted in their growth, their hideous faces bedaubed with paint, their skins filthy and greasy, their hair entangled. they are elsewhere spoken of as having dark, copper-colored skins, or skins of the color of iron rust, while captain fitzroy pictures them as almost black. one may admit that these old explorers had good eyes, that they generally described with accuracy what they saw, and yet may prove that the yahgans were not hideous. to begin the argument, it must be said that the missionaries, who had no interest in making the untutored yahgan appear in a better light than that in which he was found, say that he was a polite and affectionate husband and father, faithful in the care of widows and orphans, a generous neighbor, and an ardent lover. food was abundant, and hard labor rarely necessary. he delighted in what civilized people call the higher pleasures, the joys of good stories, witty sayings, quick repartee, and he had almost unlimited opportunity for cultivating the faculties which gave him greatest pleasure. how could such a man be hideous? the answer to the allegation made by the explorers who called the yahgan so is not far to seek. they never saw the yahgan. they only saw the coating of paint and whale oil that covered him, and because this was offensive to them they called him hideous. the yahgan when washed clean, did not look like the yahgan clothed in whale oil, smoke from the ever-present fire, ashes, powdered iron ore, pipe clay--what not. when washed he was not black; he was not even copper colored. he was as white as the quarter bloods one sees in the cherokee nation and as well featured. the young women were very like those of mixed blood who grace the halls of the female seminary at tahlequa, the cherokee capitol. the modern tourist camera proves it. yahgans had straight black hair, great dark eyes, full red lips, breasts like a greek venus, rounded limbs, and small hands and feet. better yet, they had a merry, hearty laugh that was irresistibly infectious. they flushed with pleasure, and blushed and drooped as if from a blow when shamed. if ever the moans of outraged indian maidenhood were charged up by the recording angel against the brutality of the civilized man, it was when the sufficient arm that protected the yahgan girl was withdrawn through a misapplication of the gospel of peace. just how the yahgan maiden lost that protecting arm--just how it happened that the forecastle brutes came to be free to go and come as they pleased among the yahgan homes--will be told in the next chapter, but what that arm was is found in the tales of seamen cast on these shores in the old days, or caught napping there when seeking fuel or water for their ships. when a band of yahgans saw a crew of white men ashore in former times, their course of action was governed entirely by the numbers of the whites, or, rather, by the comparative strength of the two parties. if the whites were stronger, the indians were peaceable; when it was safe to do so, the indians set out to exterminate all the whites but one. leaping into their canoes some of the indians would paddle out to cut off retreat toward the sea, and when they were in place, the rest would rush down on the seamen, and if possible save all alive for the time being. then all the clan gathered about the captives and selected one of the whites--saved him alive, but forced him to witness the dying struggles of the rest. very often those doomed to death were made to stand in a row facing the one that was saved, that he might the better witness their despairing faces and see the blood gush from their wounds. eventually the one who was saved was taken to the straits of magellan, and there placed on board the first ship that appeared. it was perfectly plain that a man from each crew was thus sent back to the whites that he might tell other whites of the fate that befell all foreigners who landed in yahgan land. they wanted the whites to keep away from them, and they took a most effectual means to keep them away. with certain death staring in the face, any crew that was outnumbered by the natives, even the sealers, took care to avoid going among the yahgans. the yahgan's deliberate ferocity--ferocity that was exercised with a purpose--was the sufficient protection of the yahgan maidens. as has been said, the yahgans had an abundance of food in the old days. the cold waters about cape horn swarmed with whales. so numerous were the fur seals that one sealing schooner got a "first knock down" on one island of , head. the hair seal, the otter, and the sea lion were found by the thousand. swans, geese, ducks, penguins, gulls, beat the air and ploughed the waters in uncounted hosts. there were fish in the sea and guanacos on the land. for a vegetable food there was "a bright yellow fungus," "elastic and turgid," that had "a mucillaginous, slightly sweet taste, with a faint smell like that of a mushroom." there were wild currants and strawberries that tasted more like a raspberry than like its northern namesake. there was a berry that grew on a thorny bush (berberis). but the mainstay of the yahgan was the shell-fish. mussels and clams covered every rock under water, and these were alone sufficient in number and in food qualities to preserve life for long periods. the explorers say the yahgans ate guanaco meat raw. the rev. thomas bridges denies this. he says, in a lecture on the yahgans, prepared for delivery before white folks: they toasted whale or seal blubber on pointed sticks stuck in the ground, and caught the oil in large mussel shells placed underneath. as these filled they poured the oil into bladders for future use. they dried out fish fat by putting it in large shells and placing heated stones or shells on it. they cooked large birds whole by burying them in the coals with hot stones placed inside. they baked eggs by placing them, after a small hole had been made in each shell, on end close to the embers and turning them from time to time. they uniformly ate the blood of animals, but always cooked it in shells first. i have never seen or heard of the yahgans eating any kind of meat or fish raw except certain kinds of limpets. i have occasionally heard of their heating water by dropping hot stones into it, but they did not cook their vegetable food. in winter, however, they warmed the frozen fungi that formed a part of their diet. a thousand other interesting facts and characteristics of this long-despised tribe remain untold here. there was their habit of carrying dry bird's down to catch the spark when they struck fire with the iron ore they found on one island only. they had a tradition that in by-gone years a great flood raised the waters to the level of certain lines on the mountains, to which they point the traveller. they were sensitive about growing old, and it was because their beard grew late in life and so indicated advancing years that the men plucked it out. they were a long-lived race, and some probably lived to be a hundred in the old days. they were not cannibals, but held human life as sacred as civilized people do. it is admitted that in times of dire distress, through prolonged storms, they sacrificed one (an old woman) to save the rest, but if that made them cannibals then an american army officer held in high esteem is a cannibal. when food was scarce those who got it divided all they had with those less fortunate, and while hunting away from the huts the men subsisted on the inferior parts, that they might carry the parts most esteemed to the women and children. they did not beat their wives, nor did they punish their children. to sum the matter up, this was a race, more than three thousand in number, called the most abject and wretched people in the world, and yet, "in their circumstances and with their materials, their work was perfect." they were called savages, and yet neither governor nor judge was needed to preserve the prosperity of the nation. they were called heathen, because they knew not god; and yet, prompted by an inner light, they took no thought for the morrow, they visited the widow and the orphan in their affliction; neither was there any among them that lacked. clear-eyed and strong-limbed, they were able, twenty years ago, to face the white destroyer as they faced the howling gales that swept their rugged coasts. today the traveller can find, though he search diligently, rather less than three hundred, but to one who knew them in the old days those seen anywhere now, save on hermite island, would not be recognizable. the rev. john lawrence told me that they were civilized, but to one who can understand and appreciate the aborigines as god made them, this change, instead of being a matter of congratulation, is one that should make every white man connected with it hide his head in shame, and every other one who sees it shed tears of pity. chapter iv. a cape horn mission. the reader who has at hand a good modern map of south america will find, on looking along the narrow channel that bounds the south side of tierra del fuego, a tiny settlement named ushuaia. on some maps the settlement is located on navarin island, south of the channel, but the proper place for it is on a small bay that indents tierra del fuego, just east of the line between chili and argentine territory. the settlement is, in fact, an argentine capital, the seat of the government of the argentine belongings lying south of the straits of magellan. ushuaia, as a white man's capital, will be described at another time. in its earliest days the settlement was a missionary station, containing only a single log hut, the home of the first christian who succeeded in gaining a foothold among the indians of the cape horn region, and it is my purpose here to tell, as briefly as possible, the true story of this cape horn mission. something has already been told about the characteristics of the remarkable people, the yahgans, who were indigenous to the region--of their apparent squalid wretchedness when, in fact, they were actually comfortable and living in the enjoyment of some of the highest pleasures known to civilized peoples. it is, therefore, necessary for the reader to shut out from his mind about all the real facts concerning them, and think only of what they seemed to be if he would fully appreciate the spirit and intent of the founders of the mission to the yahgans. it must be remembered that the region was supposed to be bleak and desolate, that frightful storms followed each other in swift succession, that the cold was often intense in midsummer, and that in the midst of these terrors of nature lived a tribe of savages so low in the human scale that they did not know enough to build houses to shelter them, or even to sew skins together into a decent blanket for a covering. people who had read the journals of the explorers of the region shuddered at the thought of the life of misery which the natives there were said to endure. indeed, so dark was the picture of human life there, that, although men had been found to brave death at the stake in the valley of the mohawk, none so much as suggested in the early days a mission to the yahgans, save only as sarmiento's ill-fated colony hoped to convert the heathen as well as hold the straits of magellan for the crown of spain. nevertheless, a time came when the very terrors of nature and the apparent degradation of the people there were the magnets to draw one man to them. this man came from a race and a profession "to whom an appeal for volunteers for a forlorn hope was never made in vain." the first missionary to the fuegian indians came from the british navy. captain allen francis gardiner, r.n., was born on june , , at basilden, berks, england. he entered the royal navy in june, , and was rapidly promoted until he attained the rank of captain. he was from his youth an ardent christian--so ardent, indeed, that he determined to devote his life to mission work, and only remained in the navy because he wished to learn what people of the earth was most neglected and forlorn--most in need of the christian religion. having caught a few glimpses of the yahgans and their people, and having read the stories about them which captain fitzroy and naturalist darwin, with many others, wrote, captain gardiner naturally concluded that the cape horn archipelago was his field. accordingly, he began work by organizing, in , a mission society, after which he made an attempt to live in his chosen field. "he and several devoted companions were landed on one of the small islands with a tent, materials for a wooden house, and stores and provisions to last six months," says the record. "but in a very few days the conduct of the natives showed the missionaries that to remain on land was impossible. mercifully the vessel which had brought them was still within hail," and they were taken off and borne to england. the trouble with the indians, it appears, was that they looked with covetous eyes on the outfit of the missionaries. the record says they were robbers, but it now appears that this term is much too harsh. they did, indeed, strive to take valuables from the missionaries without making any return whatever for them, but it must not be forgotten that the yahgans held practically all property in common. they naturally resented what seemed to them to be the selfishness of these white intruders just as they ostracized one of their own tribe who did anything contrary to yahgan custom. finding, as he supposed, his life in danger when he tried to make a home among the yahgans, captain gardiner returned home to try to raise money for a ship in which he could live in a yahgan harbor. he believed he could repel any yahgan boarders that might attack him, and eventually make friends with the repulsed. but he failed to get the money, because the english were skeptical as to the success of even a mission ship. thereat the determined captain bought instead two launches twenty-six feet long and decked them over. the sum of £ was deemed necessary for this enterprise, of which "a generous christian lady of cheltenham gave £ ." gardiner himself gave £ . "captain gardiner, with three cornish sailors, christian men accustomed to stormy seas," "the ship carpenter who had gone with captain gardiner before," "two men as catechists, mr. maidment, and mr. richard williams, the latter a surgeon in good practice,"--these seven sailed from liverpool on september , , in the ship _ocean queen_, which was bound to the booming town of san francisco, but agreed to land them and their outfit in tierra del fuego. they carried stores for six months, and arranged for more to come before these should be exhausted. on december th their ship anchored in a bay called banner cove, in the west end of picton island. the missionaries landed, and then natives came. fearing violence the missionaries took refuge on the _ocean queen_ for a few days, and then, on december th, landed again, built a wigwam near the beach, moored their boats handy by, and let the big ship sail away. then came what the record calls "a terrible discovery." in taking their outfit from the _ocean queen_ the missionaries had left on board about all the powder and lead with which to kill the indians. "they were now alike without the means of self-defence and of obtaining food," is the way the story of captain gardiner's life puts it, but the plain english of the matter is that they had come relying on guns to protect them. they meant to shoot the indians under certain circumstances. their motto was, so to speak: "trust in god, but keep your powder dry." now, however, they had no powder and "they were left almost wholly dependent on meal, rice, and such things." thereafter they "went beating about among the islands, alarmed by every indication of the people for whose sake all this misery was encountered." in a diary, written by one of the party, one may read that "i applied the golden key to heaven's treasury, and with it opened the storehouse of god's exceeding great and precious promises. what i saw and felt of christ's love no tongue can tell," but their faith in divine protection was not strong enough to make them risk a visit to the indians, and so, at last, they actually died of starvation, although the region produced and produces a prodigious supply of mussels and limpets, wild celery and other edible vegetables, not to mention fish and mammals easily snared by one not afraid to venture away from his boat. "it does seem remarkable that gardiner should have apparently erred from timidity and over-caution," says the writer of the life of that missionary, and then he piously adds: "we must look to the will of god in the whole affair." the death of gardiner through his own cowardice, to put the matter bluntly, is only one--the first of a long list of doings that "seem remarkable" in this story. the gardiner party sailed from liverpool on september , . the last entry in the diary of captain gardiner is dated september , , while a letter was found dated the day following. gardiner, who was the last survivor, probably died one year from the time he sailed. in october came the relief ship to the port in picton island. an inscription on a rock which the traveller can still see there was found. it was as follows: dig below. go to spaniard harbour march spaniard harbor is now called aguirre bay. a gale of wind prevented the relief ship going there, but her majesty's ship _dido_ was sent out, and she recovered the papers of the dead missionaries and buried the human bones. her colors were lowered and three volleys were fired by the marines after the funeral, because gardiner had been a naval captain; and all this, having been well told, together with the stories found in the diaries, made a sensation in england. to one who knows the region, the appeals thereafter made by the missionary society to the english-speaking world seem very remarkable. though i do not doubt the honest intentions of the society people, some of their words would seem to be deliberate attempts to deceive, if coming from any other kind of society. thus in _a memoir of richard williams_, by james hamilton, d.d., is an appeal for funds for the society, which (p. ) says: this agency may soon stud with gardens and farms and industrious villages these inhospitable shores. the mariner may run his battered ship into lennox harbour and leave her to the care of fuegian caulkers and carpenters; and after rambling through the streets of a thriving seaport town, he may turn aside to read the papers in the gardiner institution, or may step into the week-evening service in the richard williams chapel. following the advice contained in papers which captain gardner left, and taking advantage of the emotions raised among church people by the story of the captain's death, the society raised funds with which they built and manned a schooner fit for the stormiest sea, and sent it out to establish a station for the conversion of the yahgans. she was commanded by captain w. parker snow, and she carried mr. garland phillips, as catechist, to keppel island, one of the falklands then uninhabited. they arrived out on january , , and found the island about eight miles long and four wide, with three fresh water lakes. it was "a barren, desolate place," phillips thought, and according to the record he and his associates lived there for more than two years before they got a single yahgan to come to live with them. eventually "a strong party" was sent out from england to re-enforce phillips and "push the work vigorously." this party included "tom bridges, a good-looking, affectionate boy of fourteen, who loved everybody, and whom everybody loved," and this is the earliest mention of one who has since made himself the most noted of all who have worked in the mission. thereafter matters went on better, because the "strong party" made a right good sheep ranch of keppel island, and in got the yahgan named button, his wife, and his children to go to keppel. with button as interpreter, phillips and some others went over to navarin island in november, , and built a log-house there, in which they remained a month with the natives about them, returning the first of with nine natives, whom they proposed instructing on the ranch at keppel island. these instructions continued until the following october, when phillips took them back in his schooner, which was manned by a captain, a mate, four seamen, a carpenter, and a cook, all "decidedly good men." on the way over (it was a voyage of six days), phillips missed some valuables, and after accusing the yahgans of stealing, searched their bundles. of course the yahgans were highly offended, but their anger was apparently appeased later, and a landing was affected on navarin island in peace. but on the following sunday, when all hands except the cook went ashore to hold church services, the yahgans arose and killed the entire party that came to them. the cook escaped to the brush when the natives came after him, and there remained until hunger drove him out. the natives then bound him, stripped off his clothes, but gave him their own favorite article of clothing instead--a coat of whale oil, and with no other dress than whale oil this cook lived in perfect health, until he was rescued some three months later by a ship that came from the falklands in search of the schooner. this deadly assault on the missionaries is frequently referred to in the missionary publications to show how fierce and degraded the yahgans were before the missionaries got a foothold among them. during the three years that followed only two yahgans, a man and his wife, lived on keppel island, but the young english boy spoken of--tom bridges--proved a natural linguist, and so rapidly learned their language from the yahgans, that at the end of three years he could talk freely with them. then came a new man into the field, the rev. w. h. stirling, who now lives in buenos ayres, and is the bishop of the church of england for south america. on the arrival of stirling "the interrupted work was resumed with vigor," and "forty or fifty fuegians were brought at intervals" to keppel. of the life led by the yahgans and the missionaries on keppel island, the records speak freely, and it is worth while considering what that life was, because keppel was the preparatory school of the mission. it appears by direct statement that the missionaries believed "our hope for the material improvement of these natives lies in their adopting and following farming and agricultural pursuits with fishing." we must believe that the first object that the missionaries had in view in taking the yahgans to keppel was to teach them the christian religion, because the missionaries say so; but it is apparent that "material" matters were never lost sight of. the records give the length of time devoted to these "material" matters every day, as well as that given to mental and spiritual pursuits. up to the natives had two hours per day for instructions, but in october of that year the school hours were increased to three per day. the rest of the day was devoted to work on the sheep ranch and to the garden where the missionaries raised vegetables. but not all of the yahgans there received even two hours' instruction per day, for a missionary who sent two to keppel from wollaston island wrote regarding them, that they "will, i have no doubt, make very good men on the farm, but i do not think they will do anything at school." and the farmer reports: "i could send more lads to the day-school, but they are not the material mr. grubb requires." mr. grubb was the school teacher. this teacher, w. balbrooke grubb, sums up his work in these words: "moral training and example and the expounding of the gospel, all who knew these natives will admit, has [_sic_] worked a great change upon them. glorious conversions or wordy confessions i have not to report." that yahgan life was not all work and study on keppel, however, appears from the report of the celebration of the birthday of one of farmer bartlett's children. "after tea we had several games, among which was the avenging the death of a murdered man by the indians, and an indian dance, which is a strange affair." imagine the vendetta as an entertainment in the course of a revival in the united states! but the worst is yet to be told about the treatment of these yahgan boys on the keppel island farm, and lest some one think i am exaggerating, i give the words of the report of one of the missionaries: "as i observed much carelessness and untidiness in the dress of the boys, i set aside a portion of one day in the week in which, under my supervision, they were encouraged to mend and repair their clothing." to this mr. r. whaits, the mission carpenter, adds that "they are badly clothed; boots they have none, nor blankets to cover them." the unfortunate natives were not only made to toil at unaccustomed work the whole day through, but they had to do it unrewarded. they did not get even decent clothing in return. i have given a good deal of space to this school, but it is because i suppose there are other mission schools in the world conducted in the same fashion, and the people who contribute money to missionary societies ought to know about these matters. having described the school in which sundry yahgans were civilized, and "tom bridges, a good-looking, affectionate boy," was prepared for the missionary service, we come to the establishing of the missionary station in the yahgan territory and the results of that work. until nothing was done beyond instructing the natives who could be induced to go to keppel and learning from them their language. but in january of that year mr. stirling determined to take up his residence among the yahgans. his reasons for this are important, and are as follows: my motive for living ashore is to exercise a direct and constant influence over the natives; to show my confidence in them; to encourage _a more general and regular disposition in them to adopt our ways_ and to listen to our instructions, and to get the children within the zone of christian example and teaching. accordingly, he built on the shores of what is now called ushuaia bay, near the present capital of argentine tierra del fuego, a log-hut that was × feet large and had walls seven feet high. here he lived for seven months. one of four boys who had been in england, and was subsequently continued in his educational career by being enlisted as cabin-boy of the mission schooner _allen gardiner_, became the housekeeper of the log-house, and was assisted in the work by another yahgan boy. how the days were passed and the natives instructed is told clearly in the missionary's diary: wednesday, th (january)--our _days_ are devoted _to work_. in the morning, before breakfast, prayer and catechising. in the evening, ditto; and what with putting the house and its surroundings in order, making and fencing gardens, superintending wood-cutting and charcoal-burning, i have passed a curious busy kind of time. after seven months of the life thus briefly, but fully described, mr. stirling was called home to england for ordination as "bishop of the falkland islands." that he had lived unharmed among a tribe who ten years before had murdered a missionary, is counted among the marvels of the story of this mission; and it is quoted to show that the sort of training the yahgan boys had received at keppel had tended to civilize them so much that, on their return to their native haunts, they had in turn civilized their fellows. meantime the boy tom bridges had grown to be a man of twenty-five years, and had prepared himself, with the aid of those who had had charge at keppel, to become a missionary himself. with mr. stirling's approval he went to england while stirling was founding ushuaia, and before stirling reached england bridges had been ordained a catechist, had married, and had sailed for keppel island. with the departure of the rev. mr. stirling for ordination as bishop, ushuaia was left unoccupied temporarily, but the vacancy was filled in by mr. bridges and his wife, who have ever since made their home on the shores of beagle channel, and have until recently taken the lead in the mission work done there. ushuaia bay is a rounded hollow on the north side of the narrow beagle channel. lofty, glacier-covered mountains wall off the sun on the north, and on every other side the ranges are not very far away. to the west, however, there is an open table land level enough for farm purposes, and to this came the young missionary and his wife to make a home. they were apparently displeased with the location afterward, for we read that "at ushuaia our position is exposed, and being about ninety feet above the sea is not favorable for procuring the best results. many spots might be chosen where, shelter and greater heat being secured, the fruits of tillage would be both larger and more certain. but it is vain for us now to regret our situation." the log-hut erected by stirling remained intact, and that was at first their home; and straightway the work bringing the yahgan indians to mr. bridges's standard of civilization and righteousness was begun. what this standard was has been put in writing, together with a plain statement of the means employed in raising the standard of righteousness. he says: "our hopes for the material improvement of these natives lie in their adopting and following farming and agricultural pursuits together with fishing." and again: "our daily endeavor is to bind them with the bonds of christ's love. to this end we have been of late showing them the authority of christ as far greater than that of moses." a tribe of indians that lived naked in a climate where snow-storms raged in every month of the year--lived happily and comfortably, too--even in perfect health on the spontaneous productions of the region, was to be transformed into a community of farmers there and then. a people who had in all their wonderful language of , words no term or idea of either god or a future existence; who never gave an order, and who had no such word or idea as to obey, were to be converted to christianity by sermons "showing them the authority of christ as far greater than that of moses!" that the missionaries entered upon this tremendous task with a calm assurance that they could not be in error as to what the indians needed, is perfectly plain to all who peruse the record; and in that assurance they never faltered. they were as earnestly determined to create civilized villages and farming communities--that is to say on an english model--as they were to tell the story of the christ. the first "material improvement" work done was, naturally enough, the making of a comfortable home, with outbuildings and a big garden attached, for the use of the missionaries. mr. bridges reasoned that an object lesson in home comforts would impress on these wild people the advantages of civilization more forcibly than words could do; and the work to which mr. bridges devoted the most time was that of impressing on them the advantages of civilization--_i.e._, making them like white men. he had little faith in the notions of those missionaries who at various times have believed they could best reach the heathen heart by living with the heathen, suffering their hardships, learning to understand their joys, and so on. mr. bridges would not do that. besides, in making gardens, building fences and houses, and caring for cattle and sheep, mr. bridges, by employing the indians, was enabled to teach them the white man's arts and to encourage what he called "habits of industry." [illustration: the mission station at ushuaia.] he assumed that when employed as laborers raising turnips on a tierra del fuego farm, or in the saw-pit splitting logs into boards with a hand-saw, they would be very much happier than they had ever been while roaming at will about those seas and inlets in search of seals, birds, and fish, or when sitting beside a roaring camp-fire inventing and telling stories. it was, therefore, with a merry heart that mr. bridges, and those, too, who were sent to aid him, saw the indians take up the axe to chop, the spade to dig in the garden, the saw to split the logs for lumber. but just how the natives were handled and the kind of life they led about the station can be most convincingly told by a few extracts from the record, which are in all cases verbatim, save that i have italicized many words in order, as the missionaries might say, to bring home the lesson of the hour more forcibly. in a letter describing to the people of england the work at ushuaia after it was well under way (five years after the station was founded), we get not only mr. bridges's ideas about handling workmen, but also his way of composing a delicate family difficulty and a definite statement of the price he paid one laborer for two weeks' work. he says: we need in no way be ashamed of the earthly parts of our duties here, and i hesitate not to set it plainly before you. _the society_ has now _three and a half acres_ of garden land in crop, chiefly with turnips (swedish), most of which will be used by the natives in meat stews, thickened with flour, beans, or other farinaceous food. besides, much work has been done to the road in carrying down the embankment, and we hope to have it available for our cart in a few weeks by diligent labor. a large quantity of wood has also been cut and brought down to the beach ready for shipment. mr. whaits has commenced sawing out boards from native wood with great success. we have had for weeks over thirty men employed. _the natives_ have also considerably added to their own lands under crop this year, and have _four acres_ in crop. peace, with a few and unimportant breaks, has reigned. i must relate a few instances of its interruption: some nine or ten men were at work on the road, stephen lucia was in charge, and a few were vexed that he was not silent when they were idle. angry, vengeful words were spoken, and stephen, in great turmoil of spirit, came to me and asked to be employed elsewhere, saying that he could no longer work with the men with the cart. i set him to other work, and i went down to the men and reproved the guilty ones for violent language and threatening intimidations. stephen, knowing that i would speak to them, came down, and some angry altercation took place. yet, after some talking over the matter, peace was restored, and those who were angry shook hands at my suggestion, and real good-will has existed among them since. another occasion was in connection with a young eastern called hidugalahgoon. he came here with a wife that had been the wife of a man who had been very violent to her. the young fellow seemed very fond of her and she of him. he had friends here whom he was diligent to move in his favor by descanting on the cruelties of the other man. he was for several weeks employed, and regularly came to our meetings for worship and instruction. as payment he received a sufficiency of food and a shirt. as to the row that the real or original husband of the woman raised when he came on and found that she would stay with her lover, mr. bridges says: being consulted by hidugalahgoon, i advised that he should, under the circumstances, give what he could to restore peace. no doubt he has been a very guilty party in the matter, and i told him to give up his shirt; he might soon earn another. that is, instead of denouncing hidugalahgoon as an adulterer, this missionary advised him to buy off the outraged husband. the effect of such teaching as this will appear further on. we are not left wholly in darkness as to the kind and quantity of food served, for, in speaking of the day's routine, the record says: the daily breakfast is a pound of navy bread per man. the dinner is cooked in our yard under the charge of mr. lawrence, who has one or two boys under him, and tea likewise. a break is made between the morning and afternoon working time, a space of four and three and a half hours, respectively, by a distribution of a refreshing drink of milk and water, slightly thickened with flour and sweetened. although not so stated here, the dinner was usually a meat stew with hard-tack. it was served in a quantity sufficient for the workmen only, as one may readily infer from a description written elsewhere of the milk-and-water "refreshing drink." to encourage the men to work, besides the three meals daily, mr. lawrence used to bring us some milk and water, slightly sweetened, and a biscuit at a. m. and p. m. then we would all throw ourselves down and enjoy ten or fifteen minutes' rest while we took this refreshment. the little children soon learned the course of things, and used generally to come for a bit from their fathers or brothers. they (the fathers or brothers) would have been _glad_ to have eaten all, but invariably they shared. let the reader get this matter well in hand. the yahgans were employed on road-making, chopping, pit-sawing and other work of the hardest kind. the white man had sufficient influence over them to keep a good many so employed. in return he gave to the laborers what he calls "a sufficiency of food," but he here distinctly admits that they "would have been glad to have eaten all"; in other words, it was a bare sufficiency. in addition, for "a few weeks' work," he gave a common shirt such as the farm laborers of england wear. the rule to feed and clothe only those employed at labor was not rigorously enforced at all times. we read at christmas time of a "distribution made to-day of the half-yearly gift of clothing _to the employed_ and such natives as are more particularly under our charge, and to children supported by friends at home; also _general_ distribution of old but most acceptable clothing sent by kind friends in stanley which was very much needed." then, "after the morning service, we all had a happy time with the natives, who were abundantly supplied with good stew and pudding." in a letter we read that "the half-yearly distribution of clothing to the baptized natives took place on the th of june." of course, this favoring of the baptized natives could have but one effect. if clothing could be had by professing this new religion the hypocrites among the tribe were pretty sure to see the point and make the profession. as will appear further on, however, there were not very many hypocrites among the three thousand yahgans. but that the system of paying a "sufficiency of food" and a shirt, such as laborers wear, for two weeks of labor did not prove entirely satisfactory to the indians, save in time of famine, may be inferred from what is written in the same record: the men, when left much to themselves, become very idle, and rest a great deal more than they should. they say they are tired and sore, and you have to be constantly at them to do a fair day's work. the natives have been culpably idle at this and all other work they do, and yet they clamor for more pay, and even speak of ceasing to work unless their pay is increased. in fact, the missionary was quite incensed when he found that the heathen were not willing to do the work of english farm laborers in return for a "sufficiency of food" and a "semi-annual distribution of clothing." if mr. bridges had trouble in teaching the tribe habits of industry as farm laborers, he was also worried somewhat in his efforts to impress on them the advantage of the kindred virtue of thrift. as wandering mussel-eaters they had no need of thrift, because mussels were almost everywhere abundant, and they were lacking in food only when storms prevented their journeying from a place which had been eaten bare to one which had not been visited for a time. as farmers, if they were to be farmers, they would need to be thrifty, especially so in such a climate. but here is the record, which gives at some length not only a picture of life at the station, but also the missionary's argument for overcoming their ancient heathen habit of holding all things in common: the natives, very much driven by hunger, were very importunate in coming to him (the rev. mr. lawrence) in order to get something to eat. they brought logs of fuel by ones and twos, they brought baskets, spear heads, and spear shafts, others offered to work to earn some food, others came expressing their sad circumstances and sought to excite pity in order to get something to eat. only three men were regularly employed, but four or five women were much employed in making shirts, so that these were envied by the rest, and certainly were much better off. during this time a party of natives arrived and brought a good supply of sprats. as the three above mentioned very properly kept their food supplies for themselves and families, to the great grievance of their neighbors, so now these sprat owners would not part with any of their sprats to them. one of the three expressed himself thus about this matter: "we hungry folks now: all other people plenty fish, only we poor." in reply to these remarks he was answered, "you ought not to be sorry, but glad that these poor people have plenty. besides, you ought not to be hungry, because you get food for your work every day, and your wife also gets food for her sewing, and your son can gather mussels." i have quoted the record verbatim because it seems important that people in the united states should know just how the heathen were treated at this typical mission, and have the missionary's statement of the case. it is a fact, incredible as it may seem, that the missionary gave to the heathen, in return for a day's hard work, only so much food as that heathen himself needed. to the squaw only as much as she needed was given. under that system of pay an able-bodied man and an able-bodied woman could not together earn even enough food above their own wants to supply one child. "your son can gather mussels," said the missionary when they complained to him that, having divided with their son, they were hungry. it is worth while to compare the attitude of the missionary in this matter with that of the heathen father and mother, who were willing to go hungry in order that they might divide their stinted allowance of food with their child. but to continue the quotation: i have striven very much to move the people against the prevalent habit of begging and giving, but as yet with but little seeming success. when a canoe arrives many make visits to the new-comers to get a share of any food they may have brought. they do not ask, but wait till they have received some. each woman looks upon what supplies she gathers as her own. she gives to whom she will, so that to the same person a portion would be given by each of a man's two or three wives from their separate possessions. this habit is very hurtful. although it is aside from the object of this story, one cannot help noting here that among the yahgans "they do not ask but wait," and that "each woman looks upon what supplies she gathers as her own." as a picture of savage customs that is interesting. it would be instructive and interesting, though not to say pleasant, to follow these extracts further. they picture accurately the life led by both missionary and indian at this station--a life encouraged and promoted by a society in england that had an income of from $ , to $ , a year, and complained because it did not get more. enough, however, has been quoted to convey an accurate idea of what was done there in "material" matters, and something will now be told to portray the "spiritual" teachings and the results thereof. the record is full of such things as these: subject of this morning's teaching, "justification by faith in jesus." subjects of instruction: faith in god and its proper fruits, obedience to his will, love and gratitude for all his goodness, and confidence and joy for all his perfections. we endeavored to rouse the attention and lively interest in the free treasures of the boundless love of god, of their god, their lord, their saviour, their judge, their heaven, their hell, their own offered mercy and good. experienced the helping grace of god in speaking to and reasoning with the people of the truth of god, especially of jesus, our representative before god, who in our stead has borne our sins, and pleads his--now by faith our--merits, on account of which we can alone be loved by the father. spoke also of the necessity of denying self and sin, of the works of the flesh, and the blessed fruits of the spirit. these extracts accurately illustrate the character of the preaching. the following from the same pages of the record will, with equal accuracy, show what the results were: we vary as far as we can in illustration by anecdote and application, and _great effort is necessary to keep their attention_. we long to see earnest love, to hear the people inquiring for christ. when asked whether they love and wish to serve jesus, they answer affirmatively, but _they never volunteer any remark or questions concerning spiritual things_. visited mecugaz twice. spoke to him earnestly as to a dying man who as yet shows no real faith or special interest in jesus christ as his saviour and lord. the conduct of jemmy button, admiral fitzroy's protegé, _is ever being reacted here_. he would not tell the people what he had seen, but made capital of their ignorance and his knowledge by keeping it to himself. _he only became the greater impostor_, and assumed a pompous conduct toward his fellows, and did not a whit of good. a paragraph will serve for one other matter. there came a time when the missionaries wanted a steamer to replace their old sailing vessel, and an appeal for the money needed for a steamer was made on the ground that the new vessel would enable the missionaries to extend their teachings to the other tribes of the region. they got their steamer, but when it came their zeal to preach to the ona and to the alaculoof had disappeared. instead of using their steamer to carry the gospel to these tribes, they used it to carry their cattle between the farm on keppel island and the station in beagle channel. however, in spite of the fact that the bay produced no food supply worth mentioning for the natives, in spite of a sterile soil and wretched location for farming, in spite of every drawback, the settlement grew in numbers, until, after eleven years, in , such progress had been made that they had a "christian village, with cottages instead of wigwams, and an extemporized church in the midst," six frame cottages which the indians had made for themselves out of whip-sawed lumber. these cottages were of the ordinary packing-case model. they were divided within into one large "living-room" in the middle with two smaller rooms on each side of it. two families occupied each house, using the middle room in common. cattle and goats had been introduced, and the indians had purchased some with labor. more than ten acres of ground were cultivated. an orphanage had been erected, and "twenty-five children are here clothed, fed, and educated at the expense of friends in england." meantime, every yahgan at the settlement, and many of them elsewhere, had learned to dress in "civilized garments," which they had obtained in exchange for labor, or for the furs they caught when hunting, and a very large proportion of them had learned to "prefer bread food" to any other. meantime the baptismal register had attained to a length of names, including infants. but the one point of success attained, on which the missionaries laid greatest stress, was the change wrought in the treatment wrecked seamen received at the hands of the yahgans. "the natives had formerly been set against white men by the cruel treatment which they had met with from sealing vessels. when vessels were seen the women and children were sent to the woods for safety," says the missionary record. in return the yahgans had slaughtered every wrecked crew of seamen that fell into their power, saving one man in each crew, however, whom they compelled to witness the slaughter of the rest, and whom they then took to some steamer in the strait of magellan, that he might go home and warn his countrymen to keep away from that region. "it was only by degrees that a better state of things was brought about," says the record but in eleven years it was done. naturally, this apparent success of the mission attracted the attention of the argentine government. ushuaia, "the christian settlement," stood in argentine territory, but it was very close, indeed, to the chili line. being jealous of chilian encroachment, the argentines decided to establish a station down on the south coast of tierra del fuego to defend their landed rights. they naturally chose this "christian settlement" as the site for the station. that was a great event in the history of the mission, and the missionaries were all "greatly pleased" with the sub-prefect and his staff, and troops, and sailors, and especially with the fact that thereafter at least monthly communications would be had with the civilized world. but a marvellous change had been developing even for years without the knowledge of those who had brought it about. something was found to be wrong with the fuegian converts. the record begins to show such entries as these: in the orphanage we have one case of fatal disease. excessive languor, without suffering, is his symptom. he is rapidly wasting away. we had heard of two families who had been suffering very much and asked to see me. at the first house we found eleven people sick, and one old woman who had recovered. they told us three had died, and pointed out several others whom they said would die, among them a little boy, who held his arms out to me and said; "no, no, i am not going to die, mr. whaits." at the next place we found three women, a little boy, and a man trying to get to a canoe to come to ushuaia. the man told us he had buried four, but was so weak he could not bury the others who were in the house. we found one dear little fellow on his back, not quite dead. he asked me for water which i gave him. he died a few minutes after. in the same house we found a man who had been dead two days, and in his arms a poor little boy not dead. when i took him away he cried to go back to his father. we took him to ushuaia, but he died on the way. we have now lost forty-three persons in three weeks at ushuaia. how far it has spread i cannot say. _it has been a pleasure to go among them, for in almost every house we have heard the voice of prayer and praise in the midst of all their sufferings_ [_sic_]. it is useless to continue these quotations or to tell in detail the pitiful stories of wretchedness, uncomplaining suffering, and death that had taken place in this settlement, when the missionaries once got the tribe well in hand. let it, instead, be summed up: the race had been "hardy and vigorous." they had actually increased in numbers while living naked and smeared with grease from head to foot. but when put to work as farm laborers, and washed and clothed like white folks, they complained of being "tired" and "sore," and had to be nagged into working steadily. they had slept naked in the freezing rain, but now, if they sat down in their shirt sleeves while at work, they caught a cold that developed into a fatal disease. consumption and pneumonia appeared, and assumed frightful aspects. little children that had been round-limbed and bright-eyed when naked in a canoe were wasting rapidly away in "excessive languor," though dressed in woolens and living in a warm house. they continued to waste away until every one of the twenty-five children, "clothed, fed, and educated at the expense of friends in england," died, and so did every other child in that "christian village," and from that day to this not one child in dozens born has survived its first year. the frequent communications with the civilized world had been of advantage to the missionaries, but measles, grip, diphtheria--what not?--came on the steamers. but that is not all, nor, for the tribe, the worst result of the establishing of this mission in the region. keep in mind that "the very ferocity of the natives of tierra del fuego protected them." those are the words of one of the members of the missionary society, and they were true words. the ferocity of the yahgans in their native state protected them from the devilish evils left in the wake of sailors who visit aborigines in any part of the world. the sailors, even the sealing sailors, kept well clear of the yahgans so long as this ferocity lasted. but the missionaries fully, if "only by degrees," overcame this ferocity and made boast of it, saying it was of "the greatest advantage to commerce." they taught the yahgans not to kill white men. it would have been better for the yahgans had a man-o'-war been sent there to kill the half of them rather than that they should have learned that lesson. for, alas, the missionaries made very little, if any, progress in overcoming the yahgan notion that women might be bought and sold. indeed, as in the case of hidugalahgoon already mentioned, where one man had carried off another's squaw, the offender was advised to settle the trouble by paying for the woman. the forecastle brutes from the yankee sealers or any other vessels were at last free to go among any yahgans save the insignificant few at ushuaia, and to trade liquor and tobacco for women. to stem the tide of disaster a new station was established at tekenika bay, some fifty miles south. it was in charge of the rev. mr. burleigh and his wife until he was overturned in a boat in the bay and drowned, when two of the grown children of the rev. john lawrence of ushuaia, brother and sister, took hold. they have a small cottage, in a wretched climate, and sacrifice almost every comfort to do what they believe to be good for the yahgans. but because yahgan bodies were fitted by nature for nakedness in a bleak desert, and because yahgan stomachs digest mussels and whale's blubber better than turnip soup or mixed milk and water slightly sweetened, the sacrifices of these young people can only hasten the decay that has fastened on the tribe. as was said, here was a tribe, strong, healthy, hearty, and happy in spite of apparent adverse circumstances. they for twenty years were under the lead of a most adroit teacher. they listened to and said they accepted his spiritual teachings; they reluctantly took up his farming and mechanic arts; they eagerly sought his kinds of food and clothing. the missionaries declare the result has been that the whole tribe is civilized. i saw a score of yahgans, and all to whom i spoke told me they were christians and that other yahgans were christians. but the truth is that of that tribe of three thousand untrammelled souls less than three hundred can now be found. their civilization--or the evidences of their civilization, rather--consists in the use of wretched and dangerous dugouts in place of graceful and safe bark canoes; the ragged cast off clothing of prospectors and seamen; wretched little shanties like those in the new york goat district, and a partial knowledge of english and spanish. worse yet, in place of what the explorers were pleased to call the hideous markings of paint, are the really hideous evidences of diseases that have come since yahgan "ferocity" ceased to be a "protection" to yahgan women. where the blame lies let the reader judge for himself, but none can dispute that the naked savage, who in the old days stood erect man fashion, and with furious anger fought in defence of wife and daughter or even for plunder, was a nobler being in the sight of god and man than the ragged, cringing hypocrite that he has come to be in these last days. chapter v. along shore in tierra del fuego. although a considerable part of the story of tierra del fuego has been related already in the chapters on the yahgans, their mission, and the cape horn gold diggings, there are yet a number of objects of human interest there which remain to be considered. according to the old-time explorers, a voyage around the coast of this great island was one of the dreariest as well as the most dangerous in the world. dangerous it was and still is, but in a well-found steamer the traveller may find a sufficient variety in the island and its products and peoples to more than repay him for all the risk and discomfort. of the tierra del fuego matters not yet more than touched upon there is the settlement called ushuaia, wherein is found the seat of government of argentine's part of the island. ushuaia is a remarkable capital. it stands nearer the south pole than any other civilized village in the world, for one thing. for another, it probably has fewer inhabitants than any other capital town in the world. of the landing of the first white man on the present site of ushuaia, enough was told in the last chapter. that was the beginning of the settlement as a missionary station. the town, as an argentine settlement, was founded in september, , and the argentine flag was for the first time unfurled over the first building erected for the use of the officials on october of the same year. ushuaia, however, was then made only a sub-prefectura--the residence of a naval lieutenant, who had the powers of an american mayor rather than those of the governor of a territory. the argentine government was at that time very busy planting colonies along the coast of patagonia and at other points south, because the dispute which it had had with chili over the right of possession had been settled but recently. these settlements were made to take actual possession of the land acknowledged to be argentine territory, and one was necessary somewhere on the south coast of tierra del fuego, because argentine had secured a large slice of that island. very few people knew anything about tierra del fuego in those days. the few hardy prospectors who had ventured across the strait of magellan from punta arenas in a search for gold nuggets had not been lucky enough to make them speak well of it. a few sheep ranchmen had gotten hold of some pasture land on the north coast, but they had had to keep their shepherds armed with winchesters because of the predatory habits of the ona indians who lived on the prairies of that part of the island. there was one spot, however, where the indians were known to be harmless, because white men had been living among them for a long time there, and that was the mission station on ushuaia bay, in the beagle channel. moreover, ushuaia bay was known to be a well-sheltered harbor, where the anchor of a ship would get a right good hold on the ground. so, after sending a fleet to erect a lighthouse on the east end of staten island for the benefit of a commerce in which it had no part, the argentine government ordered the fleet to go around into ushuaia bay and establish a sub-prefectura. the building of such a station would tend to encourage the exploration and development of the island, so the government believed, and so the event is slowly proving. but just why the place should have been raised to the dignity of a capital is past finding out, for it was a sufficient check on chilian aggression as a sub-prefectura, while the expense to the government is now several times greater. [illustration: ushuaia, the capital of argentine tierra del fuego.] i saw ushuaia for the first time under rather unfavorable circumstances. the sky was overcast with storm clouds; roaring gusts of wind, laden with snow, came driving along at frequent intervals, and the region at the water level was buried under snow that was at no place less than two feet deep. it was on the d of may, just at the beginning of the antarctic winter. we had been steaming all the morning along the beagle channel, under the shadow, so to speak, of the glacier-covered range that overhangs the south coast of tierra del fuego, when at about noon the range turned away to the north from the channel, making a curve so that a half-circle of lowlands like the floor of an amphitheatre was left between it and the line of the range. into the westerly side of this floor, where the waters could wash the feet of the lofty mountains, there projected a rounded bay, the mouth of which was well guarded, but not obstructed, by a low island and a long sandspit on the west. it was an ideal harbor, and, after what had been said of it on board ship, there was no difficulty in recognizing it as the site of the capital of tierra del fuego. a little later we rounded the island and then the settlement came into view--apparently at that distance a single row of houses standing at the water's edge. nor did a closer approach change the appearances very much, for although not exactly in a row nor washed by the waves, there was only about a score of buildings all told, and none of them was above a hundred paces from the bay. and right curious these houses were. first of all, of course, was the capitol building, a one-story structure in the form of a right-angled u standing with the wings away from the sea. this building was made of wood, and it was painted to that peculiar shade of red that in old times was so much favored by the yankee farmer when he had put up a new barn. a little to the right of this stood the home of the governor. this, too, was a frame structure, but it was in the form of a central american _hacienda_--a low, rectangular affair, with a peak roof that ran down over all four walls to form a wide veranda on all sides. the rest of the buildings of the town can best be described by saying they were duplicates of the dwellings to be found in the mine camps of the united states. every one had plain, unpainted wooden walls, and every one a corrugated iron roof. a few had garden plots enclosed with fences of split pickets, but the majority were unenclosed. they were all scattered along the narrow slope of one of the foot-hills of the great mountain range. this slope is in summer grassy. back of the scattered row of houses the first ridge had once been covered with a forest, but the trees for ten rods or more up the slope had been subsequently cut for fuel and other purposes, leaving a field of stumps. above the clearing the forest rose rapidly in solid rolling ridges until six hundred feet above the sea. then the forest thinned out, and in clumps and bunches of brush spread up the mountain side for a few hundred feet more, to disappear entirely at the edges of the glaciers and banks of eternal snow that were piled among the rugged rocks clear to the crests three thousand feet above the sea. to add to the sombre aspect of nature incident everywhere to the winter season is the lack, in ushuaia, of sunshine. the beagle channel is in ° south latitude, so that in winter the nights are long and the days brief at best, while even such lengths of days as they might have in the open is cut down by the shadows of the lofty crests. the sun does not get above these crests until almost ten o'clock, and it disappears again soon after two o'clock. even then its face is so often hid by the snow clouds above the crests that one may almost say that the village in winter is shrouded in perpetual gloom. as a port ushuaia showed a substantial wooden pier over one hundred feet long, built by the government for the use of its officials. at some distance from this was a smaller and more slender pier, built by a merchant. there was anchored in the bay the dismantled hulk of what seemed to be a big, worn-out, seagoing tug. it had really been a tiny cruiser, however. another vessel of a similar model, but much newer and well painted, was a cruiser kept there at the call of the governor, but just what he might want to call it for did not appear. moreover, the tubes in her boiler had gone wrong and she could not have answered anybody's call. in addition to these two there was quite a fleet--say half a dozen sailboats of the sort used by cape horn gold-hunters--sloops and catboats from twenty-five to thirty feet long, while a tiny schooner that had once been used by the missionaries lay rotting on the beach some distance around to the west. the vessels afloat, as they veered to and fro at the ends of their long cables, gave some air of life to the harbor, an air that was increased by two or three indian families, who were paddling about in the wretched little dugouts the missionaries taught them to make in place of their old-fashioned bark canoes of viking model. here, then, in the score of mine-camp shanties along the beach and in two broken-down hulks afloat, lived the inhabitants of the capital of tierra del fuego. if the town itself was curious, its people and their manner of life were found to be no less curious when one came to get acquainted. small and wretched as the place was, it had a complete outfit of the officials and assistants needed for the dignity and peace of the most populous territorial capital anywhere. there was a complete list of executive officers, with secretaries and servants; a complete list of judicial officers, with clerks and servants; a complete list of police officials, from a commissioner to a patrolman; a file of soldiers with commissioned and non-commissioned officers; a crew of sailors for the vessels, with the usual officers, a school teacher (male), and a matron for a girls' school. the town had also six citizens--plain, every-day folks, not entitled to wear uniform. all told, the number of inhabitants was less than sixty. i went on shore to learn something more about the local government than what i could see from the steamer. they told me that the governor was in buenos ayres working for an appropriation to make improvements. "improvements in what?" i asked. "just improvements about the place." "how much money does he want?" "who knows? he ought to have $ , ." "what one thing, for instance, would he do with the money?" "well, there is the shed back of the capitol, where the sawmill is. that ought to be enclosed to keep the weather off the machinery." "would that cost $ , ?" "it should do so. you'd make it cost that if you were governor and had to live here. nobody gets pay enough to make it worth while staying." "will the supreme court sit to-day?" "i beg pardon." "will any judge hold court to-day?" "oh! scarcely. what made you think such a thing likely?" "when are courts held, then?" "they aren't held. no cases to be tried." "not even a police case?" "no. do the people you have seen look like criminals?" "certainly not. where can i find the school-house?" "there is none." "where do they hold school, then?" "they don't hold any." "why not?" "there aren't any children here." so the questions and answers ran about all official doings, if that term may be used in connection with the life in the town as a capital. the truth was that the executive department of the government had nothing to execute, so to speak. the courts had no dockets, the police had no beats to patrol, and no criminals to arrest. the soldiers did not even stand guard, nor had the sailors either a watch or lookout to employ them. of all the government employees there was but one class that had any employment worth mentioning. the cooks and their assistants had to labor daily. even these were well-nigh out of a job when i arrived. owing to negligence on the part of some one in buenos ayres, the supplies of flour and about all other kinds of food had been allowed to run out. we carried thirty half-starved sheep to the settlement from punta arenas, and these were hailed with delight, because everybody there except the plain citizens was on short allowance. i made a tour of the place, wading through snow up to my knees. i found three people engaged in useful occupations. one was a squaw, who was pulling the hair from an otter skin in the store run by one of the plain citizens. in the kitchen attached to this store an englishman was getting dinner and a german was cutting meat for sausage. in all i saw three women in the place, but it was said three more could be found. there was not, they said, a heating stove in town, nor was there a cord of fuel in any one pile. the men were usually found standing in what might be called the sitting-rooms of the houses, or in stores conducted by the plain citizens. they usually had their hands in their pockets. all wore heavy sack coats, which were kept buttoned to the chin, while some had mufflers about their necks. the plain citizens were composed of englishmen, italians, and germans in equal numbers. three of them were argentine citizens, and the others were cosmopolitans. when, in the course of conversation, i referred to a trip i had made to some colorado mining camps, the plain citizens with one accord brought out specimens of ores that i might pass judgment on them. when i protested that a brief residence in a couple of mine camps would by no means make a man a judge of ores, they thought i was over-modest. they all had specimens of gold dust, but aside from this there was nothing of value save a chunk of iron said to have come from a limitless bed, and a piece of ore from which a buenos ayres assay had obtained an enormous per cent. of nickel. i asked about the gardens. they said that cabbages, turnips, carrots, parsnips, and a few other hardy vegetables flourished in the season. i saw cabbages and turnips as big each as a peck measure, but the potatoes were in no case larger than an english walnut. the wild grass of the region was said to be very nutritious, and the appearance of the fresh meat i saw in the stores indicated that it was so. one merchant, mr. adolph figue, had taken up enough prairie land on the west side of the bay to carry sheep or more, and this he was stocking with every prospect of success, because the rev. john lawrence, in charge of the missionary station, had very fine flocks and herds in the same region. the stores were established for trade with the prospectors and indians. it will readily be believed that prices were high. the prospectors bought goods with gold dust, while the indians traded furs, weapons, and models of their old-fashioned canoes for the goods they wanted. the traders found a sale for the curios on the argentine naval transports that call there every three weeks. the stocks carried in the stores were liquors, navy bread and other cured foods, tobaccos, clothing, and cheap cloths, and miners' tools. the goods are named in the order of the demand for them. when asked if there was anything there to interest a sportsman, one replied: "no. we get all our game from the indians." the indians did the only out-door work that i saw done on shore. there were goods landed from the steamer, and a gang of yahgans from the mission hauled them from the little pier belonging to the merchant up to the merchant's store, a distance of perhaps yards. in spite of the depth of snow, they used a hand-cart for that purpose. i did not see a sled or toboggan in the settlement. if any one there knew how to make and use a sled, he did not, apparently, have the energy to use his knowledge. in fact, no white man seemed to have energy enough to do anything. as said, everybody stood about muffled to the chin and with his hands in his pockets. they gazed out of the window at the bay and the mountains; they gazed at the goods behind the counters in the little stores; they gazed at the blank walls and read for the ten-thousandth time ordinances and edicts issued by various officials and pasted up there. doubtless all would have been glad to sit down--to gaze from comfortable arm-chairs instead of standing up to do it. but they couldn't do that. there were no arm-chairs, for one thing, and then the rooms, having no fire, were too cold for comfort when a man sat down. on the whole, a more cheerless life than that of the people of this austral capital would be hard to imagine. they do not work. they do not read. they do not converse more than is necessary. they neither flirt, frolic, fight, nor fish. they have no interest in botany or zoölogy, and they keep no record in meteorology. their interest in geology is confined to the finding of pay dirt, and they look for that in only the most desultory and cursory manner. a stay of three days is, in winter at least, enough to make any one agree that "nobody gets pay enough here to make it worth while staying." even the chance of enclosing a shed at a cost of $ , would not keep a yankee there much longer than the time needed to enclose a shed. on a beagle channel ranch. from ushuaia we steamed away east for thirty miles, and there found, as the sailors said, that the mountains on the north side had all fallen down. in place of lofty peaks and rugged crests of rock, snow, and ice, there were on the north side low, rounded hills, with luxuriant pastures and beautiful forests. south and west lay navarin island, and this was one huge ridge that reached far above the clouds. that is to say, the land on the north of the channel was open to the sun and sheltered from the fierce, cold storms that came from the colder regions south and west. the change of climate was remarkable. there was neither snow nor ice in sight save on navarin island and the distant mountain tops, and even then it did not descend within several hundred feet of the sea. in the midst of this charming district, living on the shore of a little bay that afforded excellent anchorage for our steamer, we found the rev. thomas bridges, the founder of the ushuaia mission, but who for seven years had been engaged here as a ranchman and farmer. all of the pasture land in sight, and more, too--eight square leagues lying along the beagle channel--belonged to him. on the prairie-like gable island he had a flock of sheep that needed no other attention than an occasional visit and shearing in the season. on the mainland he had herds of cattle, a band of horses, and a great drove of pigs. he had miles of picket fences enclosing his pastures. he had a great garden patch on a sunny slope, where all the hardy vegetables grew in profusion and potatoes attained a size to make the ushuaia product seem worthless. his house was a great, two-story frame enclosed with iron--in form and convenience like the house of an english country gentleman of wealth--though the appearance, due to the iron, was somewhat _outré_. there were sheds and storehouses near by, and a pleasant pavilion on the lawn that overlooked the bay. afloat was a great lighter for carrying the produce of the farm to the steamers and the imported goods ashore, besides a regular fleet of small boats, cutters, and sloops, for pleasure and for visiting various parts of this estate, with its twenty-four miles of water front. nor was the interior of the mansion in any way behind the general appearance of the estate. there were rich articles of furniture, a library (probably the only one worth mentioning in tierra del fuego), pictures, and bric-à-brac. as a home, the house showed but one thing that could be criticised, and that was the room in one corner where clothing, food products, tobaccos, tools, etc., were kept for trading with prospectors and indians, but that has probably been removed by this time to a separate building erected for the purpose. the family of mr. bridges consisted of himself and wife, his wife's sister, two charming girls under sixteen, and three sturdy boys, only one of whom, a lad in his teens, was at home, the other two being on other parts of the estate. to aid these in the work of the estate, there was a small colony of yahgan indians living in little houses that were located behind a hill out of sight of the great house. the squaws had been taught to do housework, of course, and the men the heavy work of the farm. in addition, each male member of the family had a young indian valet. ranching on the beagle channel (this ranch stands further south than any other in the world, by the way), is very profitable, according to mr. bridges, in spite of the high latitude and the distance from the market. the sheep yielded enough wool to net a gold dollar per head, in addition to which the increase of the flock that season had been per cent. of the ewes. the care of his herd of cattle cost something, because at that time he had to have a man ride the range to keep the cattle from straying off up among the mountains, but when a fence, then in course of construction, was completed, the cattle would in every way rustle for themselves. the pigs, too, cost nothing. they roamed the forests, living on the tiny nuts the antarctic beeches produce, and certain vegetable and fungus growths produced by nature. this food produced most excellent pork for cured meats. such labor as was needed was furnished by the indians, who were satisfied with the food the ranch produced, and sufficient clothing for themselves and families, in lieu of cash pay. the long experience which mr. bridges had had as a missionary had taught him how to manage the yahgans without friction and at small expense. as to the market, the wool was shipped to england, via buenos ayres. the surplus pork, bacon, beef, and vegetables were sold right on the farm to the prospectors and wandering indians, who came with gold dust and furs. the prices obtained were something to make glad the heart of any farmer, bacon bringing an english shilling a pound, and fresh beef sixpence. on the whole, mr. bridges must have an income not much below $ a year in solid gold from his ranch, besides the increase of his stock, and the improvements he is making in the estate. the acquiring of this estate cost mr. bridges very little. the land was given to him by the argentine government under circumstances which show that he is an adroit man of business. in there was quite a stir in buenos ayres over the argentine portion of tierra del fuego. the government had sent don ramon lista, a traveller and man of letters, on an exploring expedition along the east coast. herr julius popper, a german engineer and man of letters, had conducted a prospecting expedition across the island and had found gold in quantities around san sebastian bay. the stories and lectures of these two men filled the newspapers for some time. at the height of the interest mr. bridges, the missionary, arrived in town and delivered a lecture or two on the island as he knew it, and on the wonderful yahgan tribe of indians. especial interest was paid to the yahgans, and the populace became enthusiastic over the missionary who had passed so many years of his life in that out-of-the-way region. taking advantage of this, mr. bridges said in the course of one lecture: our life among the yahgans has been eminently practical, with a view of leading them to cultivate the soil, keep cattle, build permanent huts, and live in a more orderly and settled manner. the improvement which has taken place in their condition since is wonderful. they have learned the arts of civilized life. they have acquired the skilful use of firearms, and some of them are splendid sportsmen. they are acquainted with the value and use of money, english or argentine, a good sum of which is continually passing through their hands, as they prefer selling for money rather than bartering. they occasionally visit sandy point and the falkland islands, and are thus thrown in contact with a civilization which they are anxious to attain to. my object in coming to buenos ayres has been to obtain a grant of land in the beagle channel on which to create a farm, and employ native labor upon it, thus seeking to supply a want in reference to agricultural products which we have long felt, and at the same time insure the well-being of some of the natives. land on beagle channel did not then seem of much consequence to the people of buenos ayres, so mr. bridges, under their influence, got a water front twenty-four miles long as a gift from the national government. it was the only stretch of land fit for a ranch on the channel, and he got it all. an officer of the steamer i was on said the land was given under the impression that it was to be used by the missionary for the benefit of the tribe, and that even then mr. bridges would not have got it had the government known that the "wonderful improvement" in the condition of the yahgans, of which the lecturer spoke, had been confined to a handful of individuals, while the tribe, as a whole, had dwindled from healthy heathen to a few hundred diseased beggars. however, mr. bridges had told just what he came for--to get land "to create a farm and employ native labor," and so supply a want for agricultural products "which we (the missionaries, of course,) have long felt." mr. bridges supplies agricultural products for a price, and he employs some yahgans, who, as he believes, are better off when sawing logs by hand into fence rails for his ranch than they were in the old days sitting around an open fire eating whale blubber and telling stories. as to the prices he charges, it must be said that he merely shows good business tact. they are always considerably less, even according to those prospectors who do not like him, than charged by ushuaia merchants, though still from three to five times as much as charged at punta arenas (sandy point), in the straits of magellan. the prospectors, disposed to criticise mr. bridges for making the best business possible of his farm, alleged, without offering any proof of their charge, that mr. bridges got his money for stocking the farm by taking clothing which generous people of england sent to the mission for gifts to the naked savages and trading it to the indians for furs, which he sold for his own private benefit. i do not believe he did that. it appears from the missionary record (see page , _south american missionary magazine_ of london, march, , and page , february, , for instance), that the missionaries did trade with the indians for furs, and that the clothing which the indians received was usually, but not always, paid for with either labor or furs. the missionaries did sell clothing sent out to be given to the indians, but they made no secret of it, and the donors learned the facts in the magazine. the missionaries did not want to pauperize the indians, they said, by giving gifts. but the profits of these trades went to the society. in capt. willis of the mission schooner in a letter spoke dolefully of the prospect for buying skins on the society's account, "as there are so many sealing vessels out." capt. willis spoke also (see page of the magazine) of three canoe loads of indians who "exchanged otter skins for clothes, and were eager for tobacco." the missionaries should not be accused of misappropriation of goods simply because the thrifty society wanted to increase its cash income by trading at a tremendous profit with the indians, for whose eternal welfare it had been created. of course mr. bridges has been trading with the indians on his own account, but it was, no doubt, with goods purchased with his own money. one reads so much of the dangers and privations which fall to the lot of missionaries that the fact that they all receive good salaries is always overlooked. the salary of a missionary down there was never less than £ per year cash, while he received his board and lodging free in addition, of course. then there was land at ushuaia where the missionaries could pasture herds bought with money they saved from their incomes. they naturally took advantage of their opportunities. they bought cattle and sheep which were carried there on the society's yacht. the climate and the pasture favored them. the herds and flocks increased. what with his lawful private trade and his lawful stock business while a missionary, mr. bridges, no doubt, had ample means for stocking his farm when he left the society's service to turn farmer that he might "insure the well-being of some of the natives." with his twenty-four miles of waterfront, his cheap labor--the cheapest, for the purpose, found anywhere--and his ready access to market, mr. bridges will, doubtless, become one of the wealthiest land-holders in the south part of the continent. there is one other point which a captious critic might bring against mr. bridges, but is one the prospectors would not be likely to think of. some of the land he now holds once belonged to a number of yahgan families. their title was not the indefinite one which a tribe might make to the territory it occupied, but a very clear title--a title that any civilized government would acknowledge. it was theirs by right of possession and improvement. the yahgans had built houses and had fenced and cultivated this land before mr. bridges thought of getting it for himself. one would like to know that mr. bridges bought the rights of these yahgans after he acquired title from the argentine government, and that he paid for them more liberally than he was accustomed to pay for labor on the mission grounds. on the prairies of tierra del fuego. mention has been made of the fact that although all the adventurers in the south sea were ready to enslave and kill fellow-men found under other flags, and endure all sorts of hardships, as well, for the sake of gold, they nevertheless sailed right past tierra del fuego without a stop worth mentioning regardless of the sea beach and grass-root placers that were to be found at many points along shore. almost equally curious is the fact that the spaniards in the eighteenth century and the argentines in these last years should have spent much money in planting colonies on the desert coast of patagonia when north and east tierra del fuego, with a better climate and a soil very much better, lay idly awaiting appropriation. the parts of tierra del fuego, with the adjoining islands that made the old explorers shiver, were all to the south and west. the "most savage country i have seen" was found by captain cook on the weather side of the andean range, where it rises south of the strait of magellan. all tierra del fuego, save for that west coast range, is a great alluvial bed, the work of floods operating during untold ages; and tierra del fuego is a triangle-shaped island almost as large as the state of new york. in the old-time mud lie the bones of old-time monkeys, kangaroos, and parrots drowned in floods in the days when tierra del fuego had a tropical climate. it is apparent that in old days there was a strait across patagonia where the gallegos river is now found, and there is a distinct break in the andes there. so, too, on tierra del fuego there was a similar break running across from san sebastian to useless bay. both regions are rising rapidly from the sea also. but, unlike patagonia, the low parts of tierra del fuego are well-watered prairies, while the foot-hills of the mountain range are covered with forests of saw timber. in addition to this, the climate is, considering the latitude and the proximity to cape horn, marvellously good. the reason for this is, of course, found in the height of the mountain chain, and of the mountainous islands west and south. these fence off the storms that cover the mountains about ushuaia with ice and snow. a snowfall of six inches is counted deep on the prairies, and if it lies forty-eight hours on the ground the circumstance is remarkable. on the other hand, there are sufficient falls of rain to keep the prairies covered with the most luxuriant grasses. because frosts come in every month it is not a good farming country; but, on the other hand, it is rarely cold enough to freeze over the fresh-water ponds. probably argentine has the best part of the prairie region of tierra del fuego, but the first attempt to take advantage of the rich pastures was made at gente grande bay, opposite punta arenas. mr. steubenrach, the british consular agent, seeing that sheep flourished on the more sterile plains of patagonia, got a concession from chili on the tierra del fuego side, and after erecting fences and buildings, carried sheep there from the falkland islands, "placing a missionary in charge of the farm." the hiring of a missionary was a diplomatic stroke. he was expected to civilize the ona tribe of indians living on the prairies and make shepherds of them. this work was begun in approved fashion. pow-wows were held and presents distributed. the onas in increased numbers came to the ranch, and made many signs of good-will. but they stole sheep by night, nevertheless--rounded up great bunches of them, which they drove away to some convenient spot, and then hobbled them by breaking their hind legs. in this condition the sheep could still feed and the onas could feed on them at will. thereat the missionary held more pow-wows and argued the matter with them. he explained that eternal perdition awaited the souls of indians who stole sheep. the indians were not troubled by that prospect. indeed, it is said, they wanted to know what awaited white men who took land from the indians without paying for it, and they could not or would not understand the reply the missionary made to them. they seem to have been as obtuse in understanding points of law regarding land titles as north american indians have always been. so they went on taking sheep in lieu of rentals for the land. finding that threats of future fire did not avail him, the missionary sent to punta arenas for winchesters and men to use them. thereafter the propagation of sheep and the growth of barbed wire fence, and the slaughter of indians went on together in right merry fashion, for everybody but the indians and an occasional white man caught napping. the sheep business is spreading slowly, as all things are done in spanish american regions, but it is a sure growth. it will eventually cover all the grass land of the island, in spite of the onas, just as it spread in australia in spite of the black fellows, and as cattle spread in texas in spite of the comanches. the ona indians. the ona tribe is a distinct race inhabiting the prairie region of tierra del fuego. the traveller who goes around tierra del fuego in the argentine transports is sure to see several--children and women, as a rule, who have been captured by the soldiers that make occasional forays from two of the three stations that the argentine government maintains on the island. one of these two stations is at paramo, mentioned in the chapter on the gold diggings, and the other is at thetis bay on the southeast corner of the island. at both of these stations one may usually find a couple of officers and a soldier or two having their families with them. the ona children are used as servants in these families, and when the families return to buenos ayres they carry the youngsters along with them. i saw a full-grown girl and a half-grown boy, brother and sister, taken there in the steamer i was on. in the city they get "a sufficiency of food" and a "semi-annual distribution of clothing." it was the doings of a party of ona indians that gave tierra del fuego its name. the onas have always inhabited the part of the island which magellan first saw, and their habit of signaling one another by means of fires led them to make extraordinary smokes at the marvellous spectacle of the ships of the navigator. magellan naturally called it the land of fire. it is a curious fact that the onas have been mentioned very little in the stories of cape horn travellers in comparison with what is said of the yahgans and the other tribe of the region called the alaculoofs. nearly all of the early navigators fell in with alaculoofs, but so far as i remember only darwin and fitzroy make special mention of the larger and strange tribe of the prairies of tierra del fuego. cook did see some and he partly describes them, but he did not understand that a part of the clan he saw was, as his illustration seems to prove, of the yahgan tribe and part of the ona. the reason the onas were overlooked is made plain to the modern traveller. they were a land tribe; they did not make canoes and they had no horses. the indians with canoes came off to the ships of the explorers. the onas could not do so. moreover, the explorers kept to the north shore of the strait of magellan, east of the narrows, because of the more sheltered anchorages there, and so they saw the tehuelches of patagonia, but missed the onas. people who know the results of white visits to aboriginal tribes will congratulate the onas. [illustration: an ona family.] modern explorers of tierra del fuego,--the prospectors and the plainsmen of patagonia, believe that the onas and the tehuelches are of one origin. in proof of this it is alleged that the languages of the two are so much alike that the two tribes understand each other when brought together. this brings us to one of the most remarkable facts in connection with the onas. they do not build boats and neither do the tehuelches of patagonia, but considerable numbers of onas have been found in patagonia and may still be found there. how these onas got over to patagonia without a boat is an interesting question, but it is not unlikely that they swam across on some hot day in summer at the first narrows in the strait of magellan. a strong swimmer could easily cross there at slack water, in spite of the low temperature of the strait. the onas in their native land have no horses. they have in these last years captured a good many from the sheep men, but they have eaten them as fast as they got them. horse meat is the greatest of delicacies to them as it is to the tehuelches. their chief dependence for food is the guanaco that abounds in tierra del fuego and a prairie squirrel. in the chase they depend on bows and arrows and the bolas chiefly. but the onas often kill the guanaco by surrounding a bunch and running them down. thus the ona has become, probably, the best cross-country runner in the world. one shepherd told me that often, when mounted on a first-class mustang, he had been obliged to chase an ona five miles across the plain before he could get "within killing range of the thief," and even then the indian was not unlikely to double or dodge and escape altogether. the picture of an ona indian flying for life across the prairies with a relentless horseman in pursuit is something to stir the blood of the spectator; it would stir the blood of a citizen of "the boundless plains" of the united states in one way, and that of "the quakers in the effete east" in another, however. but it is a picture often seen in these days in tierra del fuego. the home of the ona is as bad as any in the world. a saucer-shaped hollow big enough for a bed for all the family is scooped in the ground. in the little ridge about this poles and brush are placed, and over the weather side of the brush is thrown a skin or two. the fire is usually built just without, but near the door of the hut. it is more useful for cooking food than for imparting warmth. the onas at night allow the fire to go out. to protect themselves from the cold they resort to a novel blanket. they all lie down on the ground with the children in the middle of the huddle, and then call their dogs to come and lie around and over them. it is a poverty-stricken ona family that has not enough dogs to cover it out of sight. the dogs are a sharp-nosed but hairy lot, and they certainly keep the family warm. the fact that all the tribes of the cape horn region build such wretched houses has always been taken as a proof of their lack of intelligence. how great a mistake was thus made in the case of the yahgans has already been shown. the onas, as will some day be learned, are also misjudged. the reason for building so frail a shelter is apparent on a brief consideration of their method of life. they are necessarily nomads. when the food of one spot was eaten they had to migrate. now, the onas had no horses or beasts of burden, as did the tehuelches. they could not carry big skin tents about as the tehuelches did. so they built a temporary shelter only. in the coldest weather a location near the seashore, where mussels and fish abounded, was usually chosen, and there they built larger and better wigwams. when they migrated to patagonia and acquired horses they made skin tents. they did not make poor shelters from any lack of intelligence. the skin of the ona is remarkably white for one who lives all but naked in the open air. their hair is black, but lustreless, and they have a curious habit of singeing off the hair so as to leave a tonsure on top of the head just where the north american indian allowed the hair to grow long for a scalp lock. the face is oval, the eyes dark and pleasant, the cheek bones not too prominent, the nose sometimes quite prominent, and the mouth full and with regular but yellowish teeth. because whiskers come late in life, and so are an indication of coming age, the men pluck them out, through a desire to appear young; but after thirty-five they let the beard grow because of the pain of pulling so many hairs as then come. they are remarkable for using combs made of whalebone. no other tribe near cape horn does that. their shoulders are broad and strong and the chests deep. the mothers have hanging breasts, but those of the maidens are well-rounded and firm. the arms and limbs are round and sinewy, but the stomach, especially after a square meal, is very prominent. of the capacity of the ona's stomach, one story will serve. a girl of about fifteen, who was captured on a northern ranch, refused to eat for eight days, and then appetite got the better of her temper. a sheep had been roasted whole for the dinner of the rancher's family, but the ona girl was allowed to begin on it, and seeing that her appetite was good, she was not interrupted. when she had finished, so they say, she had cleaned all the bones of the sheep. for making a fire the onas carry bits of iron ore, which come from an island in the alaculoof region, west of tierra del fuego, and are obtained by barter with that tribe. flints and agates abound in the ona country, and these with the ore and a bit of dry fungus, always carried wrapped in a bit of hide or a bladder, enable the ona to light a fire even in a rain-storm. the ona bows are made of native wood worked into shape with shell knives where civilized knives are not to be had, but so many prospectors have been killed by them in recent years, that the tribe is fairly well supplied with cutlery. then, too, barrels drift ashore from cape horn ships, and the iron hoops are made into knives. the ships also supply materials for tips for the ona arrows in the shape of whiskey bottles. very fine points are made from glass by the ona artisans. the arrows are made of a kind of reed, and are so light as to be well-nigh useless when fired against the wind. very little is known of the ona language, save that it is as harsh as the yahgan is liquid. their religious beliefs, too, are unknown. when in distress, as when captured by the whites, the old cut long and deep slashes in the chest with any sharp thing at hand; but when once they find themselves well treated they become bright and cheerful and affectionate, and rarely evince a disposition to leave their captors. from what is said of these captives (who are in all cases held, as said, practically as slaves, in that they receive only food and clothes for their labor), it is plain that the ona is an aggressive warrior toward the whites only because of ill-treatment. when the rev. bridges and the right rev. sterling once made a journey across the island they had not one bit of trouble. they did not kill anybody, did not have any cause for firing a gun, or making either an aggressive or defensive movement. damnable ill-treatment on the part of the whites is at the bottom of all the ona aggressiveness--and ona suffering. the only effort that has been made to alleviate the sufferings of the onas at the hands of the whites was the establishing of a catholic mission near san sebastian bay. when i was there no success had been attained by the mission. on the contrary, a priest, who had gone with a guide to seek for the onas, had failed to return, and when a party of sailors from the nearby sub-prefectura went to look for the two, they found their heads only. the onas have been made to suffer so much that they will not now trust any one. when prospectors have disappeared only their bones have usually been found, and these were always marked either with fire or human teeth. the onas eat the whites they capture, hoping thereby to obtain the white man's valor. in their fierce fight for their homes, the onas have an advantage in the fact that the dividing line between the argentine's and chili's shares of the island runs through the heart of their country. each white nation is very much opposed to allowing the other to invade its territory with an armed force, and so the efforts of the sailors and soldiers of either side must end near the line, if not on it. so pursuit of the onas is always ineffectual. nevertheless, the shepherd will drive them into a corner at last by extending his wire fences, and then extermination will come. it is an interesting fact in medical science, that the onas a long time ago discovered a sure and speedy remedy for the chief ill that indians are heir to through association with the whites, in a decoction of the thorny bush that grows on the plains, and is known to science as _berberis_. the alaculoofs. one tribe inhabiting the cape horn region remains to be mentioned. it is found exclusively among the islands west of punta arenas and cockburn channel. i wish that i had the facts for describing it. this is the tribe that has been mentioned so often by people passing through the strait of magellan. they were invariably called fuegians by all who saw them, and were described in terms to indicate that they are the most wretched, the most filthy, the most degraded, and the most terrible beings on earth. as i said, i should like to know the facts, for these descriptions, except as to their appearance to a casual observer, are valueless. the yahgans were described in equally severe terms. on the beach at punta arenas the citizens pointed to a dismantled sloop that was hauled up to be sold at auction. she was a ragged thing, say twenty feet long. there was a large hatch amidships with splashes of blood on it, and a number of holes where winchester bullets had come up through the boards from below. she bore the name of _teresina b._ with four men as a crew and a cargo of tobacco, rum, old clothes, matches, hard bread, cheap cutlery, etc., she had sailed away from punta arenas for a trading voyage to the alaculoof indians. her crew were bound, in a small way, on a voyage like that of the great magellan; they meant to get valuables in return for things of little value. when about forty-five miles south of the town they sent a man ashore in a small boat for wood and water, and that was the last ever seen of the man. the next morning three canoes loaded with indians came in view. thereat one of the white sailors urged the sloop's captain to make the indians stay away, or at least to permit but two or three men in one canoe to approach at a time. to this the captain replied that the indians were christian yahgans from ushuaia, and just what were wanted. [illustration: alaculoof indians.] "very well," said the sailor, "you may do the trading. i'll go down below." he went below and drew the hatch almost to its place and fastened it. the captain and the other sailor remained on deck to trade, the sailor sitting over the companionway. as the indians drew alongside it appeared that they were alaculoofs instead of yahgans, and they dropped their paddles, and, grasping their harpoons, attacked the whites. both white men were badly wounded by the first harpoons thrown. the sailor fell into the cabin, his head badly cut, and all life apparently gone. the captain had life enough to try to crawl down, but the indians were on him, and he was harpooned to death. then the indians swarmed on the sloop, and the man who had fled to the hold opened fire with his rifle. the indians tried to get at him with their harpoons, but the white man's weapon was too much for them, and they had to flee. this is the story the man who hid in the hold told after he got back to punta arenas, bringing the body of the captain and the wounded sailor. it may be true. the indians have been swindled and openly robbed, maltreated, and murdered often by these punta arenas traders, and if they did not retaliate sometimes one would not think well of them. early in the catholics of punta arenas established a mission station in the alaculoof territory. possibly this mission will do the indians good instead of harm. chapter vi. staten island of the far south. when the ordinary citizen of new york city hears any one speak of staten island the name at once recalls to his mind a host of pictures of ferryboats crossing a beautiful bay; a landing where vociferous men in uniform and rapid-transit trains await the rush of passengers; shady avenues leading over rolling green hills; charming cottage homes with grassy lawns and tennis courts about them; booming town sites; a sea beach devoted to fun that is hilarious rather than joyous; oyster beds and fishing smacks--a most remarkable conglomeration of metropolitan, rural, and alongshore life, and all within a half-hour's journey of the city which he proudly calls his own. to a few--to a gray-haired merchant here and there down town, a few grizzled watchmen about the shipping, sundry skippers of the ships where the watchmen are employed, all of whom have seen service in the sealing ships of twenty-five years and more ago--a reference to staten island awakens memories of an entirely different nature. instead of the smooth waters of new york harbor they think of a boisterous sea; instead of leafy avenues, bordered by charming homes, they see only foaming surf, with dark and threatening cliffs; instead of the pleasures of tennis court or the hilarious dance, they remember only the whizz of a hurricane in a ship's rigging, and work on deck when drenched by icy sleet and rain. the one knows only the staten island that bounds the south side of new york bay; the other knows as well, perhaps is much more familiar with, that other american staten island lying more than miles away in the cape horn region. no more lovely indian summer day was ever seen than the first day of the antarctic winter, june , of the year , as enjoyed by the passengers and crew of the argentine naval transport _ushuaia_, as she steamed out of the east end of beagle channel and headed for the strait of le maire, bound to st. john harbor, in the east end of the antarctic staten island. the air was soft and warm, the water dimpled, the leaves on the waving trees ashore flashed in the sunlight, the distant snow-capped mountains rose through a dreamy haze. and so the conditions remained until the sun went down and the slender arc of the new moon appeared among the luminous mists of the western sky. to the passengers the prospect of a delightful night was all that could be asked, but the old salts shook their heads. "you just hold fast all till midnight," said one to whom a passenger spoke enthusiastically of the weather. "to-night is the change of the moon, eh?" and he nodded his head toward the west. [illustration: government station at st. john. from a sketch by commander chwaites, a. n.] sure enough, by midnight a northwest gale fit to twist the life out of a ship was roaring over the water, and the little _ushuaia_ was pitching and tossing along like a newport catboat in a cross sea. she was then in the strait of le maire, and a worse current for a contrary wind can probably be found nowhere in the world. it is a rush of broken water hurrying along at from five to six and a half knots an hour, while the tide rips, formed by the eddies off the capes on both sides of the strait, are something to make a seaman gasp. luckily for us, we had a seaboat of a model fit even for a maelstrom, and with scarce a sea on deck we labored through the worst of it, and at daylight next morning the outline of "the rugged inhospitable staten land was visible amidst the clouds" on the starboard bow. thereafter we cruised along, heading to the east, for several hours within a very few miles of the coast, and the passengers gathered on deck to gaze on such landscapes as only those who travel out of the usual way may enjoy. and certainly it was a view worth all the discomforts of a long and stormy voyage, for here is found the end of the mountain system of all the americas. cape horn island is, in a sense, the south end of the americas, but the backbone of the hemisphere bends to the east at mount sarmiento on tierra del fuego, and running along the shore of that great island is broken by the strait of le maire, as it was broken by the strait of magellan, only to appear again beyond the narrow water in the cliffs and ridges and gulches of staten island. it is not until one has been on or around cape st. john, on the east end of this island, that he can accurately say he has rounded the southern end of the american continent. it is true that at first glance one would scarcely recognize any relationship between the rocky mountain system and the ridges of staten island, but one does not need to be a geologist to recognize a certain similarity on a closer inspection. and nowhere will the similarity be recognized more quickly than when passing new year's islands, just off the north coast of staten. here on these islands, small as they are, the traveller sees a tiny picture of the plains of colorado, below pike's peak, and if he will but land there, and wash a panful of dirt, he will find at the bottom the kind of dust that has made cripple creek famous. as seen from the passing steamer, staten island is a continuous ridge varying for the most part from to feet above the sea. the sides seem steep and the tops are rounded. the snow line in june was about feet above the sea, but the use of the word line should not be understood to imply that the snow ended at any well-defined limit. not all the crests feet high were white, and on the sides of the mountains the drifts and blotches of snow sometimes reached down to within or feet of the surf. still, there was comparatively little snow below an altitude of feet, and not much bare ground above that limit. at a distance of five or six miles the colors of the uncovered parts of the mountains were dark grays and black. the rocks looked very like the rocky declivities one may see all along the hudson, though in no other respect was the scenery like that on the hudson. a closer view of the island showed that the darkest shades of the mountain sides were green rather than black, and were due to wide masses of vegetation, among which tree trunks could be distinguished with a glass. but there was no sign of animal life ashore. over the sea, however, as we steamed along, the air fairly teemed with antarctic life. ducks in flocks a half mile long drifted and sailed hither and yon. the little cape horn pigeons, whose black backs and wings are most beautifully mottled with white, floated in scores and hundreds in the air about the ship, sometimes so closely that one could almost touch them with the hand. the huge white albatross, with its ten-foot spread of wings, careened up and down and around, as if for the pure love of the motion, while coal black gulls--the web-footed ravens of the sea--contested with their light-colored cousins for the refuse thrown from the ship. then there were the penguins. once, as we steamed along, we ran into a flock of them, and sent them diving from wave to wave--in on one side and out on the other--in a way that at first sight made the spectators think that they were a school of fish, short and thick, black on top, and with a white stripe on the side, skurrying away for life. even now, as i think of them, i am haunted with a doubt as to whether, after all, when i thought i saw webbed feet and outstretched neck, i was not mistaken, so great was the resemblance of the fleeing penguin to a fish. and then there was a tiny kind of gull, the male of which was almost pure white--a bird that seemed little, if any, larger than a robin. it was a most wary and most sprightly little fellow, and it almost always preferred diving to flying. in short, nowhere in the whole voyage of the _ushuaia_, of which the trip to st. john harbor was but a small part, did i see bird life so abundant, so varied, or so beautiful and interesting as off the coast of staten island. by ten o'clock in the morning we were plainly approaching the barren, bold promontory that faced the giant seas at the east end of the island. the gale of the night before had moderated considerably by that time, but the nearer we approached the headland the more boisterous did the sea seem to be before us. to the passengers who did not know the place we seemed to be rushing into a tide rip more dangerous than anything we had seen, but just when we were preparing for the tossing that appeared inevitable, the frowning coast line opened. a fiord between the mountains was seen off the starboard bow, and we at once headed in for it. the tide rip off the east end of the island, a rip that has mention in all the coast guides and charts of the cape horn region, begins at this harbor. as we entered the mouth of the fiord, we could see that on a rock jutting out from the westerly side was a building in form and apparently in size the exact counterpart of the six-sided peanut and candy pavilions one can see about the picnic and other resorts near new york. its peaked roof was surmounted by a bulbous cupola like the top of a tower of a jewish synagogue, and near by was a tall flagstaff from which the blue-white-blue argentine flag flapped vigorously in the gale. by and by we got pretty close under this rock, and then we could see some men in naval uniform standing on a ledge beside a little cannon, which they fired off just as we ran from the breaking waves that were dashing across the mouth of the harbor into the oil-smooth water within. the ship answered the salute with a roaring blast of her whistle, and then we rounded the crag where the pavilion stood, and found ourselves in what looked like a bowl-shaped bay, walled in by precipices so high as to make our vessel seem utterly insignificant. then on one side of this bowl, fifty feet or so above the water, was seen a row of little light-colored wooden houses, built on a narrow bench on the mountain side. there was a flagstaff before the largest of the buildings, and a neat picket fence before the whole row. from the centre of this fence a stairway ran down the steep decline from the bench to the beach, and from the foot of the stair a narrow pier projected a hundred feet into the bay. there were davits on both sides of the pier, with boats hanging to them, and not far away was a big lifeboat of heavy model lying at anchor. the grass that had grown below the water line of the lifeboat was so long that it could be seen a hundred yards away as she rolled lazily in the dead swell. as soon as we had cast anchor a couple of officers and a crew of sailors came down to the pier, and then rowed off to us in one of the boats. there were enthusiastic greetings between those in the boat and their friends on the ship. the little row of houses built on a cleft, so to speak, in the side of the rugged mountains that border st. john bay is known among argentine seamen as the "sub-prefectura del puerto san juan del salvamiento." it was established late in the antarctic summer of . it should be kept in mind that the chief object of creating a government post on staten island was for the support of a lighthouse to guide ships bound around the horn, but a secondary consideration was the providing of a place of refuge with a depot of provisions for the crew of any ship so unfortunate as to be wrecked thereabouts. it was estimated that from seven hundred to one thousand ships of various nationalities pass within sight of staten island every year, and that before this light was established about one in a hundred was wrecked there. these estimates were wrong, but they had the effect of establishing the station. in the united states the crew of a first-class lighthouse consists of three men. that of a life-saving station consists of a coxswain and not less than six men. to man the third-class lighthouse on staten island four men were provided, while in addition to the coxswain and crew of a lifeboat there was a naval officer of the rank of a lieutenant, known as the prefect; a second in command of a lower rank, a secretary to the prefect, a valet, a cook, a baker, and a file of soldiers. having learned this much while on the ship, it was with a great deal of curiosity that i climbed from the boat to the pier and walked ashore. the foot of the bluff had been terraced with spiles to keep the seas from washing out the soil there, and it was said that a northeast gale sent an ugly swell into that part of the bay in spite of the shelter of the point on which i had seen the pavilion. under such circumstances, the only perfectly safe anchorage for a vessel was further up the fiord around a bend. although the _ushuaia_ seemed to be anchored in a bowl-shaped bay, there was really a passage through what seemed to be the western wall of the bowl, and a plan of the whole fiord as laid down on the chart was really of the shape of a sock. the stairway up from the pier had a railway of wooden timbers, with a winch at the top designed for hauling up and lowering the boats, but it seems never to have been used. at the head of the stairs was a bell that had been taken from the english ship _guy mannering_ that ran into the rocks not far away during a fog in . from the stairs we went to the governor's house. the governor was at home in buenos ayres on a vacation, but his assistant, with the secretary, did the honors. they had a very good quality of brandy, and very good wine, also. the house was built of planed pine. it was somewhat in the form of a right-angled u, open toward the fiord. the house was ceiled instead of plastered, and was plainly but comfortably furnished. that is to say, it was comfortable for one who could enjoy that climate unmodified by artificial means. to a citizen of the united states the governor's house was lacking in the one thing most necessary for comfort in a climate where cold and stormy weather is the rule and the thermometer never goes above ° centigrade. there was no heating stove in it. with the exception of the cook, the baker, and one sailor, that entire crew lived day and night in a moist atmosphere, where the thermometer ranged from ° to ° fahrenheit almost every day in the year. from the governor's house a trail led along the mountain side, across a roaring brook, with waters as black as those in an adirondack stream, and off over the crest of the promontory that half closes the mouth of the fiord. the governor told me it was a well-made road, and, except for a ten-rod strip across a swamp, it was paved with stone. in the swamp there was a stone here and there--almost enough to enable an active man to cross dry shod. for the last thirty yards before reaching the end of the promontory the trail was a narrow goat path on the crest of a precipice one hundred feet high, facing the sea. with the mighty waves from across the ocean thundering against the foot of that great wall, throwing their spray high over its crest, and at times sweeping pebbles from the pathway, with the solid water rising up as if to grasp the wayfarer, that is a trail of which one may well think with a feeling of awe as well as of delight. on a level table of solid rock at the end of this path stood the little six-sided pavilion i had seen from the sea. it was built of wood, with an iron roof, and the three sides toward the sea were filled with window glass in frames that could be removed. inside the pavilion and facing these window frames stood two benches like two steps of a stairway. on the lower bench was a row of three locomotive head-lights. on the upper were two head-lights with a ship's anchor light (fresnel lens) between them. the little pavilion was the lighthouse of st. john's cape, staten island, in the route to the horn. in a little room at the back of the pavilion were the materials for keeping the lamps clean and bright. the place seemed to be well kept. a small wooden shanty near by was the bunk-room of the four men who attended to the lamps. a telephone was in one corner of the pavilion, but the line to the prefect's house was out of order. returning to the little settlement, i found that the bakery was a log-house, and so was one of the storerooms. in store it is said that a sufficient supply of dry and salt provisions for six months is kept. while looking about the buildings one of the sailors came to me, and, speaking in english, said he had heard i was from new york city, and thereafter for ten minutes i was kept busy answering questions asked with the eagerness of one who has a great longing to hear from home. by and by he was willing to talk of himself, though anxious to conceal his name, "because i do not want my people to know how i am living. they would rather i was dead than what i am." he had been the unruly member of a wealthy german family in new york, and had a great desire for the sea. he was placed on the schoolship _st. mary's_, and in the spring of , when almost ready to graduate, had had a fight with one of the ship's naval officers, after which he jumped overboard, swam ashore, and later shipped on the yankee war ship _nipsic_, which some time later sailed to buenos ayres. there he deserted her, and, having picked up a little spanish, shipped in the argentine navy as a full-fledged seaman, the navy department there preferring men who could speak english. he was afterward sent to tierra del fuego to man one of the stations established there in . then he went back to buenos ayres, where he readily got employment in a mercantile house because he spoke two languages, besides spanish, fluently. he lost his job through dissipation after a while, and then drifted back to the navy. once more he went to tierra del fuego, and there picked up a good-looking young squaw for a companion. when transferred to staten island he was allowed to take her along. i visited the strange couple in their home. it was a house × feet in size and feet high. the frame was wood, and the covering sheet-iron. it had no ceiling of any kind. the furniture consisted of a bed, a chair, a table, a packing case, a couple of chests, and a heating stove for burning wood. and that was the only stove of that kind i saw south of buenos ayres. the young man was an excellent penman, and so had what he called a soft snap. he kept the books and did the writing generally of the station, while the other members of the crew of his rank had such hard work to do as the station required. i asked him if he was ever homesick, and he said he was not, except when he happened to meet a yankee, and that had not happened before since leaving buenos ayres. he was receiving $ paper (say $ . gold) a month, with rations and clothing for himself and squaw. the squaw took good care of him, and did laundry work besides for the officers. "i do not care for what you call civilization," he said. "i have everything i want that is within the reach of a poor man anywhere. i am very much better off than the workingmen in new york. why should i not be contented? if i ever make a pile i'll go back, of course. i may take cheenah there sometime, anyway, if i can do it without being recognized. she wants to go and i want to please her. but if i don't strike it rich, what do i care?" i have given this much space to the young man, because it is the true story of a boy who ran away to sea, and so will be of interest to other boys who would like to run away as he did. a tour afoot over the island would be interesting, though a journey of great hardship. the coast line is but a series of fiords and bays. behind new year's island, on the north side, is a bay that sets in almost to the centre of the island. another from the south comes almost to meet it, the waters being separated by a low neck of sand, say steps across. the traveller can find here the wreck of an old tramway by which the yankee sealers, say fifteen years ago, used to run their whaleboats from one water to the other. it is certain that this neck of sand did not always exist. the scientists say that staten island is rising rapidly--that some of the bays now too shoal for a ship to enter afforded good harbors in the days when the discoverers of the region were beating to and fro. however, these two bays are still fair harbors, and the sealing crews used them every year. one finds old kettles and vats used for trying out the oil of the hair seal and the sea lion, as well as of the whales that were once numerous. there is also an old shanty that would be useful still to any crew so unfortunate as to be wrecked there. a couple of gold-hunters, who worked the sand on new year's island with success in , used the old shanty as headquarters. a whale may be seen about the island now and then in these days. so, too, may a few seals and sea lions, but there are not enough to pay working as yet, although the hunt was abandoned there some years ago, and the game is slowly increasing. to travel along the beach of the island is impossible, save for short stretches. the sea breaks against the almost vertical cliffs for the greater part of the way. the way over the mountains has been attempted occasionally. singular as it may seem to one who sees the rounded contour of these mountains--a contour which one thinks would give a perfect drainage--the chief obstacle to a tramp overland is the long succession of bogs and swamps. there are bogs that are impassable to a man without snow-shoes, which lie at an angle of thirty degrees with the horizon, if one may believe the crew of the st. john station. the bogs are masses of moss, roots, and rotten vegetation that hold water like a sponge, and yield under the foot as slushy snow would do. where the bogs are not found there are wide breadths of forests, and very interesting as well as impassable forests they are. at the sea level the trees may be from thirty to forty feet high, with slender trunks and flat, thick, interlaced tops. as one works his way up the mountain the trees are found to be smaller, but standing closer together and having the tops more closely interlaced, until at last, with a forest three or four feet high, one can almost walk on the flattened tops of the trees--one could so walk with the aid of norwegian skees. since the fur and oil industry was destroyed, staten island has produced nothing for export. that some part of the island could be devoted to sheep-raising there is little doubt. the falklands, where m. bougainville vainly endeavored to plant a french colony, now support about people, who are all well to do through raising sheep. the centre of staten island has the best climate, and, according to those who have climbed about the region, a ranch properly located would make its owner rich. an advantage which staten island has over the falklands is in the supply of wood, but this, on the other hand, would compel the building of fences to keep the sheep out of the brush. besides, there is so much good land for sheep in tierra del fuego yet unoccupied, that no one is likely to try to develop such resources as staten island may have for many years to come, unless, indeed, some one be found bold enough to brave the certain dangers of the seas for the sake of the gold on new year's island. chapter vii. the nomads of patagonia. the story of the nomads of patagonia living east of the andes--the tehuelche indians,--is, on the whole, more cheerful reading than that of either of the other tribes of the region. for over years after they were discovered by white men they maintained an undisputed sway over their desert territory. they were visited by missionaries, but were never brought into the enervating subjection to them that ruined the yahgan. they were physically and mentally a noble race of aborigines, and when at last they went down before a merciless civilization, they fell, man fashion, face to the enemy. brief space will suffice here for a resumé of what history tells of them. it was on april , , when they first saw "men with faces like the snow." magellan had happened into st. julian harbor. they came with wonder to see marvellous vessels that brought him, and it is said that they tell around their camp-fires to this day of the trick by which he succeeded in loading two of their chiefs with chains that he might carry them away forever. the tehuelches were afoot, then, but it was not many years before horses from the spanish settlement at buenos ayres had spread to the strait of magellan, and so the explorers of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries found them mounted. they were not a vicious race; on the contrary, they were of kindly deposition, and even playful when well treated, though their experiences with the whites eventually taught them duplicity, theft, and outrage. but their good dispositions did not attract white settlers, because the whole of patagonia, east of the andes, was a desert that seemed wholly incapable of supporting a civilized being. however, the jesuits came to them bringing the cross in one hand and apple-seeds in the other. the cross did not flourish, but the apple-seeds planted about the lakes in western patagonia grew into a great forest, that has produced abundance of fruit and much strong cider ever since. later still, at the end of the eighteenth century, spain attempted to establish colonies at rio negro, port st. julian, and port desire. they did some little trading, but the indians very properly mistrusted the good faith of the whites, and in patagonia was once more abandoned to the natives, save for the one post on the rio negro known as carmen de patagones. this was maintained partly because of the great salt fields found on the desert near the town. but the terms on which it remained unmolested by the lordly patagonians were exceedingly humiliating to the spanish rulers of buenos ayres and of the settlement. the whites had to pay an annual tribute of cattle, knife-blades, indigo, cochineal, and other goods as rental for the indian-owned land they occupied. we read in the history of the state of new york that in the days before the revolution, the brave old mohawks used to send a warrior, now and then, alone among the hudson river and even the long island tribes, entering this or that village, walking in the midst of a group of the head men, and while they cowered in his presence, addressing them as squaws and denouncing them for this and that failure in their duty to the noble tribe he represented. in like manner, even until within twenty-five years of this writing, has a tehuelche chief from the desert of patagonia been known to ride alone down the main street of carmen de patagones to the plaza. reining in his horse by the low-peaked stone monument still to be seen there, he would shake the great skin mantle from his brawny shoulders, strike the butt of his spear a ringing blow on the pedestal of the monument to call the whites about him, and then, in disdainful words and with imperious manner, ask why the tribute had been delayed. all of this the whites bore meekly and meanly. they could not fight the indians successfully, and they were willing to submit to such treatment because of the profit in the trade they carried on with their red masters. if any one wants fully to appreciate how degrading trade is to the human soul, let him read the stories of white traders among red buyers. in modern times--rather in the nineteenth century, two efforts to convert the patagonians to christianity have been made, one of which is of especial interest to american readers, because undertaken by a citizen of new york at the behest of the american board of christian missionaries of boston. one captain benjamin morrell had been on a sealing voyage along the patagonia coast, through the strait and up the chili coast, and on returning had brought an interesting story about the aborigines. the story was printed in book-form and the missionary society people read the book, and were thereby led to send out a couple of missionaries to look over the region and the people morrell had described. mr. titus coan, then a student at the auburn theological seminary, and a mr. arms of andover were selected. a sealing schooner took them to the strait of magellan, and on november , , at the beginning of the warm season there, they landed. that they were kindly received and well treated scarce need be said. they brought a tent and a variety of articles, which were of the greatest value to the indians, but they were never robbed. on the contrary, they were freely supplied with the best the indians had. in return the missionaries did some work, such as sharpening knives, making wooden spurs, etc., but, on the whole, the missionaries lived on the charity of the indians. their experiences and thoughts have been preserved in a book entitled _adventures in patagonia_, by titus coan. they travelled about with a host that for a time was composed of tehuelches or patagonians proper, and of onas who had come over from tierra del fuego. they had to live on such food as the country supplied, of course, and to endure the vicissitudes of the climate. they remained only a few days more than two months, leaving the region in a sealing schooner on january , . they had had enough of life with a nomadic race on a stormy desert like patagonia. horseflesh was not suited to their stomachs nor tent life to their inclinations. the indians had told them plainly that no missionary could succeed who would not live indian fashion, and that settled it. of course these patagonians had souls. mr. coan was sure those souls were going to be lost--absolutely sure of it, unless, indeed, some one taught them "the way of life." but there were souls elsewhere in the world that needed saving, too--among the south sea islands, for instance, where snow was unknown, and horseflesh was not esteemed a dainty. it would be much more comfortable to convert wicked south sea islanders than patagonians. as was said, for years after magellan's infamous disregard of the rights of man, the indians of patagonia in their conflicts with white aggressors held their own. it was a pity in the eyes of a humanitarian that there should have been conflicts, for all were utterly needless, but, on the whole, the patagonia day was bright. then came the setting of the sun. the day of all the patagonian indians was ended. the "progress of civilization" demanded the extermination of the desert races. the pressure of christian owners of cattle and sheep for new pastures demanded that the best of the hunting grounds of the indians be taken. the frontier of settlements in argentine had to be extended to the rio negro because cattlemen wanted the land, and the cheapest way to make the extension was by war. in these matters the civilized people of the argentine have been as much like the civilized people of the united states as two bullets from one mould. this war of extermination cannot be described here, but one feature of it may serve to give the reader some idea about its general characteristics. it was not uncommon for the soldiers to take a stalwart indian prisoner, and after tying him so that his struggles would be unavailing, to cut his throat slowly with a dull knife. "i have often seen them haggle away at a tehuelche throat--haggle and saw, while he writhed and begged for the stroke of grace, for full five minutes before the artery was severed and his life-blood made to spurt out on the sand. and while they tortured each victim thus, they would turn to any one not of their nationality and say, by way of apology for their cruelty: "'he is no christian.'" so said a german to me in buenos ayres, a man who had been with both of roca's expeditions, and of whose veracity there need be no doubt whatever. shocking as was the cruelty meted out to the indians, only the sight of it could stir the indignation of the spectator more than the excuse for it which the soldiers gave--"he's no christian." and yet, before the reader's feelings lead him to a bitter condemnation of the soldiers, let it be remembered that, according to the orthodox religious teachings in these united states of north america, there were in the air, about each group of those argentine soldiers, numbers of evil spirits watching the torture of each unfortunate indian--watching with eager malice the moment when the indian's soul should be released, that they might bear it away to the realm "where the worm dieth not and the fire is not quenched." the soldiers tortured for five minutes, but these devils will torment each tehuelche soul for all eternity. and, what is more, could the reader enter the precincts of the unfortunates and ask why the soul was tortured, he would get, word for word, the very excuse the argentine soldiers gave: "he is no christian." the home region of the tehuelche is a section of the bottom of the south atlantic ocean lifted up where man can see it. there are salt lakes and beds of salts, left there when the sea-water was for the most part drained away. there are traces of ocean salts everywhere. it is an alluvial region; a well-driller would find many layers of sand, gravel, clays, etc., but no rock beds, save in a few places where volcanoes bubbled up, nobody knows when. the only volcanic rocks the traveller alongshore will see, however, are at port desire and south of the rio gallegos. at port desire the bluffs on the north shore are volcanic, while some leagues south of gallegos is a range of volcanic peaks that show conspicuously above the plain. elsewhere the traveller sees only a desert that is for the most part level, but has been worn into gulches along such streams as exist and shows, as one travels inland, a terrace-like formation. it is an arid desert for the most part, "but springs and fresh-water streams can be found every hundred miles or so. you will rarely have to pass more than one night without water if you journey from punta arenas to buenos ayres," as an official at santa cruz said. but inhospitable as the desert seems to be, it has afforded during the knowledge of man subsistence for herds of guanacos and flocks of ostriches, probably the only beings that survived all the changes in the region since the days when monkeys, parrots, kangaroos, and elephants abounded in the unsubmerged parts. the desert seems to have been peculiarly well adapted to guanacos and ostriches, and the flesh of these with dandelions, bunch grass-seed, fungi, etc., seems to have been peculiarly well adapted to sustain a race of men that were physically magnificent. an official at punta arenas told me that the measurements of one hundred tehuelche men, taking them as they came to the settlement, gave an average height of over five feet ten inches. when it is considered that some of these were half bloods, or men having had argentine and chilian fathers, the average indicates a great race. the missionary, titus coan, found a noticeable number of men six feet six inches tall in his day. rarely, if at all, will such a one be found now, but the gauchos and others with whom i talked assured me that men of six feet three and four inches were quite common. patagonia has always been a region favorable for developing the human frame, and in the days when the tehuelches were horseless, and so had to outrun afoot, the ostrich and guanaco, there were giants beyond doubt among the race that averaged the tallest on earth. their frames were not only large, but their strength was prodigious. a man in health could really drag a balky horse across the desert. by the indian standard they were a handsome race. the men showed intelligent, vigorous minds in their faces. their foreheads were high, their noses of the roman type, the nostrils not unduly expanded. their teeth were simply perfect; so were their eyes. those i saw in the settlements showed a heavy, stolid expression, but the gauchos said that look was not a good indication of their character; that when in their desert wilds the men as well as the women were a merry-faced, laughing lot. the young folks are everywhere bright-faced and of cheerful dispositions. the young women are said to be particularly attractive, having very light skins for indians, beautiful limbs, firm and well-rounded breasts, heads poised like young queens, and faces that show a mingling of modesty and coquetry quite impossible to describe or catch with a camera, but nevertheless within the appreciation of even a blasé beholder. [illustration: a tehuelche squaw.] like many of their white cousins, the tehuelche girls continually chew gum--the exuded and hardened juice of the incense bush that abounds on the desert. so, too, do the tehuelche men, for that matter, and they say it preserves the teeth. certainly no people have finer teeth than the tehuelches. it is impossible to give anything like an accurate estimate of the number of red inhabitants of patagonia, either now or at any period since the days of magellan. the rev. titus coan thought the tehuelche tribe numbered in . don ramon lista, an argentine writer and explorer of good repute, says that when he was among them just before the war of extermination they numbered warriors, or nearly souls all told. there are now a few at coy inlet, a few hanging about each settlement, and a few along the andes--perhaps all told, according to the gauchos. for an estimate of the tehuelche mental calibre we can readily resort to their mythology, fables and proverbs of which, fortunately for ethnologists, a number have been preserved. the scientific world is especially indebted to don ramon lista, who was careful, when among the tehuelches, to collect as much of what may be called their literature as possible. as examples, here are two tehuelche fables: the fate of the boaster. a fox challenged a stone to run a race. the stone begged to be excused. "let us run down the slope of this hill," insisted the fox. "i am very sorry, but you had better keep out of my way." "you think to overtake me? what foolishness! i run like the wind." "we will run," said the stone. the fox darted away like an arrow. the stone began to roll, and then to jump and to jump, until it wounded to death its rival just as he was arriving at the foot of the hill. the reward of a desire for vain display. a panther met a fox wearing a crown tuft. "what a beautiful ornament you wear! how did you make it?" said the panther. "very easily," said the fox. "i cut open the head with a flint, and then introduced into the wound the beautiful plumes of an ostrich." "how admirable! i wish to go through the same process. would you take the trouble to do it for me?" "with a thousand pleasures." and the fox rasped the head of the panther till the skull got thin, and then broke it in with one stroke of the flint. so the panther died. here are three proverbs: the dog follows the fox and kills it, but then comes the panther and kills the dog. nothing spurious can be good. the little feather flies more swiftly than the great one. * * * * * in his religious beliefs the tehuelche is as interesting as in other matters. there is one good god and from him all good things come. he is so good and kind that he is never offended. he does not require worship from the indians, but according to the gauchos they have a ceremony of thanksgiving peculiarly interesting. in the early summer, when the young of the guanaco and the ostrich are numerous and easy to take, ostrich eggs still to be had and pasture is at its best, the tehuelche cacique gathers his clan and decrees an offering to the good god. thereat a young mare is lassoed, brought to a convenient spot, and there thrown down and secured on her back so that she cannot thrash around with her hoofs. then all the people gather around while the man who is handiest with a knife draws his keenest blade, slashes open the breast of the mare, cuts out the heart, and holds it, still quivering, up in the presence of all, that it may become the offering by all of a living heart to the god to whom they give thanks. they believe in evil spirits and there are medicine men and medicine women among them. curiously enough, the medicine women are commonly young and the handsomest of their clans. these medicine mixers drive away evil spirits by incantations, but if the ordinary medicine fails, then all the men assemble, and, mounting their horses, ride furiously around the camp, firing guns into the air and waving their war-like implements about their heads. apparently here is a field in which the salvation army missionaries would be very successful. the home of the soul after death is in the sky--somewhere in the blue vault they see by day, and the road to it lies by the way of the glories of the west at sunset. of old they used to burn all the effects of the deceased that he might have them in the other world, but now a small outfit of horses and dogs is sufficient. with them the witch and the sorcerer are stern realities, but the tehuelches never torture their supposed witches to death. the desert air never trembles with the moans of old women whose misfortune it is to be sullen or insane. but when one cuts his hair or trims his finger nails the clippings are carefully burned. so, too, are all effects left behind when moving the wigwams. the witch is supposed to obtain a devilish power over any one when she can get hold of any such part of him. in dreams--"when the heart sleeps, the mind sees a glimmer of the things to come," they say. in music the tehuelche is not much of an artist. the skin of a guanaco stretched over a hoop or bowl makes a drum. the bone of an ostrich leg, with holes cut into it, makes a sort of flute, which in turn is used to make the sinew cord of a bow to vibrate with a tum-tum noise. the tehuelche year begins in september, and the lapse of it is noted by the position of orion. the four seasons are known as the fat time, or the fall; the cold time, the season of new grass, and the season of ostrich eggs. the moon measures the months, and one word serves for the name of the day and the sun. in his astronomy the tehuelche has named the southern cross the track of the ostrich, and therein has shown himself superior to the whites in at least one matter. the milky-way is the path of the guanaco, and the clouds of magellan are the guanaco wallowing places, while mars is the carancho, a conspicuous, eagle-like vulture common on the desert. following the tendencies of the age, the tehuelches have become republicans. there are chiefs now, but in the old days the chief was a deal more of a ruler than now. in these days the chief is to the clan what the ablest and most experienced of a party of hunters in the adirondacks is to his associates. he knows the woods and woodcraft better than the rest, and the rest therefore listen to his advice. in the quarrels over trivial matters in camp the head man will often serve as peacemaker, because where a quarrel spreads a division of the clan follows, and the chances of success in hunting are greatly diminished. it takes a good many people to draw a circle around a bunch of guanacos in an open desert. the marriage ceremony begins with an exchange of presents between the bridegroom and the girl's parents. then a small tent is erected for the young couple and they are placed in it until night, when all the people gather around as big a fire as they can make near the tent. as the fire burns up at its brightest the males, beginning with the chiefs and ending with the boys, dance, in sets of four, while the squaws look on critically. the dress of the dancers includes a breech clout, a sash about the shoulders, and two feathers in the hair. the divorce ceremony consists in leading the woman back to the tent of her relatives, a ceremony rarely known, however. as the head of a family, the tehuelche is kind and considerate to the woman and very affectionate to the children. they pet and fondle and kiss each other and use words of endearment. sometimes they quarrel in the family, of course. there are white men a plenty--even americans, alas, who beat their wives. so there are tehuelches who do so. on the other hand, although the story of it may seem like a fable to the reader, the truth is, that hen-pecked husbands are found in as great proportion among the tehuelches as among the whites. but, on the whole, it is agreed by all who know the tehuelches that in their homes they are the happiest people imaginable. a cider festival. the one vice--rather the root of all evil--among the tehuelches is the love of liquor. robes, weapons, horses, daughters, and wives will all be exchanged for rum, and there are traders crossing the desert every day of the year seeking out their camps to sell the stuff to them. then, too, there are apple orchards on lake nehuel-huapi. in the season great festivals are held at the orchards. then the apples are made into cider in skin-lined pits, and the fermented stuff is consumed in vast quantities. the tehuelche, when drunk, becomes quarrelsome, and murders are then common, although the squaws hide all weapons before a festival begins. the weapons of the tehuelche are like those of the gaucho--lassoes, bolas, and knives. they also make bows and arrows, spears and what the gauchos call "the lost bola." the lost bola is simply a stone of convenient weight at the end of a three-foot cord. it is intended for battles only, and is called lost bola because when thrown it is not usually recovered again. the effective range of this lost bola is ordinarily yards, and in some hands twice that. iron bolas are the favorites, because being smaller for the weight they have a longer range, and because, too, they are more easily seen and recovered after a cast across the dull-colored desert than pebbles are. the tehuelches carry guns and pistols to some extent, but chiefly for use against the spirits. because of his use of the bola the tehuelche is, in a sense, a sportsman as distinguished from a pot hunter. the game has a running chance for life. however, the usual way of capturing game is for the men to draw a circle about a bunch of guanacos when pumas and ostriches are often enclosed and killed. when on the march the women with the pack train serve as a part of the enclosing circle. the tent of the tehuelche is a large affair. it is what would be called in this country a shelter tent, or a lean-to open in front. it is of rounded exterior, like the fourth part of an orange. it has a frame of forks and ridgepoles, and is covered with guanaco skins. other skins serve to divide the interior of the tent into rooms. whole families and their guests go to bed in a single room in the out-of-the-way parts of the united states, such as the mountains of kentucky and west virginia, but the tehuelches are modest enough to divide their sleeping places so that parents and children, boys and girls, and guests are separated by curtains of horsehide. for beds they have cushions made of coarse blankets stuffed with guanaco wool, and they know the comfort of pillows, which are made of soft skins stuffed with guanaco hair. they are very modest in dress. from the time they are five years old they wear a cloth secured about the loins by a belt. to this the women add a gown in these days, and the inevitable robe of guanaco skins, while the men and women both wear the robe and boots made of the skin of a colt's hind legs. the old style of boots stuffed with straw that gave the name of patagones to this really small-footed race was abandoned soon after horses were introduced. in sexual morality, it is said, when the subject is first broached to the gauchos, that the tehuelches are a bad lot, but when one asks for details he finds that in their natural state they were by no means lascivious. they have been corrupted terribly by the traders who swap rum for furs, but all the whites agree that the tehuelche women were by nature modest and delicate, and, when compared with other aboriginal women, at once most patient, bright, cheerful, and helpful companions, and faithful as well. for cooking the tehuelches use the long steel bar common among gauchos for suspending a roast over the fire. the gauchos say the indians are always in such a hurry to begin eating that time to cook a roast through is never allowed. the outside of the meat will be crisp, and even burned, while the centre is still raw. no matter; steaming slices are slashed off, and, dripping with hot juices, conveyed to the mouth. but having tried some of these slices myself, i can advise the reader to wait a like opportunity before condemning the tehuelche's taste in roasts. besides that, one must keep in mind that they are greedy only after a long fast, and that under such circumstances even the lordly white man has been known to eat half-raw meat. they also carry big kettles for boiling, and a rather better outfit of dishes than the gauchos use. these things they get of the whites in exchange for ostrich plumes. in the old days they used to broil their meat on the coals, and even now they fill small animals with hot stones and then bury them (hides on) in the embers, and so make a right good dish. they are called dirty--even vile--because they oil themselves all over with the marrow of ostrich bones. as a matter of fact they are in most matters cleanly. they bathe daily when near a lake or stream (the men separate from the women), and when the floor of a tent is by accident fouled the careful squaw always cuts out the earth to a depth of two inches and throws it away. they are also called dirty because they eat the viscera of animals, the lungs, stomach, etc. they also eat unborn guanaco kids and unhatched ostriches. one can tell about such doings in a way that will make the tehuelches seem to be a very disgusting lot. and so the descriptions generally run. but when one remembers some kinds of food the most civilized white men eat, there is found to be very little difference in such matters between the two races. [illustration: tehuelches in camp.] indeed, when one has seen these indians--has noted their self-restraint, their dignity, and gracefulness of looks and bearing, their gentleness and consideration one for the other, the utter lack of servility among them; more than all, when one has noted the brightness of their minds, the ease, for instance, with which they learn a foreign language and grasp ideas entirely new and foreign to their environment and habits of thought--one all but loses patience with the pride of race and egotism of religion that have named them savages. a visitor to the meeting place of the société d'ethnographie of paris, sees upon the wall above the president's chair this motto: _corpore diversi, sed mentis lumine fratres._ the truth of that motto is never more apparent than in a contemplation of the indians of patagonia. chapter viii. the welsh in patagonia. a most remarkable colony is that which the welsh have made in patagonia. rarely, if ever, in the history of the americas have emigrants from the old country been surrounded by conditions and circumstances so discouraging as those to be described in this story of that colony, and rarely, if ever, has a colonizing project originated as did this the welch colony that is now flourishing on the banks of the chubut river, miles southwest of buenos ayres. although one must really see the country to appreciate fully what the colonists endured and have achieved, yet i fancy that some of the facts are of sufficient human interest to make the story fully worth the telling. the colony is known by the name of the river on which it is located--chubut. it was formed by immigrants who left their homes, paradoxical as it may seem, because they were patriots. they were all welshmen, who, because the laws of great britain have compelled the use of english in welsh schools since the year , when prince llewellyn fell, determined to found a colony in such an out-of-the-way part of the world that they could, unmolested, perpetuate the mother tongue of wales. the prime mover in this matter was dr. michael jones of bala college, and he was assisted by mr. lewis jones, who is now a resident of the colony. these gentlemen looked the maps of the world over, and they read the descriptions of all the unsettled parts which travellers out of the way had written, the ultimate conclusion being that no habitable country in the world could offer such complete isolation as the patagonia region of the argentine republic. there came a time afterward when they began to doubt whether the land they had chosen was really habitable, but it was then too late to turn back. an appeal for a grant of land was made to the argentine government, and that is an appeal that is never made in vain by any colony acting in good faith to any latin-american government. it is true that efforts were made to dissuade the welshmen from going to patagonia, but those efforts were intended for the good of the colonists. they were asked to take the fertile lands of the north instead of the desert of the south. no one but the promoters of the colony believed that any settlement could exist in the desert, and never did promoters come nearer to losing heart and yet succeed. it was on july , , that the welsh pilgrims first landed in the region they had chosen. at that time the whole of patagonia, between rio negro and the strait of magellan, was in precisely the same condition that it was when pedro sarmiento's colony starved to death in the strait, when cavendish discovered port desire, and when darwin explored a part of the remarkable santa cruz river. nor was that all. war was incessantly waged between the people of the republic (who were pleased to call themselves christians) and the people of the desert plains, who were called savages by the self-styled christians. and the savages, as has been told, had the best of the fights. the whites occupied one settlement on the rio negro, but only by favor of the red men. what could a handful of welshmen, unused to plains life and wholly ignorant of savage warfare, do with such fierce warriors? the time came, however, when the welshmen were asking each other, "what would we have done without the indians?" as said, it was in the last week of july, , when the welshmen first saw the land where they intended to perpetuate their mother tongue in its purity. july in patagonia is the mid-winter month. a sailing ship took them to the southeast corner of new gulf, a nearly circular bay in the coast, seven hundred miles southwest of buenos ayres. here it put them out on the gravelly beach, gave them some food and water, and then sailed away. there were souls all told. how utterly alone they were, and how far away from civilization can be better appreciated when we remember that in those days no merchant steamers had yet gone down the coast to pass the strait of magellan, and that the only white men living south of the struggling settlement on the rio negro were a disconsolate gang of convicts, guarded by an equally forlorn squad of soldiers in a stockade on the strait just mentioned. the welshmen were separated from all civilization, even the argentine kind--a kind to which they were not accustomed--by the stormy sea on one hand and by hundreds of miles of desert on the other, a desert that was utterly impassable save by the indians, who alone, in those days, knew where the widely-separated springs of fresh water were to be found. nor were their immediate surroundings any more cheerful than a contemplation of the region that lay between them and the far-away settlement on the rio negro. they had landed on a pebbly beach near the foot of a low, white alluvial cliff into which the elements had eaten holes large enough to be called caves. beyond the cliffs the arid desert, a mixture of sand and pebbles, rose in sweeping undulations to a crest perhaps six miles away and four hundred feet above the sea. they were walled in by desert ridges. there was not a green thing in sight, but only ragged brown desert brush and an occasional yellow, dry bunch of grass. there was neither house nor hut for their reception or shelter, and, worse than all else, there was neither stream nor pool nor spring of water fit to drink anywhere within fifty-one miles. that was the kind of a country to which these welshmen came to plant a colony that should live by agriculture. the pilgrims who came to plymouth rock because they could not make the world elsewhere worship according to the dictates of their consciences, had a tolerably bleak time of it according to the orators on new england society days, but if one wants to hear stories of real hardships endured by pioneers, let him go to chubut and talk to one of the older welshmen. the first thing done was, of necessity, to dig a well for water. they found water, and the well is still there. a drink from its depths will carry a yankee cowboy back to his old haunts on the plains of southwest kansas and no man's land, instantly; that is, it will carry his thoughts there. he will say "gypsum" or "alkali" with something verbally stronger still, as soon as he gets his mouth empty. indeed, one need not look five minutes anywhere around new gulf to find plenty of gypsum. nevertheless, the water would support life after a fashion, and the welshmen turned from the well to make shelters of the caves nature had provided. from the work of arranging their scanty household goods in the caves these pioneers went forth, not to sow and plant, but to make a road. they were in the region where they were to find homes, but the actual home sites--the farms of acres that were to be theirs--lay fifty-one miles away over and beyond the crest of the desert amphitheatre within which they had landed. they had to mark the trail lest they get lost, clear it of brush and level its irregularities, and then they must needs transport themselves and their belongings over it to the banks of the chubut river. and all this they did to find at last that, save for a deposit of black loam in parts of the valley of the stream, they had come to a land as desolate as the shores of new gulf. the desert walled them in. the wells filled with alkali water. the north wind was like a blast from the furnace in which shadrach, meshach, and abednego fell down, and almost every wind came laden with a brown fog of sand. they had sought isolation; they had found it with a vengeance. nevertheless, these welshmen--and they were all miners, too, and not farmers--began work to make homes and farms. they laid out a capital city, which they named rawson in honor of the argentine cabinet officer who had interested himself in their behalf. it was a sorry capital then, but duplicates of it can be found in the texas panhandle. it was a town of dugouts and mud huts. there was no timber for houses. they planted gardens. they looked the region over. they began to learn how to hunt the guanaco and the ostrich that roamed over the desert. and then came the indians, the huge-framed tehuelches, to whom the early explorer of the region had given the name of big feet (patagonians). it was a notable day in the history of the settlement, but not a day of bloodshed. the tehuelches and the welshmen became friends at once, partly because the indians, on learning why the whites had sought the isolation, comprehended the matter in a way that made them feel a brotherly regard for the intruders such as they had never felt for any other whites. the welshmen had come to find entire freedom in the desert, and that was something the freeborn son of the desert could appreciate. that was an excellent beginning, but only a first victory. there were many other foes on the desert. there were the panthers, the great, lean, sly cats that are called also american lions. they swarmed on the uplands and by night came to the settlement for the blood of horses, cattle, and sheep. there were locusts in clouds that obscured the sun. there were wild geese, ducks, and coots from the river--the winged pests were in legions. it was a waterless region and uninhabitable for man beyond the valley of the stream, but in the thorny brush of the desert millions of nature's allies in her warfare against man found breeding places. for the first year the colony was to be supplied with provisions by the argentine government. the contract was faithfully kept. the colonists hoped to raise enough food for their own use after that, but their hopes failed. the hot winds destroyed the few results of their labors which birds and beasts had spared. nevertheless, they held on for another year, the government supplying their needs, although, meantime, more colonists had come. then came another failure of crops. the reader will say it took a lot of pluck to hold on after that for another year. so it did. these welshmen were full of it. not only for another year, but for another, and another still--for six weary years those men fought the gaunt wolf that stood at their doors. then came prosperity, but with leaden footsteps. that the colonists did not perish absolutely of starvation was due first to the persistent care of the argentine government. uncle sam was counted generous when he gave to every immigrant acres of land. the argentine government not only gave these immigrants acres of land each, on the condition that they improve it somewhat and live there two years, but it established a commissary department in the colony, and for nearly ten years gave free of cost all supplies of food and clothing needed to keep them alive, and as late as , when crops had begun to flourish well, still extended a generous helping hand. this was done in spite of the fact that these welshmen were avowedly clannish. they had come to establish a welsh colony, and had obtained permission in advance not only to preserve their own language, but to govern themselves and to live free of taxation. under the terms of the original concession, they were of value to the argentine nation only in the fact that they were to break up and cultivate so much wild land. they could not have been made to fight for the land of their adoption even against an invading host of brazilian monarchists. no government was ever more generous to colonists than the argentine. goods were sent to chubut by the ship load. but more than once the ship went wrong, and the goods were lost. then came the time of dire distress when only their good friends the tehuelches could save them. the welshmen were starving on several occasions when the indians came down the river and brought succor--guanaco, and ostrich, and panther meat in abundance, with skins for clothing. as the corn of the massachusetts indians saved the pilgrim fathers, so the meat of the tehuelches saved the welshmen. but the tehuelche indians have not now to mourn, nor do the welshmen now hang their heads in shame at the mention of any king philip. white men made war on the tehuelches and exterminated them, but no welshmen, though the colony was then self-supporting, took part in that hateful enterprise, and when the red remnant were forced at last to give up the fight, they came down to the chubut river and surrendered to the fair-dealing white men, who had called them brothers and meant what they said. more pitiful still, when one brave old chief, wounded to death, was breathing his last in buenos ayres, he smilingly looked about him and said: "i am going to the welshman's heaven." as said, for six years, the colonists struggled against failing hopes, eating only the bitter bread of charity, struggled to maintain themselves where they could perpetuate their language in its purity. in came the turn in the tide. a dam was built across the chubut river in that year, and an irrigating ditch taken out. of course they did not finish the canal in one year. it was a ditch thirty-six feet wide on top, eighteen on the bottom, and six feet deep, and year by year they lengthened it out. when the water kissed the warm, dark soil, it was like the kiss of the maiden on the lips of the grateful beast in the fairy story. the desert was transformed into a blooming garden. and here is an interesting fact. for six years the colonists had eaten no bread, save what was given to them. they would, therefore, get clear of that evil first of all. they sowed wheat and barley, and they sow little else to this day. whatever may happen, the chubut man will never again have to ask for bread of anybody. however, as said, progress was slow. the first ditch was not well located, and when an unusual drought came the water of the river did not reach the ditch, and the crop failed in spite of it. then, too, there were the wild pests at all times--the locusts and the wild fowl. even after eleven years of irrigation--in --there was a failure from the drought. but that set them to building a greater ditch, of which they all now make boast. about five hundred settlers came out in the early years of famine, but the number dwindled to less than two hundred in . in the result of irrigation had swelled the number to eight hundred, and in there were double that number. in the settlers were scattered along the valley for about twenty-five miles from the mouth of the river, and there was a sort of a village at each end of the settlement. the houses were, as a rule, even then mere huts. wagons, and carts, and horses were had in sufficient number. in fact, the government at buenos ayres had provided all of these things. but the abundant harvests of and gave a boom to the settlement which the failure of only checked temporarily. the colonists went up stream to a valley thirty miles long beyond a narrow cañon and took up land there. it was there that the head of the great new ditch was located. they have since gone to a third still higher. they have, in fact, taken up all the available land for seventy miles along the river. they have miles of main irrigating canals. the largest has a cross section measuring × × feet, and the whole miles cost £ , . there are people in the settlement. some of the details of their condition from time to time remind one of the yankee frontier settlements. they began their religious life in the colony with union services, and got on comfortably until they prospered. sectarians floated in on the waters of the irrigating ditch, so to speak, and there was a burst of zeal in building up denominations that brought a growth in church outfits quite equal to that in the area planted--rather larger, in fact. among the people of there were two independent congregations with ordained ministers, who held regular services in chapels, of which "the walls were baked brick, the roofs were wooden, with a layer of mud on top, and the wooden benches had good backs to them," as one of them described the places of worship. they had also a stone-walled chapel in a third place, and held regular services in school-houses in other places. the methodists had a brick church with an ordained minister, at rawson, and held services in the upper valley. the baptists had a fine chapel at frondrey, one of the little villages that sprang up, and an ordained minister for it. in fact, there were, in all, seven ordained ministers in the colony, and in the episcopalians brought out the eighth. every one of these had his acres of land, and every one worked his own farm and got rich, as his neighbors did, raising wheat. it is a significant fact that up to the colony did not have a single physician. it scarcely needed one. still some one was sure to break a limb every two or three years, and the colonists were right glad when, in , a man with a diploma came there and took up the usual allowance of land. in a number of welsh prospectors came from australia to chubut and went as far back as the andes. they found several croppings of lignite, which at first were thought to be good coal, and that made a stir. the stuff is now used for fuel to some extent in the houses, and it is to be found that five tons will serve for about two tons of welsh coal. then they found gold and went to work filing claims. the gold, however, lies only thirty-one leagues from a port on the chili coast where a german steamer calls once a month, so that the diggings, which include placer as well as quartz workings, will hardly benefit chubut save as a market for produce may be created. about $ , gold has been invested in the workings. the yankee traveller is sure to be informed, too, that "a texas cowboy named marshall has a store at the camp, and he says the diggings beat california." then it was observed that the desert plains above the upper parts of the inhabited valley swarmed with guanacos as the desert plains of new mexico once swarmed with antelopes. droves of from to were seen. it was rightly argued that sheep could live where the guanaco did. the chubut colonists are going into the wool business, though slowly, and this is certain to be the greatest source of wealth to the colonists in the future. bunch grass grows on the uplands. it is in scant quantity, but it is there. water flows through the valley. the man who has water can hold all the sheep that can feed on the desert back of his farm, and that means at least two thousand. sheep thrive wonderfully in the pure air and on the dry gravel of patagonia. everywhere along the coast the shepherds boast that every sheep is worth a gold dollar a year clear profit, besides the increase in the flock. but this statement should not lead any one to go to chubut to begin life, because all the available land in the valley has been taken up. meantime, after irrigation brought crops, the subject of transportation had agitated the colonists. the mouth of the chubut river had an impassable bar. nearly all freight, previous to , was either brought to new gulf and carted thence over the old trail to the valley, or else was brought in tiny sailing vessels which, at the time, when the melting snow on the head waters made a freshet in the river, could work in over the bar. the surplus grain had to be shipped out in the same way. there was a weary and an expensive haul by the one route; by the other, a tedious and expensive waiting for high water. in , a company was formed to construct a railway from the valley to new gulf, and the argentine government granted a charter, and gave a subsidy of square miles of desert land. i guess the subsidy isn't worth much, for there seems to be no way to get water on it. they even carry water from the chubut valley to supply all employees along the line, now, but a road of a metre gauge was built, and a very good road it is, considering that english stock and materials were used. building the road involved the making of two new town sites--one on the gulf and one at the railroad terminus. that in the chubut valley has been built up, but half a dozen wood, iron, and mud huts are all that can be found at madryn, on the gulf. still madryn is an interesting town. it has a ruler, appointed by the president of the republic. he is called the prefect. his district is a sub-prefect, and he is a sort of an autocratic mayor. lieutenants in the navy get all such appointments in patagonia. madryn also has a captain of the port and a squad of sailors to help preserve the dignity of the prefect, and the prefect has an assistant prefect, who ranks a little below the captain of the port. outside of the official group, but on excellent terms with it, is the railroad group. this includes an agent, who is a well-educated welshman, and a telegraph operator, who is the charming daughter of the agent. to rank with the non-commissioned officer and the jack tars of the official group there is a foreman and a gang of railroad trackmen. then there are two lighters afloat in the bay for the transfer of freight to and from the argentine naval transports, which come down from buenos ayres once in three weeks. these lighters are excellent sea boats, instead of having the models that lighters in new york have. one is a schooner and the other is a sloop, and five men man the two. the railroad has prospered moderately. it has tons of wheat to carry from the colony every year, besides some small packages of ostrich feathers, guanaco skins, and products of indian workmanship. it carries in dry goods, groceries, and hardware, and several passengers a month pass over it each way. a train runs over the road every time a ship comes to port--say once in three weeks. in fact, the company is going to extend the line up the valley. the people living seventy miles above the end of the road want better facilities for shipping their wheat, and they are going to have them. this branch of the road will very likely have a train once a week to accommodate local passenger traffic. in case the gold mines develop half the wealth they are expected to, the railroad will be carried right away up to the diggings. patagonia railroad building is not expensive. all patagonia between river valleys is everywhere ballasted with proper gravel for a road-bed, and is so nearly level that the ties can be laid, as they were laid on texas lines years ago, right on the natural surface without turning a shovelful of dirt. as compared with some yankee railroads, the only railroad in patagonia is no great affair; but when compared with some others it leaves them out of sight, because it pays dividends as well as develops the country. to sum it all up, here was a colony that might well have been called a failure before the people reached their destination. it was called a failure by about every impartial observer who visited it during the first ten years of its existence. nevertheless, in spite of the drought, in spite of alkali, in spite of homesickness, in spite of all the myriad drawbacks to which it was subject, it prospered at the last, and is now worth millions sterling. but alas for dr. michael jones of bala college! alas for mr. lewis jones, now of the colony! they planted their hosts in the uttermost parts of the earth that the shade of prince llewellyn might flourish and his language be spoken in its original purity forever. so the shade did flourish and the language was spoken for many years, but when prosperity came there was an influx of other tongues, along with an argentine governor and an official staff. spanish was the language of the argentine, and was necessary for all official business. under the argentine law every child born in the colony was a citizen of the republic, and it was a republic of which even the descendants of prince llewellyn did not need to be ashamed. the welsh youngsters, indeed, have grown up to look with pride to the broad blue and white stripes of the flag under which they were born. they are children of the desert--and they love that desert--love it so well that they never lose an opportunity to speak in its favor; and they speak of it with the soft vowels of the castilian, rather than with the consonants of the welsh. chapter ix. beasts odd and wild. let no sportsman or amateur naturalist be deterred from visiting patagonia by the discouraging words of darwin. when that famous naturalist had climbed the porphyry hills back of port desire, and, gazing away over the brown mesa, had seen little worth mentioning even by a naturalist save "here and there tufts of brown, wiry grass," and "still more rarely some low, thorny bushes," he went back to his diary in the cabin of his ship and wrote "the zoölogy of patagonia is as limited as its flora." if patagonia be compared with some parts of the tropics where the forests resound continually with the cries of birds and animals, where butterflies and humming-birds fill the air, and the insects are seen or felt in countless thousands, then, comparatively speaking, the fauna is limited. and yet there were--and are--some forms of life in patagonia--insects, for instance--which, if darwin had happened along at the right time, would have made him think the country about as full of life as it needed to be to keep a human being on the jump. there are as many mosquitoes and punkies (gnats) in patagonia as in any game country i have seen in the two americas, but the absence of this sort of life at certain seasons is one of the advantages which it offers to the sportsman, if not to the naturalist. for the hardy seeker after the thrills of the chase, with incidental trophies, patagonia offers inducements quite the equal, all things considered, of any other wild part of the earth. of the animals a sportsman could find there the first in point of numbers is the guanaco. my first view of the guanaco was from the companionway of the steamer in which i coasted the land. it was hanging in the rigging about the mainmast. the ship's captain had been away on a hunt, and had killed two, which were brought on board and hung up while i was writing in my diary down below. i afterward saw guanacos cantering over the hills unsuspicious of danger, and also fleeing toward a far country because certain that danger was near. they were even seen from the deck of the steamer as she ran down the coast. although certain settlements have driven these animals from three or four old-time haunts, their number in patagonia is like unto the number of antelope that used to range over parts of the united states. they are seen by the thousand. in form and habits the guanaco is a very interesting beast. after a man has hunted it a while he comes to think it a model of beauty and grace, but at first view, even on the plains, it seems to the majority of people ridiculous. "it is like a long-legged calf with a neck three times too long," to quote the words of a yankee sailor i found in santa cruz. as a matter of fact it has the body of a goat, but it stands from three to four feet high when full sized. the neck seems to be as long as the body, while the legs, which are as long as those of a deer, are really thicker, and seem thicker than they are, at least in winter, because of the length of hair. the color of the body of the full-grown beast is the red of a red cow, but the pelage is wool rather than hair until the animal is well on in years. however, the pelage of the legs is hair at all ages. in youth the wool is a light, almost a fawn color. at all ages the color of the back shades into white on the belly, while in extreme old age the guanacos are said to turn almost white all over. the track of the guanaco is something like that of a deer, though much larger, while the foot is peculiar in that it has at the under side a very prominent cushion, which projects below the protecting, forked hoof as the foot is lifted into the air, and which at all times probably supports the main weight of the body, making the step very light on the stony desert. the hoof is but a shell surrounding this bulbous cushion. the cushion is covered with a rough but yielding skin, which, though rough, is not calloused as the foot of a barefooted man comes to be. when darwin was in patagonia he wrote some pages about the guanaco, paying considerable attention to its swiftness, its peculiar shape, which indicated that it was really the humpless camel of the south american desert, and its curious cry when alarmed, the exact neigh of a horse. but more interesting than all this was a habit which he believed it had when about to die. along the rio santa cruz he found the ground under the brush actually heaped up with the bones of the guanaco. animal after animal had crawled in under the brushy shrubs, and, lying down upon the bones of others that had come there before it, had breathed its last. he also noticed that when a guanaco was wounded by a bullet it immediately headed for the river. the same habit was observed on the rio gallegos, but in no other place than these two valleys. with darwin's words as a text, mr. w. h. hudson, whose _naturalist in la plata_ is the most interesting work on natural history ever written, has taken the trouble to reason out the cause for what he says "looks less like an instinct of one of the inferior creatures than the superstitious observance of human beings, who have knowledge of death and believe in a continued existence after dissolution; of a tribe that in past times had conceived the idea that the liberated spirit is only able to find its way to its future abode by starting at death from the ancient dying place of the tribe or family, and thence moving westward, or skyward, or underground, or over the well-worn immemorial track, invisible to material eyes." with this uppermost in mind, i made haste on reaching santa cruz to ask the gauchos and other citizens for horses and a guide to the nearest guanaco cemetery, but they did not understand me. so i got hudson's book and showed them the picture of the dying guanaco, and translated as well as small knowledge of spanish would enable, his touching description of the animal in the place of skulls. by and by they understood, and with one voice said: "it is not so." "but the bushes and bones are there--thousands of skeletons." "without doubt." "why, then, do you say the guanaco does not go there to die, or to escape an imaginary evil? why does he go there?" "it is very simple. we stand now in the lee of this house because the wind is very cold. almost one winter in three the wind is much colder--there is a terrible winter. there is much snow, and ice over the snow. every place on the mesa is covered. to escape the cold storms the guanacos seek the shelter of the bushes. the storm continues many days. they can find no food; they cannot leave the shelter. so they die of starvation, one lying over another. every plainsman has seen a thousand dead guanacos under the bushes after such a winter, not only here but in the cordillera as well." however, though the guanaco does not have a dying place, it has a lot of characteristics sure to interest those who are lovers of natural history. like the north american buffalo, it has wallowing places. on the plains of patagonia, as on those of the western states, great saucer-shaped hollows are seen in which the guanaco lies down to roll in the dust, but the patagonian wallows are often much larger than any i ever saw in kansas or texas. the gauchos say this is because the guanacos resort to them in considerable herds--from thirty to one hundred--and at night sleep in them standing, heads out, in a ring, while the kids stand within the circle. this habit protects the young from the wild-cats and foxes. the guanaco has no effective defence against the assault of a panther save in flight. the old male guanaco with a herd of females to defend will fight when a panther attacks him unless the attack is immediately fatal. the canine teeth of the guanaco make a bad wound, and it can kick like a mule, but the panther is so quick and strong that the struggles of its victims are always hopeless. in the right season each tough old male gathers a harem of from thirty to fifty females, over which he presides in lordly fashion, and in one respect the old fellow is a very good head of a family. he leads the females into the hollows, where the grass is most abundant, while he remains on the highest knoll of the vicinity keeping watch for the enemy, and contenting himself by browsing on the scant herbage he finds about him. at times, however, the guanacos live in vast herds, and then all the older males remain on the higher knolls as sentinels. their sense of smell is very keen. it is well-nigh impossible to get within half a mile of the sentinels by travelling down wind--some say they can smell a party of hunters that is a full mile away, and even more up wind. if approached carefully on the lee side one may get very close, however, and then the action of the sentinels is something that makes the gauchos laugh. the way the old bucks prance and jump stiff-legged and paw the air and neigh horse-fashion is one of the funniest things the plainsmen see. but, like the antelope, the guanaco is full of curiosity. with a little flag or even a handkerchief a man, after concealing himself on the lee side of a herd, can toll them within pistol range by simply waving the cloth in the air at brief intervals. it is likely that the animal distinguishes colors, for the use of two or three flags of bright but different colors excites them much more than one white flag will. when a herd is fired at with a gun (something that happens rarely in patagonia) the report excites, but does not necessarily start the beasts running. indeed, the sight of the smoke may draw them toward the gun. the wounded animal, if able to run, invariably plunges down the nearest declivity, and in the mountains this sometimes means a drop of hundreds of feet. if the animal is one of the leaders the whole herd with it will follow, sheep fashion. a gaucho, who had guided an english hunter from punta arenas up into the cordillera, said one shot of the englishman's rifle one day killed over a hundred guanacos in this way. they all plunged over a lofty precipice. there was a camp of indians in the vicinity at the time, and the result of the shot made the white man a very great medicine man in their estimation. guanacos can climb a mountain or run on a narrow ledge as well as a goat. though found on the sea-beach, they also feed clear up to the edge of perpetual snow, and are quite at home in either locality. their food is grass and twigs, but they are not found in the woods, save only as the natural parks along the foot-hills of the andes might be called woodlands. even there they avoid going into the clumps of trees. guanacos, when taken young, are readily tamed, and for two or three years, or until they get their full growth, make very pleasing pets. they are fond of being caressed, are very playful, and will thrive on any food suitable for sheep or cattle. but in the mating season, after the third year, they become so vicious that it is dangerous for women and children to keep them about. the females are then particularly ill-tempered toward women. they show their dislike by jumping toward the person that excites their anger and striking with all four feet at once. they also spit to a distance of five feet an acrid substance at the objectionable individual. if they knock one down, they will bite as well as jump on him. the flesh of a guanaco that is under three years of age is very good; that of a yearling or under is delicious, and killed in the early fall, it is fat and tender; to my taste the young are the equal of any venison. the old ones are tough and rank. the indians do not kill the old ones unless driven to it by starvation, as during a long storm. to the indian, however, the guanaco is the mainstay of life. from the hide of the full-grown animals he makes his tent, and from the skins of the very young--preferably those of the unborn--with their silky fur he manufactures the great blanket-like wraps that form his distinctive dress. the skin of the hind legs is readily turned into an easy boot, and the skin of the long neck is dressed and cut into strips which form cords for the bolas, straps, and bridles, and horsegear generally--in short, serves about all the uses of leather. in the sinews of the back the squaws find excellent thread, and in the wool a material admirably adapted to weaving blankets and filling mattresses and cushions. nor is that all, for the bones serve various uses, and the marrow is used in place of vaseline, as well as eaten. judging by the good qualities of the skins i have seen, the hide of the full-grown guanaco would make an excellent leather, well adapted for valises and such uses, while that of the younger ones would serve admirably for fine footwear and gloves. skins bring from to cents gold each in the market at punta arenas. a curious kind of ball accumulates in the stomach of the guanaco. it looks something like a stone, but can be readily broken. it is said to possess medicinal qualities, and there is a ready market for the stuff at the settlement. next to the guanaco in interest if not in utility is the panther of patagonia, the _felis concolor_ of the naturalist. nowhere in the world does the great tree-climbing cat reach greater size or accumulate more fat than on the treeless deserts of the far south. specimens from eight to nine feet long over all are frequently seen. though, perhaps, rather lighter in color, they are in all other respects exactly like the panthers of the united states. how it happened one cannot even guess, but the panther is known very much better in the desert than in the united states. rarely can one read a story of the panther in the states without seeing something about its terrible ferocity toward human beings, while the stories of the panther that comes out of the woods to play with the lonely wayfarer as a cat plays with a mouse, that it may at last crush and eat him, are enough to make the flesh of the unlearned reader creep on his bones. on the desert of patagonia there are more panthers in proportion to the area and the numbers of other kinds of animals than in any other region of the world. the lonely wayfarer is not often found there afoot, but men have been on the desert unmounted, and the panthers have come to play around them, too. but it is not as a predatory cat that they come. it is as a playful kitten. individual panthers play by themselves--old ones as well as young--by the hour. they will chase and paw and roll an upturned bush, or a round rock, or any moving thing, and lacking that will pretend to sneak up on unwary game, crouching the while behind a bush, or rock for concealment, to spring out at last and land on a hump of sand or a shadow. then they turn around and do the same thing over again. when it is in this frame of mind if a lone human being comes along the panther is as glad to see him as a petted cat to see its mistress. it purrs and rolls over before him, and gallops from side to side, and makes no end of kitten-like motions, and all because of the exuberance of its youthful spirits. i know that the average reader, accustomed to the fenimore cooper sort of novels, will think this an exaggeration, but the plainsmen of all argentina call the panther by a name that means "the friend of man," and that too in spite of the havoc it makes among their sheep. this name, "the friend of man," applied to a beast elsewhere counted ferocious, arose from an incident well authenticated in the history of buenos ayres, though i have no doubt that other instances of the kindly disposition of the panther toward the human race have served to perpetuate the title. in the people of buenos ayres, then a town of inhabitants, were reduced to the point of starvation because of a war with the indians. one writer, del barco centenera, asserts that of the died of hunger. the dead were buried only just beyond the palisades, because of the danger from indians, and in consequence many beasts of prey came to feed on the thinly-covered bodies, a circumstance that added greatly to the terror and distress of the people. nevertheless, hunger increased so much that many ventured out into woods along the river seeking edible roots, and with some success. among these was a young woman named maldonada, who, getting lost, was found and carried away by the indians. some months later, peace having been restored, don rui diaz, the captain of the soldiers, learned that señorita maldonada was alive, and thereupon he persuaded the indians to restore her. he did this, not to relieve her from her slavery, but that he might punish her for what he believed to be her treachery. he thought she had deserted to the indians, and so he condemned her to be tied to a tree three miles from town and left there to be eaten by wild beasts. this was done. after two nights and a day soldiers were sent to bring in her bones for burial, but to their great astonishment she was found unhurt. she said a panther had remained with her, and had driven off the jaguars and other beasts of prey that came to destroy her. the following sentence is from an old history of the town, and is given in the original for the benefit of those who read spanish because of a pun in it. de esta manera quedó libre la que ofrecieron a las fieras; la cual mujer yo la conoci, y la llamaban la maldonada, que mas bien se le podia llama la biendonada; pues por esta suceso se ha de ver no haber merecido el castigo á que la ofrecieron. freely translated this means: in this manner she that was offered to the wild beasts remained free; the which, woman i knew and they called her maldonada (ill-bestowed), whom they could better have called biendonada (well-bestowed), since from this happening it was seen that she had not merited the punishment she had received. the kindness of the panther does not protect him from the assault of man, however. a war of extermination is everywhere waged against the race. mr. w. h. greenwood, a sheep-owner whom i met at santa cruz, had killed over panthers single handed, but in talking of the matter he said panther killing could not be called sport. when started by horse or dogs it runs with tremendous leaps a short distance. it gets tired out quickly, and then leaps into the middle of the largest clump of thorn brush at hand. there it sits up and snarls and looks like a fierce cat. it will claw the life out of any dog it can get hold of very quickly, but the moment a lasso drops over its neck it gives up, and lying down, shed tears as if it knew and dreaded its fate. panthers are knocked in the head with the bolas, and even stabbed to death with knives by the shepherds, though this last act is really dangerous. the panther will not leap from its crouching place at a man, but if the man ventures in reach the beast may claw his life out, and he may not, too. as the sheep ranches spread over patagonia, the panthers are killed off as vermin. the flesh is freely eaten by everybody in patagonia. some like it roasted best, but most people prefer it boiled. roasted it tastes like young pig. it is particularly esteemed because usually fat. the patagonia plainsmen, as well as the indians, consume fat as an eskimo does. this is not because the weather is cold, as the arctic explorer imagined, but because they live on a meat diet exclusively. vegetables supply the constituents to civilized folks which lean meat lacks. the fat meat is sufficient of itself. of the hunting habits of the panther many stories are told, and from these one learns that it is about the laziest hunter in the world as well as the most playful. it creeps up slowly on the guanaco herds, picks out a fat one, and then with quivering fur and flaming eyes it leaps at its victim. two mighty bounds, no more, no less, and it lands on the back of the guanaco, and with a sweep of its right paw it dislocates its victim's neck. down the two go in a heap, and then the panther tears open the neck of the guanaco and drinks the hot sweet blood that gushes out. this done, the carcass is usually covered up with brush, as if for future use, but as a matter of fact the condors or other carrion birds usually pick the bones. that, at least, is the story of a panther's attack when it is lucky. half the time the guanaco hears or smells its enemy in time to leap away in safety. the panther never chases its game, even when it gets so close as to tear bloody stripes in its flank. at times the panther finds the herd feeding in the open, where no shelter behind which it can reach its prey is to be had. thereat the wily panther lies down on its back behind a bush that may be afar off, and claws the air, first with one paw, then with another, and then with both. up will come its hind legs next, or its tail will stand erect, with the tip waving from side to side. these motions are something guanaco curiosity cannot resist. the guanaco comes to the decoy by starts and hesitating runs, but it comes, and so meets its death. it is a fine savage, the panther. shepherds told me of losing from forty to one hundred and twenty sheep in a night, the mother with young cubs being the most destructive--not that she may feed her young, but because she is then most playful. she kills for fun. the guanaco is the panther's staple food, but horses, sheep, and young cattle are all liked by it. indeed, no living being of the desert except man escapes its appetite for murder, one may say, for it claws down the whirring partridge as she springs from her nest, which it afterwards robs of its eggs; it kills the ostrich as he sits on his nest, and then, after hiding his body, it returns to the nest and eats the eggs with gusto; it snatches the duck or the goose from its feeding place at the edge of a lagoon; it crushes the shell of the waddling armadillo; it digs the mouse from its nest in the grass; it stalks the desert prairie dog (_viscacha lagostomus trichodactylus_), and, dodging with easy motion the fangs of the serpent, it turns to claw and strip out its life before it can coil to strike again. and yet, with all this, it makes a charming household pet. i never heard of one being kept longer than three years, but none of those described as pets was ever killed for personal harm done to or even ill-temper shown toward a human being. the shepherds and gauchos agree that the panther is always a kitten at heart, so far as man is concerned, but it has an instinctive dislike for dogs and love for colts and lambs. these failings, in spite of good training, will sooner or later get a panther into trouble on the ranch, and then even the wife and children plead in vain for its life. if it be thought interesting that a tree-climbing cat like the panther should flourish on the treeless plains of patagonia, then it is remarkable that two kinds of the colored man's choicest game, the 'possum, should thrive in the same locality. in regions where there never was a tree, and never will be one naturally, the 'possum, with its prehensile tail dragging uselessly behind it, lives as comfortably, and makes just as good a roast, as ever it did where the pawpaws grow. that it has lived thus for ages on the treeless mesa no one need doubt; but when by chance one is transported from the plain to a region of trees, to the valley of the rio negro, for instance, the old tree-climbing instinct is found as strong as ever. a mother 'possum that had ten young ones as large as rats, was once taken from her nest to a plantation with trees, and straightway, without any hesitation, she climbed nimbly up, carrying her family with her in the usual fashion--clinging all over her back and sides. nor had the use of her tail been forgotten. so much for the ordinary 'possum. there is another sort found that is no doubt indigenous, and it is of a kind to make the eyes of a colored brother bulge with astonishment, for it is at maturity the size of a small meadow mole. there are bushes on the desert large enough to serve these little fellows as trees, and they are, therefore, able to follow their instinctive desire to climb and hang head down by the tail, but the spectacle of one of the little 'possum mothers climbing about a desert bush with her tiny young clinging to her is one of the most interesting sights in nature. another animal that is at least in one respect allied to the 'possum is the coypu. it might, perhaps, be called an aquatic 'possum because of its hairless tail and its habit of carrying its young on its back. the naturalists, however, say it is more like the beaver than any other north american beast, and it certainly has a remarkably beautiful pelage. its flesh is very good to eat, but it is chiefly hunted for the fur. the feature of this animal, however, that at once attracts the attention of a stranger is the location of the nipples of the mother on her back instead of on her breast and belly, as in ordinary mammals. when seen swimming about with her young on her back, as is her custom, the nipples are found above the water line extending in a row from shoulder to hip, where the young can nurse as they are carried along. of the weasels, one kind is described as much larger than those in the united states. they travel in packs like wolves when hunting, and are said to have the most malignant and devilish faces of any beast of the desert. all birds and rodents that get within their grasp are torn to pieces in savage fashion. along the andes many virginia deer are found, but it is only near the forests. they emit a rank odor from the leg glands that is said to be fatal to the desert snakes. the gray fox flourishes everywhere and grows to a rather larger size than in the united states, but he is remarkable for being very short-winded. at least, he is easily tired out. a race of a few hundred yards with a desert horse uses him up, and he falls a victim to the well-nigh unerring bolas of the plainsmen. he is not often killed by the indians, for he is not fit to eat, but the shepherds slay him at sight because of the number of lambs he kills in the season. then there is the skunk, a counterpart in all respects of the skunk of the states. skunks are very numerous in all parts, and often serve the indians as food when larger game fails. it is an interesting fact, too, that the indians capture them when young and make pets of them. there is rarely a collection of wigwams on the desert without a couple of tame skunks playing about. the skunks, when tame, seem in all respects inoffensive. the gauchos i met when told that a skunk's bite is supposed in parts of the united states to cause a malady akin to hydrophobia were incredulous. they had never heard of such a thing. any reference to the animals of patagonia that omitted the armadillo would be noticeably defective. it is an animal with habits that must interest an amateur naturalist greatly. there are two forms of the armadillo. roughly speaking, one is like a hairy guinea pig with a pointed turtle shell over its back and head, while the other is like a thick turtle without any breastplate. the former is very rare even in its haunts on the andes. the latter is everywhere abundant. as described by all who have seen it, the latter will eat and get fat--very fat--on anything from grass roots to decayed fish or cattle, from an ant to a poisonous serpent, from strawberries to rats and mice. in the wilderness it roams about by day because the cats of the desert persecute it most at night. near the settlements, where, by the way, it thrives best, it is abroad at night, because man persecutes it in the day. slow moving, as it seems to be when the traveller sees it at sunset, it overtakes the serpents of the region in a fair race, and kills them by squatting on them and sawing its body to and fro so that the edges of its protective shell cut the snake to pieces. it captures mice by sneaking on them cat-fashion and throwing its body over them like a trap. it grubs for worms; it robs nests of eggs and fledglings. now, although it eats a great many things that are repulsive to civilized tastes, the armadillo is itself a most delicious article of food for any human taste, civilized or uncivilized. in my journeys as a reporter of _the sun_ i have eaten nearly every kind of fish, flesh, and fowl served between ivigtut, greenland, and ushuaia, tierra del fuego, but found nothing quite so much to my taste as an armadillo baked in the embers of an out-door fire on the desert of patagonia. nor was my judgment in the matter influenced by hunger, for my first armadillo was served unexpectedly after a plentiful repast of good beef roasted on a spit. it is said that armadillos are not found south of the santa cruz river. they are indigenous north of it, but the river's current is an impassable barrier to keep it from spreading south. all travellers familiar with the desert regions of the united states are at once struck on reaching patagonia with the remarkable similarity between the two countries. no one could object to the transplanting of armadillos to the prairies and deserts of the united states. they prefer animal food; they are good scavengers. they do no harm to crops, but on the contrary aid materially in destroying insects and other crop enemies. indeed, they are so valuable in this respect that the agricultural department, which imported bugs of one kind to destroy others that were ruining california orange-growers, might well take into consideration a proposition to import armadillos. space is lacking even for brief reference to other animals. there is one thing, however, about the majority of all the desert animals that must strike the traveller as the most remarkable thing in nature. the big guanacos, the tiny rodent, half a dozen different kinds of mammals, besides birds, all live without water. i do not know this to be true, but every plainsman with whom i have talked said it was so. the panther, of course, finds a substitute in the blood he drinks, but there are others that do not have even a liquid food. they live on flesh or on the herbs that are never noticeable for having juices in them. still, the matter is not without a parallel in the united states, for the prairie dogs, the rabbits, and the reptiles of such regions as the panhandle of texas and the colorado desert live in like fashion. on the whole, patagonia is one of the parts of the world for the hardy lover of nature to see when he goes a-travelling. the zoölogy is, indeed, about as scant, numerically, as the flora; but here, as in all other things, there is a universal law of compensation. whatever may be lacking in the count of kinds is more than made up in the interesting characteristics of those to be found there. chapter x. birds of patagonia. all things save song considered, the ostrich is the most interesting bird of patagonia. there are really two kinds of ostriches in the territory, one at the north and one at the south, but in the eyes of an ordinary spectator they are all of one species. the traveller will see them from the deck of the steamer as he approaches shore. from a distance they look like a flock of overgrown gray turkeys running around the desert. the angular gait of a turkey in pursuit of a grasshopper is theirs. that the ostrich existed in the days when sunny tropical skies hung over patagonia is a fact well known to paleontologists. there are ostrich bones in the old clay beds of the region with those of the glyptodon and the monkey, but the monkey was wholly extinguished in the cataclysms of the early ages, while the ostrich, being better able to adapt himself to new conditions, survived, and is even now almost holding his own in the fight for existence on the desert, in spite of the onslaughts of the puma, the wild-cat, the fox, and the still more ruthless hunters who have human blood in their veins. just how it is that ostriches have survived can be understood by what the patagonians tell of them. thus the birds feed on flies, grasshoppers--about all the insects that appear in their region--and they do this from the moment they break their way through their egg-shells. they are able to make their own living from the first. then, too, they are brought into being in peculiar fashion. the old cock bird has a harem of several hens, and he is in some respects a marvellously good head of a family. he builds a nest for the harem, and the hens take turns in depositing their eggs in it until it is full. nests having forty eggs in them are not uncommon. when the nest is full enough the old cock takes possession, and sits on and cares for them until they are hatched. meantime the females go wandering about the plains having a good time, and, incidentally, laying eggs where there is no nest--eggs that are called "strays" by the gauchos, and remain fit to eat for many weeks after they are dropped. when the eggs are hatched the male looks after the brood--leads them about where food is most abundant, and keeps his eyes open for the ever-near dangers. although the young birds do not at first recognize an enemy in the predacious beasts and birds that surround them, the old cock remains with them sounding "a loud snorting or rasping warning call" whenever he sees a danger, until the youngsters know the dangers for themselves--a very short time sufficing. the habit which ostriches have of sticking their heads into the sand, leaving the body exposed to danger, has often been mentioned in books and used as an illustration of what a fool will do. but when one comes to study the ostrich in its home on the desert the habit does not seem at all foolish. indeed, it is a wise provision of nature for the safety of the bird in a region where hiding places are scarce. when a brood of young ostriches is warned by their guardian they instantly fade out of sight. gauchos told me that they had surprised broods of more than a score, of which they were able to find no more than three or four, and yet those birds had no more shelter for hiding than was afforded by a dozen or so of small bushes. squatting motionless, with his head in the sand, the ostrich is so near in color like the sand and the scant herbage that grows there that even experienced hunters fail to see him. his body looks like a gray desert bush--so much like it that a man may look at without recognizing it. when looking for young ostriches the gauchos examine every bush within many rods of the spot where a brood disappears, and so find very often that what seemed to be a bush was wholly or in part a young ostrich. with its head up, of course, the ostrich would be at once detected. with its head in the sand it often escapes even the keen-eyed fox, the gauchos say. ostriches readily learn the habits of their persecutors. when patagonia was first discovered by white men the aborigines were afoot, and the ostriches, being hunted by men afoot, were accustomed to flee at the sight of a man afoot. the spaniards introduced horses on the pampas and at first the ostriches were not greatly frightened by a man riding. very soon, however, they found the mounted man dangerous. for some hundreds of years only mounted men pursued the ostriches, and they at last got to a point where they did not fear a man on foot. then came a great flood of emigrants to buenos ayres--chiefly englishmen and italians, both classes everywhere the avowed and open enemies of innocent bird life. these took guns to slay the ostrich, and straightway a man afoot once more became an object of terror, while the smell of powder smoke, it is said, will set the pampa birds running away when the gun is at a distance of two miles. further than that, a ranch owner is found here and there who will not permit ostrich hunting on his grounds. the birds quickly learn where they are safe and gather from surrounding districts in great bands, leaving the hunted grounds bare. and what is more remarkable still, the very birds that will flee for their lives when started by a man on the hunted grounds will show not the least concern at the approach of a man when they are on safe ground. that they are readily domesticated may be inferred from this, and so their plumes may be obtained without killing them. but not many are kept so, because the old cocks are often ugly and will attack even men accustomed to feed them. because the ostrich, though having wings, is unable to fly, it furnished such sport on the desert as may rarely be found elsewhere. consider the healthful dash of the athletic young men and women when hunting on long island. remember the old time southern planter, when with thorough-breds and yelping hounds he ran to death the long-winded red fox. and then there are the races across the colorado plains in chase of a coyote or an antelope or a deer. the game is worth the struggle then, and the struggle is worth--how can one estimate the value of such a mad chase? it is simply glorious, but there is a race better still--the race for the life of an old cock ostrich. with both wings drooping if he be at the south, but with one up and spread like a great sail if he be at the north, he stretches out his neck and flees away. the sportsman has no need to urge a well-broken desert horse--it will turn into the hot trail and stretch out in pursuit till the speed sends a gale whistling past the ears of the rider and the dust from his heels lingers above the mesa like the smoke from a flying express. nor is the thrill in the race alone, for there are pitfalls in the shape of burrows where a misstep will send the rider flying sure enough, while gullies and gulches with perpendicular walls lie here and there across the trail. the bird with widespread wings will land in safety after a jump over a precipice, but rider and horse must stop short on the brink or plunge to certain death. and when the bird is overtaken he is never shot to death. the sportsman must loose the bolas from his waist, and, swinging them with whizzing speed around his head, launch them forth at the right moment to tangle the feet of the bird before it can dodge the blow. men pay good prices in the states to see a capt. brewer knock down a pigeon at thirty yards with a scatter gun, and they probably get the worth of their money, but what is the skill of a pigeon shooter compared with that of the man who can strike a running ostrich with the bolas at a range of sixty yards? among the gauchos the chase of the ostrich is known as "the wild mirth of the desert." the ostrich can swim after a fashion, but the water in cold weather numbs its legs until it is barely able to crawl out on the bank after crossing a stream. the indians take advantage of this and drive the ostriches to water in cold weather. once upon a time a milk-white ostrich appeared among the gray birds that roamed about to the south of carmen de patagones. its conspicuous color at once drew the indians and gauchos after it, but for some reason their attempts to kill it failed, and within a few days the belief that it was the god of the ostriches was spread among the hunters, and thereafter their superstitious fear of disaster made them avoid it altogether. it was seen for some years, but the unsuperstitious panther probably got it at last. both the eggs and the flesh of the ostrich are counted good eating, the wings being the most approved part of the flesh. next in point of interest to the ostrich are the various kinds of wild fowl. it is with a curious feeling that the traveller sees ducks singly and in flocks come hastening toward his steamer on the patagonian coast instead of flying from it in wild alarm. a steamer passes each way along that coast once in three or four weeks, but the curiosity of the ducks is not satisfied by that, nor does such shooting as the steamer officers do serve to frighten them to a noticeable extent. i have seen a flock that had been driven away when one of its number had been shot return again to hover above the spars, and so lose a second and even a third individual. then, too, in the harbors flocks of ducks fly up and down and often alight within easy gunshot of the landings, while a gunner in a boat can have all the shooting he wants without the trouble of rigging up blinds or using decoys. in fact to kill ducks was too easy when i was there. the number of ducks seen was not prodigious. there was no wild celery or wild rice for food along shore. it was, indeed, difficult to see what they found to feed on about the harbors, but enough were there to keep a shooter busy. this refers to the months of april and may, and the people said it was the same the year round. the best sport with a gun, however, is to be had with the geese. there are two varieties, and both are quite numerous enough to satisfy any one, even about the harbors. on the lakes--both salt and fresh--back in the interior they are found really by the million, and so, too, are the ducks. around the harbors the geese frequented the low marshes and the borders of the lagoons that were filled with water at high tide. no one among the population had a decoy, and the birds were wild enough to get up at very long range if a man approached them openly either on foot or on horseback. they are much swifter on the wing than they seem to be, and so a sportsman could find use for any grade of skill that he possessed. on the other hand, the tenderfoot would not be obliged to go away without a trophy. it is an open country, so that the birds can be seen a long way off, but there are bushes enough behind which one may creep within easy gunshot range. as trophies the geese found in patagonia are remarkably beautiful. the antarctic gander is snow white, with a bluish bill, while the female is colored and mottled in a way that makes her little, if any, less attractive to the eye than a north american wood duck. the ducks, on the other hand, are not especially beautiful. the teal is about the handsomest of the lot. black-necked swans are common enough, the bodies, save for the head and neck, being entirely white. so, too, are swans that have black heads, necks, backs and wings, with snow-white breasts. this is a most beautiful bird, and when roasted gaucho fashion over an open fire is said to be the best eating of any bird of the south end of the continent. the swans, geese, and ducks are all found on the lakes feet or more above the sea, as well as on the seashore. the lakes form their favorite breeding-places. another bird sure to interest the sportsman is the patagonian prairie chicken known as the tinamou. it lives on the most arid desert as well as near the streams. there are two varieties. the larger one is known as the rufous and the smaller one as the spotted tinamou. both give as good shooting, and are as good to eat as prairie chickens or quails, and as game they are not materially different from their north american cousins. but the spotted fellow has peculiarities. the cowboys, when a flock is started, make a dash at the birds with yells and howls that simply unnerve the game. the birds squat down and permit themselves to be lifted up in the hands, and then, after a gasp or two, stretch out as if dead. if in this case, however, the bird be released from the hand, it springs away with a partridge-like whirr that is startling even to the experienced. more curious still, when the number of charging gauchos is enough to surround the flock, and the noise and excitement is in consequence great, the birds are actually frightened to death. the gauchos are a heartless lot as a class, and many birds that are only simulating death are mutilated in the most cruel fashion. we now come to the birds that are interesting to the naturalist as distinguished from the sportsman, although the list of edible birds has been by no means exhausted. of these the gulls, cormorants, and penguins will first attract the attention of the traveller. the cape horn pigeon, a gull the size of a pigeon, is the most beautiful picture in black and white i ever saw. it hovers about the ship in the most friendly fashion and with never a quiver or flop of the wings sails right into the teeth of the hardest gale--rising or sinking at will. but when caught in a flaw of wind near a wave-crest it gives a few energetic wing beats, and then is away again as easily as before. the ability to sail directly into the wind with wings held extended and without flopping, which all seagulls possess, can nowhere be more readily studied than on the patagonia coast. here, too, one sees the albatross, the largest of sea-birds. with its gray and white plumage and a spread of wings of from eight to ten feet (the sailors said specimens of fifteen feet spread were found), it is a remarkable sight for the inexperienced traveller. captain cook, when near cape horn, found the albatross made a very good meal, so that it was preferred to any meat the crew of the _endeavor_ had, but in modern times the sailors believe that killing an albatross will bring disaster to a ship, even more quickly than spilling salt brings bad luck to some shore folks. the penguin is interesting because it flies through the water as some birds fly through the air. it beats the water with its muscular wings, which, by the way, have only short and hair-like feathers on them. the penguins are good to eat in spite of a fish diet, but are not sought after by any one in patagonia. in the cape horn region the indians pursue them eagerly. then for the yankee traveller who is interested in bird life, there are the shore birds that nest in the arctic region, even in greenland--but at the call of the migrating instinct hurry away south when the northern winter comes, to land at last on the desert shores of patagonia. there are at least thirteen varieties of shore birds that do this. that is a most remarkable journey. there are other birds found in north patagonia in the winter time that go away south in the summer, but how far south they go no one knows. when i was in the beagle channel i made diligent inquiry about the birds going away south, hoping to learn something to indicate whether or not south american birds visit the unknown-regions of the antarctic continent, but the people down there had never been interested in such subjects as bird migration. in fact, i am conscious that such subjects as digging gold and raising sheep are of interest to many more people in the united states than anything that can be said of birds, unless it be the market value of bird skins. however, there are some doings among patagonia birds still to be considered, because they are strange as well as beautiful. for instance, there is a spurwinged lapwing that dances, what spanish-americans call a serious dance, such a dance as a quadrille. "the birds are so fond of it," says one who has seen the dance often, "that they indulge in it all the year round, and at frequent intervals during the day, also on moonlight nights. if a person watches any two birds for some time--for they live in pairs--he will see another lapwing, one of a neighboring couple, rise up and fly to them, leaving his own mate to guard their chosen ground; and instead of resenting this visit as an unwarranted intrusion on their domain, as they would certainly resent the approach of almost any other bird, they welcome it with notes and signs of pleasure. advancing to the visitor, they place themselves behind it; then all three, keeping step, begin a rapid march, uttering resonant drumming notes in time with their movements, the notes of the pair behind coming in a stream like a drum roll, while the leader utters loud single notes at regular intervals. then the march ceases; the leader elevates his wings and stands erect and motionless, still uttering loud notes, while the other two, with puffed out plumage and standing exactly abreast, stoop forward and downward until their beaks touch the ground, and, sinking their rhythmical voices to a murmur, remain in this posture." that ends the performance. one kind of the rails has a different gathering. it is a long-legged bird, with a body as big as the ordinary barnyard hen. these birds always have a dancing platform in the shape of a smooth piece of ground, well concealed in the tall grass or reeds near the water they frequent. the invitation for the dance is a loud cry repeated three times in succession by one bird. they are a fun-loving race, and instantly gather at their old resort when the call is heard. the moment they reach the open ground they spread their wings, elevate their heads, and open their mouths. then, with vibrating wings and yells as of lost spirits, they rush from side to side. from piercing shrieks their voices descend to moans and cries that sound like human beings in mortal pain, and then once more screams of anguish arise. it is the song and dance of the rail, but the performance sounds like the voices of men and women in the hands of demons. the black-faced ibises mentioned by darwin as a common species at port desire have a most remarkable song and dance, so to speak, in mid-air. as they fly along toward the roosting-place at sundown they will, without warning, dash themselves toward the ground, twisting and gyrating about in all directions, to rise again in like frenzied fashion, while they scream in wild glee, albeit their voices are anything but cheerful to a human being. on the lagoons south of the rio gallegos is found a kind of a duck that has a curious performance in the air, also. the birds in small flocks rise to a great height and then divide into two lines, which alternately separate and come together, while all whistle and call in the happiest manner. as the two lines close up together they strike each other with their wings with a sound something like the spatting of hands at a minstrel jig. the performance may last an hour. let no one infer from what has been said here of songs and screams that the desert is a noisy place. it is, on the contrary, distinctively the silent land. one may ride all day and yet hear nothing but the beating of the horse's feet and the brushing of his own feet against the bushes. even the fierce wind does not whistle or even sigh through the brush. in this land the birds, save only the water fowl, are as a whole silent or low-voiced. to one who has heard the constant and tremendous noises the birds of the tropical forest make the contrast is something wonderful. of the other birds that the traveller may see a brief space must suffice. condors, with an eight-foot spread of wing, are common in the andean region, and are rather numerous at port desire and among the rocks up the river there. the carancho is a great white-breasted bird, that is something like an eagle and something like a buzzard; it is everywhere abundant. seated on the top of a bush on the gray-brown expanse of the desert, it is a most conspicuous object to the eye. both condors and caranchos follow the panther, to feast on the game it slays for fun. the shepherds say they watch these birds when hunting panthers, and where a number of them gather somewhat excitedly, they invariably find a panther hiding near the dead carcass of some animal. both kinds of birds, too, have the faculty of seeing when an animal of any kind is from any cause so near to death as to be unable to defend itself, and so gather to tear the unfortunate beast to pieces while yet alive. in the old days, when punta arenas was a convict station, the prisoners often escaped to the desert singly or in twos or threes. hardy ones were known to work their way at times to the argentine with the aid of indians or even alone, but the majority fell by the way. their fate was pitiful. with the lack of food and the gnawing of thirst, their strength gave way until they could but stagger on with faces to the north. and as they staggered came shadows circling over the sand about them. then the shadows became substance in the form of black-winged condors and white-crested vultures of fierce aspects and an eager hunger for living human flesh. the unfortunate would rouse himself to shout and hurl stones at this devilish host--for a time with success, but sooner or later he would stumble and fall, and then they came and tore him to pieces. remarkable as it must seem to the reader, parrots are found in the forests of the andes as far south as the heads of the gallegos river. they can be taught to talk, too, and are, in fact, very much like tropical parrots in all respects. they exist in the rio negro region in great flocks. there is but one species of bird there, they say, that does not fear the feathered cats of the air, and that is a species which one naturally would not expect to find in patagonia at all--the humming bird. it does not seem to be a region of flowers and honey, as we commonly expect a humming bird's resort to be, though it abounds in insects such as humming birds like, but both flowers and honey are there, and so, too, are several kinds of humming birds in the summer season. as has been said, let the yankee tourist who is a lover of nature visit patagonia, if only to see and study the birds. we americans generally ask when something is proposed for us to do whether it will pay. i am not sure that even a yankee could make money out of a tour through this desert, but if any one has made his pile high enough so that he can afford to go away and see some other part of the world, let him travel out of the way--go to patagonia and punta arenas instead of paris. chapter xi. sheep in patagonia. at the port of gallegos, i had a long conversation with edelmiro mayer, governor of the patagonian territory of santa cruz. the greater part of this talk was devoted to the sheep business, the one productive industry of the region that now pays a profit to all having capital in it. of the stories that he told a few will serve as samples illustrating the growth of the sheep business in this new country. john hamilton and james saunders, british subjects, went to patagonia in , arriving there with, £ each and a thorough knowledge of the sheep business. they bought some land and rented some more from the government, and expended the rest of their money in a flock of sheep, uniting their funds as partners. as time went on, and they were able to sell wool, they invested their gains in more sheep and more land. in the season of they sheared , sheep and were the owners of fifty-eight square leagues of land, of which twenty leagues were paid for in full, and the mortgage on the rest was in such shape as to give them no uneasiness. by the estimate of gov. mayer the sale of the wool from the , sheep in paid the owners just $ , gold clean profit above all the expenses. another englishman--i have lost his name--went to patagonia in with no capital save his knowledge of the sheep business and a good reputation. having abundant testimonials as to his character and qualifications, he got sheep and the use of land on credit: a capitalist was found to grub stake him, as the miners say. in this man sold out his accumulations for £ , , and with his wife and children went back to england to live like a lord. i saw a man at gallegos who had gone there to work as a carpenter. he did not have $ when he arrived--in fact, he went there in the steerage of one of the government transports. he had been in gallegos less than three years, and he had a family to support out of his earnings meantime. nevertheless, he was the owner of sheep, of which two thirds were ewes. in the ordinary course, as matters run, he will be a man of independent income in five years. there are three sailors in the country, who, within five years, were wrecked on the coast and landed with nothing but the clothes on their backs. they went to work on sheep ranches, and now have several thousand sheep each. "and how many men have gone into the sheep business and failed?" said i, when gov. mayer had told of these things. "not one." "have any big companies tried it?" "yes, down on the chili territory." "have any of them failed?" "not yet. on the contrary, all have paid big dividends, but, of course, a company may be made to fail by its manager. the business in the hands of individuals of moderate means is just now the best in the world. it is better than per cent." "i should think everybody in buenos ayres, valparaiso, london, and every other money centre dealing with this region would be rushing into it, then." "the country is filling up rapidly, but of course capitalists are generally shy of a business that offers such big dividends. besides, one must learn the sheep business if he would get rich at it, even here." "how much land remains now for the capitalist to buy?" "in santa cruz territory there are to be had square leagues of strictly first-class land. it will carry more than sheep per league, and it is held by the government at from $ to $ gold per league, according to location. you can find about , square leagues more of fair land that can be had at prices considerably less. it would perhaps prove a better investment in the long run. the territory has about , leagues of worthless land--lava beds, etc., utterly barren--almost too poor to support a guanaco. "of course, a very poor man cannot buy even a single league of good land, and he doesn't need to buy. one ought to have some capital with which to buy sheep, but the land can be rented for periods of, say, ten years, subject to purchase at a stated price. if one can raise the money for the sheep, the land need not trouble him. the rental of the best land is but $ gold, per year for a league." "what is the cost of sheep now to a man who would invest?" "from $ to $ . gold per ewe. rams cost from £ each up to any price you want to pay for fancy stock. the ordinary ram at £ is the one to buy now." "then, for a fair beginning, how much capital should a man have?" "five thousand dollars gold." "but how did the sailors, with neither capital nor a knowledge of the business, get on?" "they accumulated both by hard work, and it still can be done readily. the sheep owners are always glad to hire sober young men who are ambitious to learn the business and willing to endure the incident hardships. their terms are not very attractive perhaps. the learner signs a contract to work for four years. the first year he gets no wages in cash. his food and shepherd's outfit are supplied, but he must clothe himself. the next year he will receive from £ to £ per month, and the last year from £ to £ a month, according to his ability. he must be a first-class man to get £ , however. meantime, if he has any capital, he can keep as many sheep of his own as he wants, not to exceed to begin with. these he may pasture on the owner's land and the owner furnishes the rams to run with them. he may also keep the increase of this flock of sheep on the owner's range, so that at the end of his four years' apprenticeship he not only may have his experience, but he should have not less than head of sheep. that, of course, is for the youth with capital to start with. with no capital he would get on slowly, for his wages will not buy many sheep." "in the united states the presence of young men ambitious to become owners of herds very often serves to deplete the holdings of those who are capitalists," said i. "these young men sometimes gather calves that do not belong to them and re-mark full-grown animals. are you troubled so in patagonia?" "not yet. we have read about your rustlers, but have had no experience with them, though sheep are more easily stolen than cattle." "are you ever troubled with drought?" "not in southern patagonia. this country is really a desert, and yet it is well watered; by which i mean that there are plenty of lakes and springs south of the gallegos, although the region between these waters is either very like a shingle beach or a rock-strewn waste." in punta arenas everybody seemed able and willing to talk about sheep. men who owned large herds were in all cases enthusiastic over the present outlook of the business, but their figures were a trifle less booming than those of gov. mayer. thus one man who was manager for a french company owning something over , sheep, with the necessary horses, said that they made three francs on every head clear of all expenses from the sale of wool alone. the increase of the lambs averaged about per cent. of the ewes, and this was an additional profit. when told that estimates made up the coast called for per cent. increase, he replied that that could be had only where labor was abundant enough to care for the lambs when first dropped. the lamb at birth does not know anything--not even its own mother. even on finding her by accident it does not know where to get its natural nourishment, but is as likely to suckle a lock of wool as the teat. such helpless beings need great care, though after a week or so they require no more attention. the long-wooled varieties of sheep are in favor. the lowest average of wool sheared is said to be pounds per sheep. a printed table of statistics which the manager carried showed that the average yield in in all the argentine was · pounds, while that of the united states was exactly that of the lowest yield of his flock-- pounds. his range was considered poorer than the average, but it had sustained two sheep to the hectare--one sheep on an acre and a quarter of the range. the great difficulty that owners of large herds had in making profits, he said, was in finding laborers competent to do the work. the one disease to which patagonia sheep are liable is the scab. this is kept under by dipping them in various kinds of baths, the expense for the bath running from $ to $ gold per year for every sheep. the next greatest expense is for the killing of panthers. every shepherd carries a carbine, and must be supplied with all the cartridges he wants. these rifles sell for less money in punta arenas stores than in new york gun-shops, but the annual expense for rifles and cartridges on some ranches is very great. foxes and a species of wild-cat make havoc with the young lambs, and so these must be exterminated, too. what with hunting down vermin and looking after the sheep to keep them on the range and to dip them for the scab, the french manager had to employ a man for every sheep in his flock. on the whole, his flocks, numbering a little over , sheep, cost the company , francs per year, while the sale of the last clip yielded , francs, and the price was not high. in his judgment, it would be a very poor business man who, after starting with a good outfit and ewes on the patagonia range, did not attain an income of $ , gold a year at the end of ten years. this being the most conservative estimate of the profits of sheep-growing in patagonia, the picture, as a whole, is certainly enchanting. it will probably remind some readers of the days, something like twenty years ago, when the profits of the cattle business in texas, new mexico, oklahoma, and other grass-and-water countries were setting people wild. these readers saw great mansions built and furnished in a style to make merchants smile and artists weep--built out of the profits in cattle. they saw men go into the cattle business one day with no capital but a broad-brimmed hat and the next, so to speak, saw them draw certified checks for tens of thousands of dollars. patagonia sheep are now just where texas cattle were when the owners began to reach out from the green bottom lands of the arkansas and the platte, the san augustine plains of new mexico, and the rio grande valley of colorado. it is not in the nature of any business to pay per cent. or more profit per annum for any length of time. i do not doubt the figures of either the manager of the french company or gov. mayer, but the conditions are now of a kind that cannot last. in connection with the profits of the sheep industry must be mentioned the effect of rag money on the prosperity of the sheep owners. in both argentina and chili the national money was at so great a discount when i was there that a gold dollar would buy from $ . to $ paper, according to the fluctuations of the market. because of this depressed condition of the currency, both countries had about the cheapest labor to be found anywhere. that is to say, when the currency was inflated and its ability to purchase gold fell there was little, if any, increase in the number of dollars paid to ranch hands per month. now the sheep owner sells and continues to sell his wool in europe for gold. he exchanges as much of this gold as he must for paper with which to pay his men; but because the paper dollar has become worth only or cents in gold, he can now pay off his men with less than one-third as much gold as was formerly required. so far as food is concerned, the workmen are unaffected, for they get nothing but meat and a ground root called farina, with paraguay tea to drink, but for their clothes they must pay four times as much as formerly, because about all the cloth of the region comes from europe. the homes and the home life of the sheep owners and sheep herders are well worth describing in connection with what has been said of the great profits the careful and industrious owners may make. i visited one of the best ranches in the territory of santa cruz. it was located three miles below santa cruz city, and was the property of two brothers of english blood, born in the falkland islands. the falklands being full of sheep and no more land to be had there, these brothers took their inheritance and went over to patagonia. they selected their range when choice could be made anywhere, and so got two valleys running into that of the santa cruz. no matter how dry the season, therefore, they were sure of grass for their flocks, and no matter how severe the blizzards of winter, the sheep would find plenty of shelter under the hills and steep banks and in the lee of the clumps of brush that grow on low ground. the brush, too, was in sufficient quantity and of a size to serve as fuel and for building corrals. it was as good a location as one could ask for. on the tongue of moderately high ground, where the two valleys united to enter that of the santa cruz, they built their house. it was a mansion for that country. the walls were of vertical boards battened with thin strips, and the roof was of corrugated iron. this structure was divided by wooden partitions into four comfortable rooms, of which two contained two beds each, one was a general living room and kitchen combined, and the fourth was a store-room. all but the last had good wooden floors. there was a good wrought-iron cook-stove in the main room, and a table and chairs that had come from a furniture factory. the beds, too, were of factory make, and there were sheets as well as blankets on them. there were a few photographs on the walls--portraits of relatives and friends--and everywhere a profusion of grocery and tobacco-store lithographs. all these things could be seen when the doors were closed, because there were windows with glass in them, and the glass was kept clean. there was a broom in the corner, and the floor showed that it was used regularly. in short, here was a house that was neat and comfortable. i ate dinner with the brothers. we had mutton roasted over an out-door fire--the best kind of roast--with fresh-baked bread, yankee hard tack, and coffee with granulated sugar and yankee condensed milk in it. knowing something of ranch life as it is ordinarily found in patagonia, i said to one of the brothers: "i do not believe there is a sheep man in patagonia that lives more comfortably than you." "i fancy not," he said. "we have about everything that we want, and do not mean to starve for the sake of saving sixpence extra." thereat an employee who had been a sailor, and had turned shepherd with good success, rolled his eyes expressively toward a bright-colored lithograph on the wall above the table. the lithograph was a picture of a pretty girl leaning over a farm-yard gate in a way to show her well-rounded form to advantage, while her skirts were so short that she was at least in no danger of tripping on them when she walked. jack's gaze lingered on the fair form for a minute, and then he said: "we have everything that the soul could long for, except society. you can't get the kind of a wife you want to come to this country." "i've heard," said i, "that the tehuelche girls are pretty and coquettish in their manners, and not at all averse to marrying stalwart young white men." "that's so," said jack. "i know. i tried it. i gave an old buck six horses for his daughter, and she was the prettiest one in the whole tribe. we were married tehuelche fashion. they killed and ate half the horses i gave for her, and made a dance, and the medicine man shook his rattles over us, and put charms around our necks to keep the devils off. that was the swellest patagonia wedding of the year, i'll lay five pounds. so we set up housekeeping. then the old buck, and the mother, and the grandmother, and the sisters of the grandmother, and the brothers and sisters of the buck and of the mother--lord! the whole tribe came to visit us. it took ten sheep or a horse a day to supply them with grub. i stood it for a month, and then i got a divorce." "that's an interesting incident. how did you manage the divorce business?" "took my winchester, and run the damned outfit to the other side of the cordilleras." i saw half a dozen sheep men in gallegos. they had come to the settlement partly on business and partly for the pleasures of society. with a dozen villagers they were seated at a large table in the dining-room of one of the hotels. a huge kerosene lamp overhead afforded fair light--enough at least to show that the crowd was unshaved, unwashed, and squalid. each man had a tumbler at his elbow. a fat, round bottle that held about a gallon of claret was passed along at frequent intervals to keep the tumblers full. all but one were drinking wine. the exception was an englishman, and he took whiskey. half the crowd were playing cards, and there were kernels of corn in little heaps as chips before each player. "this is a great game," said mr. william clark, formerly of salem, mass., a ranchman, who acted as my guide. "you play it, eh? of course you do. why, man, they've only corn for chips, but they are winning and losing a hundred dollars and more every game." "so? to judge from their dress they couldn't afford to lose fifty cents." "of course they couldn't, but they're rich--most of them. each red kernel is a dollar chip, each white one twenty-five cents. this is a great country." "so it is. is that old fellow with a ragged shirt at the head of the table one of the rich ones?" "you bet he is. ragged, eh? well, rather; but he's the proprietor of this hotel, and owns ten thousand sheep besides." "and the swarthy old pirate alongside with the big heap of reds--who's he?" "you call him a pirate? how did you find it out? that's just what he is. he lent me a hundred not long ago, and charged me two per cent. a month. he's the government blacksmith. he only gets $ a month, but he has hundreds of dollars loaned out at two per cent. a month. big pile of reds, eh! you call him a pirate? that's just what he is." on further inquiry i learned that three men playing at the table with the landlord had incomes better than $ gold a year, while the rest were employees on small wages paid in paper, the best-dressed man being a servant on $ a month. four had been well educated and two could barely read. apparently they were all enjoying themselves, and i asked clark if they were. he looked at me in astonishment. "why, man, of course they are. what more could you want?" he said. the sheep man does not want anything more. mention has been made of a man who sold out his holdings in patagonia for £ , , and then went home to england to enjoy the proceeds of his labor, only to find on arriving there that he was unable to enjoy himself as he had expected to do. this family had lived in patagonia only a very few years, but the life in a mud hut, where there was not a single restraint of civilization, had changed their habits and thoughts so much that they were utterly out of place among their old friends. to keep her house clean and herself was a burden for the wife, even when she had servants to help her; to wash and shave, and wear a starched collar, made life intolerable for the husband. the latent wild instinct in both had asserted itself until it was beyond control, and they returned with joy to the savage freedom of the desert. and so it had happened to every sheep man living among his sheep that i met or heard of, except the two brothers near santa cruz. that there were other exceptions, i have no doubt, but they were mere exceptions. the ranchmen of patagonia are almost to a man educated and by their youthful training refined. some, as said, are university men, but, as a class, they live lives, that, to people of culture and refinement, seem utterly savage. they become so accustomed to this manner of life that they will endure no other. the desert is a strange region. it is forever bleak, barren, and monotonous to the eye. with its piercing winds and blizzards on the one hand, and its fierce heats and thirsty wastes on the other, it is apparently the most inhospitable region in the world. but it takes hold of the heartstrings of men, strips off their thin veneer of civilization, teaches them joys of which they had heard only such faint rumors as may come in dreams, and so holds them fast. "such things were and are in men; in all men; in us too." chapter xii. the gaucho at home. "we would rather hear the bird sing than the mouse squeak," is a common saying of that most interesting class of men in south america known to the world as gauchos, and it is the saying which, better than all others originating with them, gives an insight into their character as a class. to this may be added the book definition of their name. gaucho, in the spanish-english lexicon, is a term in architecture "applied to uneven superficies." the gaucho is the cowboy, the shepherd, and the plainsman of the prairies and deserts that extend from the rio grande do sul in brazil to the andes and from the grand chaco forests of the argentine to the strait of magellan. he is an out-of-doors citizen of somewhat "uneven superficies." my first view of a gaucho was had on flores island, the quarantine station of uruguay, a place where nearly all the passengers bound on the english steamers for the river plate, during the yellow fever season, are obliged to stop for disinfection and observation. we had been on the island a little over a day when a steer was butchered to renew the fresh meat supply. nearly all the passengers went to see the beast suffer, among the rest a brazilian naval officer, en route to a station in the missiones. after a little time he came to my room, asked why i had not been at the killing, and added: [illustration: gauchos at home.] "it is now the best time to go. the killing was nothing--a gaucho put his knife into his throat and it bled to death--but now the gauchos will have an _asado_. did you ever in your life see an _asado_? it is of the finest of meat. they will roast the ribs of the cow by the fire." near the buildings set aside for the use of the third-class passengers from brazil we found a number of gauchos preparing to roast the ribs of beef over a small open fire--a fire so small that the coals and ashes occupied no more space on the ground than the ribs would have covered. the rib piece was threaded, so to speak, on a slender but stiff bar of steel five feet long. the bar was thrust into the ground so that the beef was inclined like a shelter tent above the blazing fire, and there it remained for about two hours, being turned occasionally by the gauchos. although this was the first time i had seen beef roasted in just that fashion, i was much more interested in the gauchos and certain other things they did than in their roast of beef. had the officer not told me the men were gauchos i should very likely have mistaken them for sailors. the nantucket whaler, fresh from a three years' cruise in the pacific never showed a sweeter roll in his gait, than did these south american cowboys as they fetched to alongside the fire or veered off in search of fuel to keep it burning. nor was the resemblance in the gait alone, for every man of them wore a belt with a knife, the handle of which was just where the man's hand would find it in the shortest time. then, too, the hats of the gauchos were of the nondescript sort, and all worn easily on what a sailor would call the northwest corner or some other corner of the head. the leg-gear, however, was by no means nautical. jack always loved flowing trousers, but not flowing as these were. at first glance the gauchos seemed to have brown zouave trousers with white leggings at the ankles, but a closer inspection showed that they wore rather close-fitting cotton drawers in place of trousers, and that in addition their legs were clothed from the ankles up with a length--say three yards--of wide brown cotton goods. one end of this piece of goods was tucked up through the belt and spread out across the small of the back. then the other end was brought up between the legs, tucked up under the belt and spread out across the belly until its edges touched or even overlapped the edges of the rear end. that is all there was of it. the stuff bagged down between the legs in a fashion that made the wearer the most ridiculous looking man, in my judgment, on the continent. the nearest approach to it in north america can be found in the trousers with flaps in front, which the good farm wife used to make for her husband in the old days. it is true that the yuma indian of the colorado desert wears a short length of cloth in something after the same fashion, but he draws the ends through the belt until they hang down before and behind, leaving the middle to fit close to the body, in which fashion he appears to be wearing a short skirt. "what do they wear that cloth bagging between the legs for?" said i to the brazilian. "you are to remember," he replied, "the gaucho lives on the plains where no tailors find themselves in order to make clothes _à la mode_, eh! and the gaucho cannot himself to make trousers and he cannot himself to put what you call them--the patches over the holes in the trousers where he sits in the saddle. but he can to buy cloth and to wear one end between him and the saddle to-day and the other end to-morrow and another part to-morrow--past to-morrow. caramba! the cloth never can to wear out in much time, but it can to cover the holes behind in his trousers. is it not true?" caramba is a spanish word meaning in the american language "gosh." it is in common use among south americans of all classes, a fact worth mentioning, perhaps, for the reason that the gauchos have no more forcible word for use even under circumstances that would lead an american cowboy into the most sulphurous depths of profanity. ridiculous as the gaucho appeared when seen on flores island surrounded by houses and people dressed suitably for a summer stroll on broadway, he seemed a very different being when i came to meet him in patagonia. a hawk mounted on a smooth walnut perch in a city museum does not seem quite the same bird that it does when it snatches a partridge from under the jaws of a snarling fox on the edge of a thicket in the adirondack wilderness. to see the gaucho at his best, that is where he will be found most interesting, one must go where he lives utterly free from all restraint, even the restraint of association. such a place is patagonia. this great southern desert gives perfect freedom to its roving sons. it is a wondrous solitude. one rides away from the valley of the stream in which he has left his ship, until the crest of a hill shuts out the view of the water, and then finds himself alone utterly. pebbles red and brown, that have been rounded by the waves, with the gray and yellowish sand of attrition, are under his feet. on every side are scattered clumps of stiff, gaunt gray bushes. further away the land rises in knolls and ridges. seeking for a change in the landscape, one rides to the top of the highest crest in view, only to find that the ridges he saw before had apparently moved on. at any rate, before him stand ridges and knolls of precisely the shape he had looked at on first scaling the mesa. turning around and looking back, the ridges and knolls just seen in front are found duplicated. one may ride for hours with never a change in the landscape which the ordinary eye can detect. it is an unvarying gray wilderness. it is as silent as it is desolate. the wind blows strong in the face, but it does not whistle, neither does it make a rustle in the bushes, unless it be a gale. the brush does not even bend or sway under its impulse. it is, save to the most observant, usually a lifeless desert. the faint chirp of a desert sparrow, called by the indians, mouse bird, because of its color and its habit of running over the sand as it dodged behind a bush at the strange sight of a human being, would not be heard by the ordinary traveller, and unless the ostrich or the guanaco were stumbled upon by accident, no sign of life would come to cheer either the ear or the eye. nevertheless, when once a man has learned the secrets of the desert and its savage joys, he returns to it as to the arms of some fierce sweetheart, finding there a spell, an elation that makes all other kinds of life seem insipid. nature has in store many undescribed and undescribable pleasures for those who can return to live a natural life in the wilderness. it is in curious fashion that many of the gauchos of patagonia have gone to the wilderness to live on the bounties of nature, and it is a curious life they lead there. a ship is driven ashore on the patagonian coast either by real accident or purposely, that her owners may collect the insurance. of her crew, should they escape, at least one will become a gaucho. they will all reach one of the settlements, where a chance to take service as sheep herders will be offered them. several will enter this service and so learn the simple arts of the plainsman--to ride a mustang, to roast meat on the steel rod that leans above a fire of small brush, to throw the lasso and the bolas, to hold the fur robe called a quillango about the shoulders while galloping across the desert in the teeth of a gale. the shepherd life seems good for a time, in spite of the steady diet of mutton, with only an occasional change to guanaco meat, the ribs of a panther, or the wings of an ostrich. by and by, however, this life palls. why should one be tied down to one spot when the whole wilderness lies before him and nature will there supply every want? why should one take orders when he can follow his own free will? why mix in the quarrels and envying and strifes of the head station when silence and safety and peace may be found beyond the range? the shepherd becomes a wild gaucho. and then there is the soldier stationed on the frontier. in the old days he was like a break-water to stop the indians who in waves came to whelm the scattered settlements. now there is peace, but the old forts are still manned. "so many officers are martinets," the soldiers will say, "and at best it is a dog's life in the barracks. let us be wolves instead." the soldier turns gaucho, sometimes without waiting for the formality of a discharge. last of all there is the lad who is growing to man's size in the officers' quarters of a frontier post, or in the general store of the frontier settlement. the desert calls to such boys every day as the sea calls to the children on nantucket beach. they have lassoes and bolas as the yankee boys have skates and baseballs. they are riding mustangs before the new york boy is trusted on a tricycle. meantime the gaucho is ever before them with his swagger and dash, his hearty laugh, and his quick anger. mothers may frighten their children when babes in arms by saying, "the gaucho will carry you off," and may tell the older boys that the gaucho is the personification of all that is ribald--the desperado of the plains--but as the leaders of the _courriers du bois_ of canada were the sons of french gentlemen, so the chief men of the gauchos are of what is called good family. i saw one of that kind--an englishman by birth. he wore on his shoulders a poncho--a small squaw-made blanket with a hole in the middle through which he could thrust his head. on his feet were potro boots, a sort of foot-gear made of the skin of the legs of a colt. about his waist was a belt that carried a knife, of which the handle was silver and the blood-stained blade a foot long. he was unshaved, unwashed, and ungroomed. but he had on a suit of fine silk underwear, "because, don't you know, i can't get used to the beastly scratching of furs and flannels." the outfit of the patagonian gaucho is simple and not expensive. with one good horse and three dogs he can start, but a swell gaucho may have a score of horses and a dozen dogs. to these he must add a good saddle, with numerous saddle-cloths, which are usually nothing but small blankets woven by the tehuelche squaws from guanaco hair and wool, purchased or stolen at the ranches. equally necessary are the quillangos, the great fur robes made by sewing together the skins of young guanacos. with two or three of these the gaucho can pass the night comfortably in the lee of a bit of brush even when a blizzard is raging. the water-proof canvas sleeping-bag lined with fur would be warmer and lighter, but the gaucho will have none of it because his quillangos serve as overcoats by day. the weapons of the gaucho are simple, and with one exception inexpensive. they are the lasso, the bolas, and the knife. the last, having a carved silver handle, may cost as much as $ gold. the lasso is a horsehair rope. the bolas have been described by every writer who has visited the river plate, but it may be worth telling here that the reader can make them for himself by taking either two or three round balls of iron an inch and a quarter in diameter, or two or three round stones of two and a quarter inches in diameter, and securing to each the end of a stout cord three feet long. then tie together the other ends of the cords, making a good big knot in doing so. to use the bolas, grasp this big knot and one of the bolas, and then after whirling the free bola or bolas about the head to give them speed, hurl the whole outfit at any target handy. if the novice does not crack his skull in his earlier efforts to master the bolas, they quickly become an effective weapon with a range of twenty yards. after considerable practice a healthy man can achieve a range of thirty yards, while fifty or sixty yards may be covered by the man of exceptional skill. the gauchos tell of ranges up to yards, with a two-ball outfit made of iron. it may be so. having these weapons, the gaucho commonly scorns all others. "i am astonished to learn that you do not carry a good revolver," said i to a gaucho who talked english fluently. "and i am astonished to hear people like yourself think one of any use to us," he replied. "but i have heard that you gentlemen of the plains have misunderstandings with each other, and that you then fight to kill." "it is true." "would not a good revolver be a handy thing to use in self-defence at such a time?" "it would indeed. to defend oneself--why, i suppose nothing could be better for that. but we do not fight so. to think of shooting a man when--bah! pardon me, my friend, but i can see you have never felt a man's flesh give as you drove your steel home." the story of the life of the half-wild gaucho on the desert is full of adventure. the gaucho's day begins with the capture of a horse from his herd. it is literally a capture, for the plains horse, no matter how well trained, hates the draw of the cinch. where a man travels alone one of his herd must be securely staked out over night, that he may be able to round up and load the rest, if there be loads. sometimes the precaution of staking is of no avail, for there are wild horses all over patagonia, and the joy of their lives is to stampede a tame herd, especially a herd with mares in it. for this reason mares will sell for a dollar or two each, where stallions or geldings of less strength are sold for ten or more. when the horses are packed and attended to, breakfast of coffee, possibly, and cold meat left from the last repast will serve, but the usual bill of fare is a cup of _maté_, the tea herb of paraguay, and a pipe of tobacco. the morning appetite of everybody in spanish america seems to be that of a man who has been on a spree the night before. some bitter bracing drink is all that is wanted. then the _maté_ pot is slung to the saddle, a last look is cast over the camp ground to see that nothing is left, the finger tips touch the cinch to see that it is tight, and then the gaucho swings into the saddle. the gaucho born to the life is of the very best class of riders. drunk or sober, asleep or awake, over the smooth mesa or across the broken ground of a gully, the gaucho sits in his saddle as easily, as securely, and as comfortably as a new yorker sits in a cross seat of an elevated train car that has no other passengers. and yet the gaucho's seat is apparently insecure, for his legs dangle about in a way that would be simply shocking to a central park riding master, and one has to see the gaucho's mustang jump sideways and land stiff-legged, while the gaucho's legs are still dangling, and to see the look of absolute unconcern on the gaucho's face when the mustang jumps so again and again, to thoroughly appreciate him as a horseman. the gaucho once mounted, where will he go and how will he pass the day? one may as well ask the first question of an indian or of a guanaco feeding in a gully. he will go where the whim takes him and stop where night finds him. he has absolutely no reason for taking thought for the morrow, and he takes none. he will pass the day galloping easily across the desert, in the main, with mad dashes this way and that as the dogs start an ostrich. he will dismount to break the neck and disembowel the bird when overtaken or when tangled up by the bolas. he will chase a young guanaco, as well, and when an ostrich has started from under his horse's feet, so to speak, as often happens at a certain period of the season, he goes back on its track after killing it, because he knows it was on a nest when started, and that in finding the eggs he will find a delicacy of the desert. the patagonia ostrich egg is a huge affair, equal in weight to more than half a dozen hen's eggs. the gaucho breaks a hole in one end to let the steam escape, and then stands it in the ashes at the edge of the fire and lets it roast. of course, it must be turned occasionally. because these eggs are a hearty kind of food they are usually eaten at the gaucho's evening dinner. and the gaucho dinner is a tremendous affair, so far as quantity is concerned. having galloped over the plains all day, with, perhaps, a stop for luncheon, a cup of _maté_, and a smoke at midday, the gaucho is hungry when night comes. but, although he may have more meat than any three men may eat, he will not have enough to satisfy his appetite. this is not because the gaucho is a glutton, but because a meat diet does not fully satisfy the demands of the human system. the indians eat fungus of various kinds, grass roots and seeds, and berries in the season. the gaucho will gather the berries because they are everywhere abundant. he will pick up a handy bit of fungus, but will not go out of his way to find it. the bunch-grass seed is too small a matter for his happy-go-lucky soul. so he is always hungry at night, and never satisfied entirely unless, indeed, he chances to kill a good fat panther. the fat of the young panther is the most satisfying food of the desert. to tell just how many pounds of young panther meat a gaucho will eat would be to throw a doubt over this whole narrative in the minds of readers not posted on such matters. however, with his guanaco, his ostrich, and his panther meat, with his _maté_ cup after, and his pipe after that, the gaucho is contented, if not entirely satisfied. out of the day's captures he will keep the skins of the ostrich, for the feathers are worth cents gold a pound in the settlements, and he sells them that he may buy more _maté_, some more silver for decorating his saddle, and some ribbons and candy to carry to a more or less attractive squaw. the money left after the purchase of these necessaries of life is used in buying a jag of the largest size obtainable with the resources at command. that is to say the gaucho gets drunk whenever he goes to a settlement. getting drunk is the one civilized habit to which he clings to the end of life. in all other respects the patagonia gaucho is a picturesque savage, the arab of the southern desert, who passes his days in wandering from oasis to oasis. these gauchos of patagonia are only one species of a class. there are gauchos, as has been intimated, on the cattle and sheep ranches. they are much more frequently seen by travellers than are the patagonians, because they gather at the pampa railroad stations, and may even be found in certain quarters of buenos ayres. they wear their distinguishing dress everywhere, and so may be recognized readily. as seen from a railroad train they look like slouching loafers. the ordinary traveller see the gaucho at his worst. in fact, the gaucho has seemed to be such a worthless dog to so many travellers, and so many travellers have written and printed their impressions of the gaucho that he has in these later years learned that all foreigners regard him as a pretty hard citizen. now, the gaucho is above all things a man of pride, and even of vanity. he wants to appear well, especially before strangers, and so it has come to pass that to call a gaucho a gaucho is to insult him. strangers should always avoid insulting a gaucho until after they have got the drop on him with right good guns. the gaucho is the handiest man with a knife in the world, and his estimate of the value of human life is as low as that held by any class of men. "what does it matter? many beautiful horses die," he will say when he hears of the death of a friend. "i was in a gaucho saloon up the river one day last summer," said a buenos ayres man to me, "when a frenchman looking for a ranch to buy came in. he wanted to smoke and had cigarettes, but no matches. and what was very much worse for him, he did not know the etiquette of the occasion. with cigarettes in hand, he placed one in his mouth, and then in politest terms asked the favor of a light from a gaucho who was puffing a cigarette stub, possibly a little more than a quarter inch long. so far he had done well. the gaucho said, 'with pleasure,' and the frenchman was soon puffing his cigarette. then he made a well-nigh fatal error. instead of returning the worthless stub with thanks he dropped it on the floor, intending, as he said afterwards, to ask the gaucho to do him the favor of taking a fresh one. but he didn't have time enough to even open his mouth. dropping the stub was an insult. it implied that the gaucho had been smoking a too short stub. caramba! that frenchman was impaled on a twelve-inch blade before he knew what was to happen." not only is the gaucho written down as a desperado; he is called the laziest of men, and in proof of this charge is cited the fact that he will saddle a horse and ride half a mile rather than walk forty rods. but the truth is that in his peculiar field he will work down any other kind of man. give him horses and set him to branding cattle. he will begin his day's work by saddling the horse before the peep of the longest day of the year, and then will drink a cup of coffee, mount, and go to work. for seven hours he will gallop about the excited herd, whirling and throwing the heavy rope, downing the cattle with marvellous precision, and then out of the exuberance of his spirits gallop against the stronger bulls as they flee from the hands of the marker to send them rolling over and over in a cloud of dust. at the end of seven hours or so he will want what he calls breakfast--a few pounds of boiled and roasted meat will suffice, and if he have a couple of bullet-like loaves of bread the size of his fist, known there as _galletas_, he counts it a feast. this eaten, and a cigarette rolled, he mounts and continues the work for seven hours more. and that is not an extraordinary day, either. a ride of miles in a day is not counted great by a gaucho, while seventy-five miles a day for a week, during which three camps will be made without food or water, is a matter of frequent occurrence. in short, the gaucho does any work that anybody can do on a horse, and he does it in a quantity and with a good humor that are astonishing. attending to cattle is not hard work in the sense that ditch digging is hard, but a cowboy's life is not one of ease in either north or south america. the home life of the gaucho of the pampas can be duplicated on the plains of new mexico. the walls of his house are almost invariably sun-dried blocks of mud, and the roof is a flat layer of mud over brush, supported on the crooked trunks of willow trees usually found in the valleys of streams. for the roof, a thatch of the long pampa grass is also common. this is much better, because it is tight until it rots. the mud roof leaks in time of rain so badly that the family moves out of doors. fact! the floor is the earth as the builder found it. there may be two or three rooms, but one usually suffices. here the gaucho and his family, and his mother or his wife's mother, and a sister or two pass their lives. a few skins of cattle and panthers and deer will serve for a bed when a blanket has been thrown over them. a brazier may sometimes be found, and on this water is boiled to make _maté_. the food--meat of various kinds only--will be boiled and roasted over the open fire built without or under a simple shelter in the wet season. there is often no table, and chairs are scarce. the food, if served on a table, is simply heaped up on a platter or dish of some kind, and each one makes a grab at the heap. as often as otherwise each helps himself from the pot or the roast as it hangs over the fire. one jabs his fork into a convenient spot of the roast--forks are common on the pampas--and with a clever stroke of his big sheath knife cuts off a slab of meat. one end of the slab is flipped into the mouth when an upward stroke of the knife divides the slab, leaving a fairly convenient piece in the mouth. watching a family of eight or ten--men, women, and children--squatting around a fire, simultaneously flipping the ends of slabs of meat into their mouths, and with upward strokes of keen-edged knives cutting away the slabs and leaving the mouth full of the steaming roast, the whole group talking and laughing continually, meantime--that is one of the most interesting, if not the most pleasing, experiences of a journey in the argentine republic. the traveller who visits a gaucho family must needs join in the feast, following the fashion of his host, and it is a fact that more than one tenderfoot has sliced off the tip of his nose in an effort to cut off his mouthful of meat only. in his social and home life the gaucho is, as one would expect from what has been said, an affectionate husband and father for the most of the time, with occasional outbursts of temper when he treats those dependent on him with great cruelty. dancing is the favorite amusement of the sexes when together, and the gaucho is then--and at every opportunity, in fact--a most persistent gallant, and a successful one, too. next to an intrigue, the gaucho loves to gamble with cards and play billiards. he is altogether too excitable to make a gambler fit to compete with the cold-blooded professional from the rocky mountain mining camps, but he nevertheless acquires great skill in the manipulation of a deck of cards, and he educates his eyes until he can detect the slightest marks on the back of a card, and so recognize the hand of an opponent. indeed, cheating is counted as a mark of superior skill in playing any game of cards. the gaucho would be greatly astonished as well as angered if called a rascal for cheating. at convenient distances across the pampas, and at every railway station, will be found the gaucho saloons. they are mud-walled huts, of course, but larger than the homes of the gauchos. the walls will be found occupied with various government ordinances relating to affairs in the district, and especially to the sale of liquors. with these will be great, crude lithographs, representing events in the last revolution, or some other fighting scenes. mingled with both ordinances and lithographs are the tiny pictures that come with the packages of cigarettes on sale everywhere. these cigarette pictures are of a sort to make a north american, or even a north american manufacturer of cigarettes, gasp. they contain illustrations of, and conversations between, men and women that are almost always indecent, and invariably of a sort of wit that makes the gaucho scream with laughter. the pampa saloons sell but two kinds of drinks that are reasonably pure--rum and beer. the beer is made in the suburb of buenos ayres--quilmes--and quilmes beer is good. the native rum is consumed in vast quantities by the gauchos, but it is not popular with ranch owners simply because it is cheap. one would as soon expect to find stock exchange brokers working the growler after a day's business as to see a pampa ranch owner bring out a bottle of rum. the liquor glasses of the pampa saloon are peculiar. they are water tumblers in shape and outer dimensions, while the capacity is that of new york whiskey glasses. the amount of glass in one will make it weigh nearly half a pound. a more compact or better shaped missile for a saloon fight would be hard to find. gaucho etiquette, as already intimated, is a matter demanding the closest study of the stranger. that the gaucho is hospitable, and in his way generous, need not be said. the stranger who enters a pampa saloon will be asked to drink, without fail. if he wishes to drink he should say so, and when he has swallowed his potion should ask the other fellow to have something. but if he does not wish to drink he need not do so, provided he knows how to refuse. the correct form of refusal is to say: "many thanks, sir; many thanks. i have had all that i wish to drink, but will you not give me the pleasure of paying for the drinks for yourself and the gentlemen, your friends?" to this the gaucho will reply by declining with thanks, and the matter is ended comfortably. it is an offence to decline bluntly to drink, because in the gaucho's mind such a refusal could only come from one who felt himself very much above the company assembled. there is one kind of a drink, however, which no one should refuse without first, as said in another case, getting the drop with a good gun on the other fellow, and that drink is _maté_. the drinking of _maté_ among the gauchos, and among all argentines for that matter, is like the smoking of the calumet among north american indians. a small gourd is nearly filled with the powdered herb, and then boiling water is poured in to fill the cup. this done, a silver tube with a strainer at the bottom is poked into the decoction, and the drinker sucks the liquid up through the tube. now, as soon as the tea has been sucked out the tea-maker fills the gourd once more with hot water, and passes it to the next person in the group, and so on. the one gourd and the one tube must serve for all the company. it will try the stomach of the inexperienced traveller to take the tube into his mouth wet from the lips of a drunken gaucho, but he had better do it with thanks and look happy. it is better to put a vile tube in the mouth than to receive a keen knife blade in the belly. and those are the horns of the dilemma often presented to the man who interviews gauchos in their native haunts. and of all things it is the worst insult possible to wipe off a mouth-piece before taking it into the mouth. though ignorant of books, the gaucho is a keen observer of nature. he is a thinker, bright, too, if not a deep one. his terms and sayings ought to be gathered into a book for the instruction, as well as the amusement of his fellow-man. he calls the chase of the ostrich the wild mirth of the desert. the panther is "the friend of man," because it has been known to defend men from the attack of the more vicious jaguar, and because it often comes to purr about solitary travellers on the pampas, as a tame cat might do. the rattlesnake, a species not known in patagonia, however, is the bell snake. the dragon fly is "the son of the southwest gale," because that wind often brings clouds of these insects. there is a huge and fierce spider on the hotter pampas that does not hesitate to attack man--a most repulsive and fearsome being. the gauchos have a weird song in which they tell of an army of these that came to attack a city, and although the men of the town fought bravely, all were routed and overwhelmed by the terrible foe. they say that horses know an indian camp by its smell when many leagues down the wind from it, and are stampeded by the odor, because in the old days the indians were predatory. they say that pampa deer kill a venomous snake by running around it and exhaling an odor from the leg glands that eventually suffocates the reptile. many people affect not to believe any of this class of gaucho stories. but ever since there were gauchos, they have been drying the stomachs of ostriches, and after powdering the stuff have been taking it for disorders of the stomach, while it is only within late years that pepsin has been on sale among civilized people as a remedy for dyspepsia. the worst feature, all things considered, of the character of the gaucho is his cruelty to animals. cattle herding or growing on the range is naturally and inevitably blunting to the finer feelings of the herders. in the states, as in the argentine, it is made a cruel business by law. the law provides that range cattle must be branded, and branding is infamously cruel. from branding cattle to deliberately torturing them for the pleasure of seeing their sufferings is but a step. i have known an oxford graduate to skin a fox alive--so great is the degrading influence of cowboy life. but the gaucho does not become degraded in this respect; he is born so. of the gaucho's religion, a sentence will suffice. he would be insulted were one to tell him he was not a christian--meaning a catholic--but he has never heard of the sermon on the mount, and is as incapable of appreciating its doctrines as is a yankee preacher who believes in the foreordained damnation of human souls. compared with north american cowboys, we find that there are more rough riders among the gauchos. they do not practise so many fancy tricks, such as riding in quadrilles, but they can hang over the side of a horse to escape a bullet, or still hang on to the horse when dead. they know not the glories of a stetson hat, with its band of gold braid, but solid silver saddle horns and stirrups and plaitings on saddle flaps are their delight. they have not that provident ambition which turns cowboys into bankers and statesmen, but they have a hearty contempt for a shallow pate, they hate a horse thief and lynch him with fierce glee, and they despise the man who kills with a bullet as one who is a coward and who misses the most ecstatic thrill of delight that comes to a man hunter--the delight of feeling the thrust of the knife that cleaves the victim's heart. they may be savages, but they are not animals. they laugh and sing, dance and flirt, gamble and drink, race and fight, work and endure, and so long as they do not lose their horses--so long, to use their own figurative expression, as they do not lose their feet, they never see a dull day and rarely feel a sorrow worth the mention. among the great variety of books in south america now accessible to readers of english the majority refer in one way or another to the argentine republic partly because it is a leading nation there, but chiefly because buenos ayres is, as its people say, "the athens of south america." nearly all these books have been written by englishmen, and it is to english writers that americans commonly look with confidence for information about many other things, and in many other matters, than those of geography. because of this tendency and trustfulness of american readers i think i cannot do better, in concluding this sketch of argentine gauchos, than to quote a sentence from a work entitled _argentine, patagonian, and chilian sketches_, by mr. c. e. akers. he says (page ): "the native gaucho, too, is not a very highly interesting individual." chapter xiii. patagonia's tramps. a number of surprises await the traveller who visits patagonia, but probably none is greater than the sight of the tramps sure to be found at almost every port. there is nothing especially surprising in the quality or grade of the tramps; they are the same uncleanly loafers that offend the eye on the highways of the united states, but to find them on the desert and tramping from place to place, that is remarkable. for, consider what patagonia between the rio negro and the strait of magellan is as a place of human residence. the settlements are hundreds of miles apart. one who rides from place to place cannot travel in a straight line, but must go hither and yon to reach the springs of sweet water, and even then, in many places, the known springs are from to miles apart. in very many parts of the desert, only the best horses and men can stand the terrors of thirst and heat by day and of thirst and cold by night. worse yet, it is for the most part a trackless desert. no wagons are used, and the hoofs of the unshod horses that are occasionally taken over the route do not leave a trail that any one can follow. nevertheless, in spite of all this--in spite even of the fierce storms of sleet and hail--tramps are to be found at about every settlement, and in some way they get on from place to place, seeing the country in true tramp fashion, and living on the food and wearing the cast-off clothing and drinking the liquor they beg from the more or less industrious people found in the region. i say more or less industrious people advisedly, for the reason that tramps are found not only among the ranches of the energetic sheep farmers, but also in the wigwams of the indians. i got my first view of a patagonian tramp at the first patagonian port i entered--madryn, on the shore of new gulf. the captain of the port had a united states wife, and, on learning my nationality, made me at home at his house. while i was in the parlor talking to a number of people a man came to the open door and knocked. the captain's wife came to the captain and said: "there is that vagabond again." then she asked me if i had expected to find tramps like the yankee article in patagonia. i followed the captain out in order to see the fellow, and found a man with unkempt red hair under a badly worn soft hat, a face that was of a pinkish red color and blotched with big freckles, a thin, sandy moustache, and thin, sandy beard, a coat and trousers but no shirt or socks, and a pair of shoes that were almost devoid of soles. in the presence of the official he was meek and deprecatory. he wanted to make an explanation, but the official would not listen. a naval sailor was called and ordered to put the tramp into a lockup. thereat the tramp brightened up greatly, and walked away talking cheerfully in very bad spanish to the sailor. then i learned something about the tramp. he had appeared at madryn some weeks before that, saying he had come from buenos ayres on a ship. he was looking for work, too. still no ship was then in from buenos ayres, and when ranch work was offered to him he said that it was a kind of work that he could not do. he loafed about madryn, sleeping in the lee of one house or another, and begging food first of the few families there and then of the seamen who helped to keep up the dignity of the government establishments. when people began to treat him coolly he wanted some one to take him to a little settlement sixteen miles away along the shore of the gulf. no one would do it, so he started away afoot. he had just returned from that settlement when i saw him. "what will you do with him?" i asked. "give him some breakfast." "and then?" "he will have dinner. in the morning, after coffee, he must go." there was but one route for him to travel--the little railroad that led to the welsh colony of chubut. it was a route fifty-one miles long and without water, but no one doubted that he would walk it without trouble. i guess he didn't walk it, however. the one train of this road came to town next day. i saw the tramp standing beside it while the crew were busy with their work. there were in the train some open box cars, and some that could be easily opened. while i was looking at the crew the tramp disappeared and i saw no more of him, although i was in madryn two days longer. i think he beat his way to the colony in a freight car, tramp fashion. the welsh colony is sixty miles long and has some thousands of inhabitants, all of whom were once poor, but have now at least enough to eat and to wear. they remember when they were poor, and they will give food and cast-off clothes even to this vagabond. still there was a mystery about the fellow. i wanted to learn how he got to madryn in the first place, but all that he would say was that he had come in a ship, which was obviously untrue, unless he had come from some small sailing vessel beating along the coast. but that seems an impossible explanation of the matter, and the mystery remains. when in the course of time i reached rio santa cruz and went ashore i found a drowsy-looking white man sitting on the beach talking to a native argentine of mixed blood. the white man, though somewhat sleepy, was indignant, to judge by his expressions and accent. seeing me he stopped his flow of profanity for a moment, and then said: "beg pardon, s-s-stranger. are you english?" "no, i'm a yankee," said i. "glad to--hic--hear it. that's whi'-whi' man's country. s-s-see tha' ship?" (pointing to a brigantine anchored in the stream.) "s-she's english. s-so 'm i. t'--hic--t' 'ell with her. i'm one of her crew. th' captain lef' me--hic--here becau' drunk. s-s-said this bes' place for me; going t' leave me here." "oh, i guess not. he's got to carry you back to london, or wherever the ship cleared from." "lonnon be damned. i'm from s-s-sandy point. wish t'--hic--'ell i was there now. tha' 's god's country, eh? 'f 'e don' take me 'board to-ni', going walk s-s-sandy point surer 'n fate." finding conversation with the sailor growing more difficult with each sentence, i asked the argentine man about him, and learned that he was originally one of a crew of a ship wrecked on the coast of tierra del fuego several years ago. the crew had in some way reached punta arenas, or sandy point, as the english call it, in the strait of magellan, where most of them had found life so pleasant that they could not tear themselves away for any length of time. this man had been sailing in the fleet of little traders that have punta arenas for headquarters, but had signed articles on the brigantine, and was in duty bound to return in her to england. she had come into the rio santa cruz for a cargo of wool, and was then well-nigh loaded. the men, of course, had been obliged to come ashore for the wool with small boats, and as a result this man had been able to get drunk. he had been worthless as a foremast hand, and so the skipper had taken advantage of his drunkenness to get rid of him. "well, will he walk to punta arenas?" said i. "y' are dam' ri' i will," interrupted the sailor. "who knows?" said the native, with a shrug of his shoulders. "many of them try it, as he will. not many arrive there." the last i saw of this fellow was on the evening of my last day in santa cruz. he was curling down to sleep on the lee side of a bunch of bushes. he was rather drunker than when i first saw him. he had been drunk every day while i was in port, and this, too, though penniless. down at the rio gallegos i found two more english-speaking tramps. both claimed punta arenas as their home, and both spoke of it as the chief centre of the world's delights. both were miners, they said, and they had come from the low-tide diggings a few leagues down the beach. both had been sailors at one time and shepherds at another, and both were about as worthless as any vagabonds i ever saw. they were there during all the time of my stay, and they took pains to speak to me at every opportunity. they said each day they were going to start the next day for the strait colony, but i guess they remained where they were until the authorities forced them away. that the tramps were numerous enough at gallegos to be considered a public nuisance was evident from the fact that copies of a tramp ordinance were posted conspicuously in the bar-rooms. this provided that all persons found within the town limits who were without occupation or employment or means of support, and any one found begging should be arrested by the police, and on conviction before the justice set to work "on any public improvements that the magistrate may direct for not more than two months." i called the attention of one of the tramps i met to this ordinance. "i twigged it the first day," he said. "i haven't done much but lie around and twig things since i came, but i've got an occupation. yes, sir, i'm a miner, and i'm here to buy horses for the outfit down the beach. just as soon as i can get a herd of $ horses together at $ each i shall cut this town dead." inquiry at the various ports showed that professional tramping in patagonia had developed from a variety of causes. in the north the old-time professional loafers simply extended their journey from the capital city to the rio negro. it seems that cattle and sheep breeding have in some way a strong tendency to make men over-hospitable. on the pampas of the argentine, in the sheep stations of australia, and among the ranches of the american prairies the wayfarer is not only welcome, but is made to feel that he is so. in the united states the abuse of this hospitality has pretty well destroyed its old-time heartiness. the yankee ranchman now wants to know the character of his guests before making them welcome. in the argentine known loafers are invited in. men are found there who own horses and ride about from ranch to ranch, never doing a stroke of work from one year to another, and yet are made welcome at a single ranch table for weeks and months at a stretch. i have never heard of such a custom elsewhere, except in australia. these pampa vagabonds have extended their routes to the rio negro ranches since the destruction of the indians made it possible to settle the rio negro valley. next came the tramp element to the welsh colony at chubut. these welshmen were supported absolutely for six years, and in part for ten or more by the government. as a rule, the welsh were of too sturdy a make to be injured by the charity, but some were overcome by it. they learned the desert routes from the indians. they even strolled away with wandering bands of tehuelches and became desert nomads. then, when the welsh had prospered and were able to employ laborers on their farms, there were disagreements between masters and men, which ended in the men going away, anywhere to get clear of the hated employer. when i was at gallegos i fell in with william clark, formerly of salem, mass., of whom mention has been made, who owned a fine ranch up the river. clark had only two days before left his ranch to come to town, and the first thing he told me was that he had been entertaining a citizen of the united states who had come along on afoot without a cent of money and scant clothing. the man had been employed on a ranch by one whom clark knew to be a hard master, and had left because of ill-treatment, going away without taking his own clothes. clark was indignant at the treatment the yankee had received, and not only fitted him out comfortably, but gave him a good lift on his way towards the more settled region to the south. very likely this yankee wayfarer was a reputable man, but clark admitted that vagabonds were becoming numerous--men who told stories of ill-treatment at some ranch afar off to gain the sympathy of the impulsive ranchman to whom he was talking. in connection with the tramp of patagonia must be mentioned the white men, who for more than fifty years have made their homes among the desert indians for varying lengths of time. the tehuelches learned a long time ago that white men, and especially white sailors, were skilful in a variety of arts useful to the indians, and moreover that they almost invariably carried knives and other useful or ornamental things in their pockets. whenever a ship came to anchor in the strait of magellan in former years the indians came down to the beach to welcome the crew ashore. first of all, there was the trading of furs and feathers for rum, tobacco, and tools, and the last of all, was the coaxing of some of the crew to desert the ship. the indians were wily. they told the sailorman that he was so skilful in his arts he should be made a chief, and so become entitled to a fine wigwam, many horses, and all the wives he wanted. jack's bosom heaved with joy at the bare thought of such luxuries, and when opportunity offered he gathered as much plunder as possible from the vessel and fled to the indians. then he found he had made the mistake of his life. he was not only robbed of all his plunder, but in every case was stripped of all his clothing except a shirt or a thin coat, a pair of trousers and possibly a pair of shoes. in many cases the shoes were taken also, leaving the poor devil to walk barefooted over the stony desert. instead of becoming a chief he was made a slave, who had to gather fuel and to do other work beneath the dignity of the lordly tehuelche. he had to walk when the camp was moved, and, what was worse than all else--it simply broke jack's heart entirely--instead of having many pretty indian girls for wives, he became "the white fool," the butt of the entire band down to the smallest youngster. neither guile nor bravado nor real bravery ever availed to make jack a chief, though cases are known where a man of good natural abilities did work out the condition of a slave to that of a warrior. the lives these men led were of the greatest hardship on account of the severity of the climate and their lack of clothing, so that many died from exposure. others were killed in quarrels, and the happiest fate that could befall the runaway was to be carried back to his captain and delivered up for a ransom, that he might receive the punishment he deserved when he stole from the ship and his comrades. the rev. titus coan, the yankee missionary who went to patagonia, but concluded that the arab-like life of the tehuelches was unsuited to yankee missionary tastes, found runaway sailors among the tehuelches. that was in . i did not see any of them when in patagonia, but the gauchos told about them, and i have no doubt they are to be found there now. it is common for people of new york who have accumulated enough money to enable them to retire from business to speak of themselves as "living in independent circumstances." they can live without work. these tramps are also in independent circumstances. they can live without work. it was written, that if a man will not work neither shall he eat. we now find ourselves obliged to modify the old-time interpretation of this scripture. i do not pretend to offer any suggestion in the matter of relieving the toilers from the incubus of the loafers but those who are engaged in solving the problem, ought to know and to consider the fact that in desert patagonia the number of tramps is greater in proportion to the population than it is in the well-settled parts of the united states. chapter xiv. the journey along-shore. it was in the month of april--and that is to say in the fall of the year--that i started on my voyage in the wake of the old-time explorers magellan, wallis, cook, bougainville, and the others whose names are associated with the cape horn region. i had passed the previous summer in the fever-laden atmosphere of rio janeiro--had sweltered and fumed under torrid heats and breathed the odors from the streets that are too vile for description until the thoughts of ice floes and of the sweet breath of a gale from off the snow-capped ranges of the far south were like dreams of heaven. but just where i was to go--what points in the patagonia coast and southward i was to visit--and how i was to make the journey, i did not know. indeed, when i reached buenos ayres, i was half ashamed to make the inquiries which the lack of a guide book made necessary. however, i made bold to confess my ignorance, and eventually learned that the argentine government kept three naval transports regularly employed in voyages along the coast to the south, and that one was loading for the voyage. four days later i piled my baggage into a carriage and drove to the ship. i found the deck thronged with people and littered with baggage. the officers were about in gold-laced uniforms. the people were in holiday attire. a gang of 'longshoremen gathered about the carriage to get at my baggage, but the ship's steward came to my rescue before i had ceased wondering how i could escape, and in a trice everything was on deck and under the eyes of policemen in sailor uniform who guard the docks there. then i had leisure to look the steamer over in a cursory fashion. here is what i learned: the name of the ship was that of the capital of argentine tierra del fuego--_ushuaia_. she had been built in stockholm as a river platte lighter, but after some years of service in this humble capacity had been purchased by the argentine government and made over for use in carrying troops, supplies, passengers, and freight to and from the various settlements established on the southern coasts in . when the transformation was complete there was a saloon × feet large and feet high between beams. on each side of the saloon were two state-rooms, of which the forward ones were fitted with four bunks and the others with two bunks. the larger state-rooms had the bunks lying athwartships and the floor space between the bunks was inches wide. in the state-rooms aft the bunks lay fore and aft, and because of the curve in the side of the ship, were narrower at the after end than the forward. there was a little more spare space in these rooms than in the rooms designed for four passengers, however, and so they were to be preferred. as said, the saloon was × feet large. in its centre was a table - / × feet large, while the companionway came down just forward of the table. on the whole, the space left seemed scant, especially when i learned that we numbered ten passengers, of whom two were ladies, the wife and daughter of a frenchman, bound to santa cruz to open a wholesale general store. pretty soon there was a call to breakfast, and then we began to realize just how scant the room was. besides the ten passengers we had the purser, the ship's agent, and another man at the table, and the table was never intended to seat more than eight. there were six of us on each side of the table that was but eight feet long. the steward could not pass around the table to serve the food; he could only bring the platters and tureens down the ladder and place them at the head of the table, and then the purser had to do the rest without aid. however, the food was abundant, and, by the italian standard, well cooked. people who don't like garlic might have objected to some of the dishes, but a traveller should learn to like garlic. we had cold beef tongue with onion salad, soup, a beef-stew called puchero that includes squashes among its vegetables, stewed tripe, beefsteak fried with onions and tomatoes, and we finished with fruit and black coffee. it was rather awkward sitting with one's shoulders edgewise to the table, but we got acquainted the easier for the discomfort and enjoyed the meal. after breakfast we went on deck to smoke. we found the steward washing the dishes of the whole six courses in a single soup tureen full of water. the amount of water seemed rather small to me, but perhaps i was mistaken, because when i called the attention of my fellow-passengers to it they did not think it remarkable. they said he used a fresh tureen of water for each course. perhaps he did, but i'm bound to say the dish water as i saw it was thicker than the soup we had eaten from the tureen an hour before. at o'clock sharp, the hour of sailing, the captain mounted the bridge. he was a slender, swarthy little fellow with straight black hair and a thin moustache. his name was h. v. chwaites, and i learned that he had reached a rank corresponding to the yankee grade of commander in sixteen years. lighting a cigarette he shoved his hands into his pockets and ordered the lines cast off. nobody seemed to think it an unusual circumstance that a naval captain on the bridge should smoke cigarettes or put his hands in his pockets. as we rounded the turn in the bend of the channel below the docks the pilot (a member of the ship's staff) ordered the quartermaster to right the wheel immediately after the captain had ordered it hard over, and the result was that we had to anchor to avoid grounding. later still in the long channel leading to the roadstead the pilot did the same thing again. we were steaming along with a stiff breeze over the starboard bow, while the steamer's nose was high out of water. in two minutes more we were skating along over rio plate mud outside the channel, and the upshot was that we had to call two tugs, which eventually towed us stern first into the channel once more. having had some experience with ship captains, i was simply astounded when i found that this one did not swear at the pilot for running the ship out of the channel; why, he did not even remonstrate. he simply lighted a fresh cigarette and bowed his thanks to the tug captains. that afternoon the stiff breeze became a gale, and some of the passengers looked with nervous apprehension at the spars of three different wrecked ships that we passed, but it appeared from the behavior of our steamer that she was a remarkable sea boat. although but one hundred and sixty feet long and about thirty-five broad, she rolled so little in the sea that no racks were needed on the table when dinner was served. in fact, the few of us not seasick had a very pleasant time at the meal, for we had plenty of room. night brought new matters of interest. in spite of the storm it was a warm, oppressive night, and the air of the cabin would have been stilling even with the companionway wide open. the seasick ones wanted the doors closed, and so they were closed. worse yet, i had chosen one of the after state-rooms because it had only two bunks. it had neither port-hole nor skylight nor window of any kind. the door was small, and it fitted the doorway, i thought, closer than any other two parts of the cabin fitted each other. when shut my room was hermetically sealed. my room-mate was very seasick and in a chill. would i be so kind as to keep the door closed? there was but one answer. i had to say it would afford me great pleasure to do so. reeking with perspiration i stripped, got into night clothes, and turned down the bedding, and found both sheets and blanket moister from the humidity of the air than the shirt i had discarded. although not wishing to anticipate my story, i may say i never saw the bedding a whit drier during the nine long weeks i was on board. morning came with surprises also. i was out early, but i had scarcely completed my toilet when one of the four gentlemen in the room forward of mine appeared and said: "will you make to me the favor of to permit me myself to wash in your room? the wash-bowl there in ours is broken." i said, "with pleasure." he washed. another and another one followed him. none of us thought about the slop pail under the bowl, and when it had been filled the slops ran over and flooded the floor, whereat my seasick room-mate groaned in anguish and swore feebly in french. in the after state-room opposite mine was quartered an argentine lieutenant bound to ushuaia to take command of a small government steamer. while the rest of us considered the slops we heard him calling for the steward, who had not yet appeared, and we asked him if we could be of assistance. he said we could. his door was shut and he could not open it. would one of us open it for him? a glance at it showed us we could not. there was no knob to the lock. my next door neighbor turned to look at his door, which had been open all night. it had no knob to the lock. neither had the door to the state-room occupied by the french family. my door only of the four had a knob, but that was found to be removable. thereafter, when a door was shut purposely or by the roll of the ship, the one imprisoned within would bang the panel with his knuckles and say: "señor, that you may wish to make me the favor to bring the door knob." whereat every man present would skurry about to find the precious article, because each was sure to want such a favor done for him, sooner or later. we had a carpenter on board, too. after washing ourselves a few of us gathered on deck near the head of the companionway to get a breath of fresh air before coffee was served. among the rest was the french merchant, who was the best groomed man of the lot. we were inclined to be cheerful as we watched the tumble of waters, and hailed with delight the advent of the steward when he first appeared. when he got closer to us we were not so much delighted. he was carrying an open sugar-bowl and a platter of tiny sweet biscuit--the certain signs of coming coffee. but before reaching the companionway he had to pass a big chicken coop that occupied the centre of the quarter-deck, and, as he explained afterward, he never did like chickens. he had been seasick all night, and the sight and smell of that coop were too much for his stomach. rushing to the rail he leaned far over, and, regardless of sugar-bowl and biscuit, paid a flowing tribute to neptune. at that the dapper frenchman grew white, exclaimed "oh, my god!" and, clasping his hands to his stomach, fled to the opposite rail. however, the sea grew calm next day, and the warm sun came down on a sea rippled by a gentle breeze. everybody came on deck then, perfectly willing and even anxious to be contented. but not all could succeed. there were some who did not think any better of chickens than the steward did. the chicken coop, which stood on the quarter-deck, contained over thirty chickens, and it was provided with a slat bottom. people who object to having chickens roaming about over the lawn of a farm-house will sympathize with the passengers on the _ushuaia_ who did not like to have a chicken coop in the centre of the quarter-deck. the roll of the ship was slight, but it swashed the refuse of that coop clear across the deck. some of the passengers said such a condition was never before seen on the quarter-deck of a naval ship. however, we all knew that it would not do to brood over sorrows, and the livelier ones began to seek to amuse the rest. the frenchman knew a dice game different from any the rest had ever heard of, but unfortunately had lost his dice. a german doctor bound to a tierra del fuego gold camp supplied the lack by whittling a set from a piece of yankee pine. count richard of roedorn, germany, a young man travelling for pleasure, and bound for the same camp, had several decks of cards, and had learned the yankee game of poker. several others knew enough of the game to make it interesting for a couple who knew it better yet. the rank of the count, by the way, did not in any way interfere with his being a right good travelling companion. he was well educated, a traveller of experience, and he had a most cheerful disposition. so far as i observed, not even a finical critic could have found more than one habit about him to censure, though that, to be sure, would have excited the severest remarks among the knowing people of new york. count though he was, he wore made-up ties. however, to continue the story, herr ansorge, a miner, let us know that he was a member of a german singing club in buenos ayres, and two minutes later "ta-ra-ra-boom-de-ay" was sung in four languages at once--spanish, french, german, and english. a half dozen other songs followed in a way that demonstrated that if we were not trained musicians we formed a cosmopolitan crowd that could enjoy life under adverse circumstances off patagonia. speaking of card playing reminds me that we saw much of it on that steamer, especially on the way home, but poker was not the game. they used the spanish cards in which swords and cups take the place of spades and diamonds, and the game was like that known in the states as banker in which the king was high. the lowest bet on this game was a dollar currency, and, of course, money changed hands rapidly, but the greatest win of any night's play was $ . the prevailing winds of that region in april are found between west and south. the _ushuaia_ bunted and bobbed her way through a head sea for five days before the high alluvial cliffs that mark the entrance to new gulf loomed through the chilled mist of a storming morning. then the wind shifted and came on in scurrying squalls. we had theretofore travelled on with the utmost care for the safety of everything about the ship, but now the captain made sail to help the steam, until the masts groaned under the strain. she was a slow tub--good for eight or eight and a half knots in smooth water, but under the press of canvas she drove across new gulf at more than ten. the passengers looked on in delight and wonder. soon after noon we rounded to before a landscape that was made up of low, white alluvial cliffs, alternating with sloping brown stretches of sage brush and sand, behind which rose a range of hills to complete a picture for all the world like those to be seen in the deserts of southeastern california. then, even before the sails were furled, the captain ordered a boat lowered into the water, and he was hastily rowed to the shore. later i got ashore myself. the captain met me at the landing. would i like to meet the agent of the little railroad running down to chubut? i would. he was a welshman, who, of course, talked english, and had lived in the country twelve years. we walked over the desert sand to a long shanty of vertical boards roofed with galvanized iron. the captain walked in through an open door as one who felt at home might do. the room was a marvel of neatness, considering the surroundings, and there was a piano in the corner. while the captain enjoyed my admiring glance, a door to an adjoining room opened, and a most attractive girl of perhaps seventeen came in. "is this the agent of the railroad?" i asked, when we had been introduced. "no, she is the telegraph operator," replied the captain; "but she will tell you anything about the country you may wish to learn for the benefit of the north americans." "will you do that?" said i to her. "i shall be glad to, unless you would rather talk with father," she replied, turning her big blue eyes on me in a way that showed she knew very well no man would want to see, or hear, or think of anybody else while she was around. three or four days later the _ushuaia_ was steaming slowly down the coast, bound for the ancient resort of pirates called port desire. it was a dreamy, indian summer day, and the passengers were idling about when a servant asked me to go to the captain's quarters. i found him picking a guitar, but he put it away as i entered, and took a slip cut from a newspaper out of his pocket and handed it to me. would i be so kind as to translate the little poem printed on the slip from english into spanish? i would try. it was the story of a girl who stood on a pier weeping for a sailor whom the sharks had eaten in a far-away port, and it had a refrain: "and the waves sigh low as they ebb and flow, for they know that the sea is fraught with woe." "she gave it to me," said the captain. "it must be very beautiful," and he nodded his head to the point of the compass that was in a line to the anchorage we had left in new gulf. "we will be back in thirty days," continued the captain, "and then i will ask her father." it took us more than six weeks to get back. then the captain once more hastened ashore. i watched him through a glass as he entered the door, but no one met him there. i do not know why this was so, but i guessed that this handsome little telegraph operator had some of the characteristics that make pretty girl operators in the states so tantalizingly charming. i guess she was a coquette who thought a naval ship captain legitimate prey. [illustration: among the ruins at port desire, patagonia.] at port desire the view of the settlement is disappointing. one hears in advance that sixty people live there. as the ship enters port one sees a long gray corrugated iron house that is two stories high in the middle, one story high at each end, and apparently one room deep. it stands on a little plateau on the left (south) just at the entrance of the harbor. tower rock, a y-shaped natural column, rises a few hundred steps away behind it, and a tall-flagstaff, braced almost as well as a ship's mast, stands in front. both tower and staff serve the mariner as landmarks in entering port. then three leagues away to the south of this building is seen another. it is of the sort found in american mine camps--a wood and iron structure. next, the old ruins under the precipice at the north shore come into view, and among them are seen two more iron roofs, the bodies of the houses being very well concealed by the old stone walls. last of all, one sees close down to the water on the south side, and not far from the first house noticed, another iron structure that is low, but wide and long, and has a pile of very crooked firewood on the beach before it. and that is all one sees of the settlement of port desire. this settlement cannot be said to be growing. desire river furnishes excellent pasturage. vegetables in abundance can be grown, and even grain, to a fair extent, with a little irrigation, while the range for sheep is said to be much better than in many parts of the territory down near the strait; but people will not come here because it is so far from any base of supplies which they can visit on horseback. the calls the argentine naval transports make are irregular. there was one stretch of nine months in the last two years when no steamer visited the port. of course, nobody went hungry or suffered for lack of absolute necessaries during that time, because the cattle, the guanacos, the panthers, and the ostriches supplied all things needful. with plenty of meat, a little salt, and the guanaco fur robes, the frontier ranchman of the argentina does very well--so well that he will not take the trouble to raise even his favorite vegetable, the squash. but what worries him, when the steamer fails to come, is the inevitable famine of _maté_, the wild tea of paraguay. the consumption of this herb is a remarkable feature of argentine life, north and south, but in patagonia there is no citizen but would take _maté_ rather than a good dinner if he had to choose between the two. then, too, wine and the native rum become exhausted, and so does tobacco. the traveller who looks at the settlement dispassionately will say that so long as famines of drinks and tobacco impend, there is no great hope for its future. for the last three or four years the post of sub-prefect at port desire has been filled by don juan wilson. don juan when a boy was known as johnnie wilson at alexandria, va., but his people emigrated to the argentine, and the lad entered the naval school, where he was graduated with honor. something of his subsequent career is worth telling to illustrate the argentine way of doing things. lieutenant wilson has been in all the wars but one of the argentine for a quarter of a century. he has a dozen medals which were given to him for services rendered, and he can show more scars obtained in battle than he has medals, but he is a lieutenant still, although men who entered the navy after and below him, rank as commodores and admirals. that looks as if he had been treated very unfairly, but the truth is he can thank his lucky stars, as he says, that he is no worse off. he has been in every revolution against the government but one, and every time but once has been of the losing party. he might have been shot lawfully several times, but because he was a conspicuously good fighter, and therefore sure to be very useful in case of a war with a foreign nation, his life has not only been spared, but he has been retained in the service. but because he was always ripe for a revolt they sent him down to patagonia. he could not revolt there or help anybody revolting in buenos ayres, and in case he were needed to fight chili or brazil he could be had very quickly. the reason he failed to take part in one revolution--the last--was that he was in patagonia while the revolt was in the capital. when talking to me about it he seemed to be very sorry that he had not been able to join his comrades, and that, too, though every one of them was in prison under sentences of from twenty years up. of the life naval officers in patagonia lead i had a glimpse at port desire, where i had dinner and remained over night with lieutenant wilson. the barracks were found to be comfortable and even cheerful within, though as bleak as the desert without. at the table the lieutenant sat at the head, with a junior officer and his wife on the right, and the lieutenant's son, a bright lad of seventeen, on the left. two boys waited on the table with a military precision of motion that was very funny to a non-military spectator. we had excellent fare--italian soup, fish from the river, roast beef, and two vegetables, with bread and coffee and cigarettes after. one of the waiters had a history. he was a full-blooded tehuelche indian. the lieutenant, while leading a squad of sailors up the rio negro in general roca's war of extermination, heard a curious cry in the thick boughs of a tree. a sailor climbed up, expecting to find some strange beast or bird, but brought back a boy baby not over two years of age. he had been hidden there in a three-prong fork by his mother as the indians fled because she was too much exhausted to carry him further. no doubt many indians did the same, but all the babies starved save this one because the sailors held the territory. when old enough to serve as an apprentice, the lad was shipped in the navy with his adopted father, mr. wilson. certainly no other sergeant in the world has had such a history as this one. when we reached port desire we all went ashore to inspect the old ruins of a spanish fort, and then a desert cattle man invited us all to dine with him. we found the home of our host standing among the old ruins. the contrast between the ancient spanish and the modern argentine architecture was very great. the old walls were of thick masonry carried up as high as a man could reach, and above these there had been wooden roofs thatched with grass. the modern structure, built by the argentine government to induce settlers to come, consisted of a light wooden frame entirely covered in with corrugated iron. one sees just such houses in the mine camps of the united states, where they are popular because cheaply and quickly built. but not till one has been in such a house built where the wind blows as it does on the patagonia desert, can he fully appreciate its capabilities as a musical instrument. when we came to sit down to the long, bench-like table for dinner, after a walk over the hills that had sharpened our appetites, we paused to listen as if to the notes of a great organ played by the hands of a mad musician. probably the corrugations of the iron, the sharp edges of the plates, the lengths of plates projecting unsupported beyond slender beams, and the differing degrees of rigidness with which the plates were secured to the beams, combined to vary the vibrations of the plates under the impulse of the whirling wind squalls. there were soft and smooth murmurs, hoarse boomings, fair altos, and singing sopranos, alternately and combined in a way to interest and distract every unaccustomed listener. the dinner was, in itself, a most interesting novelty. we had beef roasted in a fashion which the natives call "meat with skin." the ribs of a steer had been wrapped in the skin of the animal, and then impaled on a long iron rod, which was thrust into the ground so that the wrapped-up meat leaned directly above a small open fire. here it had remained for about three hours, while a patient native fed the flames with brush, and occasionally turned the bundle of meat. it was then removed, the skin was stripped off, and it was brought, dripping with hot juice, in a big pan to the table, where the hungry passengers awaited it, knives in hand. the knives were of a class novel to an american, and, in fact, so was everything about the table. each knife blade was a triangle, an inch broad at the handle, and tapered to an acute point, four and a half inches away. this was a good shape for the usual purpose for which it was designed--the skinning of animals, but it was not a good table knife. even at that the ranchman had not enough to go round, and three of us had to use the knives we had carried, in anticipation of such a lack. shallow tins served as plates. and yet, in spite of so great poverty in table furniture, we had an abundance of very good claret, served in glasses of a proper shape. the food, too, was as surprisingly good as the wine. no better roast was ever carved than that, and it was flanked with baked armadillos, the most toothsome morsel i had ever seen. both kinds of meat were seasoned with salt and pepper only. with these we had hard biscuit of the buenos ayres sort--an oblong, globular little loaf, say two by three inches large in its longest and shortest diameters. the absence of garlic and italian sauces completed our pleasure, and black coffee, served in tin cups, ended the meal. the next port at which we called was santa cruz. the great profits made by the sheep owners who brought their stock from the falklands to the strait of magellan, induced many of the young men of the falklands to come over and try their luck in patagonia. the argentine government encouraged them by giving ten-year leases on pasture land at the rate of $ national money per year per league, and at the average one league would hold sheep. the traveller will hear all about the increase in the flocks on the santa cruz river before he gets there, and the stories of the wool shipments will prepare him to see a small but bustling community when he arrives. i really expected to see a large as well as a bustling place. when the steamer had anchored in the stream about ten miles above the mouth there were seen in the distance at the south bank, under what is known as weddell's bluff, several new frame shanties which the ship's officers called the presidio. i went up there in a boat, and found enough of the little shanties to house at least soldiers, while an old hulk moored at the beach would have accommodated sailors easily enough. there were a dozen sailors with two officers on board the hulk as shipkeepers, while the barracks were in charge of two officers and a score of soldiers, some of whom were keeping house with their families. the building of these barracks in that locality could have but one signification: the argentine government expects trouble, sooner or later, with chili, and this is to be a base for operations against the strait of magellan possessions of the western republic. [illustration: santa cruz, patagonia.] the buildings were not all completed, and some of the soldiers were at work as carpenters and painters. this show of business activity only added to my mental picture of the town itself, and it was with considerable pleasure that i returned down stream to land near the ship, and make my first visit there. climbing to the low table land that borders the stream, i looked back into a wedge-shaped valley between the hills, the valley of the missionaries, and saw santa cruz--in all nine buildings, of which two were unoccupied, and not a human being in sight anywhere, nor any other evidences of life than a small flock of sheep and a thin red mare grazing idly. the buildings stood on three sides of a surveyed plaza--that is, there was one house on each of two sides, one stood back up the valley a few hundred yards, and the rest were on a third side of the plaza. among them was the inevitable long low iron structure built for the home and office of the sub-prefect. there was also a one-story adobe-walled house that was a combined hotel and general store, having four rooms, while another was a pink wooden building, one story and a quarter high, having five rooms that served the same useful purpose. among the buildings was an old adobe-walled structure, about ten by twenty feet large, with two places for doors, and the remains of a couple of glazed windows. the earth served as a floor, and the usual iron for a roof. in one corner was a depression that looked like a dry hog wallow, and a porker grunted about outside the building. they said this had been the church that missionaries preached in long ago. in the pink hotel i found a well-dressed young man who was glad to see all strangers, and particularly one who wrote for a newspaper. he accepted an invitation to take a cup of coffee, and when i asked him if he was acquainted with the region he said he had been just at the point of asking me if i would be interested in hearing something about it. then the coffee came, and with it a dutchess county, n. y., brand of condensed milk, and a blue-print map. we combined the milk and coffee, and then spread out the map and weighted the corners with our cups, the coffee pot, and the milk can. being thus ready for business, the young man pointed at the map. it was the plan of a great city--a city with plazas connected by wide avenues and boulevards, with streets running at right angles between. figures and letters scattered here and there on it showed sites for government and other important buildings, while long broken lines showed the location of many street railways. the young man explained the peculiarities and advantages of the disposition of plazas and boulevards and street car lines, and eventually, from the lay of the land, i grasped the situation. this was the plan of the city of santa cruz, the great patagonian metropolis that was to grow up right there in the valley, where now one could see nine houses all told, of which two were unoccupied. it would grow just as surely as the sun would set behind weddell bluff, to quote the words of the young man; and then he went on, in a way to make even a kansas town-site boomer rub his eyes, to tell of the shipments of wool "aggregating , , pounds last year," of the good pasture to be had "at £ per square league annual rental," of the "traces of gold found on lake argentine, where good mineral developments will be made," of the "experiments in wheat culture to be made, which will doubtless succeed." all of this was said to show that i had arrived at just the right time to get in on the ground floor of a great real estate deal. i did not need to buy the lots. i could have all i would build on free of cost, save for the usual charges of making out and recording the papers. i have frequently heard men who had done business with spanish-american nations talk despairingly of the lack of enterprise to be found there. they speak of the depreciated currency there as "adobe money," and call the nations "the land of _poco tiempo_" and "the mañana country." as to many of these nations the terms are well applied, but the argentine must be excepted. neither in the suburbs of brooklyn, nor on the plains of oklahoma, nor among the orange groves of california have i seen a boomer who could tell his story in better form than the young man with a blue-print map of the future metropolis of patagonia. it is perhaps worth noting here that while the young man was talking i could see an ordinance on the wall above his head that prohibited the killing of either ostriches or guanacos "within the city limits," even with bolas, while the shooting of such game was prohibited in all the districts south of the river. and yet i am not sure but a large town will grow there eventually, although gallegos was made the capital town some time ago. the place certainly has some natural advantages. the santa cruz river is a wonder. being absolutely unobstructed throughout its course, large, deep-draught river steamers could run easily to the source, lake argentine, and beyond. it is really likely that gold mines will be developed in the andes there, and it is certain that a large lumber business will be done there sooner or later, for the forests produce cedars and other valuable saw timber of the best quality and great size. there are no trees immediately on lake argentine, but it is connected with other lakes by navigable channels where the timber is found. when i was in santa cruz a party of capitalists familiar with lumber had gone up to the lakes to look into the business. driving the logs in rafts to the port of santa cruz would be so inexpensive that once a proper mill were established there the great markets of buenos ayres and rio janeiro, not to mention the smaller ports, would be supplied at prices to make serious inroads on the business of those who now supply them from the united states. of the value of the sheep and cattle ranches as a support for a town nothing need be said to readers in the united states, who have object lessons in the matter scattered over the prairie states, but the patagonia ranches will scarcely make as good a support for a town as the yankee ranches do, for the reason that the land system of the argentine promotes great estates and discourages small owners. the capitalist in argentine territory can buy all the land he wants. gov. mayer of santa cruz territory, for instance, owns thirty square leagues of land along the santa cruz and chico rivers. in owning the water front, he controls all the range back of it, for no one will take up land that has no water. for all practical purposes, he controls say one hundred square leagues. the firm of hamilton & saunders of gallegos, scotchmen, own fifty-eight leagues, and so control three times as much. of course, it would be much better for the country if fifty-eight families owned and lived on the land these two men have, nevertheless the country is filling up with shepherds, and a month after the two french merchants mentioned had landed in santa cruz with the wholesale stock of goods, they were doing a profitable business with their original packages. there is but one drawback to the value of the valley in which santa cruz city is located that would operate against it seriously, and that is the lack of drinking water. the young boomer did not say a word about water. there is a scant supply from wells even for the seven occupied houses with their stock, and that is brackish. of course, should the place become a great city, the supply would be drawn from the swift santa cruz, but while the settlement is growing to a village of a few thousand people the cost of twenty odd miles of pipe line would prohibit tapping the river. the tide rises over forty feet every day in the river mouth, so there is salt water a long way up stream. it is worth noting that the santa cruz people draw water from their wells as the people in the cowboy parts of the united states often do. a pulley is suspended over the well. when water is wanted a horse is saddled, and one end of a lasso fastened to the saddle. the other end of the lasso is passed through the pulley and made fast to a pail, which is then lowered and filled. then the water drawer mounts the horse, and rides away till the pail is up to the pulley. next the rider dismounts, walks back to the well, takes the pail from the lasso and carries it to the house. last of all he unsaddles the horse. i saw this done myself. i must admit that this description of the patagonian way of drawing a pail of water reads like a traveller's untrue tale, but it is literally true. gallegos, the capital of santa cruz territory, the next port visited, stands on the south bank of the gallegos river, several miles above the mouth. the gallegos is a very interesting stream. its head is in the cordilleras, of course, and the head is made up of a number of small streams which unite in the foot hills to make a river never less than feet wide and three feet deep in the dryest of seasons. the current is fair, and although there are three fording places along its route, large steamers drawing - / feet of water could navigate it to the forks the year round. but that steamers will ever be found there is a matter of doubt, although the country is rapidly filling up with settlers. there are several reasons for this. all branches of the stream rise within a few miles of the pacific ocean, the south heads being almost within sight of skyring water, just northwest from punta arenas, while between the north and the south forks there is a complete and a wide break in the andes through which one may drive a wagon as easily as one can drive over the mesa of patagonia anywhere. by cutting a road five miles long through a belt of timber a highway to the bays of chili will be formed, and so the traffic of at least half the length of the gallegos river will go to the west instead of down stream to the argentine town of gallegos. i say at least half, but it is not unlikely that more than half will go west, for the reason that the entire population of the territory south of the gallegos, and about all between rio gallegos and rio santa cruz have a strong feeling of friendship for chili. "in chili, if you have right, you can get justice every time," said a frenchman owning , sheep on the border line between argentine and chili. "in the argentine you must have the judge for your friend or you will be beaten, right or wrong." [illustration: the governor's home and a business block in gallegos, the capital of patagonia.] as to the rio gallegos lands, the traveller finds lava beds and pasture lands alternating, but the pasture has the greater area, and it is simply perfect pasture. the low bottom lands are flooded in september and october when the andes snow melts, but there is plenty of good upland pasture. nearly all the land south of it is now taken up by shepherds, while the north side is being rapidly absorbed, the chief obstacle to rapid settlement being the lack of fuel. it is almost a bushless region. on the whole, the town of gallegos has a very good cattle country back of it. along the sea-coast to the south it has some placer gold mines. the layer of black sand carrying gold crops out richer in some places than others, and there are places where the lack of drinking water makes mining impossible, but quite a number of men--perhaps fifty--can be found working the beach for gold between gallegos and cape virgins. what the traveller sees in the territorial capital now is a score or less of corrugated iron buildings, with half a dozen houses of wood and three of adobe. one of the adobe-walled houses is the territorial prison. any smart rascal could burrow out in an hour. about one-third of the houses are hotels and stores, the outer appearance of these buildings being like that of a yankee mining camp. every store carries a considerable stock of liquors and tobacco, a moderate stock of hardware and cutlery likely to attract ranchmen, a small stock of wool and cotton fabrics, and a few samples of groceries. the stocks were not arranged to make anything like an attractive display, and, because sand storms were likely to come at any time to dust over the interior of every building, nobody thought it worth while to sweep or in any way clean house. as hotels (every store was a hotel) the places were most unattractive; worse, for instance, than any i saw when _the sun_ sent me through the wilds of southern mexico. in mexico all of a party of travellers, men, women, children, and servants, would be lodged in a single room, with nothing but the tile floor or a bench to sleep on, but it was always a clean floor, while one could have a hammock under a veranda if he chose, and that was about the best kind of bed. moreover, food was always abundant and good. at some gallegos hotels one could not be certain of either quantity or quality of the food, while the blankets were neither washed nor aired nor changed. however, there were exceptions to the rule, at least one exception. doña philomena, a rotund and jolly woman of middle age, with her son, a lad of about sixteen, kept a boarding-house in an adobe hut of one room, twelve by eighteen feet. she had a stove that smoked at every crevice on one side of the door, a rude table with benches at the other, a spare bed just beyond, and beyond this bed heaps and piles of boxes and bags and bundles, containing vegetables, groceries, clothing, indian curios, saddles, and horse gear generally. there were three kinds of meat hanging from the rafters. there was but one tiny window, and that yielded light enough only for the table. in the extreme rear of the room all was concealed by impenetrable gloom. a yankee wife would have said she never did see such a cluttered up place. nevertheless, the mud walls had been whitewashed until they looked like the dried up bottom of a pool in an alkali desert. the mud floor was neatly swept. the spare bed had clean white sheets, and the blankets smelled sweet. the rude table was covered with a snowy cloth, and there was a stainless napkin at each plate. doña philomena wore a clean dress, with a bright-colored shawl over her shoulders. the picture of her as she worked over the stove in a thin halo of blue smoke, giving a stir to the potatoes frying in the pan or a peek at the mutton roasting in the oven, or cutting fresh bread, or opening yankee condensed milk, while she smiled and joked and gossiped in a continuous flow of words, was something that the traveller would carry with him for a long time after. and when the meal was over and we all smoked and lingered over the coffee the boy got out an old guitar and played the tunes the spanish lover plays to win a sweetheart--tunes that alternately swelled with importunate passion and faded into murmurs of hopeless longing, so that everybody stopped talking to stare into space and think of somebody else a long way off. the captain of the steamer introduced me to gov. edelmiro mayer. the governor lived in a large frame one-story building that had a glass-enclosed veranda overlooking the river. on the whole, this was a most remarkable home, considering the locality. though like a mining-camp house, as the rest were in outward appearance, there were within oriental rugs of great value on the floor; a grand piano of american make that cost $ in gold in new york stood in one corner of the parlor; a great organ such as professional musicians prefer was in another; a library of volumes, made up of standard works of science and literature, was in the glass-enclosed veranda, while the furniture and hangings and bric-à-brac were everything that a cultivated taste could ask for. so was the sideboard, with its old kentucky whiskey. having very little governing to do, the governor devoted himself to literature and music, occupations in which he was ably assisted by his wife, a charming argentina. gov. mayer's name is not unknown to american history. just for the love of adventure and free republican institutions he came to the united states to help during the war of the rebellion. he commanded a negro regiment with conspicuous success. afterward, while down on the rio grande, he crossed over to help patriotic mexicans overthrow maximilian. although small in the number of its houses and its people, gallegos is in full plumage as a territorial capital. a two-story frame building was in course of construction that will eventually be the white house of santa cruz territory. besides the governor, there was the usual list of other officials necessary for the dignity of such a place. as at ushuaia, already described, no official had anything to do worth mention. indeed, the captain of police, who in a united states territorial capital would need to be a man of nerve and muscle, was here a cripple who could neither sit on a horse nor walk unaided the length of the town's one street. still, courts were held sometimes to decide conflicting claims of shepherds, and a gaucho who had slashed a comrade in a drunken brawl was arrested just before i arrived. gallegos will be a favored stopping place for criminals when the country gets filled up, i guess, for it is very handy to the chili line, and extradition treaties between two such countries as chili and argentine are of little value. a peculiarity of the climate is the southwest wind of summer. it begins at in the morning and increases in violence until after noon, when it occasionally blows hard enough to lift a man from the saddle. at in the afternoon it moderates, and at o'clock and thence on through the night there is usually a calm. this wind blows every day in spring and summer, and on many days it brings hail and sleet that no man can face. the winter season, though colder, is by far the most pleasant of the year. but in spite of wind and cold, patagonia is pre-eminently a healthful region now. every human being that i saw there carried the glow of health in his face and the spring of youth in his muscles. but there are zymotic diseases just as there are in yankee villages, because of the juxtaposition of wells and cesspools, and these diseases will prevail wherever settlements are made, because of the utter indifference of spanish-americans to the rules of hygiene as applied in such matters. to sum it all up, the settlements on the coast of patagonia are small, the buildings are of the temporary or mine-camp class, and life in them is decidedly tranquil. the towns are new, and the bad name the country has borne in the matter of climate and sterility has kept foreigners away. "there has been no boom--just a slow, healthy growth," as the kansas boomers' paper would put it, and in this case the statement is true. santa cruz territory now has , sheep. its governor expects to see , , there in ten years more, besides some millions of horses and cattle. settlements will very likely spring up in the interior, and the vast region over which the tehuelche indians held undisputed sway during the years after the land was discovered by white men will become a peaceful, thinly populated pastoral land, whose people will grow comfortably rich supplying europe and the united states with wool, hides, and tallow. but there are no indications worth mentioning that, as a whole, it will ever be anything else than this, and at present it is of interest to the yankee nation chiefly as a region out of the way for tourists to visit. after leaving port desire we had a variation in our meals on board ship. the sailors had gone fishing with a net, and with success. there were two kinds,--one rather like a yankee smelt, only more slender, and the other somewhat like a lake erie pickerel. both were excellent, but the little fellow boiled and made into a salad was particularly fine. then, too, a species of ducks had become very abundant. they were so dark above as to appear black, while the under parts were pure white. their curiosity led them to hover about the ship in twos and threes, sometimes flying along, say fifty feet above the weather rail. on such occasions captain chwaites brought out a light shotgun. on the day we entered santa cruz he knocked so many down on deck that the passengers had roast duck for one course at dinner. in fact, for a citizen of south america, the captain was a remarkably fine sportsman. he never used a shotgun on a sitting bird. he could kill gulls at long range with a rifle when they were bobbing about on the waves. while we lay in rio gallegos he rode out on the table-land one day with a man living there and killed three guanacos, using the bolas indian fashion to bring them down. the tourist who sails with captain chwaites can expect to have game at the table frequently during the voyage. but it should not be inferred from what has been said so far that the table was beyond criticism during my voyage. for instance, the napkins were not changed at any time oftener than once a week, and at the last the interval increased to ten days. the table-cloth remained unchanged an equal period; this, too, during the home voyage, when the number of first-class passengers had increased to twenty-five and the table had to be set twice. the captain was not unaware of the condition of affairs. he stood beside me one day while the steward shook the table-cloth over the rail. it looked as one could expect a cloth to look after ten days' use at sea. "look at that cloth," said the bold skipper. "did you ever see such a dirty lot of passengers?" i was eating in those days in the captain's sitting-room, and his remark had no personal application. i replied: "looks vile, don't it? but why don't you order the steward to wash it?" "i cannot. there is so little soap. look at my hands. i have no soap to wash them with. the passengers know we have no soap. they ought to be careful, like gentlemen." his hands certainly showed the lack of soap. so did those of the steward. we got a cup of coffee with a handful of sweet crackers in lieu of the meal called breakfast in the united states. one did not want even that many if he happened to see the steward serving them with his unwashed hands. then the vegetables, which were abundant on leaving buenos ayres, dwindled away before we entered the straits of magellan. at punta arenas cabbages, turnips, potatoes, and some other roots are grown and sold at low prices, but we got such a scant supply that for the last three weeks of the voyage our food consisted chiefly of meat, dried peas and beans, and hard bread. worse yet, the bed linen was not changed during the entire voyage of nine and a half weeks. complaints were of no avail, so i was at last glad to leave my bunk and roll up in a fur robe of indian manufacture that i bought when in the rio gallegos. with a lounge in place of a bunk, i was as dry and comfortable as i had been damp and miserable in the bunk. should any reader of this try the voyage he will need to take a large supply of woollen under- and night-wear, including socks. the proper changes of these will serve in place of changes of bedding. nor is the list of discomforts complete. when leaving the river plate the air in the saloon and state-rooms was insufferably close. there was no ventilation for the state-rooms save through the doors into the saloon. the saloon was ventilated through the doors at the head of the companionway and through the skylight, but there was no sort of wind sail or device to force the air down. in the summer time in the river plate, where the thermometer sometimes marks ° in the shade, that saloon is to be compared only with a turkish bath. in winter, while coasting along tierra del fuego, that same saloon becomes like the vault of a cold storage company. the air is saturated with moisture, and the temperature barely above the freezing point. the moisture gathered like dew on the walls of the saloon as well as of the state-rooms, and sometimes trickled down to form little pools in the bunks and on the floor. there was no device for heating or drying the cabin, neither stove nor steam-coil. we were dressed continually in the heaviest flannels, and wore heavy overcoats, but the chill air penetrated everything, even to the marrow of the bones. i once passed two weeks in greenland in the month of october, and exactly two years later was digging away the snow in the rocky mountains nine thousand feet above the sea, that i might have bare ground for my blankets at night. my home is in the adirondacks, where the snow lies four feet deep all winter long, but i have never suffered from the cold as i did during four weeks of this voyage. and yet at times, when the conditions were such as to make us all most uncomfortable, we often enjoyed life rather better than at any others. our greatest trouble when the weather first became cold was to pass the evenings. it was stupid turning into wet bunks at p.m., and wretched work trying to play cards or spin stories in a raw, cold, reeking saloon. but a happy inspiration struck one of us while standing by the hatch leading to the little store-room abaft the cabin. this store-room was in charge of the shortest and thickest man aboard ship--a person who looked as if he had once been a typical quartermaster on a yankee man-o'-war--a great tall, broad-shouldered, impassive, full-whiskered man, but through some accident had been telescoped down to a stature of four feet nine. the first cold evening after leaving the river plate a passenger, while walking the deck for exercise, stopped by the store-room hatch just as the captain's valet came there carrying a plate with a tumbler on it. "storekeeper?" said the lackey. "yes," replied the thick, short man. "cocktail." "yes, sir. quickly." a few minutes later the storekeeper came up the ladder carrying a glass tube about ten inches long and two wide. it was closed at the bottom and had a long-handled silver plunger in it. the tube had about two inches of a light brownish liquor in the bottom over a layer of sugar. standing the tube on the deck the storekeeper pumped the plunger up and down vigorously. the aroma of gin, bitters, lemon, and something else greeted the nostrils of the passenger. the storekeeper poured the mixture into the glass until the glass was full. then he looked at the tube. there was a quarter of an inch of the mixture left there. backing carefully down into the store-room the storekeeper looked up at the passenger. he saw that the passenger was looking at the remnant in the tube. the storekeeper's face was absolutely impassive, as a whole, but when he caught the passenger's eye he looked down at the remnant, moistened his lips with his tongue, looked up slowly at the passenger again, and then his right eyelid trembled expressively as he said: "it is a cold night, is it not, sir?" the passenger went down into the saloon and gathered about the table the french merchant, the german count, the miner, the doctor, the argentine lieutenant, and several others. then the steward was called. could he bring some things from the store-room? he would be pleased. what would the gentlemen have? the order ran something like this: brandy, sugar, lemons, claret, and a plenty of hot tea to be brought after the other articles were delivered. a hot soup tureen was also included in the order. some sugar was placed in the tureen and a bottle of brandy poured over it. then the brandy was fired, and the blazing mixture was stirred with a big spoon till the sugar was dissolved. after that a bottle of claret was stirred in, and then a pot of hot tea, equal in measure to the two bottles previously used, was stirred in also. last of all a lemon was sliced in, peeling and all, while the stirring was continued. possibly this mixture would not be countenanced by the art drink mixers of new york. there may be something wrong with the process or something lacking in the alcoholic values, but for travellers on an argentine naval transport, who are wearied through idleness and chilled by the mists and the blasts of the patagonia coast, the drink is a blessing from bacchus. it was a temperate crowd, on the whole. the exceptional man was my best friend. i left him early one night on deck and turned in. we were then off gu st. george. at o'clock next morning came this man and dragged me from my fur robe and said hoarsely: "on deck quickly. the ship sinks." then he fled on deck. though but half awake, i could hear the ship's pump throbbing at lightning speed. i fled on deck as he had done. he had disappeared. the captain tranquilly smoked a cigarette under the bridge. "my friend so-and-so just told me the ship was sinking," said i. the captain shrugged his shoulders. "he has had six bottles to-night," said he. "it is he, not the ship, that is full." the engineer had been testing the pump, and the noise of it had made the fancies of my friend run on disaster at sea. the curios which a traveller may gather on a voyage like this are not many in variety, but they are very interesting as far as they go. most people would call the patagonia guanaco skin robe or blanket the most valuable product of native industry. the pelage of the young guanaco is a soft and beautiful fur--red on the back, like that of a virginia deer, and shading into pure white underneath. the skins of the young that are just about to be born or have just been born are preferred, because the fur is then exquisitely fine and the skin never gets hard and stiff. the patagonia squaws cut the young skins into pieces, which they set together in the form of a great blanket in which the colors of the fur are shown to the greatest advantage. the sewing is done with sinews. these robes are everywhere used for beds in that region, while no desert man or sheep herder would think of living without one in lieu of any other kind of a blanket for his protection when sleeping in the open air. in punta arenas the price was $ paper each, or not far from $ . gold. in patagonia ports at the north they can be had for a little less. there is no difficulty in finding them on sale. they would probably bring from $ to $ gold each in the states. the patagonia squaw weaves as well as sews furs. the long hair is sheared from the guanaco skin and twisted into threads, which are woven much as the pueblo indians of new mexico weave their threads of wool. the patagonian makes small woven blankets called ponchos, which are used as neck and shoulder wraps and as saddle blankets, but would look very well as rugs on a northern carpet. by the use of dyes, bought of the whites, a variety of bright colors are obtained, but these are intermingled only in plain stripes. when compared with the blankets produced by the indians of guatemala--blankets whose figures of fighting beasts and birds have a savage beauty that is marvellous to behold--the art of the patagonia squaw makes but a sorry showing. nevertheless, a special saddle blanket, woven with a long nap of twisted threads that is designed to fill in the hollow spaces on each side of the too-prominent backbone of the desert horses, is at once novel and pleasing to the eye. other things likely to please the tourist are ostrich feathers and eggs; the bolas and lassos used by the plainsmen of all kinds when hunting; bows and arrows and spears of the indians, and boots made of the skin of a colt's hind legs. the ostrich feathers are gray, with a little white mixed in, and are but little handsomer in their native state than a turkey's feathers. of course, they may be dyed and dressed up by a competent worker. then there are shells of beautiful color and forms which the tourist can gather for himself, together with feathery white seaweed, and, if he have good luck, he may find in one of the perpendicular alluvial banks which the people there call barrancas, something more interesting still--the petrified remains of the kangaroo, the opossum, the monkey, and possibly other and stranger forms of life that once roamed under a tropical sky, where now the weather varies between that of a new york day early in march and another very late in november. i saw an italian naturalist who had found the remains of two birds, which, he said, were different from any birds ever yet discovered, and belonged to that period of history when birds had teeth, and were just beginning to grow feathers on their bat-like wings. in making a collection of shells, the tourist would probably wonder how it happened that a very pretty mussel shell found in new gulf, port desire, and the straits of magellan should be almost entirely absent at santa cruz. and if he did not include an antediluvian oyster shell, say fifteen inches long, in this collection, it would be for lack of room and not because the bivalve was not interesting. at punta arenas and at ushuaia a new class of curios appears. most prominent are rugs of mingled otter skins, of seal fur, and swan's down. the snow-white down beside the dark fur is so beautiful that few, indeed, can resist the desire to buy in spite of the high prices asked. a lovelier present for a dainty sweetheart could scarcely be imagined. though less beautiful, the basket woven from rushes by the yahgan indians--a pearl-shaped affair to hold from two to four gallons--would be more interesting to the tourist who is a naturalist. the arrow-heads made by the ona indians of tierra del fuego from pieces of glass bottles that have been cast over from cape horn ships are equally interesting. the bows and arrows are not of a form to attract special attention, except that the arrows are very light. one wonders how such a weapon could pierce a guanaco or a lone prospector, as they are said to do. that the arrow points are usually a genuine indian product i presume there is no doubt, though not necessarily ona made, for the tehuelches of patagonia can make a glass arrow-head. but one finds so many new bows on sale at punta arenas, bows that show the mark of a jack-knife, too, that a doubt is thrown over the whole collection. the onas, too, are continually at war with the whites. the two races go hunting each other with considerable success on both sides. the whites, of course, capture some bows and arrows, but they do not usually bring them in as trophies. the whites of tierra del fuego are sheep herders or gold diggers, who do not want to be bothered with such stuff. besides, bows from the battlefields are never new and clean, nor do they show marks of a jack-knife. like the eskimos of the west coast of greenland, the yahgans of the cape horn region have learned that the whites will buy curios, and they supply the market by making models of their canoes and weapons. at first thought a model of either is an abomination to one who has a proper love of specimens of aboriginal handicraft, but these models, if genuine, are really good exhibits of what the indians can do, and they are usually of such perfect form as to portray, in a convenient form for handling, the articles used by the natives in their daily lives. the weapons of full size may readily be had--i saw offered for sale one spear reeking with the blood of a bird the indian had just slain, but in place of a canoe the tourist may very well be content with a model. gold dust can be had at both punta arenas and ushuaia, where storekeeper figue of ushuaia commonly has nuggets as well as dust. the tierra del fuego gold is very pure, and the usual way of buying is to exchange a british sovereign for its weight in dust--a very good trade for the buyer. the scenery along the patagonia coast, and until one has passed the first narrows in magellan strait, is not likely to please the ordinary tourist. at every point one finds steep alluvial bluffs or rounded hills and ridges, with wide arid mesas above and beyond that are of dull colors and without variety. nevertheless, there is something about the desert that fascinates the lover of nature unmarred by human hands. what it may be i cannot tell, but that it is always powerful and sometimes irresistible i do not doubt. i saw men there who had travelled the world over, had had the best of education, had enjoyed the luxuries of life in civilized countries, and had the means of returning to them at any time, but, nevertheless, could not shake off the spell. they were content to live in a floorless mud hut, even in no shelter at all save that of a clump of the thorny brush in some wild gulch, where their only companions were the horses and dogs, with an occasional visit from one like themselves or a family of ill-smelling indians. south from punta arenas, through cockburn channel and east through the channels below tierra del fuego, the scenery is wholly different. snow-capped mountains rise out of the sea, barren and gray just below the snow, and green with perpetual verdure for a thousand feet above the water. there are black gulfs and inlets, and narrow channels that seem to end abruptly, crags where the sea birds build their nests, gulches and cañons where torrents come roaring and sprawling down. elsewhere, as told in the story of the yahgans, there are rolling foot-hills with green meadows among groves of trees that wave and flash in the sunlight on a pleasant day. there are glaciers that lie in hollows on the mountain side, and here and there push little moraines before them in their heavy course down the valleys to the water. a couple reach to the water's edge and throw off tiny icebergs that go drifting about with the tide and wind. better yet, if one really loves nature, are the storms. seen from a sailing-vessel in danger of drifting on the rocks that are a hundred leagues from help, the storms are fearsome; but when seen from the deck of a well-found steamer, when wrapped in water-proofs and furs, they are magnificent. the gale goes roaring up the mountain, carrying the snow in fluffy masses to the very crest and hurls it thence in smoky, quivering tongues, feet into the air. the same phenomenon may be seen on the coast of greenland, but in the beagle channel the mountains are nearer at hand, their sides more precipitous, and the winds fiercer. and then there are the "williwaws" the whalers tell about, the whirling squalls that pick up the water, as the sand is picked up on the plains of new mexico to form writhing columns a thousand feet high. there is something in the whizz and swish of wind and water, as one of these passes the ship, that stirs the blood as nothing else in nature, short of a tornado or live volcano, can do. american art students go to europe to complete their education by copying old-time paintings of apostles--apostles standing erect in a boat not large enough to accommodate their feet without pinching--and then come home to gabble about the beauties of nature. the picture of a saint, regardless of surroundings, may inspire the soul with religious fervor and teach the struggling youth to put that fervor on the canvas, but if one would paint a landscape that will at once thrill the soul with terror and awake it to an appreciation of the wildest scene in nature, let him make studies of the williwaws in the cape horn region, with frozen volcanoes vomiting flames of snow for a background. the _ushuaia_ sailed out of buenos ayres on wednesday, april th. she arrived back on saturday, june d. i should say there is probably no other voyage in the world that a tourist could make in which he would suffer more physical discomforts. the most of these as i saw them were due to the wretched design of the remodelled lighter, but some were inseparable from such a voyage because due to the climate and the distance one goes from civilized communities. nevertheless, the liking for north americans which the argentines everywhere professed, their hearty efforts to make me comfortable because i was a north american, the delights of visiting the old-time ports and waters of which one reads in the thrilling tales of early exploration, these, with many other things that come to mind, combine to crowd from the memory everything disagreeable, and i can think of the voyage, as a whole, only with the greatest pleasure. index. a aborigines of cape horn, story of, _et seq._ "adobe money" depreciated, currency of spanish-american nations, _adventures in patagonia_, by titus coan, aguirre bay (_see_ spaniard harbour). akers, mr. c. e., author of _argentine, patagonian, and chilian sketches_, alaculoof indians, called fuegians, ; seen by early navigators, ; home of, ; described by early navigators, ; story of aggressiveness of, _et seq._; r. c. mission to, alaska, reference to colony of outlaws in, albatross, white, seen off staten island, ; enormous specimens of, in patagonia, ; eaten by early navigators, ; superstition of sailors concerning, _allen gardiner_ (_see_ mission schooner). alluvial banks of cape horn region, - , ; beds of patagonia and tierra del fuego, , ; cliffs of new gulf, , american lion (_see_ panther). andes, break in the, in patagonia, at gallegos river, , ; in tierra del fuego, from san sebastian to useless bay, animals, found in patagonia, _et seq._, - ; of the desert, able to live without water, anson, admiral, description of land of the yahgans by, ansorge, herr bruno, gold miner at paramo, ; found bit of gold ore, ; member of singing club, antarctic highlanders (_see_ yahgans). archipelago of cape horn, _arctic_, s. s., wrecked on cape virgin, arenas, punta (_see_ under punta). argentine, capital (_see_ ushuaia). argentine, government sends engineer to gold region of patagonia, ; establishes settlement at ushuaia, fearing chilian encroachment, _et seq._, ; grants land to mr. bridges, ; transport _ushuaia_ sails for staten island, (_see ushuaia_); generous to welsh colonists, _et seq._; depressed condition of currency of, ; hospitality shown on pampas of, ; naval transports of, ; great consumption of _maté_ in, ; prepares santa cruz as base of operations, ; lake, traces of gold at, ; land system discourages small owners, ; connected with other lakes by navigable channels, ; population on border line of, friendly to chili, ; difficulty of obtaining justice in, _argentine, patagonian, and chilian sketches_, by mr. c. e. akers, armadillo, prey of panther, ; two varieties of, ; interesting habits of, _et seq._; methods of killing snakes, ; delicious article of food, ; not found south of santa cruz river, ; grubs for worms, ; methods of catching mice, ; robs nests, ; suggestion as to importation of, into united states, arms, mr., sent to patagonia with rev. mr. coan, asado, or beef roasting, by gauchos, asses' ears, point of new island, , axes, of yahgans, shell, - (_see_ yahgans). b baccarat, favorite game in punta arenas, backhausen, herr carlos, gold miner at paramo, bala college, banner cove (_see_ picton island). baptists at frondrey, barrancas, vertical earth banks, ; perpendicular alluvial banks, bars, number of licensed, in punta arenas, beagle channel, _ushuaia_ in, ; ranch of mr. bridges on, ; milder climate of, ; charming scenery, ; profits of ranching on, , ; market for products, , beech, antarctic, trees of fuegian islands, beer made at quilmes, bell snake, gaucho term for rattlesnake, benfield, mr. theo., story of wonderful find by, _et seq._ berberis, berry of thorn bush, ; medicinal decoction of, big feet, name given to tehuelches, birds, of patagonia, - ; interesting to sportsmen, ; interesting to naturalists, ; in north patagonia migrate farther south, ; thirteen arctic varieties of, migrate to patagonia, ; and insects, bolas, weapons used by ona indians, ; "the lost," used by tehuelche indians, ; used in hunting panthers, ; how to make them, ; how to use them, ; effective weapons, bongos, canoes of bay of panama, bougainville, m., ; french explorer, bows and arrows, weapons of onas, , ; weapons of tehuelches, , brecknock pass, bridges, rev. thomas, describes yahgan canoes, ; compiles grammar of yahgan language, ; descriptions of yahgan character, ; descriptions of yahgan cooking, ; first arrival at keppel island, ; learns yahgan language, ; becomes a missionary, ; labors among yahgans, ; reports condition of ushuaia, _et seq._; method of solving hidugalahgoon's matrimonial troubles, ; picture of life at the station, ; turns ranchman, ; home of, on beagle channel, ; family of, ; profits of ranching, ; how ranch was obtained, ; extract of lecture in buenos ayres, ; charges against, ; land of, belonged to yahgans, ; safe journey of, through ona country, buenos ayres, excitement in, over gold discoveries, ; mr. bridges lectures in, ; mentions of, "the athens of south america," , ; _ushuaia_ starts from, ; hard biscuit of, ; _ushuaia_ returns to, bunch grass, ; seed, ; eaten by indians and gauchos, burleigh, rev. mr., at mission station, tekenika bay, button, jemmy, a yahgan, taken to england by darwin, ; goes to keppel island, ; conduct towards his fellows, c cabbages, size of, at ushuaia, ; grown at punta arenas, cape horn (_see_ horn). cape virgin (_see_ virgin). canoes of yahgans, - caramba, use of the word, caranchos, species of vulture, ; abundant, ; aid panther hunters, carmen de patagones, spanish colony on rio negro, ; paid tribute to natives, cattle and sheep raising conducive to over-hospitality, _et seq._ celery, wild, found in fuego, a delicate vegetable, centenera, del barco, spanish writer, channels, labyrinthian, of cape horn, cheenah, indian squaw, _et seq._ chico river, chili, takes possession of port famine and the straits of magallanes, ; renames port famine, ; depressed condition of currency of, ; justice to be had in, chiloé, island of, chisels, wooden, (_see_ yahgans). chubut, welsh colony settled at, ; hardships of colony at, _et seq._; foes of the desert, ; area and population of, ; railroad constructed from, to new gulf, , ; welsh colony of, ; tramp element in welsh colony of, chubut river, , , chwaites, ii. v., captain of the _ushuaia_, , ; a fine sportsman, ; hunting guanacos with bolas, clark, mr. william, ranchman at gallegos, , _et seq._ climate of cape horn region, ; of punta arenas, , ; of land of yahgans, , ; ° below zero the coldest, ; of gallegos, peculiarity of, coan, rev. mr. titus, theological student, ; sent to patagonia, ; experiences in, ; author of _adventures in patagonia_, ; found runaway sailors among tehuelches, cockburn channel, , ; scenery of, colonia de magallanes, la, or port famine, ; nicknamed sandy point, _et seq._; penal colony established at, ; prison burned, colony, welsh (_see_ under welsh). condors, size of, ; aids to panther hunters, cook, captain, describes land of the yahgans, ; wild celery, ; sailors of, find albatross good eating, ; early navigator, coots found on chubut river, cordilleras, wild cattle hunting in, ; snow-capped peaks of, , ; gallegos river rises in, cormorants found in patagonia, coypu, hunted for fur, good eating, ; aquatic 'possum, or species of beaver, ; peculiar formation of, cripple creek, cruz, santa, river (_see_ under santa). cuerpo de bomberos, gambling club in punta arenas, curios to be found in patagonia, , - currency of argentina and chili, depressed condition of, ; value of gold and paper, d darwin, sound, ; mt., peak of coast range on tierra del fuego, darwin, charles, the naturalist, describes yahgans, ; takes jemmy button to england, ; explores santa cruz river, ; opinion of patagonia, ; misstatements concerning guanacos, ; mentions black-faced ibises, dandelions thrive in the desert, deer, found in forests of andes, ; destroy desert snakes, denominational churches in welsh colony, deserts of patagonia, ; inhospitable region, ; springs far apart, ; well adapted to guanacos and ostriches, ; foes of the, ; bushes of the, , ; snakes of, destroyed by deer, ; similar to desert regions of united states, ; armadilloes thrive in, ; animals of, able to live without water, ; ostrich hunting in, _et seq._; silence of the, , ; fascination of, , ; sparrow of the, desire, port (_see_ under port). desolation bay, diaz, don rui, spanish captain, _dido_, s. s., sent to spaniard harbour, dragon fly, called "the son of the southwest gale," ducks, uncounted hosts at cape horn, ; enormous quantities at staten island, ; near chubut, ; prey of panther, ; curiosity of wild, ; shooting too easy, ; quantities of, in interior, ; favorite breeding places, ; curious air dance of, ; color and curiosity of, off santa cruz, dugouts, canoes used in caribbean sea, e eggs, methods of gathering, ; methods of cooking, , ; panthers eat, ; ostrich, ; size of ostrich, elephants formerly existed in patagonia, elizabeth island, sheep thrive on, el paramo (_see_ paramo). _endeavor_, captain cook's ship, eskimos, yahgans compared with, extradition treaty between chili and argentine of little value, f fables of tehuelches, (_see_ tehuelches). falkland islands, , , famine, port (_see_ under port famine). farina, a ground root, fauna of patagonia, , , , , , , , , _et seq._, _et seq._, - , _et seq._, , _felis concolor_ (_see_ panther). ferns, figue, adolph and louis, merchants at ushuaia, , , fish, native methods of catching, , ; sea filled with, , fitzroy, captain, , , flints and agates abound in the ona country, flora of patagonia, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , flores island, quarantine station of uruguay, flowers in great profusion in punta arenas, fossil, mastodon's jaw, ; of opossum, kangaroo, and monkey, ; in tierra del fuego, ; of glyptodon, , fox, gray, flourishes in patagonia, "friend of man," gaucho term for panther, frondrey, village of, fruits, small, fuegians (_see_ alaculoof). fuegian islands, mountains of, fuego, tierra del, ; placer gold found on, , , ; explored by popper, ; bay of port pantaloons in, ; peaks of coast range on, ; magnificent vegetation of, ; prairies of, ; climate and fertility of, ; size and shape of island, ; contrast to patagonia, ; bones of animals found in, ; rainfall and frosts of, ; sheep raising introduced into, ; the industry spreads, ; three argentine stations in, ; origin of name, ; ships wrecked on, ; ona indians of, ; scenery through channels of, fungus, yellow, vegetable food, , ; eaten by indians and gauchos, fuschias, future bay, near punta arenas, g gable island, in beagle channel, ; sheep ranch of mr. bridges on, gallegos, successful sheep raising in, ; ranchmen at, _et seq._; description of ranchmen, ; game of cards, corn kernels for chips, ; ordinance against tramps in, ; the capital of santa cruz territory, ; location of, ; buildings of, like a yankee mining camp ; good cattle country back of, ; placer gold mines along coast south of, ; size of the capital city, ; unattractive appearance of, ; every store a hotel, ; hotels compared with those of mexico, ; queer boarding-house in, _et seq._; doña philomela, the hostess, ; occasional arrests and trials in, ; government officials of, ; captain of police in, a cripple, ; peculiar climate of, ; high winds in, ; winter the pleasantest season, gallegos river, , ; probably a strait in former ages, ; volcanic mountain peak south of, ; parrots found at the heads of, ; population between santa cruz river and, friendly to chili, ; rises in cordilleras near pacific ocean, ; size of, ; navigable, ; lava beds, _et seq._; perfect pasture land along, ; lands south, filled with shepherds, ; lack of fuel on north side of, ; captain chwaites hunts the guanaco with bolas, galletas, bullet-like loaves of bread, gardiner, captain allen francis, r. n., first missionary to fuegian indians, ; attempt to live among yahgans fails, ; fits out launches in england and returns to tierra del fuego, gauchos, or cowboys, ; methods of fox hunting, ; methods of ostrich hunting, ; methods of hunting prairie chickens, ; definition of the word, ; resemble nantucket whalers, ; peculiar dress of, ; in the wilderness, ; reasons for becoming ; wild life fascinating to all men, _et seq._; blankets and fur robes used by, , ; the ways and manners of, ; dress of, ; outfit of, inexpensive, ; weapons of, ; methods of fighting, ; wild life of, _et seq._; usual breakfast of, _et seq._; superb riders, ; method of cooking ostrich eggs, ; fat of panther most satisfying food, ; appetite of, _et seq._; meat diet alone not satisfying, ; as seen by travellers, ; ways of spending money, ; enjoyment of "jags," ; pride of, ; dangerous to insult, ; etiquette of smoking, ; branding cattle, ; powers of endurance, ; description of house of, ; manner of eating, _et seq._; home life of, ; amusements of, ; cheating at cards counted a mark of superior skill by, ; description of saloons, ; native drinks, _et seq._; liquor glasses, ; etiquette of drinking, ; _maté_ tea making, ; character of, _et seq._; terms and sayings of, _et seq._; religion of, ; compared with north american cowboys, _et seq._; enjoyment of life, geese, myriads of, ; prey of panther, ; beautiful colors of wild, ; two varieties of wild, ; good sport, ; favorite breeding places of, gente grande bay, rich pastures of, ; introduction and spread of sheep raising in, _et seq._ glyptodons, fossil remains of, gold, first discoveries of, on patagonian coast, - ; sailors wrecked at cape virgin, ; story of, ; bearing banks of cape horn region, ; rich finds of, at new island, _et seq._; at port pantaloons, ; marvellous quality of, at sloggett bay, ; peculiar difficulties of mining in sloggett bay, ; on new year's island, ; found in welsh colony, ; traces of, at lake argentine, gold diggings, story of, - , ; at cape virgin worked out, ; further explorations, ; at paramo, richness of, _et seq._; supply renewed after storms and spring tides, ; ore found in a bit of drift rock, ; no quartz veins in cape horn region, ; miners at work between gallegos and cape virgin, ; dust obtained at punta arenas and ushuaia, gnats (_see_ punkies). grand chaco forests of the argentine, greenwood, mr. w. h., grey, mr. h., yankee merchant, grubb, mr. w. balbrooke, school teacher at keppel island, guanaco, hunted, ; red-haired, ; modified camel, , ; how hunted by onas, ; first view of, ; habits of, ; description of, _et seq._; darwin's observations of, , ; curious habits of, , , ; wallowing places of, ; methods of self-defence, ; vast herds of, ; sense of smell and curiosity of, , ; sure footed, ; pleasing pets when young, ; flesh good eating, ; mainstay of indian, ; hides valuable, ; price of skins of, ; medicinal quality of ball in stomach of, ; the staple food of panther, ; beautiful fur of, ; skins used for beds, ; price of skins of, gulf of st. george, gulls of cape horn, ; tiny species off staten island, ; called cape horn pigeon, _guy mannering_ wrecked off staten island, h hamilton, james, d.d., _memoir of richard williams_, by, ; john, ; sheep raiser in patagonia, hansen, harry, gold prospector, hermit island, gold-bearing banks on, ; a few yahgans left on, , hidugalahgoon, matrimonial difficulties of, hope, point, in alaska, horn, cape, gold-bearing banks on, ; first view of mine camp at, ; miners of, ; labyrinthian channels of region of, ; metropolis of, ; archipelago, ; story of aborigines of, _et seq._; mission, ; region, snow storms every month in the year, , ; pigeons, species of gull, ; beauty of pigeons, ; indians of, eat penguins, horse meat, great delicacy to onas and tehuelches, hospitality, unbounded, in the argentine pampas and patagonia ranches, hudson, mr. w. h., author of _naturalist in la plata_, hummingbirds, i ibañez (gregorio), don, argentine sailor, wrecked on cape virgin, ; finds gold, ibises, black-faced, song and dance of, _et seq._ indians, attack explorers at san sebastian bay, ; trade with, ; squaw in tailor-made gown, ; three tribes of, in cape horn archipelago, _et seq._; nomads of patagonia (_see_ tehuelche), _et seq._; make use of all parts of guanacos, ; of patagonia eat skunks, ; make pets of skunks, ; of cape horn region eat penguins, ; vegetable food of, insects, varieties of, , iron ore found on one island only, j jones, mr. lewis, jones, dr. michael, founder of welsh colony at chubut, ; wishes to perpetuate welsh language, ; spanish the language of the argentine, journey, alongshore in cape horn region, ; begun, _et seq._; departure from buenos ayres, ; life on board _ushuaia_, - ; prevailing winds, ; arrival at new gulf, ; attractive telegraph operator, ; _en route_ for port desire, ; captain's confidence, ; view of port desire disappointing, ; description of port desire, ; visit to the sub-prefect, ; dinner with a ranchman, ; arrival at santa cruz, ; town consists of nine buildings, ; plan of city, ; arrival at gallegos, ; unattractiveness of gallegos, _et seq._; one clean hotel, ; introduced to gov. mayer, ; discomforts on the _ushuaia_, - ; interesting curios to be collected, - ; return to buenos ayres, ; pleasant memories of, ; (_see_ also under staten island). k kangaroo, petrified remains of, , kayaks, canoes of eskimos, keppel island, mission station established on, ; preparatory school of the mission, kevalinyes, the, of point hope, king, mr., describes magnificent vegetation in land of yahgans, knives, weapons of tehuelches, ; price of, used by gauchos, ; useful at meal times, ; murderous weapons, ; size of, l lagoons of rio gallegos, lake nehuel-huapi, land of yahgans, - lapwings, spurwinged, dance quadrilles, ; description of the dancing, _et seq._ lassoes, used by tehuelches and gauchos, ; description of, horsehair rope, lava beds at santa cruz, lawrence, rev. john, yahgan canoes described by, , ; children of, continue mission work, _et seq._ le maire, straits of, ; _ushuaia_ in, ; strong currents, and tide rips in, lennox island, gold-bearing banks on, ; same formation of bank and beach as at cape virgin, ; harbour, lezama, don gregorio, organizes expedition to gold diggings, lichens, lignite, found in punta arenas, ; found in welsh colony, lista, don ramon, argentine explorer and writer, , ; collects tehuelche tales, literati of yahgan tribe, locusts, pests of the desert, lucia, stephen, m madryn, welsh town in patagonia, ; on new gulf, ; captain of the port of, magellan's search for shorter route to spice islands, ; visited st. julian harbor in patagonia, , magellan, straits of, placer gold in streams flowing into, ; bleak pictures of, given by early navigators, ; cape horn archipelago south of, ; chilian possessions in, ; narrows in, magnolia trees, size of, in fuegian islands, maidment, mr., catechist, maldonada, señorita, story of, and panther, mammals, "mañana country," spanish american nations so called, manufacturing industries of punta arenas, maria, santa (_see_ under santa). marriages of yahgans (_see_ yahgans). marshall, storekeeper at chubut, _maté_, wild tea of paraguay, ; drinking, _et seq._ (_see_ gaucho); great consumption of, in argentine, ; meat and drink to patagonians, mayer, edelmiro, governor of patagonian territory of santa cruz, ; large land owners along santa cruz and chico rivers, ; governor of gallegos, ; description of home of, ; devoted to music and literature, ; wife of, ; commanded a negro regiment in war of the rebellion, ; helped mexicans overthrow maximilian, mesa, plains of patagonia, , meteorological condition of islands, methodists at rawson, minas, las, creek near punta arenas, ; gold found in large quantity, ; enormous nuggets, mine camps at paramo and ushuaia small affairs, , miners of cape horn, headquarters of, at punta arenas, ; cost of outfit of, . misery, mount, on navarin island, mission school at keppel island, ; first station of cape horn, ; on beagle channel, , ; growth of, _et seq._ mission, schooner, _allen gardiner_, ; built in england, ; commanded by capt. w. p. snow, ; steamship to replace schooner, ; roman catholic, established near san sebastian bay, ; in country of the alaculoofs, missionaries, to yahgans, spiritual teachings of, , , ; land at picton island, ; miserable death of, ; second party of, arrive at keppel island, ; some murdered by yahgans, ; are reinforced, _et seq._; station at ushuaia founded, ; mr. bridges in charge, _et seq._; material teachings of, - ; extracts from records of, - , , ; natives receive scant pay from, _et seq._; unhappy transformation of tribe into laborers, _et seq._; tribe dies out, ; mr. bridges turns ranchman, _et seq._; sell clothing sent to be given to indians, ; opportunities for trade, ; reasons for so doing, ; salaries of, missiones, mojave, desert of, monkeys, fossil remains of, . morrell, captain benjamin, tales of aborigines by, _et seq._ mosquitoes numerous in patagonia, , mount misery (_see_ misery). mount sarmiento (_see_ sarmiento). mountains, snow-capped, ; possible gold veins in, ; difficulties of ascent of, ; precipitous, of fuegian islands, ; covered with forests of beech and magnolias, ; sea mosses above tree line, ; eternal snows, mouse, prey of panther, mouse-bird (_see_ desert sparrow). musters, george chaworth, commander, n _naturalist in la plata_, by mr. w. h. hudson, navarin island, gold-bearing banks on, ; rolling hills, meadows and groves on, ; murder of some of the missionaries on, ; climate near, negro, rio, spanish colony, (_see_ carmen de patagones); parrots found in region of, ; valley and ranches of, , , nehuel-huapi, lake, apple orchards on, new gulf, in patagonia, welsh land at, ; plenty of gypsum at, ; first view of patagonian tramp at madryn on, ; _ushuaia_ arrives at, ; first view of, ; attractive telegraph operator in, new island, gold-bearing banks on, ; extraordinary finds at, _et seq._ new year's island, north of staten island, , ; gold on, , nomads of patagonia, the tehuelches, _et seq._ nugget weighing grammes found at las minas, o _ocean queen_, s. s., ona indians, of tierra del fuego, ; weapons and implements of, , ; efforts to civilize and teach them sheep raising, ; flock to ranch, but steal sheep at night, ; a distinct race, ; children used as servants in argentine government families, ; cause of name tierra del fuego, ; land tribe, ; slight mention of, by early explorers, ; same origin as tehuelches, ; fine runners, ; have no boats, but are found in patagonia, ; have no horses, ; weapons of, ; language of, harsh, , ; food of, ; methods of hunting, ; homes of, ; no lack of intelligence, ; migratory habits, ; beard plucking, ; personal appearance of, ; habits of, ; capacity for food, _et seq._; methods of lighting fires, ; making of weapons, ; religious beliefs of, unknown, ; cruelty of, towards whites, ; cannibals, ; medicinal remedy discovered by, ; glass arrow-heads of, ; frequent fights with shepherds and gold diggers of tierra del fuego, oomiaks, canoes of eskimos, opossum, fossil remains of, ; thrives in treeless patagonia, ; does not lose climbing instinct, ; family of, transported to a plantation with trees, ; different species of, ostriches, fossil remains of, , ; desert peculiarly adapted to, ; prey of panther, ; foes of, ; two kinds of, in patagonia, ; angular gait of, ; not such fools as reported, ; hiding their heads in the sand a real safeguard, ; color of sand and desert bushes, ; reasons for survival of, ; flies and grasshoppers the food of, ; nest built by male, ; brood cared for by male, ; danger signal of male, ; learn habits of their hunters, ; easily domesticated, ; will flock to a place of safety from great distances, ; hunting, glorious sport, ; appearance of different varieties when pursued, _et seq._; will run from a gun two miles away, ; savage traits of the cocks, ; indian method of capturing, ; appearance of white one at carmen de patagones, ; taken with the bolas, ; eggs and flesh of, good eating, ; value of feathers of, otten, fred, otters found at cape horn, outlaws, colony of, on siberian coast, p panther, also called american lion, ; description of, _et seq._; characteristics of, _et seq._; story of a, _et seq._; hunting, ; war of extermination against, ; habits of, when pursued, ; _et seq._; how eaten in patagonia, ; hunting habits of the, ; food of, ; wiliness of, ; wanton destructiveness of, ; instinctive dislike to dogs, ; charming household pet, ; fat most satisfying food of the desert, paramo, el, meaning of name, ; founded by popper, ; first mine camp established at, ; arrival of supplies for camp at, ; description of camp, ; grassy plains and treeless hills, ; richness of gold bed on beach at, _et seq._; gold bed renewed by storms, ; methods of washing gold, ; land in, controlled by german-argentine corporation, ; argentine military station, parrots, fossil remains of, ; found in forests of andes, partridge, prey of panther, patagonia, ; description of, ; engineer sent to, by argentine government, ; thousand miles of gold vein on coast of, ; nomads of, _et seq._; desert east of andes, ; jesuits plant apples in, ; spanish colonies attempted, ; mr. coan and mr. arms in, ; condition of, in , ; grant of land in, to welsh, ; welsh pilgrims land at new gulf, _et seq._; winter season in, ; dreary surroundings of welsh colonists in, _et seq._; gypsum and alkali, ; welsh colonists make homes, ; "big feet," (_see_ tehuelches); transportation difficult, ; railway constructed, ; new towns, ; railway prospered, ; railway building not expensive, ; zoölogy of, ; natives of, consume fat like eskimos, ; panther an esteemed article of diet in, ; home of panthers and 'possums, ; interesting characteristics of zoölogy of, ; resembles desert regions of united states, ; varieties of animals found in, - ; desert animals of, able to live without water, ; birds of, _et seq._; birds interesting to sportsmen, _et seq._; birds interesting to naturalists, _et seq._; thirteen arctic varieties of birds migrate to, ; birds of north, migrate farther south, ; silence of desert, ; sheep raising successful in, ; stories of successful ranchmen in, ; well watered, ; description of a ranch in, ; ranchmen of, ; extent of prairie and desert region in, ; description of prairies and deserts, ; wild horses of the plains of, ; tramps in, ; trackless deserts of, ; hospitality in ranches of, ; astonishing number of tramps in, ; natives of, prefer _maté_ to all else, ; santa cruz the planned metropolis of, ; gallegos the capital of, ; settlements small, but slow healthy growth, in, ; healthful region, ; most valuable product of native industry, ; squaws make guanaco skin robes, ; weave guanaco hair into blankets, ; scenery along coast of, ; fascination of the desert, penguins, numerous, ; rapid movements of, ; fly through water, ; not eaten by patagonians, ; eagerly pursued by cape horn indians, phillips, mr. garland, catechist, , philomena, doña, boarding-house keeper in gallegos, picton island, missionaries landed at banner cove in, ; story of failure to establish mission on, _et seq._; death of missionaries, ; relief ship arrives at, pigeons, cape horn, species of gull, ; description of, _et seq._ placer gold diggings on patagonian coast, ; gold found in all the streams of tierra del fuego, ; gold mines along coast south of gallegos, plate river, , , _poco tiempo_, land of spanish-american nations, point hope, in alaska, poncho, indian blanket worn by gauchos, ; woven by indian squaws, ; not equal in beauty to work of indians of guatemala, ; used for wraps and saddle blankets, popper, herr julius, founder of el paramo, ; murder of, ; describes punta arenas, ; finds gold in san sebastian bay, port desire, on patagonian coast, ; spanish colony, ; volcanic bluffs at, ; discovered by cavendish, ; ibises of, ; condors of, ; ancient resort of pirates, ; view of, disappointing, ; tower rock, ; description of, ; life in, _et seq._; no lack of food in, ; luxuries depend upon visits of transports, _et seq._; story of sub-prefect of, ; story of lieut. wilson's servant, ; life of naval officers in, ; ruins of spanish fort in, ; visit to home of a ranchman, ; interesting dinner, port famine, ancient port, ; chili took possession of, ; penal colony of chili, ; buildings of, destroyed by convicts, ; colony re-established farther north, port pantaloons, bay of, on tierra del fuego, ; description of scenery at, ; gold found at, port st. julian, spanish colony, potatoes, at ushuaia, ; at punta arenas, potro boots, worn by gauchos, prairie chickens, easily unnerved by noise, ; simulate death, ; often frightened to death, ; two varieties of, ; good shooting and eating, ; home of, prairie dog, prey of panther, prospectors, gold, difficulties of, , ; model of sloop of, ; food supply of, ; long absences of, puchero, beef stew, on the _ushuaia_, puerta san juan del salvamiento (_see_ st. john bay), puma, foe of the ostrich, punkies, gnats, punta arenas, or sandy point, ; commander musters stops at, ; don ramon lista visits, ; inhabitants excited by gold discoveries, ; supply station for sealing schooners, ; headquarters of gold miners, ; story of foundation of, _et seq._; development of colony of, _et seq._; elements of growth, ; industry of sheep raising begun, ; mutiny in, _et seq._; miserable end of mutineers, ; latitude of, ; arrival of _ushuaia_ at, ; appearance of, in may, , ; description of town, _et seq._; gambling and dance houses, _et seq._; government of chili nominally republican, but ruled by army, , ; bars in, ; description of women in, ; sidewalks in, ; governor's residence, ; scenery about, ; coal discovered in, ; brick making in, ; possibilities of, ; region rich in tan bark, ; trade with indians, ; goods delivered by sailboats, ; indian squaws make rugs, baskets, etc., in, ; cuerpo de bomberos gambling club in, ; profusion of flowers in, ; population of, ; future prosperity of, ; profits of sheep raising in, ; fate of escaped convicts from, ; tramps from, ; vegetables grown in, , ; price of guanaco-skin robes in, ; curios to be found at, _et seq._; gold dust obtained at, ; scenery south of, q quillango, fur robe, ; worn by gauchos, quilmes, near buenos ayres, r railroad from new gulf to chubut, , , rails, song and dance of the long-legged, ranch, on beagle channel, ; dinner at, at santa cruz, ranchman, marriage of, to tehuelche girl, ; divorce, ; income of, ; restraints of civilization unbearable to, after wild life of the deserts, rawson, capital, , records of missionary life and training at keppel, _et seq._ religion of yahgans, _et seq._ reynard, mr. h. l., introduces sheep raising into punta arenas, rio gallegos (_see_ gallegos). rio grande do sul, in brazil, rio negro, spanish colony (_see_ carmen de patagones). rio santa cruz (_see_ santa cruz). roca's expeditions against tehuelches, , roedorn, count richard of, passenger on _ushuaia_, rufous (_see_ prairie chicken). rugs of otter, seal, and swan's down, rum cheap in the argentine, s sagebrush and swamps found at san sebastian bay, st. george, gulf of, st. john bay, ; harbor, ; cape of, ; description of tide rip at entrance of, ; government post established in , ; government post of staten island to support lighthouse, ; governor's residence, _et seq._; description of lighthouse, ; story of runaway sailor boy, - st. julian harbor, st. lawrence bay, salt fields on rio negro, , sandy point (_see_ punta arenas) san sebastian bay, placer gold found at, ; gold seekers attacked by indians, ; no running water near gold layers, ; gold found by popper, ; break in andes at, santa cruz, guanaco cemetery at, ; gallegos, capital of territory of, ; amount of profitable land in, ; amount of worthless land in, ; price of sheep in, ; , sheep in, ; future prosperity of, ; fine sheep ranch near city of, ; description of house on sheep ranch near, ; passengers to, ; _ushuaia_ arrives at, ; weddell's bluff, ; presidio, or barracks, ; to be used as base of operations in case of trouble with chili, ; profitable sheep raising in, ; town consisted of nine buildings, ; deserted missionary church in, ; plan of prospective city, ; price of land at, ; enormous shipments of wool from, ; good pasture land in, ; traces of gold at lake argentine, ; enterprising land "boomer" of, ; natural advantages of, ; probable gold mines in andes, ; fine timber land near, _et seq._; lack of good drinking water, ; method of drawing water from wells with horse and lasso, santa cruz river, ; explored by darwin, ; impassable barrier to armadilloes, ; tramp at, ; navigable throughout its course, ; owners of water front control all the range back, ; gov. mayer large land owner on, ; tide rises over forty feet at mouth of, santa maria river, gold found at, sarmiento, reference to, ; starving colony, , ; pedro, sarmiento mount, ; snow capped peaks of, ; peak of coast range on tierra del fuego, saunders, james, ; sheep raiser in patagonia, scenery, of punta arenas like adirondacks, , ; along patagonia coast, , sea fowl, methods of gathering eggs of, sea mosses above tree line on mountains of fuegian islands, seals, fur and hair, in cape horn region, seaweed, uses of, ; varieties of, serpents easily destroyed by panther, sheep, long-wooled variety in favor, ; diseases of, ; , in santa cruz territory, . sheep raising, a productive industry in patagonia, ; profits for one year, ; success in, at gallegos, ; profitable to the individual, ; amount of capital needed for, , expenses of, , ; care of lambs, ; profits of, in punta arenas, ; average pounds of wool per sheep, ; as compared with argentine and united states, ; havoc made by foxes and wild-cats, ; conservative estimate of profits of, ; compared with cattle business in the united states, ; wool sold for gold, ; ranchmen paid in paper, sheep ranch, established on keppel island, ; description of, at santa cruz, shells, curious, ; antediluvian oyster, ; mussel, shellfish, , , , skees, norwegian, skunks, made pets by indians, ; eaten by indians, skyring water near punta arenas, slings, yahgans expert in use of, , sloggett bay, rich in nugget gold, ; story of one expedition to, ; peculiar difficulties of mining in, _et seq._ sloop of prospectors, snakes of desert destroyed by deer, snow, captain w. parker, commander of mission ship, ; establishes mission on keppel island, snow storms every month in cape horn region, "son of the southwest gale," gaucho term for dragon fly, spaniard harbour, or aguirre bay, spanish-american nations, lack of enterprise among, ; argentine an exception, ; "adobe money" of, sparrow, desert, ; description of, spears used by yahgans, ; by tehuelches, spider of the hot pampas attacks man, springs one hundred miles apart in patagonian desert, squash the favorite vegetable of argentine ranchmen, squirrel, prairie, food of onas, staten island of cape horn, , ; similarity of ridges of, to rocky mountains, ; end of backbone of western hemisphere, ; _ushuaia_ bound for antarctic, ; view of, , ; mountain ridge , to , feet high, ; vegetation of mountains, ; varied and interesting forms of bird-life off, ; terrific seas and tide rips in, ; government post at st. john harbor, ; st. john bay, ; lighthouse of st. john's cape, - ; story of runaway sailor boy, _et seq._; peculiar formation of the island, ; bays of, filling with sand, ; interior of, almost impassable, ; supply of wood, ; climate, ; gold on new year's island, steubenrach, mr., british consular agent, ; introduces sheep raising on fuegian prairies, ; places missionary in charge of ranch, stirling, rev. w. h., missionary to keppel, ; bishop of south america, takes up residence on mainland, ; ordained bishop of falkland islands, ; safe journey through ona country, story-tellers, skilful, among yahgan tribe, straits of magellan (_see_ magellan). straits of le maire (_see_ le maire). swans, myriads of in cape horn region, ; black and white, ; good eating, ; favorite breeding places, t tan bark in punta arenas, tea, paraguay (_see maté_). tehuelches, half-breed squaw in tailor-made gown, ; indian tribe of patagonia, ; same origin as onas, ; have no boats, ; consider horse meat a delicacy, ; liquid language of, ; make tents of skins, , ; are nomads, ; a noble race, ; visited by magellan, ; exact tribute from spanish colony, _et seq._; obtain horses, ; character of, ; chief demanding tribute in carmen de patagones, ; story of efforts to convert, _et seq._; receive missionaries kindly, ; maintain independence for years, ; war of extermination against, ; prisoners tortured by whites, ; home region of, ; alluvial soil, ; salt lakes and beds, ; volcanic rocks, ; physical proportions of, _et seq._; prodigious strength, ; personal appearance, ; attractive women, ; habit of gum chewing, ; population before and after war of extermination, ; mental qualities of, ; literature of, ; fables of, _et seq._; religious beliefs of, _et seq._; religious rites of, ; medicine men and women, ; superstitions of, _et seq._; musical instruments of, ; division of time, ; astronomy of, ; government, ; ceremonies of marriage and divorce, ; happy home life of, ; cider festivals ; love of liquor chief vice, ; apple orchards of, ; weapons of, ; use of guns and pistols, ; methods of hunting game, _et seq._; modesty of, ; morality of, ; corrupted by whites, _et seq._; methods of cooking, ; habits of cleanliness among, ; food of, , ; characteristics of, ; meaning of name, ; help welsh colonists, ; chief's dying remark, ; blankets made by squaws, _et seq._; beguiled sailors to desert, _et seq._; made slaves of them, ; story of baby found by lieut. wilson, ; glass arrow-heads made by, tekenika bay, _teresina b._, story of dismantled sloop named, _et seq._ thetis bay, argentine military station, tierra del fuego (_see_ under fuego). tinamon, spotted (_see_ prairie chicken). tower rock (_see_ port desire). tramps, of patagonia, ; first view of, at madryn, ; story of mysterious, at madryn, _et seq._; from sandy point, _et seq._; causes of development of, , ; ordinance against, at gallegos, ; in chubut, ; sailors beguiled by indians to desert, ; hardships of, among indians, ; number of, compared with those in the united states, transport, trip on argentine (_see ushuaia_). tropical luxuriance of growth in tierra del fuego, turner, l. m., on eskimo language, turnips, size of, at tierra del fuego, ; grown at punta arenas, u uruguay, quarantine station of, (_see_ flores island). useless bay, on tierra del fuego, , ushuaia, capital of argentine tierra del fuego, , , ; mining camp, ; coldest spot of the region, ; location of, on tierra del fuego, ; first missionary station at, ; near chili line, ; military post established at, ; a remarkable capital, ; sub-prefectura, ; good harbor, ; first view of, ; description of the capital, ; latitude of, ; lack of sunshine in, ; inhabitants of, ; life in, _et seq._; size of vegetables in, ; good pasturage in, ; figue, storekeeper at, , ; work done by yahgans, ; severe climate, ; life dull in, ; curios to be found at, _et seq._; gold dust obtained at, _ushuaia_, argentine naval transport, voyage on, ; in dangerous waters, ; arrives at punta arenas, ; voyage continued, ; bound for antarctic staten island, able sea boat, , ; view of staten island from, ; anchors in st. john bay, ; sails from buenos ayres, ; description of, _et seq._; life on board, - ; first meal on board, ; dish-washing on board, ; captain of, ; amusing discomforts on board, _et seq._; "ta-ra-ra-boom-de-ay" in four languages, ; encounters head winds and seas, ; arrives at new gulf, ; a slow tub, ; card playing on board of, ; betting, ; arrives at port desire, ; arrives at santa cruz, ; arrives at gallegos, ; captain a fine sportsman, ; ducks thick off santa cruz, ; table not beyond criticism, ; variety of fish and game courses, ; lack of fresh vegetables, ; serious discomforts on board of, - ; a novel mixed drink, ; returns to buenos ayres, ushuaia bay, description of, v valley of the missionaries, near santa cruz, vegetable food native to cape horn region, , , , , , , vendettas among yahgan tribe, _et seq._ vincent, mr. frank, remarks upon punta arenas, virgin, cape, wreck of argentine sailors on, ; wreck of s. s. _arctic_ on, , ; gold supply renewed after storms at, , _viscacha lagostomus trichodactylus_ (_see_ prairie dog). vocabulary of yahgans, volcanic bluffs at port desire, ; volcanic peaks, range of, south of rio gallegos, w wallis, capt. samuel, early navigator, , weasels, malignant faces of, ; larger than united states variety, ; travel in packs, weddell's bluff (_see_ santa cruz). wells, ensign roger, u. s. n., ; prepared eskimo-english vocabulary, welsh settlement at chubut, , ; cause of founding colony, _et seq._; pilgrims, landing of, ; obtains grant of land in patagonia, ; great sufferings of, ; alkali water, ; gypsum, ; lay out capital city, named rawson, ; make friends with tehuelches, ; foes of the desert, ; provisions supplied by argentine government, ; hardships of, _et seq._; succeeds at last, _et seq._; wheat and barley crops, ; denominational churches of, ; no physicians in, ; prospectors for gold, ; lignite and quartz workings, ; import sheep, ; profit in sheep raising, ; colony sixty miles long, whaits, mr. r., mission carpenter, whale sound, whales abounded in cape horn waters, wheelright, mr. william, founder of pacific steam navigation co., "wild mirth of the desert," gaucho term for ostrich hunting, williams, mr. richard, catechist and surgeon, willis, captain, of mission schooner, "williwaws," whirling squalls, wilson, don juan, sub-prefect of port desire, ; story of, _et seq._; story of his servant, winds, high, in tierra del fuego, , , , , , wollaston island, gold-bearing banks on, , , y yahgans, or antarctic highlanders, indian tribe described by darwin, _et seq._; compared with eskimos, ; without clothing or shelter, ; description of, ; homes of, ; dress of, ; habits of, ; canoes of, ; dimensions of canoes, ; method of building canoes, ; weapons of, ; implements of, _et seq._; methods of fishing and extracting oil, - ; utensils of, ; language of, ; vocabulary, ; remarkable mental development, ; origin of, ; country of, explored, ; language of, melodious, , ; government of, ; treatment of squaws, ; native politeness of, ; skilful story-tellers, ; poets, novelists, and historians, ; clever talkers, ; abundance of food, , ; songs and dances of, ; abundant leisure, ; lax notions about property, ; vendettas of, _et seq._; crimes of, ; favorite modes of revenge, ; marriages of, ; religion of, ; ideas of death, ; treatment of the sick, ; customs of mourning, ; folk lore, ; personal appearance of, _et seq._; women of tribe, ; ferocity towards whites, ; methods of cooking, ; traditions of, ; not cannibals, ; characteristics of, _et seq._; civilization the ruin of, , ; first missionary to, ; missionaries' plan for civilizing, ; become farm laborers, ; report of mr. bridges, _et seq._; work required by missionaries of, ; scanty pay, , ; change of dress and habits of, ; epidemics among, _et seq._; civilization an evil to, - ; physical deterioration and diminution of, - ; work done by, in argentine capital, ; work on mr. bridge's ranch, ; described by early navigators, , ; rush baskets of, ; make models of their canoes and weapons for sale, z zanibelli, luis, dealer in indian relics, available by internet archive (https://archive.org/) note: project gutenberg also has an html version of this file which includes the original illustrations. see -h.htm or -h.zip: (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/ / -h/ -h.htm) or (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/ / -h.zip) images of the original pages are available through internet archive. see https://archive.org/details/acrosspatagonia dixiuoft transcriber's note: text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). text enclosed by equal signs is in bold face (=bold=). across patagonia. [illustration: crossing the cabeza del mare.] across patagonia by lady florence dixie with illustrations from sketches by julius beerbohm engraved by whymper and pearson [illustration: 'pucho.'] london: richard bentley and son publishers in ordinary to her majesty the queen the rights of translation and reproduction are reserved. printed by r. & r. clark, edinburgh. to his royal highness, albert edward, prince of wales, this work descriptive of six months' wanderings over unexplored and untrodden ground, is by kind permission respectfully dedicated by his royal highness's obliged and obedient servant, the author. contents. chapter i. why patagonia?--good-bye--the start--dirty weather-- lisbon--the island of palma--pernambuco pages - chapter ii. bahia--rio de janeiro--rio harbour--the town--an upset--tijuca--a tropical night--more upsets--safety at last - chapter iii. beauties of rio--monte video--straits of magellan-- tierra del fuego--arrival at sandy point--preparations for the start--our outfit--our guides - chapter iv. the start for cape negro--riding along the straits--cape negro--the first night under canvas--unexpected arrivals--our guests--a novel picnic--rough riding-- there was a sound of revelry by night pages - chapter v. departure of our guests--the start for the pampas--an untoward accident--a day's sport--unpleasant effects of the wind--off cape gregorio. - chapter vi. visit to the indian camp--a patagonian--indian curiosity --physique--costume--women--prominent characteristics --an indian incroyable--superstitiousness - chapter vii. the prairie fire - chapter viii. unpleasant visitors--"speed the parting guest"--off again--an ostrich egg--i'aria misleads us--striking oil--preparations for the chase--wind and hail--a guanaco at last--an exciting run--the death--home-- hungry as hunters--"fat-behind-the-eye." - chapter ix. elastic leagues--the laguna blanca--an earthquake-- ostrich-hunting - chapter x. departure from laguna blanca--a wild-cat--ibis soup--a fertile caÑadon--indian law and equity--our first puma --cowardice of the puma--discomforts of a wet night--a mysterious dish--a good run pages - chapter xi. a numerous guanaco herd--a pampa hermit--i'aria again loses the way--chorlitos--a new emotion--a moon rainbow--weather wisdom--optimist and pessimist--wild fowl abundant - chapter xii. a monotonous ride--a dreary landscape--short fuel rations--the cordilleras--features of patagonian scenery --heat and gnats--a puma again--"the rain is never weary"--dampness, hunger, gloom--i'aria to the rescue-- his ingenuity - chapter xiii. a surprise--a strange scene--califatÉ berries--guanaco stalking--a dilemma--mosquitoes--a good shot-- mosquitoes - chapter xiv. an unknown country--passing the barrier--cleopatra's needles--foxes--a good run--our forest sanctuary-- roughing it--a bath--a varied menu - chapter xv. excursions into the mountains--mysteries of the cordilleras--wild horse tracks--deer--man the destroyer - chapter xvi. an alarm--the wild-horses--an equine combat--the wild stallion victorious--the struggle renewed--retreat of the wild horses - chapter xvii. excursion to the cleopatra needles--a bog--a winding river--difficult travelling--a strange phenomenon--a fairy haunt--wild horses again--their agility--the blue lake--the cleopatra peaks--the promised land - chapter xviii. we think of returning--good-bye to the cordilleras--the last of the wild horses--mosquitoes--a stormy night--a calamity--the last of our biscuit--utility of fire-signals - chapter xix. isidoro--an unsavoury meal--expensive loaves--guanaco scarce--disappointment--night surprises us--supperless --continued fasting--no meat in the camp - chapter xx. the horses lost!--unpleasant prospects--found--short rations--a strange hunt--a stern chase--the mystery solved--the cabeza del mar--safely across--a damp night--cabo negro again - chapter xxi. cabo negro--home news--civilisation again--our disreputable appearance--pucho missing--the coming of pucho--pucho's characteristics - list of illustrations. pucho _title_ crossing the cabeza del mar _frontispiece_ a guanaco on the look-out _page_ the straits of magellan _to face page_ "collecting the 'tropilla'--saddling up" " indian camp " guanacos " the last double " the puma's death-spring " ravine entrance to the cordilleras " the "cleopatra needles" " encampment in the cordilleras " "the wild-horse glen" " "we were the first who ever burst on to that silent sea" " [illustration: a guanaco on the look-out.] chapter i. why patagonia?--good-by--the start--dirty weather-- lisbon--the island of palma--pernambuco. "patagonia! who would ever think of going to such a place?" "why, you will be eaten up by cannibals!" "what on earth makes you choose such an outlandish part of the world to go to?" "what can be the attraction?" "why, it is thousands of miles away, and no one has ever been there before, except captain musters, and one or two other adventurous madmen!" these, and similar questions and exclamations i heard from the lips of my friends and acquaintances, when i told them of my intended trip to patagonia, the land of the giants, the land of the fabled golden city of manoa. what was the attraction in going to an outlandish place so many miles away? the answer to the question was contained in its own words. precisely because it was an outlandish place and so far away, i chose it. palled for the moment with civilisation and its surroundings, i wanted to escape somewhere, where i might be as far removed from them as possible. many of my readers have doubtless felt the dissatisfaction with oneself, and everybody else, that comes over one at times in the midst of the pleasures of life; when one wearies of the shallow artificiality of modern existence; when what was once excitement has become so no longer, and a longing grows up within one to taste a more vigorous emotion than that afforded by the monotonous round of society's so-called "pleasures." well, it was in this state of mind that i cast round for some country which should possess the qualities necessary to satisfy my requirements, and finally i decided upon patagonia as the most suitable. without doubt there are wild countries more favoured by nature in many ways. but nowhere else are you so completely alone. nowhere else is there an area of , square miles which you may gallop over, and where, whilst enjoying a healthy, bracing climate, you are safe from the persecutions of fevers, friends, savage tribes, obnoxious animals, telegrams, letters, and every other nuisance you are elsewhere liable to be exposed to. to these attractions was added the thought, always alluring to an active mind, that there too i should be able to penetrate into vast wilds, virgin as yet to the foot of man. scenes of infinite beauty and grandeur might be lying hidden in the silent solitude of the mountains which bound the barren plains of the pampas, into whose mysterious recesses no one as yet had ever ventured. and i was to be the first to behold them!--an egotistical pleasure, it is true; but the idea had a great charm for me, as it has had for many others. thus, under the combined influence of the above considerations, it was decided that patagonia was to be the chosen field of my new experiences. my party consisted of lord queensberry and lord james douglas, my two brothers, my husband, and myself, and a friend, mr. j. beerbohm, whose book, _wanderings in patagonia_, had just been published when we left england. we only took one servant with us, knowing that english servants inevitably prove a nuisance and hindrance in expeditions of the kind, when a great deal of "roughing it" has to be gone through, as they have an unpleasant knack of falling ill at inopportune moments. our outfit was soon completed, and shipped, together with our other luggage, on board the good ship "britannia," which sailed from liverpool on the th december . we ourselves were going overland to join her at bordeaux, as we thereby had a day longer in england. then came an unpleasant duty, taking leave of our friends. i hate saying good-bye. on the eve of a long journey one cannot help thinking of the uncertainty of everything in this world. the voice that bids you god-speed may, before you return, perhaps be silent for ever. the face of each friend who grasps your hand vividly recalls some scene of pleasant memory. now it reminds you of some hot august day among the purple hills of scotland, when a good bag, before an excellent lunch, had been followed by some more than usually exciting sport. the highlands had never looked so beautiful, so merry a party had never clambered down the moors homeward, so successful a day had never been followed by so jolly an evening; and then, with a sigh, as your friend leaves you, you ask yourself, "shall i ever climb the moors again?" now it is to leicestershire that your memory reverts. the merry blast of the huntsman's horn resounds, the view-halloa rings out cheerily on the bright crisp air of a fine hunting morning; the fox is "gone away," you have got a good start, and your friend has too. "come on," he shouts, "let us see this run together!" side by side you fly the first fence, take your horse in hand, and settle down to ride over the broad grass country. how distinctly you remember that run, how easily you recall each fence you flew together, each timber-rail you topped, and that untempting bottom you both got so luckily and safely over, and above all, the old farm-yard, where the gallant fox yielded up his life. meanwhile, with a forced smile and a common-place remark, you part; and together, perhaps, you may never hear the huntsman's horn, never charge the ox-fence, never strive to be foremost in the chase again! with these thoughts passing through my mind i began to wonder why i wanted to leave england. i remembered for the moment only the pleasant features of the past, and remembering them, forgot the feelings and circumstances which had prompted me to embark on my present enterprise. the stern sex will possibly reprehend this exhibition of female fickleness of purpose. may i urge in its palliation that my weakness scarcely lasted longer than it has taken me to write this? _ th december._--on a cold, rainy afternoon we steamed down from bordeaux in a little tender to join the "britannia," which was anchored off pauillac. we were soon alongside, and were welcomed on board by captain brough, under whose guidance we inspected, with a good deal of interest, the fine ship which was to be our home for some time. it would be superfluous for me to describe the excellent internal arrangements on board; few of my readers, i imagine, but are acquainted, either from experience or description, with the sumptuous and comfortable fittings-up of an ocean passenger-steamer. soon the anchor was up--the propeller was in motion, and our nerves had hardly recovered from the shock inflicted by the report of the gun which fired the parting salute, ere pauillac was scarcely distinguishable in the mist and rain astern. by the time dinner was over we were altogether out of sight of land, the rain was still falling heavily, and prognostications of dirty weather were being indulged in by the sailors. giving a last look at the night, i turned into the captain's cosy deck-house, where i found my companions deep in the intricacies and wranglings of a rubber at whist, in which i, too, presently took a hand. as time went on, indications that it was getting rather rough were not wanting, in the swaying of the ship and the noise of the wind; but so comfortable were we in our little cabin, with the curtains drawn and lamps lit, that we were quite astonished when the captain paid us a visit at about nine o'clock, and told us that it was blowing a regular gale. the words were hardly out of his mouth when the ship heeled suddenly over under a tremendous shock, which was followed by a mighty rush of water along the decks. we ran out, thinking we must have struck a rock. the night was as black as pitch, and the roaring of the wind, the shouts of the sailors, and the wash of the water along the decks, heightened with their deafening noise, the anxiety of the moment. fortunately the shock we had experienced had no worse cause than an enormous sea, which had struck the ship forward, and swept right aft, smashing whatever opposed its destructive course, and bending thick iron stanchions as if they had been mere wires. as soon as the hubbub attendant on this incident had somewhat subsided, thankful that it had been no worse, we returned to our game at whist, which occupied us till eleven o'clock, at which hour, "all lights out" being the order of the ship, we turned into our cabins to sleep the first night of many on board the "britannia." the next day was fine and sunny, and so the weather continued till we reached lisbon, three days after leaving bordeaux, when it grew rather rough again. at lisbon we remained a day, taking in coal and fresh provisions--and then once more weighed anchor, not to drop it again till the shores of the new world should have been reached. just as it was beginning to dawn on the morning of the second day after leaving lisbon, i was awakened by the speed of the vessel being reduced to half its usual ratio, for so accustomed does one become in a short time to the vibration of the screw, that any change from its ordinary force immediately disturbs one's sleep. looking out of my cabin-window i could see that we were close to land, so, dressing hurriedly, i went on deck. we seemed to be but a stone's-throw from an island, whose bold rugged heights rose up darkly against the pale light that shone in the morning sky. at one point of the shore the revolving light of a beacon flashed redly at intervals, growing fainter and fainter each time, as day slowly broke, and a golden haze began to flood the eastern horizon. in the darkness the island looked like a huge bare rock, but daylight showed it clothed in tolerably luxuriant vegetation. the presence of man was indicated by the little white houses, which could be distinguished nestling in crannies of its apparently steep green slopes. this was the island of palma, one of the canary group, and small though it looked, it numbers a good many inhabitants, and furnishes a fair contingent of emigrants to the river plate, where "canarios," as they are called, are favourably looked upon, being a skilful, industrious race. the days slipped quickly by, and soon, as we neared the equator, it began to grow intensely hot. christmas day spent in the tropics did not rightly appear as such, though we kept it in the orthodox manner, the head-steward preparing quite a banquet, at which much merriment reigned, and many speeches were spoken. we arrived at pernambuco on the th december, but did not go on shore, as we were only stopping in the port a couple of hours, and were told, moreover, that there is nothing to be seen when one is there. we amused ourselves watching the arrival of some fresh brazilian passengers, who were going with us to rio. the extensiveness of their get-up might have vied with that of solomon "in all his glory"--but tall hats, white trousers, and frock-coats seemed ludicrously out of place on board ship. not less funny was the effusiveness of their affectionate leave-takings. at parting they clasped their friends to their breasts, interchanging kisses in the most pathetic manner, and evincing an absence of _mauvaise honte_ in the presence of us bystanders, which was at once edifying and refreshing. _autres pays, autres moeurs._ some boatmen came alongside, bringing baskets of the celebrated pernambuco white pineapples. we bought some of this fruit, which we thought delicious: it is the only tropical fruit which, in my opinion, can vie with european kinds. "luscious tropical fruit" sounds very well, as does "the flashing southern cross;" but nearer acquaintance with both proves very disappointing, and dispels any of the illusions one may have acquired respecting them, from the over-enthusiastic descriptions of imaginative travellers. very soon the captain came off shore again, with the mails, etc. a bell was rung, the fruit-vendors were bundled over the side of the ship, chattering and vociferating,--last kisses were interchanged by the brazilian passengers and their friends, up went the anchor, round went the screw, bang! went our parting salute, and, thank god, we are off again, with a slight breeze stealing coolingly over us, doubly grateful after the stifling heat which oppressed us while at anchor. chapter ii. bahia--rio de janeiro--rio harbour--the town--an upset--tijuca--a tropical night--more upsets-- safety at last. a day after leaving pernambuco we dropped anchor again; this time in the magnificent "bahia de todos los santos," the ample dimensions of which make its name a not inapposite one. bahia itself is built on a high ridge of land, which runs out into the sea, and forms a point at the entrance of the harbour. the town is half hidden among huge banana trees and cocoanut palms, and seen from on board looks picturesque enough. after breakfast our party went on shore, accompanied by the captain, and for an hour or so we walked about the streets and markets of the lower town, which stands at the base of the ridge above mentioned. we found it as dirty and ugly as could well be, and our sense of smell had no little violence done to it by the disagreeable odours which pervaded the air. there was a great deal of movement going on everywhere, and the streets swarmed with black slaves, male and female, carrying heavy loads of salt meat, sacks of rice, and other merchandise to and from the warehouses which lined the quays. they all seemed to be very happy, to judge by their incessant chatter and laughter, and not overworked either, i should think, for they were most of them plump enough, the women especially being many of them almost inconveniently fat. finding little to detain us in the lower town, we had ourselves transported to the upper in an hydraulic lift, which makes journeys up and down every five minutes. then we got into a mule-tramway, which bowled us along the narrow streets at a famous pace. soon getting clear of the dirty town, we drove along a pleasant high-road, on either side of which stood pretty little villas, shaded by palms and banana-trees, and encircled by trim well-kept gardens, bright with a profusion of tropical flowers. now and then we could catch a glimpse of the sea too, and as we went along we found the tram was taking us out to the extreme point of the ridge mentioned above. before we reached it we had to change our conveyance once or twice, as occasionally we came to a descent so steep that carriages worked up and down by hydraulic machinery had been established to ply in conjunction with the ordinary mule-trams. at last we were set down close to the seashore, near a lighthouse which stands in a commanding position on the point. the view which was now before us was a splendid one; the immense bay lay at our feet, and beyond spread the ocean, dotted with the tiny white sails of numberless catamarans, as the queer native fishing-boats are called, which looked like white gulls resting on its blue waters. but the heat in the open was so overpowering that we soon had to take refuge in a little _café_ close by, where we had some luncheon, after which we went back to bahia the way we had come, by no means sorry to get on board the cool, clean ship again. half an hour after our arrival the anchor was weighed, and we steamed off, _en route_ for rio de janeiro. new year's day, like christmas day, was passed at sea, and we celebrated it with much festivity. altogether our life on board was a most agreeable one, thanks to the kindness and attentions of the captain and his officers, and the days flew by with surprising rapidity. four days after leaving bahia we sighted land off rio, at an early hour of the morning. anxious to lose nothing of the scenery, i had risen at about four o'clock, and certainly i had no reason to repent of my eagerness. we had passed cape frio, and were steaming along a line of coast which runs from the cape up to the opening of the bay. thick mists hung over the high peaks and hills, shrouding their outlines, and along the shore the surf broke with a sullen roar against the base of the cliffs which fell abruptly down to the sea. as yet all was grey and indistinct. but presently the sun, which for a long time had been struggling with the mists, shone victoriously forth; the fog disappeared as if by magic, disclosing, bathed in the glow of sunrise, a grand scene of palm-covered cliffs and mountains, which rose, range beyond range, as far as the eye could reach. in front of us lay rio harbour, with the huge paõ de agucar, or sugar loaf mountain, standing like a gigantic sentry at its entrance. in shape it is exactly like the article of grocery from which it takes its name, and rises abruptly, a solid mass of smooth rock, to a height of feet. its summit, long considered inaccessible, was reached by some english middies a few years ago. much to the anger and disgust of the inhabitants of rio, these adventurous youngsters planted the union jack on the highest point of the loaf, and there it floated, no one daring to go up to take it down, till a patriotic breeze swept it away. directly opposite is the fort santa cruz, which, with its guns, forms the principal defence of the harbour. soon we were gliding past it, and threading our way through the numerous craft which studded the bay, we presently dropped anchor in front of rio, and found ourselves at leisure to examine the harbour, one of the finest and largest in the world. covering a space of sixteen miles in a north and south direction, it gradually widens from about three-quarters of a mile at its entrance to fifteen miles at its head. the town stands on the western side of the bay, at about two miles from its entrance. it is backed by a high range of mountains, and, as seen from the bay, nestling amidst oceans of green, presents a most pleasing appearance. the harbour is dotted with little islands, and all along its shores are scattered villages, country seats, and plantations. as soon as the captain had got through his duties we took our places in his boat, and started off for the shore. on landing at a slippery, dirty, stone causeway, we were surrounded by a crowd of negroes, who jabbered and grinned and gesticulated like so many monkeys. making our way through their midst, we passed by the market-place, and then, threading a number of hot, dirty, little streets, we at last got into the main street of the town, which was rather broad, and shaded on either side by a row of trees. the public buildings at rio are all distinguished by their peculiar ugliness. they are mostly painted yellow, a hue which seems to prevail everywhere here, possibly in order to harmonise with the complexion of the inhabitants. the cathedral forms no exception to the general rule. we entered it for a moment, thinking that we might possibly see some good pictures from the time of the portuguese dominion. but we found everything covered up in brown holland. nossa senhora da francisca, or whatever virgin saint the church is dedicated to, was evidently in curl-papers, and we could see nothing, though we could smell a great deal more than was agreeable. truly i did not envy the saints their odour of sanctity. to my mundane nostrils this same odour smacked strongly of garlic and other abominations. we soon got tired of wandering aimlessly about, and feeling little desire to stop in the town any longer, we hired a carriage and started off for a little place called tijuca, which lies high up among the hills behind rio. our coach was drawn by four fine mules, who galloped along the streets at a rattling and--inasmuch as the driver was evidently an unskilful one--an undesirable pace. we remonstrated with him, but were told that it was the custom of the country to drive at that rate. so, in deference to the "custom of the country," on we went at full gallop, shaving lamp-posts, twisting round sharp corners, frightening foot-passengers, and narrowly missing upsetting, or being upset by, other vehicles which came in the way. i was quite thankful when we at last got safely clear of the town. the road lay amongst the most beautiful scenery, and the heat, though considerable, was not oppressive enough to interfere with my enjoyment of it. after a couple of hours' driving we halted to give the mules a rest near a little brook, which came rippling out from the shady mass of vegetation which lined the road. i sat down under a banana tree, letting my eyes wander in lazy admiration over the scene at our feet. we had gradually got to a good height above rio, and through a frame of leaves and flowers i could see the town, the blue bay studded with tiny green islands, and beyond, the rugged mountains, with a light mist hanging like a silver veil over their purple slopes. when the mules were sufficiently rested we got into the carriage, and starting at a brisk trot, it was not long before we got to the summit of a hill, at the foot of which, in a little valley, lies tijuca. before reaching it a rather stiff incline had to be descended, and one of the wheelers, either blown or obstinate, refused to hold the carriage back. the driver insisted that the animal was only showing temper, and commenced to flog it. foreseeing the result, we all got out of the carriage, and left the man to his own devices. he persisted in whipping the recalcitrant mule, and, as might have been expected, he presently started the other animals off at full gallop, leaving their comrade the option of following suit or falling. it chose the latter course, and after a good deal of slipping and sliding, went down with a tremendous crash. the other three, taking fright, immediately bolted, and we soon lost sight of carriage and driver in a cloud of dust. we followed on down the hill as fast as we could, rather anxious for the safety of the driver. here and there, as we hurried along, we came across a piece of broken harness, and presently, on turning a sharp corner, we suddenly came upon the overturned carriage, the mules struggling and kicking in a confused heap, and the driver, unhurt but frightened, sitting in the grass by the side of the road. assistance having been procured from tijuca, which was close at hand, the mules were freed, and the carriage raised off the dragged mule, which we expected to find killed. to our surprise, however, no sooner were its limbs at liberty than it sprang up and began to crop the grass in utter unconcern as to the numerous wounds all over its body. a horse in such a state would have been completely cowed, and would probably never have been of any use again. leaving the driver to make the best of his position, we walked down to the hotel whyte, which lies snugly ensconced among palms and orange-groves at tijuca. the building, with its clean cool rooms, shaded by verandahs, looked particularly inviting after the establishments we had been in at rio, and it was pleasant too, to be waited on by englishmen--the proprietor and his staff being of that nationality. a little stream runs past the hotel, feeding a basin which has been hewn out of the rock, where visitors can refresh themselves with a plunge, a privilege of which the gentlemen of our party were not slow to profit. after i had rested a little i strolled away among the woods, feasting my eyes on the beauty and novelty of the vegetation, and on the delightful glimpses of scenery i occasionally stumbled across, to attempt to describe which would only be doing them an injustice. but that even this paradise had its drawbacks i was not long in discovering. i was about to throw myself on a soft green bank, fringed with gold and silver ferns and scarlet begonias, that stretched along a sparkling rivulet, when suddenly my little terrier darted at something that was lying on the bank, and pursued it for a second, till my call brought her back. the "something" was a snake of the cross, whose bite is almost instantaneously fatal, and as i quickly retraced my steps to safer ground i thanked my stars that i had been spared a closer acquaintance with this deadly reptile. when i got back i had a swim in the rocky basin above mentioned, which refreshed me wonderfully. soon afterwards we sat down to dinner, winding up the day by a cheery musical evening. before going to bed, enticed by the beauty of the night, i strolled for an hour or more among the woods at the back of the hotel, and gradually, attracted by the noise of falling waters, i made my way to a little cataract, which, coming from some rocky heights above, dashed foaming into a broad basin, and swirling and bubbling over a stony bed, disappeared below in the shadows of a lonely glen. the moon, which was now shining brightly, cast a pale gleam over its waters, and myriads of fireflies flashed around like showers of sparks. not a sound was heard save the roar of the water, and hardly a breath of wind stirred the giant foliage of the sleeping forests. for a long time i sat giving myself up to the softening influences of my surroundings, and thinking, amidst the splendour of that warm tropical night, of the dear old country far away, now, no doubt, covered with ice and snow. as we had to be on board the steamer by twelve o'clock the next morning, the carriages were ordered for eight o'clock, by which time we were up and had breakfasted. the captain, my husband, brother, and myself, took our seats in a carriage drawn by two mules, queensberry and mr. b. following in a victoria. having said good-bye to mr. whyte, we told our driver to start, cautioning him, as he was the same jehu who had driven us so recklessly the day before, to be more careful. but again, for some unaccountable reason, he cracked his whip and started off at full gallop. again the mules bolted, and like lightning we went down a little incline which leads from the hotel to the road. then a sharp turn had to be made, seeing which we held on like grim death to the carriage, an upset being now palpably inevitable. on we went--the carriage heeled over, balanced itself for a moment on its two left wheels, and then, catching the corner of a stone bridge, over it went with a crash, burying us four luckless occupants beneath it, and hurling the driver into the brook below. happily the shock had thrown the mules as well, for had they galloped on, huddled as we were pell-mell among the wheels of the carriage, the accident must have ended in some disaster. as it was, we had a most miraculous escape. the driver, who meanwhile had picked himself, drenched and crestfallen, out of the brook, came in for a shower of imprecations, which his stupidity and recklessness had well earned for him. he made some feeble attempts at an explanation, but no one understood him, and he only aggravated the virulence of our righteous wrath. however, something had to be done, and quickly, if we were to reach the steamer by twelve o'clock. the victoria was now the only conveyance left, and we could not all get into it. as luck would have it, whilst we were debating, a diligence was seen coming along the road, and, as it proved, there were sufficient vacant seats to accommodate all our party,--queensberry, mr. b. and myself going in the victoria. the driver having assured us that the mules were perfectly quiet, and he himself appearing a steadier sort of man than the other unfortunate creature, we felt more at ease, and certainly at first start all went smoothly enough. but, strange to say, we were doomed to incur a third upset. when we came to a steep descent, instead of driving slowly, our coachman, for some inexplicable reason, actually urged his animals into a gallop. we called to him to stop, but that was already beyond his power, the mules having again bolted, and, to make matters still more desperate, one of the reins broke, leaving us completely at the mercy of accidents. the road wound down the side of a steep hill, and each time the swaying carriage swung round one of the sharp curves we were in imminent danger of being dashed over the roadside, down a precipice three hundred feet in depth. the peril of this eventuality increased with our momentum, and, as the lesser of two evils, we had to choose jumping out of the carriage. this we did at a convenient spot, and fortunately, though we were all severely cut and bruised, no bones were broken. in another second the coach and driver would have disappeared over the precipice had not one of the mules suddenly fallen, and, acting as a drag on the coach, enabled the driver to check the other mule just in the nick of time. to meet with three accidents in twenty-four hours was rather too much of a good thing, and vowing that we had had enough of brazilian coachmanship to last us all our lives, we completed the rest of the way on foot, arriving two hours after the appointed time, on board the old "britannia." we presented a very strange appearance, our clothes torn and dust-stained, and our faces covered with cuts and bruises; but a bath and a little court-plaster soon put us all right, and we were on deck again in time to have a last look at rio as we steamed away. chapter iii. beauties of rio--monte video--straits of magellan-- tierra del fuego--arrival at sandy point--preparations for the start--our outfit--our guides. i could not repress a pang of regret as we steamed slowly out of rio harbour. there may be scenes more impressively sublime; there are, without doubt, landscapes fashioned on a more gigantic scale; by the side of the himalayas or the alps, the mountains around rio are insignificant enough, and one need not go out of england in search for charming and romantic scenery. but nowhere have the rugged and the tender, the wild and the soft, been blended into such exquisite _union_ as at rio, and it is this quality of unrivalled contrasts, that, to my mind, gives to that scenery its charm of unsurpassed loveliness. nowhere else is there such audacity, such fierceness even of outline, coupled with such multiform splendour of colour, such fairy-like delicacy of detail. as a precious jewel is encrusted by the coarse rock, the smiling bay lies encircled by frowning mountains of colossal proportions and the most capricious shapes. in the production of this work the most opposite powers of nature have been laid under contribution. the awful work of the volcano; the immense boulders of rock which lie piled up to the clouds in irregular masses, have been clothed in a brilliant web of tropical vegetation, spun from sunshine and mist. here nature revels in manifold creation, life multiplies itself a million fold, the soil bursts with exuberance of fertility, and the profusion of vegetable and animal life beggars description. every tree is clothed with a thousand luxuriant creepers, purple and scarlet-blossomed; they in their turn support myriads of lichens and other verdant parasites. the plants shoot up with marvellous rapidity, and glitter with flowers of the rarest hues and shapes, or bear quantities of luscious fruit, pleasant to the eye and sweet to the taste. the air resounds with the hum of insect-life; through the bright green leaves of the banana skim the sparkling humming-birds, and gorgeous butterflies of enormous size float, glowing with every colour of the rainbow on the flower-scented breezes. but over all this beauty, over the luxuriance of vegetation, over the softness of the tropical air, over the splendour of the sunshine, over the perfume of the flowers, pestilence has cast her fatal miasmas, and, like the sword of damocles, the yellow fever hangs threateningly over the head of those who dwell among these lovely scenes. nature, however, is not to be blamed for this drawback to one of her most charming creations. with better drainage and cleanlier habits amongst its population, there is no reason why rio should not be a perfectly healthy place. to exorcise the demon who annually scourges its people, no acquaintance with the black art is necessary. the scrubbing-brush and windsor soap--"this only is the witchcraft need be used." four days after leaving rio we arrived at monte video, but as we came from an infected port we were put into quarantine, much to our disgust, and were of course unable to go on shore. after we had discharged what cargo we carried for monte video, we proceeded to a little island, where we were to land the quarantine passengers, amongst whom was my brother queensberry, who wanted to stop in monte video for a fortnight, following us by the next steamer. the quarantine island, which was a bare rocky little place, did not look at all inviting, and i certainly did not envy my brother his three-days' stay on it. he told me afterwards that he had never passed such a miserable time in all his life, the internal domestic arrangements being most primitive. the days after leaving monte video passed swiftly enough, as it had got comparatively cool, and we were able to have all kinds of games on deck. after seven days at sea, early one morning we sighted cape virgins, which commands the north-eastern entrance to the straits of magellan. the south-eastern point is called cape espiritu santo; the distance between the two capes being about twenty-two miles. whilst we were threading the intricate passage of the first narrows, which are not more than two miles broad, i scanned with interest the land i had come so many thousand miles to see--patagonia at last! desolate and dreary enough it looked, a succession of bare plateaus, not a tree nor a shrub visible anywhere; a grey, shadowy country, which seemed hardly of this world; such a landscape, in fact, as one might expect to find on reaching some other planet. much as i had been astonished by the glow and exuberance of tropical life at rio, the impression it had made on my mind had to yield in intensity to the vague feelings of awe and wonder produced by the sight of the huge barren solitudes now before me. after passing the second narrows, elizabeth island, so named by sir francis drake, came in sight. its shores were covered with wild fowl and sea-birds, chiefly shag. flocks of these birds kept flying round the ship, and the water itself, through which we passed, literally teemed with gulls and every imaginable kind of sea-fowl. we were soon abreast of cape negro, about fourteen miles from sandy point. here the character of the country suddenly changes, for cape negro is the point of the last southerly spur of the cordilleras, which runs along the coast, joining the main ridge beyond sandy point. all these spurs, like the cordilleras themselves, are clothed with beech forests and thick underwood of the magnolia species, a vegetation, however, which ends as abruptly as the spurs, from the thickly-wooded sides of which, to the completely bare plains, there is no graduation whatever. as we went along we passed a couple of canoes containing fuegians, the inhabitants of the tierra del fuego, but they were too far off to enable me to judge of their appearance, though i should have liked to have had a good look at them. they are reputed to be cannibals, and no doubt justly so. i have even been told that in winter, when other food is scarce, they kill off their own old men and women, though of course they prefer a white man if obtainable. at one o'clock we cast anchor off sandy point. this settlement is called officially by the chileans, to whom it belongs, "la colonia de magellanes." it was formerly only a penal colony, but in consequence of the great increase of traffic through the straits, the attention of the chilian government was drawn to the importance the place might ultimately assume, and, accordingly, grants of land and other inducements were offered to emigrants. but the colony up to the present has never flourished as was expected, and during a mutiny which took place there in , many of the houses were burned down, and a great deal of property destroyed. as the steamer was to leave in two hours, we began preparations for landing, but meantime the breeze, which had sprung up shortly after our arrival, freshened into a gale, and the sea grew so rough that it was impossible to lower a boat, and the lighters that had come off shore to fetch away cargo dared not go back. the gale lasted all day and the greater part of the night, calming down a little towards three o'clock in the morning. every effort was accordingly made to get us on shore, the alternative being that we should have to go on with the steamer to valparaiso, the company's regulations not allowing more than a certain length of time to be spent at sandy point. as may be imagined, we by no means liked the idea of such a possible consummation, and the weather was eagerly scanned, whilst our luggage and traps were being hurried over the sides, as a fresh increase in the strength of the wind would have been fatal. at last all was ready; we said good-bye to the captain and officers, to whose kindness during the voyage we were so much indebted for our enjoyment of our trip on board the "britannia"--and climbing down the gangway took our seats in the boat which was to carry us ashore. i felt quite sad as we rowed away, leaving behind us the good ship which we had come to look upon as a home, and for which i at least felt almost a personal affection. after a long pull, during which the contrary wind and tide bade fair to set at nought the efforts of the four strong sailors who rowed us ashore, we at last came alongside the old tumble-down wooden pier, which forms the landing stage at sandy point. we succeeded in reaching its end without incurring any mishap, though we ran considerable risk from the many dangers with which it bristled, in the shape of sudden yawning holes, and treacherously shifting planks. this pier, however, had the merit--a questionable one it is true--of being in keeping with the appearance and condition of the whole colony to which it served as a warning introduction. i suppose there possibly may be drearier looking places than the town of sandy point, but i do not think it is probable; and as we walked over the sand-covered beach in front of the settlement, and surveyed the gloomy rows of miserable wooden huts, the silent, solitary streets, where, at that moment, not a single living being was to be seen, save some hungry-looking ostrich-hound, we all agreed that the epithet of "god-forsaken hole" was the only description that did justice to the merits of this desolate place,--nor did subsequent and fuller acquaintance with it by any means induce us to alter this unfavourable opinion. proceeding under the guidance of mr. dunsmuir, the english consul, we halted about two hundred yards from the pier, at a house which, we were informed, was the principal shop and inn in the place. it was not an ambitious establishment. its interior consisted of a ground-floor containing two rooms, of which one served as a shop, and the other as a sitting room. this last apartment we secured as a storeroom for our luggage and equipments, and there also we ate our meals during our sojourn in sandy point. the upper portion of this magnificent dwelling was a kind of loft, in one corner of which was a small compartment, which my brother and mr. b. used as a bedroom. through the kindness of mr. dunsmuir my husband and myself were lodged very comfortably in his own house. our first experience of "roughing it," in the shape of the breakfast with which pedro the innkeeper supplied us, being over, we sauntered up through the grass-grown streets of the colony to the house of mr. dunsmuir, from which, as it stands on high ground, we obtained a good view of the straits and the opposite shores of the tierra del fuego. the "britannia" had already weighed anchor, and for a long time we watched her steaming away through the straits, till, growing gradually smaller and smaller, she at last disappeared in the haze of the distant horizon. and now that the last link, as it were, of the chain which bound me to old england was gone, for the first time i began to fully _realise_ the fact that we were ten thousand miles away from our home and our friends, alone amidst strange faces and wild scenes; and it required almost an effort to banish the impression that the whole thing was a dream, from which i was presently to awaken and find myself back in england again. our anxiety to leave sandy point as soon as possible hastened preparations we had to make before starting; but even with every wish to get away, there was so much to be done that we calculated we should not be ready to start for at least four days. there were guides to be found, good dogs to be bought, and, above all, suitable horses to be hired or purchased. numbers of these latter animals were brought for our inspection, from among which we selected about fifty, of whose merits and failings i shall have to speak at a later occasion. we found the charges for everything ridiculously high, and though no doubt we were cheated on all sides, there was nothing to be done but to accept the prices and conditions demanded, as guides were not plentiful, and the other necessities procurable nowhere else. a whole day was spent in unpacking the provisions and equipments we had brought from england, and in putting them into canvas bags, so as to be conveniently portable on horseback. for the benefit of those who may contemplate an expedition similar to ours, i give the following list of the articles and provisions we took with us. we limited ourselves, i may say _en passant_, to such things as were absolutely indispensable, the disadvantages arising from being burdened with unnecessary luggage on such a trip being self-evident:--two small tents (_tentes d'abri_), hatchets, pail, iron pot for cooking, frying-pan, saucepan, biscuits, coffee, tea, sugar, flour, oatmeal, preserved milk, and a few tins of butter, kegs of whisky. to the above we added a sack of yerba maté, of which herb we all grew so fond that we ultimately used it to the complete exclusion of tea and coffee, although at first we by no means agreed with the enthusiastic description of its merits given by mr. b., at whose recommendation we had taken it. our personal outfit consisted, in addition to a few changes of woollen underclothing, in a guanaco-fur mantle, a rug or two, a sheath-knife and revolver; besides, of course, the guns and rifles we had brought for sporting purposes. the cartridges for the latter, of which we had a great number, formed the heaviest item of weight; but notwithstanding the care we had used in our calculations, so as not to take more provisions than we wanted, the goodly pile which was formed when all our luggage was heaped together was rather alarming, and we found that twelve horses at least would be required to carry it. fortunately we were able to procure three mules, who, between them, carried more than six horses could have done, without, moreover, suffering half as much as the latter in condition from fatigue, or the severe heat which we occasionally encountered. we selected our guides from among a number who offered their services. we chose four; two frenchmen, an argentine gaucho, and a nondescript creature, an inhabitant of sandy point, i'aria by name, who had accompanied captain musters on his expedition. this i'aria was a dried-up-looking being of over sixty, but he proved a useful servant, notwithstanding his age. he was a beautiful rider; and, considering his years, wonderfully active and enduring. as long as we remained in sandy point, however, he was of little use to us, as he was never by any chance sober, though, strange to say, when once we left the settlement, he became a total abstainer, and stoutly refused, during the whole of the trip, to take any liquor that was offered to him. his face, the skin of which, from long exposure to wind and weather, had acquired the consistency of parchment, was one mass of wrinkles, and burnt almost black by the sun, while the watchful, cunning expression of his twinkling bead-like eyes added to his wild appearance, the mephistophelian character of which earned for him the sobriquet of "the devil's agent for patagonia." he had passed more than forty years of his life on the pampa, and was, therefore, well qualified to act as guide. of the others, gregorio gave us most satisfaction, and served us all through the trip with untiring zeal and fidelity. he was a good-looking man, of about forty, and added to the other accomplishments of his craft as gaucho, a slight knowledge of english. his ordinary occupation was that of an indian trader, and at one time of his career he had owned a small schooner, with which he used to go seal-hunting in the season. one of the frenchmen, françois, whose original profession had been that of a cook, proved most useful to us in that capacity, and played the changes on what would otherwise have been a slightly monotonous diet of guanaco and ostrich meat, in a marvellous manner. his career, like gregorio's, had been a chequered one. after having served during the franco-prussian war as a chasseur d'afrique, he left his country with three companions to start some business in south america, on the failure of which he turned his attention to ostrich-hunting. he was a cheery, handsome little fellow, and was possessed, moreover, of an excellent voice, and whether at work by the camp-fire, or riding on the march, was always to be heard singing merrily. he owned two very good ostrich-dogs; one, a handsome scotch deer hound called "leona," the other a black wiry dog called "loca," a cross between an african greyhound and an english lurcher. gregorio had only one dog, but it was the best of the lot, often managing to run down an ostrich singly, a feat which requires immense stamina and gameness, and which none of the other dogs were able to perform. as to guillaume i need say nothing, except that all our party disliked him very much. after four days' hard work our preparations for departure were nearly completed, though a little yet remained to be done. anxious, however, to get out of sandy point, we resolved to start off with the greater part of the packs and horses, and to await the coming of the remainder in the beech-wood at cabo negro, some fifteen miles away from the colony. chapter iv. the start for cape negro--riding along the straits-- cape negro--the first night under canvas--unexpected arrivals--our guests--a novel picnic--rough-riding-- there was a sound of revelry by night. early in the morning the horses were driven up and saddled, some trouble being experienced with the pack-mules, who were slightly restive, taking rather unkindly to their loads at first. as our guides were busy hunting up the requisite number of horses, and finishing their preparations for the journey, we took another man with us for the time that we should have to remain at cabo negro, as well as a little boy, a son of gregorio's, to help to drive the horses along. after a hurried breakfast we got into the saddle; the pack-horses were driven together, not without a great deal of trouble, for they were as yet strangers to each other, and every now and then one or two would bolt off, a signal to the whole troop to disperse all over the place, so that nearly an hour had elapsed before we had got well clear of the colony, and found ourselves riding over an undulating grassy stretch, _en route_ for the pampas. [illustration: the straits of magellan.] our way lay over this plain for about an hour, and then, having forded a small stream, we entered the outskirts of the beechwood forests that line the straits. the foliage of the trees was fresh and green, the sky clear and blue, the air sun-lit and buoyant, and everything seeming to augur favourably for the success of our trip, we were all in the best of spirits. our road presently brought us down to the straits of magellan, along whose narrow strip of beach, in some places barely three yards broad, we had now to ride in single file. along the coast the land terminates abruptly, and the trees and bushes form an impenetrable thicket, which comes down almost to the water's edge. point after point shoots out into the sea, each bearing a monotonous resemblance to the other, though, as we advanced, the vegetation that covered them grew more and more stunted and scanty, till at last the trees and bushes disappeared altogether, and after a three hours' ride we found ourselves journeying along under the shadow of some steep bluffs, on which the only vegetation was a profusion of long coarse grass. innumerable species of gulls and albatrosses were disporting themselves on the blue water, and seemed little alarmed at our approach, lazily rising from the water a moment as we went past them, to resume almost immediately their fishing operations. all along the beach, carried there by the sea from the opposite side, i noticed great quantities of the cooked shells of crayfish, the remains of many a fuegian-indian meal. the tierra del fuego itself was distinctly visible opposite, and at different points we could see tall columns of smoke rising up into the still air, denoting the presence of native encampments, just as magellan had seen them four hundred years before, giving to the island, on that account, the name it still bears. at cabo negro we stopped for a moment at a little farmhouse, and partook of some maté, which was hospitably offered us by the farmer's wife, and then mounting again, we galloped over a broad grassy plain where some sheep and cattle were grazing, till we came to a steep, wooded hill. on its crest, under some spreading beeches, we resolved to pitch our camp, water being near at hand, and the position otherwise favourable. in a short time the pack-horses were relieved of their loads, and neighing joyfully, they galloped away to graze in the plain we had just crossed. our tents were pitched, and having made up our beds in them, so as to have everything ready by night-time, we began to set about preparing dinner. wood being abundant, a roaring fire was soon blazing away cheerily, some meat we had brought from sandy point was put into the iron pot, together with some rice, onions, etc., and then we lay down round the fire, not a little fatigued by our day's exertions; but inhaling the grateful odours arising from the pot, with the expectant avidity of appetites which the keen patagonian air had stimulated to an unusual extent. by the time dinner was over night had set in. the moon had risen, and the clear star-lit sky gave assuring promises of a continuance of fine weather. a slight breeze stirred the branches overhead, and in the distance we could hear the lowing of the cattle on the plains, and the faint tinkling of the bells of the brood-mares. the strange novelty of the scene seemed to influence us all, and the men smoked their pipes in silence. before going to bed i went for a short stroll to the shores of a broad lagoon which lay at the foot of the hill on which our camp was pitched. its waters glittered brightly in the moonlight, but the woods which surrounded it were sombre and dark. occasionally the sad plaintive cry of a grebe broke the silence, startling me not a little the first time i heard it, for it sounds exactly like the wail of a human being in pain. going back to the camp i found my companions preparing to go to bed, an example i was not slow to follow, and soon, wrapt up in our guanaco-fur robes, with our saddles for pillows, we were all fast asleep. it had been agreed that the next morning one of our party should go back to sandy point, to see how the guides were getting on, and mr. b. having volunteered to perform that task, i rose at an early hour to get him his breakfast and see him off on his journey. then, whilst my brother and husband went out with their guns to shoot wild-duck, i busied myself writing a few last letters to friends at home. this done, i rode down to the straits, and had a plunge into the water, but it was so cold that i got quite numbed, and with difficulty managed to dry and dress myself. late in the afternoon the sportsmen returned, bringing an excellent bag with them, and we speedily set about plucking a few birds, and making other preparations for dinner. just as, that meal being over, we had settled ourselves comfortably round the fire, prepared lazily to enjoy the lovely evening, our camp-servant, who had been on the look-out for the return of mr. b., reported that a troop of about ten horsemen were coming our way. as indian traders do not go out to the pampas in such large parties, he was quite at a loss to imagine who the people could be who were riding out so late at night, especially as they had no pack-horses with them. we all got up and went to have a look at these mysterious horsemen. as they approached the foot of our hill we could see that they were all armed with guns and rifles, a circumstance which began to suggest unpleasant recollections of the last sandy point mutiny. could it be that another outbreak had occurred, and that these men were escaping to the pampas? if so, they might possibly make a descent on us in passing, and supply any deficiencies in their own outfit from ours. this was a rather startling state of affairs, and we were hurriedly holding counsel as to what was the best course to take under the circumstances, when our dogs suddenly started up, and began barking furiously. then came the sound of horses' hoofs, and brushing through the tall furze, two horsemen galloped straight towards our camp, followed, as the sound of voices told us, by the rest of the party. in another second the two foremost ones reined up in front of us, turning out to be, not bloodthirsty mutineers, but mr. dunsmuir and mr. beerbohm. a few words explained all. the party was composed of some officers of the "prinz adalbert," a german man-of-war, which had anchored at sandy point that morning, mr. b. having gone on board and invited them out to our camp for a day's shooting. delighted at this solution of the situation, we hurried to welcome our new guests, who now arrived tired and hungry after their long ride. among their number were h.i.h. prince henry of prussia, who was on a cruise in the "prinz adalbert," and her commander, captain maclean. fresh logs were added to the blazing fire, meat was set to roast, soup put on to cook, and every preparation made for a good supper--an easy task, as the officers had brought plentiful supplies of all kinds of provisions with them. we then lay round the fire, the new-comers evidently quite charmed by our cosy sylvan quarters, and by the novelty of the strange picnic, which they had little anticipated making in patagonia, of all places in the world. i was much amused at mr. b.'s account of how the expedition had been initiated. he had got into sandy point at about nine o'clock, and at ten the "prinz adalbert" was signalled in the offing. as soon as she had cast anchor he went on board, having been previously acquainted with the captain, and at breakfast explained his presence in such an out-of-the-way part of the world as sandy point, by an account of our intended trip, and finally asked the captain and the officers to come out to our camp and try for themselves what open-air life in patagonia was like. he had little difficulty in persuading them to accept his offer, and whilst the officers made their preparations, he went on shore to hunt up ten horses, the number required. this was an easy matter; but it was another thing to find as many saddles, for, though many people in sandy point own numbers of horses, few have more than one saddle, and such being the case, they are loth to lend what at any moment may be of pressing necessity for themselves. however, by dint of ingenious combinations, some kind of an apology for a saddle was fitted to each horse, and the whole party at last set off on their trip in high spirits, and very well pleased with everything. each officer carried a blanket or rug with him, and, as some shooting was expected, a gun and some ammunition. for the first two hours all went well, the air was warm and sunny, the scenery novel and interesting, and a zest was given to the expedition by its unconventional character and the suddenness with which it had been improvised. but after a time the hard action of the horses and the roughness of some of the saddles began to have their effect, especially as many of the officers were little accustomed to riding. occasionally mr. b. would be asked, at first in tones of implied cheerful unconcern, "how far is it to the camp?" to this question he would reply by a wave of the hand in the direction of one of the many points which shoot out along the straits, saying, "a little beyond that point." then, as point after point was passed, and the answer to inquiries still continued, as before, "a little beyond that point," gradually the laughter and chat which had enlivened the outset of the trip grew more constrained, occasional lapses of complete silence intervening. now and then one of the riders would move uneasily in the saddle and sigh--and on the faces of many (especially of those who rode stirrupless saddles) fell in time an expression of fixed resignation to suffering, which was not unheroic. mr. b. observed all this, and his conscience began to smite him. at starting, in an amiable endeavour to put everything in a rosy light, he had slightly understated the distance to our camp, and now the terrible consequences of his rashness were already visiting him. the quasi-martyrs whom he was leading, it was but too evident, were only bearing up against suffering by the comforting consciousness that they _must_ be close to the camp. he could not undeceive them; he felt himself woefully wanting in courage enough to break the truth; and yet the only alternative was to go on repeating the now to him, as to everybody else, hateful formula, "a little beyond that point." his victims could only imagine one thing--that he had lost the way, though in fact he knew the road and its length only too well. never, as he said, had it been so palpably brought before him that the way to hell is paved with good intentions; and his intentions, when mystifying the party as to the length of the road, had been of the best. however, all things come to an end, and at last, with a feeling of deep relief, he was able to point out our hill to the weary saddle-worn band, whose advent, as possible mutineers, had thrown us into such a panic. by the time mr. b. had finished his story supper was ready, and that important fact having been duly announced, our hungry guests fell to, and made a hearty meal. the strain which their number put on the capabilities of our _batterie de cuisine_ was fortunately relieved by a profusion of tinned provisions of all kinds which they had wisely brought with them, and under those patagonian beeches, together with the native mutton, were discussed _asperges en jus_, which had attained their delicate flavour under the mild fostering of a dutch summer, _patés_ elaborated far away among the blue alsatian mountains, and substantial, though withal subtly flavoured, sausages from the fatherland itself. after supper pipes were lit, and the wine-cup went round freely, the woods resounding with laughter and song till nearly midnight, by which time most of the party were beginning to feel the effects of their day's exertions, and to long for bed. in one of our tents we managed to make up four couches, on which the prince, the captain, count seckendorff, and another officer respectively laid their weary limbs, and went to sleep as best they might. the captain, a strong stout man, had suffered more than any one from the ride, and it must have been a moot question in his secret heart whether the day's enjoyment had not been somewhat dearly purchased. the others kept up the ball still later, and it must have been quite two o'clock before the last _convive_ rolled himself up in his blanket by the fire, and silence fell over our camp. at about that hour i peered out of my tent at the scene. round a huge heap of smouldering logs, in various attitudes, suggestive of deep repose, lay the forms of the sleepers whom chance had thus strangely thrown together for one night. our dogs had risen from their sleep, and in their turn were making merry over whatever bones or other fragments of the feast they managed to ferret out. a few moonbeams struggled through the canopy of leaves and branches overhead, throwing strange lights and shadows over the camp, and the weird effect of the whole scene was heightened by the mysterious wail of the grebe, which at intervals came floating up in the air from the lake below, like the voice of an unquiet spirit. chapter v. departure of our guests--the start for the pampas--an untoward accident--a day's sport--unpleasant effects of the wind--off cape gregorio. the sun had hardly risen the next morning ere our little camp was again astir. making a hasty toilet i stepped out and found that our guests had all risen, and were busy in getting their guns and shooting accoutrements ready for the coming sport. as soon as they had partaken of some coffee, the whole party started off to the plains below, and for an hour or so, till their return, the repeated reports of their guns seemed to indicate that they were having good sport. towards breakfast-time they came back, fairly satisfied with their morning's work, though i am inclined to attribute this satisfaction to their evident desire to look at everything connected with their picnic from an optimist point of view, as their bag was in reality a very small one, consisting only of a few brace of snipe and wild-duck. we then set to work to get a good breakfast ready, at which employment prince henry lent an intelligent hand, turning out some poached eggs in excellent style. we had a very pleasant meal, the officers expressing great regret that they were unable to prolong their stay in our beechwood quarters, the steamer being obliged to continue her journey that evening. whilst they smoked a last pipe, the horses were driven up and saddled, and at about eight o'clock, mr. b. and myself accompanying them as guides, they mounted and set out on the road homeward. the stiffness consequent on their exertions of the previous day must have made the sensations they experienced on returning to the saddle anything but pleasant ones, and at the start a decidedly uncheerful spirit seemed to prevail among them; but as we cantered along, and they warmed to their work, this uneasiness disappeared, and soon all were as merry as possible. the day was lovely, and the scenery looked to the best advantage, the only drawback to our enjoyment of the ride being that the sun was rather too hot. after we had gone several miles we got off our horses to rest under the shade of some trees, by the side of a little stream which came bubbling out of the cool depths of the forest, emptying itself into the adjacent straits. here an incident occurred which might have been attended with inconvenient consequences. one of the officer's horses suddenly took it into its head to trot off, and, before any one could stop it, disappeared round a point in the direction of sandy point. mr. b. got on his horse and started in pursuit, and in the meanwhile a time of some suspense ensued, for, in the event of his being unsuccessful, some unfortunate would have had to make the best of his way on foot. however, this unpleasant contingency was happily avoided; mr. b. soon reappeared, having managed to catch the runaway, not indeed without a great deal of trouble. we reached sandy point late in the afternoon, and very glad the whole party must have been to get there, for they were most of them completely done up, and, considering the length of the ride, their rough horses and rougher saddles, this was no wonder. after having said good-bye to the officers, with many expressions of thanks on their part for the unexpected diversion our presence in that outlandish part of the world had afforded them, mr. b. and i immediately set out to return to the camp, which we managed to reach just as it was getting dark. everything was now ready for our journey, and it was resolved that we should make a start the next morning. we were therefore up early, in order to help the guides as much as possible with the packing, which was quite a formidable undertaking. it took fully three hours to get our miscellaneous goods and chattels stowed away on the pack-horses, whose number was thirteen. at last, however, all was ready; we got into the saddle, and with a last glance at the beechwood camp, which had grown quite familiar and home-like to us, we rode off, now fairly started on our journey into the unknown land that lay before us. we soon had our hands full to help the guides to keep the horses together, a rather difficult task. the mules in particular gave great trouble, and were continually leading the horses into mischief. at one time, as if by preconcerted signal, the whole troop dispersed in different directions into the wood, and there, brushing through the thick underwood, many of the pack-horses upset their packs, and trampled on the contents, whilst some of the others turned tail, and coolly trotted back to the pasture-ground they had just left at cabo negro. all this was very provoking, but, with a little patience and a good deal of swearing on the part of the guides, the refractory pack-horses were re-saddled, the troop was got together again, and by dint of careful driving we at last got safely out of the wooded country, and emerged on the rolling pampa, where there was for some distance a beaten indian track, along which the horses travelled with greater ease, till, gradually understanding what was required of them, they jogged on in front of us with tolerable steadiness and sobriety, which was only occasionally disturbed by such slight ebullitions as a free fight between two of the stallions, or an abortive attempt on the part of some hungry animal to make a dash for some particularly inviting-looking knoll of green grass at a distance off the line of our march. [illustration: "collecting the 'tropilla'--saddling up."] the country we were now crossing was of a totally different character to that we had left behind us. not a tree or a shrub was to be seen anywhere, and while to the left of us lay the rugged range of the cordilleras, in front and to the right an immense plain stretched away to the horizon, rising and falling occasionally in slight undulations, but otherwise completely and monotonously level. the ground, which was rather swampy, was covered with an abundance of coarse green grass, amongst which we could see flocks of wild geese grazing in great numbers. we passed several freshwater lakes, covered with wild-fowl, who flew up very wild at our approach. a hawk or two would occasionally hover over our heads, and once the dogs started off in pursuit of a little grey fox that had incautiously shown itself; but except these, there was no sign of animal life on the silent, seemingly interminable plain before us. after we had ridden for several hours, we turned off to the left, facing the cordilleras again, and soon the plain came to a sudden end, a broken country now appearing, over which we rode till nightfall, when we came in sight of the "despuntadero," the extremity of peckett's harbour, an arm of the sea which runs for some distance inland. here we were to camp for the night, and as we were all rather tired and hungry after our long ride, we urged on our horses to cover the distance that still lay between us and our camping-place as quickly as possible. but to "hasten slowly" would have been a wiser course in this case, as in most others. the rapid trot at which we now advanced disturbed the equilibrium of one of the packs, the cords holding which had already become slack, and down came the whole pack, iron pot, tin plates, and all, with an awful clatter, whilst the mare who carried it, terrified out of her wits, dashed off at a gallop, spurring with her heels her late encumbrances, and followed by the whole troop of her equally frightened companions. the pampa was strewn with broken bags; and rice, biscuits, and other precious stores lay scattered in all directions. when we had picked up what we could, and replaced the pack on the mare, who in the meantime had been caught again, we were further agreeably surprised by the sight of another packless animal galloping over the brow of a distant hill, followed at some distance by gregorio, who was trying to lasso it, whilst i'aria was descried in another direction, endeavouring to collect together another scattered section of our troop. off we scampered to aid him, turning on the way to drive up one of the mares, whom we accidentally found grazing with her foal in a secluded valley, "the guides forgetting, by the guides forgot." by the time we got up to i'aria, the obstinacy and speed of the refractory animals had evidently proved too much for him, inasmuch as we found him sitting under a bush philosophically smoking a pipe. in answer to our query as to what had become of the horses, he waved his hand vaguely in the direction of a distant line of hills, and we were just setting off on what we feared would prove a rather arduous quest when a welcome tinkle suddenly struck our ears, and the troop reappeared from the depths of a ravine, driven up by francisco, who had providentially come across them in time to intercept their further flight. it was quite dark as we rode down and pitched our camp by the shore of the inlet above mentioned, under the lee of a tall bluff, not far from a little pool of fresh water. after the tents had been set up some of the men went to look for firewood, but there was a scarcity of that necessary in the region we were now in, and the little they could collect was half green. however, we managed to make a very fair fire with it, and our dinner was soon cooked and eaten, whereupon we retired to rest. the next morning was fine, and we resolved to stop a day at our present encampment and have some shooting,--game, as gregorio informed us, being plentiful in that region. after a light breakfast we took our guns and started off in the direction of a group of freshwater lakes which lay beyond a range of hills behind our camp. we were rewarded for our arduous climb by some excellent sport, wild geese, duck, etc., being very plentiful, and on our way back we crossed some marshy ground where there were some snipe, several brace of which we bagged. in the afternoon, it being rather hot and sultry, we refreshed ourselves with a bath in the sea, and then came dinner-time, and by half-past seven we were in bed and asleep. the following day we continued our journey northward. a long day's ride brought us to some springs, called "pozos de la reina," where we camped for the night. after we had rested for a short time round the fire, and had leisure to look at one another, we became aware of a most disagreeable metamorphosis that had taken place in our faces. they were swollen to an almost unrecognisable extent, and had assumed a deep purple hue, the phenomenon being accompanied by a sharp itching. the boisterous wind which we had encountered during the day, and which is the standing drawback to the otherwise agreeable climate of patagonia, was no doubt the cause of this annoyance, combined possibly with our salt-water bath of the day previous. after a few days the skin of our faces peeled off completely, but the swelling did not go down for some time. i would advise any person who may make the same journey to provide themselves with masks; by taking this precaution they will save themselves a great deal of the discomfort we suffered from the winds. the following day we left "pozos de la reina," and pushed forward as quickly as possible, as we had no meat left, and had not yet arrived in the country of the guanacos and ostriches. the indians had very recently passed over all the ground we were now crossing, and, as usual, had swept away any game there might have been there. the range where guanaco really become plentiful is about eighty miles away from sandy point. still we kept a good look-out, and any ostrich or guanaco that might have had the misfortune to show itself would have stood a poor chance of escape with some eight or nine hungry dogs and a number of not less keen horsemen at its heels. but the day wore on, and we arrived at our destination empty-handed. the spot we camped at lay directly in front of cape gregorio, which was hazily visible in the distance. there was an abundance of wood in the locality, and the indian camp being not far off, we were conveniently situated in every respect, as we intended paying these interesting people a visit before continuing our journey. chapter vi. visit to the indian camp--a patagonian--indian curiosity--physique--costume--women--prominent characteristics--an indian incroyable-- superstitiousness. since we left sandy point our dogs had had no regular meal, and had subsisted chiefly on rice and biscuits, a kind of food which, being accustomed to meat only, was most uncongenial to their tastes and unprofitable to their bodies. for their sakes, therefore, as well as for our own, we looked forward to our visit to the indian camp, apart from other motives of interest, in the hopes of obtaining a sufficient supply of meat to last for all of us, until we should arrive in the promised land of game. after breakfast the horses were saddled, and taking some sugar, tobacco, and other articles for bartering purposes, we set out for the indian camp, accompanied by gregorio and guillaume. i'aria and storer were left in charge of our camp, and francisco went off with the dogs towards cape gregorio, in the hope of falling in with some stray ostrich or guanaco. the weather was fine, and for once we were able to rejoice in the absence of the rough winds which were our daily annoyance. we had not gone far when we saw a rider coming slowly towards us, and in a few minutes we found ourselves in the presence of a real patagonian indian. we reined in our horses when he got close to us, to have a good look at him, and he doing the same, for a few minutes we stared at him to our hearts' content, receiving in return as minute and careful a scrutiny from him. whatever he may have thought of us, we thought him a singularly unprepossessing object, and, for the sake of his race, we hoped an unfavourable specimen of it. his dirty brown face, of which the principal feature was a pair of sharp black eyes, was half-hidden by tangled masses of unkempt hair, held together by a handkerchief tied over his forehead, and his burly body was enveloped in a greasy guanaco-capa, considerably the worse for wear. his feet were bare, but one of his heels was armed with a little wooden spur, of curious and ingenious handiwork. having completed his survey of our persons, and exchanged a few guttural grunts with gregorio, of which the purport was that he had lost some horses and was on their search, he galloped away, and, glad to find some virtue in him, we were able to admire the easy grace with which he sat his well-bred looking little horse, which, though considerably below his weight, was doubtless able to do its master good service. continuing our way we presently observed several mounted indians, sitting motionless on their horses, like sentries, on the summit of a tall ridge ahead of us, evidently watching our movements. at our approach they disappeared over the ridge, on the other side of which lay their camping-ground. cantering forward we soon came in sight of the entire indian camp, which was pitched in a broad valley-plain, flanked on either side by steep bluffs, and with a little stream flowing down its centre. there were about a dozen big hide tents, in front of which stood crowds of men and women, watching our approach with lazy curiosity. numbers of little children were disporting themselves in the stream, which we had to ford in order to get to the tents. two indians, more inquisitive than their brethren, came out to meet us, both mounted on the same horse, and saluted us with much grinning and jabbering. on our arrival in the camp we were soon encircled by a curious crowd, some of whose number gazed at us with stolid gravity, whilst others laughed and gesticulated as they discussed our appearance in their harsh guttural language, with a vivacious manner which was quite at variance with the received traditions of the solemn bent of the indian mind. our accoutrements and clothes seemed to excite great interest, my riding-boots in particular being objects of attentive examination, and apparently of much serious speculation. at first they were content to observe them from a distance, but presently a little boy was delegated by the elders, to advance and give them a closer inspection. this he proceeded to do, coming towards me with great caution, and when near enough, he stretched out his hand and touched the boots gently with the tips of his fingers. this exploit was greeted with roars of laughter and ejaculations, and emboldened by its success, many now ventured to follow his example, some enterprising spirits extending their researches to the texture of my ulster, and one even going so far as to take my hand in his, whilst subjecting a little bracelet i wore to a profound and exhaustive scrutiny. [illustration: indian camp.] whilst they were thus occupied i had leisure to observe their general appearance. i was not struck so much by their height as by their extraordinary development of chest and muscle. as regards their stature, i do not think the average height of the men exceeded six feet, and as my husband stands six feet two inches i had a favourable opportunity for forming an accurate estimate. one or two there were, certainly, who towered far above him, but these were exceptions. the women were mostly of the ordinary height, though i noticed one who must have been quite six feet, if not more. the features of the pure-bred tehuelche are extremely regular, and by no means unpleasant to look at. the nose is generally aquiline, the mouth well shaped and beautified by the whitest of teeth, the expression of the eye is intelligent, and the form of the whole head affords a favourable index to their mental capabilities. these remarks do not apply to the tehuelches in whose veins there is a mixture of araucanian or fuegian blood. the flat noses, oblique eyes, and badly proportioned figures of the latter make them most repulsive objects, and they are as different from a pure-bred tehuelche in every respect as "wheel-of-fortune" from an ordinary carthorse. their hair is long and coarse, and is worn parted in the middle, being prevented from falling over their faces by means of a handkerchief, or fillet of some kind, tied round the forehead. they have naturally little hair on the face, and such growth as may appear is carefully eradicated, a painful operation, which many extend even to their eyebrows. their dress is simple, and consists of a "chiripá," a piece of cloth round the loins, and the indispensable guanaco capa, which is hung loosely over the shoulders and held round the body by the hand, though it would obviously seem more convenient to have it secured round the waist with a belt of some kind. their horse-hide boots are only worn, for reasons of economy, when hunting. the women dress like the men except as regards the chiripá, instead of which they wear a loose kind of gown beneath the capa, which they fasten at the neck with a silver brooch or pin. the children are allowed to run about naked till they are five or six years old, and are then dressed like their elders. partly for ornament, partly also as a means of protection against the wind, a great many indians paint their faces, their favourite colour, as far as i could see, being red, though one or two i observed had given the preference to a mixture of that colour with black, a very diabolical appearance being the result of this combination. the tehuelches are a race that is fast approaching extinction, and even at present it scarcely numbers eight hundred souls. they lead a rambling nomadic existence, shifting their camping places from one region to another, whenever the game in their vicinity gets shy or scarce. it is fortunate for them that the immense numbers of guanaco and ostriches makes it an easy matter for them to find subsistence, as they are extremely lazy, and, plentiful as game is around them, often pass two or three days without food rather than incur the very slight exertion attendant on a day's hunting. but it is only the men who are cursed or blessed with this indolent spirit. the women are indefatigably industrious. all the work of tehuelche existence is done by them except hunting. when not employed in ordinary household work they busy themselves in making guanaco capas, weaving gay-coloured garters and fillets for the hair, working silver ornaments, and so forth. not one of their least arduous tasks is that of collecting firewood, which, always a scarce article, becomes doubly hard to find, except by going great distances, when they camp long in one place. but though treated thus unfairly as regards the division of labour, the women can by no means complain of want of devotion to them on the part of the men. marriages are matters of great solemnity with them, and the tie is strictly kept. husband and wife show great affection for one another, and both agree in extravagant love of their offspring, which they pet and spoil to their hearts' content. the most prominent characteristic of the tehuelche is his easy-going good humour, for whereas most aboriginal races incline to silence and saturnine gravity, he is all smiles and chatter. the other good qualities of the race are fast disappearing under the influence of "aquadiente," to the use of which they are getting more and more addicted, and soon, it is to be feared, they will become nothing more than a pack of impoverished, dirty, thieving ragamuffins. after having sat for some time on horseback, in the centre of the numerous circle above referred to, we dismounted, the act causing fresh animation and merriment in our interviewers, whose interest in us, after a thorough examination, had begun to flag somewhat. an object which greatly excited their feelings was a rifle belonging to my brother, and their delight knew no bounds when he dismounted and fired it off for their edification once or twice at a distant mark. at each discharge they set up a lusty howl of satisfaction, and nothing would do for them but for each to be allowed to handle the weapon and inspect its mechanism. there was a trader in the camp who had arrived about the same time as we did, and amongst other wares he had brought a rusty carbine with him for sale. he was called upon by the indians to produce it and fire it off to compare its qualities with those of my brother's rifle. this he proceeded to do, but seven times in succession the cartridges missed fire. each time this happened he was greeted with shouts of derisive laughter, and it was evident that both he and his weapon were the objects of most disparaging remarks on the part of the tehuelches. one of them, a man of some humour, brought out a small piece of ostrich meat and offered it to the trader in exchange for his carbine, saying in broken spanish, "your gun never kill piece of meat as big as this. your gun good to kill dead guanaco." at which witticism there was renewed and prolonged applause, as the newspapers say. but excitement reached its height when i produced the bag of sugar we had brought, and began to distribute small handfuls of its contents among the children. everybody pressed round me--men and women, hustling and pushing in their eagerness to get some of the coveted dainty. i was obliged to be careful in my bounty, however, or we should not have enough left to obtain any meat in exchange, and a great many sweet-toothed tehuelches had to remain disappointed in consequence. as it was, we found considerable difficulty in obtaining any meat. the indians had not been out hunting for three days, and there was hardly anything but pemmican in the camp,--a greasy concoction, with which we by no means cared to experiment on our stomachs. with difficulty we at last succeeded in obtaining the leg and breast of an ostrich, and a small piece of half sun-dried guanaco meat, which looked extremely untempting. this transaction having been accomplished, we wandered leisurely about the camp, glancing at the different objects of interest that came in our way, pestered not a little as we moved along by swarms of yelping curs, which barked and snapped viciously at us, and could only be kept at a respectful distance by a free use of stones and whips. at one of the tents we saw two remarkably clean and pretty girls, who were engaged on some kind of sewing work; and beside them--probably making love to one (or both)--stood an equally good-looking youth, who struck me by the peculiar neatness of his dress, and his general "_tiré à quatre epingles_" appearance. his hair was brushed and combed, and carefully parted,--a bright red silk handkerchief keeping its glossy locks in due subjection. his handsome guanaco capa was new, and brilliantly painted on the outside, and being half opened, displayed a clean white chiripá, fastened at the waist by a silver belt of curious workmanship. a pair of neatly fitting horse-hide boots encased his feet, reaching up to the knees, where they were secured by a pair of gay-coloured garters, possibly the gift of one of the fair maidens at his side. struck by his graceful bearing and well-bred looking face, i begged mr. b., who had brought a sketch-book with him, to make a sketch of this handsome son of the pampa. during the process the young indian never moved, and preserved a perfectly indifferent demeanour; but when the picture was finished, and given to him for inspection, his forehead contracted with anger, an expression of fear came in his eyes; he gave vent to some angry sounding gutturals, and finally, much to our annoyance, tore the portrait to pieces. he was under the impression that the object of making the sketch was to throw some evil spell over him, and that a misfortune would happen if it were not destroyed. being relieved of this danger, his feelings regained their natural calm, and he grinned contentedly at our evident wrath at his high-handed proceeding. the indians were about to make their annual visit to sandy point, where they go to obtain the rations of sugar, tobacco, etc., allowed to them by the chilian government, and to barter with the inhabitants for the luxuries of civilisation, in exchange for furs and ostrich feathers, at which transactions, as they are seldom sober during their stay outside the colony, they generally get worsted by the cunning white man. our curiosity regarding the indians being satisfied, and having obtained all the meat we could from them, we now turned homewards. chapter vii. the prairie fire. as we rode along, our attention was attracted by a faint smell of burning, and presently thick clouds of smoke came rolling towards us. we pressed wonderingly on, anxious to discover the whereabouts of the fire, which we trusted lay somewhere far from our camp. reaching a slight eminence, we were able to command a view of the country ahead. a cry of dismay escaped our lips as we looked around, and drawing rein, we stared blankly at one another. a fearful sight lay before us. to our left, right in front, and gradually wreathing the hills to our right, a huge prairie fire came rushing rapidly along. dense masses of smoke curled aloft, and entirely obscured the sky; the flames, which shot fiercely up, cast a strange yellow glare over everything. even whilst we watched, a strong gust of wind swept the fire with incredible swiftness towards us, and in a second we were enveloped in such a dense cloud of smoke that we were unable to see one another. the situation had now become critical, and not a moment was to be lost. half choked, and bewildered by the suddenness with which the danger had come upon us, we scarcely knew what course to take. already our horses were snorting with fear, as the crackling of the burning grass and bushes came nearer and nearer. to run away from the coming fire was useless; the alternative was to face it at a gallop, and get through it if possible. to throw our guanaco mantles over our heads, and draw them as tightly round us as we could, was the work of a second, and then digging our spurs into our horses, we dashed forward, every one for himself. the moments that followed seemed an eternity. as i urged my unwilling horse forward, the sense of suffocation grew terrible, i could scarcely draw breath, and the panting animal seemed to stagger beneath me. the horrible crackling came nearer and nearer; i became conscious of the most intolerable heat, and my head began to swim round. my horse gave two or three furious plunges, and then burst madly forward. almost choked, come what might, i could bear the mantle over my head no longer, and tore it off me. the sudden sense of relief that came over me as i did so, i shall never forget. i looked up, the air was comparatively clear, and the fire _behind_ me. by some miracle i had passed through it unhurt! i looked for my companions, and, to my inexpressible joy, saw them emerge one by one from the black mass of smoke, which was now rapidly receding into the distance. congratulations and exclamations over, we retraced our steps to try and discover how we had managed to escape so luckily. the reason was soon apparent. by a piece of fortune we had happened to ride over a narrow pebbly tract of ground, where the grass was extremely sparse, and where there were but few bushes; had chance led us over any other track, where the grass was thick and tall, we could scarcely ever have got through the danger. our poor horses had suffered a good deal as it was, their feet and legs being scorched and singed severely. our thoughts now flew to our camp, and to storer and i'aria, whom we had left behind there. that they had escaped we had little doubt, but for our tents and chattels we felt there was no hope. the landscape seemed completely changed by the fire, all around, as far as we could see, stretched black smoking plains, and the outlines of the hills had become quite unfamiliar to us. with rather heavy hearts we pushed forward, eagerly scanning the country for some indication which might guide us to the quarter where our camp had stood. if, as we had every reason to believe, our things were burnt, our patagonian trip was at an end, for the present, at all events. fortunately things did not turn out so badly. presently my husband, who was riding in advance of the others, gave a shout, and made signals for us to come on. i need hardly say that we did not lose a moment in joining him, and a welcome sight, as we got up to him, met our eyes. some two or three hundred yards below the hill on which we were, we perceived our little white tents standing safe and unharmed on a narrow green tract of land, which looked like a smiling island in the midst of the vast black plain. storer and i'aria, too, we could see moving about, and, overjoyed, we galloped down towards them, they running out to meet us, having suffered no little anxiety, on their parts, as to what might have happened to us. we pressed question after question to i'aria and storer as to how they had managed to save the camp. storer was unable to give any intelligible account, so entirely upset was he by fright, but i'aria's natural philosophical calm had not deserted him, even on this occasion, and from him we heard all particulars. the fire, he informed us, had been caused by the indian we had met in the morning on the look-out for strayed horses. this man had amused himself by setting fire to the long dry grass in various places, and, fanned by a strong wind, the flames spread, and soon assumed enormous proportions. quick to perceive the possible danger our camp was in, the indian at once galloped up, and with the assistance of i'aria and storer, set about making a "contra-fuego" or counter fire, that is to say, they gradually set fire to the grass all round the camp, letting it burn a considerable tract, but always keeping it well in subjection, beating it out with bushes and trampling it under foot, so that it could not get beyond their control. this precautionary measure was fortunately completed by the time the big fire came on, and although, for a minute or two, they were half suffocated by the smoke, the fire passed harmlessly by the camp itself, the burnt belt around it proving an effectual safeguard. our horses were all safe, as they had been grazing on the far side of a stream in an adjacent valley. the camp was in great disorder; the tents were blackened by the smoke, the provision-bags and other chattels lay scattered in confusion. our furs and rugs had been used to cover the cartridges with, for, whilst the fire raged around it, the camp was deluged with showers of sparks, and an explosion might easily have occurred, had this precaution not been taken. for some time we were busy putting things straight, and in the meanwhile françois arrived from his hunting excursion. it had proved unsuccessful; and as we had obtained but very little meat from the indians, for the sake of our dogs, who had been on very short rations for some time, it became a matter of great urgency that we should get as soon as possible into regions where guanaco and ostrich were plentiful, and accordingly we decided to start on the following day. dinner over, my companions were not long before they went to sleep, but feeling little inclination to follow their example, i strolled out, and wandered round the camp, watching with interest the strange changes that came over the landscape as day waned and night came slowly on. the black hills behind the camp loomed like shadowy phantoms against the sky; far and wide slept the silent pampa, its undulating surface illumined by the rays of a lovely moon. the faint glow which tinged the horizon, and the strange noises which a puff of wind occasionally brought to my ears, showed that the mighty fire was still burning in the distance with unbated fury, perhaps not to stop in its devastating course till it reached the sea-coast. for a long time i stood immersed in the contemplation of this weird desolate scene, giving myself up to the mysterious feelings and the many vague and fanciful thoughts it suggested, till, overcome with the excitement and exertions of the day, i had at last to give way to drowsiness and seek my couch. chapter viii. unpleasant visitors--"speed the parting guest"--off again--an ostrich egg--i'aria misleads us--striking oil--preparations for the chase--wind and hail--a guanaco at last--an exciting run--the death--home-- hungry as hunters--"fat-behind-the-eye." the next morning we were up betimes, as we were going to continue our journey. whilst we were engaged in the tedious operation of packing up, an indian woman walked suddenly into the ring of bushes which surrounded our encampment, and seated herself silently by the fire. gregorio elicited from her that on the previous night the indians had been drinking heavily, and that she had had a quarrel with her husband whilst both were inebriated, in consequence of which she had left his tent, and was now on her way to sandy point. she had walked the whole distance from the indian camp barefoot, but did not seem in the least tired. i suppose she counted on her husband's regretting his behaviour, and coming after her to fetch her back, for she could hardly have seriously entertained the idea of walking all the way to sandy point. i offered her some biscuits and a stick of chocolate, which she accepted readily enough, but without even so much as a grunt by way of thanks. presently she told gregorio that the indians were breaking up their camp, and that some were going to march on to sandy point. this piece of information made us hurry on with our work, as we dreaded being surprised by a party of indians, with all our effects scattered about, offering tempting facilities for abstraction, which the tehuelche heart was sure not to be able to resist. to such a visit we were moreover extremely liable, as our camp was unfortunately close to the trail to sandy point. our fears were realised only too soon, for about a quarter of an hour after the arrival of the squaw two indians came crashing unceremoniously through the bushes; and wheeling their horses about the camp, careless of our crockery, after a short examination they dismounted, and coolly sat down by our fire, answering our angry looks with imperturbed stares of stolid indifference. five minutes later another party arrived, followed shortly by a further batch, and presently we were quite inundated by a swarm of these unbidden guests. of course our work was stopped, all our attention being required to look after our goods and chattels. over these we kept guard in no very good humour, breathing fervent prayers the while for speedy relief from our friends, who on their part evinced no particular hurry to go away. they had made themselves comfortable at our fire, and were passing round the social pipe in evident good humour with themselves and their present quarters. to complete the irony of the situation, one of their number who could speak spanish came and asked me for a little coffee, which he purposed to cook in our kettle, which was still simmering conveniently on the fire. as may be imagined, he met with an indignant refusal; however, it only appeared to amuse him and his friends, and by no means influenced them in hastening their departure. meanwhile time went on, and some expedient for getting rid of them had to be devised unless we wished to lose a whole day. it occurred to us that they might possibly be bribed to go away by means of a small offering of whisky; and through gregorio we accordingly intimated to them that if they would leave us they should be rewarded for their kindness with a glass of that spirit. to our relief they accepted this offer, and we presently had the satisfaction of seeing them ride leisurely away. to do them justice, i must say that, contrary to our fears, they did not steal any of our effects, though possibly the strict watch we kept over them may have had something to do with this unusual display of honesty. the moment they had gone we redoubled our efforts, and succeeded in getting all our horses saddled and packed without further molestation. the three mules still remained to be packed, but these we left to the care of gregorio and guillaume who were to follow us, we, meanwhile, starting off under the guidance of old i'aria. francisco went off alone, by another route, in order to forage for meat, be it ostrich or guanaco, of which both ourselves and the dogs stood very much in need, the small supply we had got from the indians being quite exhausted. just as we were leaving an indian galloped up, who turned out to be the husband of the pedestrian squaw, who, after the departure of the other indians, still remained in our camp. the reconciliation scene was a very short one, and did not go beyond a few inexpressive grunts on either side, after which the squaw got up on horseback behind her husband, and off they rode towards sandy point. we now struck northwards, leaving cape gregorio, which lay directly opposite our late encampment, at our backs. i'aria having to keep the troop together singlehanded we had plenty to do to help him, and in galloping after refractory horses, urging on the lazy ones, and occasionally stopping to adjust packs, the time passed quickly enough. we occasionally crossed tracts of land covered with a plant bearing a profusion of red berries of the cranberry species. they were quite ripe now, and we found them pleasant and refreshing. the weather was, as usual, sunny and bracing; and except that as yet we had not seen a guanaco or given chase to a single ostrich, we had nothing to grumble about. i'aria told us that we were certain to meet with guanaco on that day's march, so, with this assurance, we comforted ourselves and kept a sharp look-out, eagerly scanning the horizon of each successive plain, and woe betide the unfortunate animal that might appear within our ken. the day passed, however, and a dark patch of beeches, which stood near the spot where we were to camp that night, appeared in view without our having seen either an ostrich or a guanaco. somebody found an ostrich egg though, and it was carefully kept against dinner-time, for although it must have been laid two or perhaps three months, there was still a possibility of its being tolerably good, as these eggs occasionally keep till the month of april, six months after laying time. towards sunset we arrived at a broad valley scattered over with picturesque clumps of beeches, and bordered on its far side by a thick wood of the same tree. i'aria pointed out a spot to us where he said there were some springs, by the side of which we were to camp, and thither we accordingly rode. but when we got there no springs were to be seen, and i'aria said he must have mistaken the place. he suddenly remembered, however, that a conspicuous clump of beeches, some way up the valley, marked the right spot, so we turned in that direction. but again was i'aria mistaken, and when--following various of his sudden inspirations--we had wandered about the valley in all directions for a considerable time without coming across these problematic springs, we began to think ourselves justified in presuming that i'aria had lost his way, and in charging him with the same. he denied the accusation, however, with a calm and steady assurance, which, considering that all the time he was leading us about in aimless helplessness, would have had something rather humorous about it had our situation been a less serious one. if we did not succeed in finding the springs, besides having to endure the torture of thirst ourselves we should have to stop up all night to look after the horses, who would be certain to go off in search of water and get lost. it was rapidly getting dark too, and there were no signs of the arrival of any of the other guides, whose absence was a further confirmation that we could not be on the right track. as a last resource we resolved to separate, and each go in a different direction in search of water, though i must say we had little hopes of success, it being known to us that beyond the springs in question there was no other water in that part of the country for a considerable distance. hurling bitter but useless anathemas at i'aria, who was now confidently pointing out a new spot as the "really" right one, we accordingly broke up, and having arranged to fire a shot as a signal, should any one of us find water, dispersed over the valley in all directions. i had hardly skirted the beechwood for more than a minute or so when my horse suddenly neighed joyfully, and in an opening among the trees i saw two or three small pools of spring water. overjoyed, i lost no time in firing off my gun, the report of which soon brought up all the others, who had not gone far. in justice to i'aria it must be said that for the last hour he had been wandering about close to where the springs lay, and his persistent denial of having lost his way was so far justified. besides, as there was no trail of any description across the pampa over which we had that day ridden, it was really no easy matter to hit on the right spot immediately. we had just set up the tents and made the fire when gregorio and guillaume, at whose prolonged absence, now that we were at the springs ourselves, we had become rather uneasy, appeared with the mules. they had been delayed on the road by the packs getting undone. francisco too soon came up, and though he had been unsuccessful in the chase, he arrived in time to cook an excellent omelette for our dinners with the ostrich egg, which turned out to be perfectly sound and palatable. the next day was to be devoted to guanaco-hunting, the want of meat having become quite a serious matter; our dogs were getting weak, and our stores, on which we had to rely solely for food, were disappearing in an alarmingly quick manner. it is marvellous how the ordinary excitement of hunting is increased when, as in our case, one's dinner depends on one's success; and it was with feelings almost of solemnity, that early in the morning we selected and saddled our best horses, sharpened our hunting-knives, slung our rifles, and, followed by the dogs, who knew perfectly well that real earnest sport was meant, threaded the beechwood and rode up on to the plateau, where, according to the unanimous assurance of the guides, we could not fail to meet with guanaco. i'aria and storer having been left behind to look after the camp, our hunting-party numbered seven. in order to cover as much ground as possible we spread out in a line, extending over about two miles, and in this order we cantered northward from the valley, carefully scanning the plain, which stretched flat away for a good distance, but apparently as bare of guanaco as it was of grass. the weather, unlike that of the preceding day, was very cold, and a bitterly sharp wind blew right into our faces, making those of our number who had neglected to bring their greatcoats or furs very uncomfortable. this, however, was a trifling matter, if only those good guanacos would obligingly make their appearance! but evidently nothing was farther from their minds, and we rode over the plain, mile after mile, with hopes which, like the thermometer, were gradually sinking towards zero. as time went on, the haze which bound the plateau at our approach solidified itself into an escarpment. in due time this was reached, and i rode up it, expecting to find another plain on its summit as usual. instead, however, a broken, hilly country appeared in view, crossed in all directions by ravines. i looked eagerly about, but still no guanaco. our line of advance, meantime, lost its order, owing to the changed nature of the ground, and frequently i lost sight of all my companions, as i descended into a ravine, or rode round the base of some tall hillock; but it was never long before i caught a glimpse of one or other of them again. the wind got colder and colder, a white cloud crept up on the horizon, and grew and grew, sweeping swiftly towards me, till i suddenly found myself enveloped in a furious hail-storm. i came to a stand-still, and covered up my head to protect myself from the hailstones, which were very large. the squall did not last long, but when i looked up again i found the whole country was whitened over, an atmospheric freak having created a dreary winter landscape in the middle of summer. suddenly i started; close to me stood, perfectly motionless, and staring me full in the face, a tall guanaco. i was so startled and surprised that for the space of a minute i sat quietly returning his stare. a movement of my horse broke the spell. the guanaco darted up the side of a hill like lightning, and pausing a moment on its summit, disappeared. i meanwhile had unslung my rifle, and was off in pursuit of him. instead of climbing the hill, i rode quickly round its base, and on the other side, as i had expected, i discovered my friend looking upward, no doubt thinking i should appear by the same road he had come. i had the selfishness, though i am sure sportsmen will excuse it, to wish to kill the first guanaco myself, and i was therefore by no means displeased to find that my companions had not as yet perceived us. with a beating heart i dismounted and walked slowly towards the guanaco, who, though he saw me coming, still remained quietly standing. my weapon was a light rook-rifle, but though an excellent arm, it did not carry more than yards with precision, and i was now something over yards from my prey. he allowed me to advance till within the required distance, but then, to my disgust, just as i was preparing to fire, leisurely walked on another thirty or forty yards before he stopped again, watching me the while, as it seemed with an amused look of impertinence, which aggravated me considerably. i slowly followed him, vowing to fire the moment i was within range, whether he moved or not. this time i was more successful. the guanaco allowed me to come within about the necessary yards. "poor fellow!" i murmured generously, as i brought my rifle up to my shoulder and took aim just behind his. only one step forward to make quite certain. alas! i took it, and down i went into a hole, which in my eagerness i had not noticed, falling rather heavily on my face. in a second i was up again, just in time to see the guanaco bounding up a far escarpment, taking with him my chance of becoming the heroine of the day. there was nothing for it but to walk back to where i had left my horse, and see what had become of my companions. i took the same road the guanaco had taken, on the remote possibility of falling in with him again. riding up the escarpment above referred to, i came on to a broad plain, and there an exciting chase was going on, in which, as it appeared, i was condemned to take the part of a spectator only. at some distance, and going across my line of sight, was a guanaco running at full speed, closely followed by a pack of dogs, in whose track, but some way behind, galloped three horsemen, whom i made out to be my husband, and brother, and gregorio. the guanaco at first seemed to be losing ground, but it was only for an instant; in another he bounded away with ease, and it was apparent that as yet he was only playing with his pursuers. the pace soon began to tell on the dogs; the less speedy were already beginning to tail off, one of them, probably gregorio's swift pié-de-plata, being far in advance of its comrades, and by no means to be shaken off by the guanaco, who had now given up any playful demonstrations of superiority, and had settled down to run in good earnest. on, on they go--quarry, dogs, horsemen, will soon be out of sight. but what's this? the guanaco has stopped! only for a moment, though. but he has swerved to the left, and behind him a new dog and horseman have appeared on the scene, emerging, as if by magic, from the bowels of the earth. the chase is now better under my view. if some lucky chance would only bring the guanaco my way! the fresh dog is evidently discomforting him, and his having had to swerve has brought all the other dogs a good bit nearer to his heels. but on he goes, running bravely, and making for the escarpment, for in the hilly country below he knows he is at an advantage the dogs seem to be aware of this too, for they redouble their efforts, a splendid race ensuing. suddenly another horseman appears on the plateau, and the unfortunate guanaco must again swerve to the left, a movement which, hurrah! brings him almost facing towards where i am standing. that is to say, he must cross the escarpment at some point on a line between myself and the new-comer, the other horsemen, from the manner the race had been run, forming a circle in his rear, which debarred his escape in any other direction. seeing this, wild with excitement, i dug my spurs into my horse, and flew along the edge of the escarpment, the horseman on the other side doing the same, in order to shut out the guanaco and throw him back on his foes behind. seeing his last chance about to be cut off, he redoubled his efforts to get through between us. on, on we strain. nearer and nearer he gets to the edge of the plain, and already, with despair, i see that i shall be too late. but faster even than the swift guanaco, a gallant blackhound has crept up, and in another instant, though the former dashes past me within a yard of my horse's nose and disappears over the side of the escarpment, the good dog has already made its spring, and, clinging like grim death to the guanaco's haunch, vanishes with him. after them, in another instant, swept the whole quarry of dogs, and by the time i reined in, and got my horse down the steep ravine-side, they had thrown the guanaco, which pié-de-plata had brought to a standstill below; and francisco, the horseman who had last appeared on the plateau, and at so opportune a moment, had already given the _coup-de-grace_ with his knife. one after another the other hunters gradually arrived, their horses more or less blown; and whilst pipes were lit and flasks produced, we had leisure to examine this, our first guanaco. looking at his frame, his long, powerful legs, his deep chest, and body as fine-drawn almost as a greyhound's, we no longer wondered that guanacos run as swiftly as they do. indeed, this one would have laughed at us, had he not been closed in as he was. the fur of the full-grown guanaco is of a woolly texture, and in colour of a reddish brown on the back, the neck, and the quarters; being whitish on the belly and the inner sides of the legs. the head closely resembles that of a camel; the eyes, which have a strange look on account of the peculiar shape of the eye bones, are very large and beautiful. a fair-sized guanaco weighs from to pounds. meantime, gregorio having begun to cut up the guanaco, to our chagrin it was discovered to be mangy--a disease very common among these animals, probably on account of the brackishness of the water; and the meat being consequently unfit for food, we abandoned it to the dogs, who now made the first good meal they had had since we left sandy point. they were soon gorged to such an extent that they became useless for hunting purposes, and we had therefore to ride on, now relying solely on our rifles. gregorio had seen a herd of guanacos at the far end of the plain over which the chase had taken place, and thither we accordingly rode. after half an hour's galloping, we reached its limit, finding below a broad valley broken up into various depressions and hillocks. at the base of one of the latter we saw a small herd of guanaco, within range of which, by dint of careful stalking, we presently managed to come. two fortunate shots brought a couple of their number down, and luckily both turned out to be quite healthy. under the skilful manipulation of gregorio and francisco, in a marvellously short space of time they were cut up, and the meat having been distributed among our various saddles, heavily laden, we turned homewards. [illustration: guanacos.] the way back seemed terribly long, now that we had no longer the excitement of hunting to shorten the time; and it seemed quite incredible that we had gone the distance we had been, when, towards sunset, after a cold and weary ride, we at last stood on the edge of the plain which overlooked the valley where lay our home for the nonce. the evening had turned out fine, the boisterous wind which had annoyed us so much in the daytime had died away, and the sky was now bright and clear. through the branches of the beech trees i could catch a glimpse of our camp, with its white tents just peeping over the green bushes, and a thin column of blue smoke rising up into the air, pleasantly suggestive of warm tea and other comforts awaiting us. farther on, in the long green grass of the valley, which was now glowing under the last rays of the sun, were our horses, some grazing, others lying stretched out, lazily enjoying their day's respite from work, whilst the colts and fillies, as is their wont at sundown, were frisking about and kicking up their heels in all the exuberance of youth, unconscious as yet of heavy packs and sharp spurs. whatever special character the peaceful scene might otherwise want was fully supplied by the picturesquely wild appearance of my companions, as, eschewing contemplation, and anticipating dinner, they rode quickly ahead towards the camp on their shaggy, sturdy horses, their bodies muffled in the graceful guanaco robe, and huge pieces of red raw meat dangling on either side of their saddles, followed by the blood-stained hounds, who seemed thoroughly tired after their hard day's work. but whatever country one is in, whatever scenes one may be among--in one's own cosy snuggery in england, or in the bleak steppes of patagonia--there is a peculiar sameness in the feeling that comes over one towards the hours of evening, and which inevitably calls up the thought, it must be getting near dinner-time. yielding to this admonition, which to-day was by no means less plain than usual, i quitted my eyrie and rode down to the camp. when i got there i found preparations for an ample meal in full swing. ingeniously spitted on a wooden stave, the whole side of a guanaco was roasting before a blazing fire, and in the pot a head of the same animal was yielding its substance towards the production of what i was assured would turn out an excellent soup. at dinner-time i was able practically to confirm this assurance; a better broth cannot be concocted than that obtained from such a guanaco head, with the addition of rice, dried vegetables, chilis, etc. but, at the risk of incurring the charge of digressing too much on the subject of eating, i must pay a tribute to the delicacy of a peculiar morsel in the guanaco, which we called "fat-behind-the-eye," and which is, in fact, a piece of fat situated as indicated by its name. the tongue and the brain are rare tit-bits, but they must yield in subtle savouriness to the aforesaid _bonne-bouche_. having once tasted it, till the end of our trip guanaco head formed a standing item in our daily messes, and whatever other culinary novelties we discussed, and they were as numerous as strange, "fat-behind-the-eye" always retained its supremacy in our affections as the _ne plus ultra_ of pampa delicacies. chapter ix. elastic leagues--the laguna blanca--an earthquake-- ostrich-hunting. we should like to have lingered on in the beechwood valley, but the necessity of pushing forward as quickly as possible was too urgent to allow of our indulging in our lazy desires, and daybreak saw our party once more in the saddle. the country over which we rode this day was more rugged and hilly than any we had crossed previously; the sun shone down upon us in all the intensity of its summer heat, and the glare of the hot dry ground affected our eyes painfully as we rode along. "how far have we still to go?" was a question which was often on our lips, though, from experience, we might have known that, whatever answer we got from the guides, we should be no wiser than before. they would reply glibly enough, four or five leagues, as the case might be, but we had found that their ideas of a league were most elastic, appearing to vary daily, and to an extent which made it impossible for us to form any mean average even, to guide us to an approximate estimation of the value of their assertions. thus, a league might mean ten miles to-day, and to-morrow possibly only one. at length, as the sun was beginning to sink, a shout from one of the guides made us glance wearily up. we found ourselves on the brow of an escarpment, at the foot of which extended a far-stretching plain, in the midst of which, shimmering like a sheet of silver, lay a broad lake, called "laguna blanca," or the white lake. this welcome sight at once revived our drooping spirits, and for the next hour we rode merrily forward, following gregorio, who was seeking for a little ravine, where there was a small freshwater stream which flowed down towards the lake. we soon came upon it, and lost no time in jumping out of the saddle and setting to work with a will, at the erection of our tents and the preparation of our evening meal. the latter having been discussed, we went to bed. the sun was rather high in the heavens when i opened my eyes the next morning, and, pulling aside the flap of the tent, looked out upon the scene. all our camp was still wrapt in sleep save i'aria, who was sitting over the fire smoking his pipe, whilst he watched the kettle boiling, in placid expectation of his morning coffee. the plains below were silent; but the air was noisy with the cries of the flocks of geese and wild-duck, who were winging their flight from the lake towards the rich fields of cranberries farther inland. the sharp quack of the ibis would occasionally startle me, as a bevy of these birds passed seemingly just over my head, but, in reality, far up in the air. from the contemplation of this scene i was suddenly and rudely awakened. a loud rumbling sound rose on the air; and, before i had time to wonder what it could mean, a heaving of the ground, resembling a sea-swell, sent me flying on my back, and, as by magic, the silent camp became alive with shouts of fear and wonder, as everybody rushed out of the tents in dismay. the shocks occurred again and again, but each time weaker, and in about five minutes they had ceased altogether, but it was some time before we recovered our equanimity. this was the first time i had ever experienced an earthquake, and such a sickly sensation of helplessness as comes over one during the heaving up and down of the earth would, i should think, be hard to equal. our guides told us that none of them had ever felt an earthquake in patagonia before, nor had they ever heard of one having taken place. later on, on our return to sandy point, we learnt that the earthquake had caused a good deal of disaster in the colony. all the bottles and stores in pedro's shop were thrown from their shelves and broken, and there were few inhabitants in the colony who did not sustain some similar loss. as may be imagined, the earthquake provided us with matter for conversation for some time, and in that respect, at least, was a not unwelcome occurrence. breakfast over, it was agreed that we should separate into two parties, one for the purpose of ostrich-hunting, whilst the other should devote its energies to the pursuit of the guanaco. my husband and mr. b. preferring the latter chase, rode off with their rifles, together with gregorio and guillaume, towards the hilly country we had crossed the day before. as soon as they were gone my brother and i, with françois, started off along a ridge of hills which exactly faced our camp, and which sloped down into the plains below. we were followed by four ostrich hounds, and were mounted on the best and fleetest horses we could select out of our tropilla. the little animal that i bestrode could not have exceeded fifteen hands. he was a high-spirited little bay with a white blaze down his face, and three white legs. he would clamber up precipitous places where the stones and rocks crumbled and gave way beneath his feet, or canter down a steep decline, and jump the wide gullies with the greatest ease. as we galloped along the smoother ground which intervened between the hills, and which was deeply undermined by hundreds of holes of the "tuca-tuca" (prairie rat), his activity in avoiding a fall astonished me. my brother was equally well mounted on a long, low, clever black, who had the reputation of great speed; while françois rode a well-shaped brown, with handsome arching neck and tiny head. as we rode silently along, with our eyes well about us, in the hopes of sighting an ostrich, my horse suddenly shied at something white lying on the ground at a few paces distant. throwing the reins over his head, i dismounted and walked towards the spot. amongst some long grass i discovered a deserted nest of an ostrich containing ten or eleven eggs, and calling françois to examine them, was greatly chagrined to find that none of them were fresh. with the superstition of an ostrich-hunter françois picked up a feather lying close at hand, and sticking it in his cap, assured us that this was a good sign, and that it would not be long before we came across one of these birds. his prediction was speedily verified, for on reaching the summit of a little hill, up which we had slowly and stealthily proceeded, two small gray objects suddenly struck my eye. i signed to françois and my brother, who where riding some twenty yards behind me, and putting spurs to my horse, galloped down the hill towards the two gray objects i had perceived in the distance. "choo! choo!" shouted françois, a cry by which the ostrich-hunters cheer their dogs on, and intimate to them the proximity of game. past me like lightning the four eager animals rushed, bent on securing the prey which their quick sight had already detected. the ostriches turned one look on their pursuers, and the next moment they wheeled round, and making for the plain, scudded over the ground at a tremendous pace. and now, for the first time, i began to experience all the glorious excitement of an ostrich-hunt. my little horse, keen as his rider, took the bit between his teeth, and away we went up and down the hills at a terrific pace. on and on flew the ostriches, closer and closer crept up "leona," a small, red, half-bred scotch deerhound, with "loca," a wiry black lurcher at her heels, who in turn was closely followed by "apiscuña" and "sultan." in another moment the little red dog would be alongside the ostriches. suddenly, however, they twisted right and left respectively, scudding away in opposite directions over the plain, a feint which of course gave them a great advantage, as the dogs in their eagerness shot forward a long way before they were able to stop themselves. by the time they had done so the ostriches had got such a start that, seeing pursuit was useless, we called the dogs back. we were very much disappointed at our failure, and in no very pleasant frame of mind turned our horses' heads in the direction of our camp. as we rode along we were surprised by the sudden appearance of a man on horseback, galloping towards us. he was dressed in a guanaco robe, and his long black hair floating on the wind, gave him a very wild look. "an indian!" i exclaimed. but françois shook his head, and we rode up to meet the stranger. when he got up to us he shook hands with françois, whom he seemed to know, and, without evincing any sign of curiosity as regarded ourselves, turned his horse round, and prepared to accompany us. i observed that although his face, legs, and hands were almost as copper-coloured as those of an indian, his features were those of a white man. françois presently told me that he was a chilian convict, who had deserted from sandy point a good many years ago, and that since then he had lived among the indians, adopting their dress and customs, till he had now become quite one of them. in reply to my questions it appeared that he was camping with some indians on the other side of the lake. they had been out hunting, and he was just returning home when he saw us, and having nothing better to do, thought he might as well pay a visit to our camp. we were a good deal chaffed when we got home on the score of our non-success, my husband and mr. b. having had a good day's sport, bringing plenty of guanaco meat back with them. over pipes and coffee that night a serious council of war was held by the whole of our party, as regards ostrich-hunting for the morrow. the chilian suggested the forming of a circle, and professed himself willing, in return for our hospitality, to remain another day and join in the affair. forming a circle is the method by which the indians nearly always obtain game. it is formed by lighting fires round a large area of ground into which the different hunters ride from all sides. a complete circle of blazing fires is thus obtained, and any game found therein is pretty sure to become the prey of the dogs, as no ostrich or guanaco will face a fire. wherever they turn they see before them a column of smoke, or are met by dogs and horsemen. escape becomes almost impossible, and it is not long before they grow bewildered and are captured. in anticipation of a hard day's work on the morrow, we hereupon broke up our council of war, and turned in at an earlier hour than usual. next morning, the horses being all ready, we lost no time in springing into the saddle, leaving storer to take charge of the camp, much to his alarm, and in spite of his earnest remonstrance. the poor man vainly protested that, were the indians to discover our retreat, he would be perfectly powerless to prevent their pillaging the whole camp, especially as his ignorance of their "jargon," as he scornfully termed the tehuelche language, would place him in a most helpless position. regardless of his arguments and imploring looks we rode away, determining to risk the improbable intrusion of the indians, whose camp lay at least twenty miles distant from our own. for about half an hour we followed gregorio and the chilian along a line of broken hillocks, after which, calling a halt, we sent forward guillaume and i'aria to commence the first and most distant proceedings of the circle. they departed at a brisk canter, and it was not long before several rising columns of smoke testified that they were already busily engaged. the next to compose the centre circle were my husband, françois, and mr. b., shortly after supported on the right by the chilian and my brother. immediately on their left gregorio and myself commenced operations, and soon a distinct circle of fires might be seen springing quickly up from all points. i could not help being greatly impressed with the novel sight now before me. from the high plain we were on i could look over miles and miles of untrodden desert land, where countless herds of guanaco were roaming in peaceful lazy ease. in the distance towered the peaks of the andes, wrapped in their cloak of mystery, lonely and unexplored. the huge columns of smoke and the lurid flames of the circle-fires lent a wild appearance to the thrilling scene, to which the frightened knots of guanacos, which were hurrying to escape from the circle and the eager galloping horsemen, lent additional active animation. for some time gregorio and i rode slowly and silently on our way, when a sudden unexpected bound which my horse gave all but unseated me. "avestruz! avestruz!" shouted gregorio, and turned his horse with a quick movement. "choo! choo! plata!" i cry to the dog who followed at my horse's heels, as a fine male ostrich scudded away towards the hills we had just left with the speed of lightning. plata has sighted him, and is straining every limb to reach the terrified bird. he is a plucky dog and a fleet one, but it will take him all his time to come alongside that great raking ostrich as he strides away in all the conscious pride of his strength and speed. "we shall lose him!" i cry, half mad with excitement, spurring my horse, who is beginning to gasp and falter as the hill up which we are struggling grows steeper and steeper. but the ostrich suddenly doubles to the left, and commences a hurried descent. the cause is soon explained, for in the direction towards which he has been making a great cloud of smoke rises menacingly in his path, and, baulked of the refuge he had hoped to find amidst the hills, the great bird is forced to alter his course, and make swiftly for the plains below. but swiftly as he flies along, so does plata, who finds a down-hill race much more suited to his splendid shoulders and rare stride. foot by foot he lessens the distance that separates him from his prey, and gets nearer and nearer to the fast sinking, fast tiring bird. away we go, helter-skelter down the hill, unchecked and undefeated by the numerous obstacles that obstruct the way. plata is alongside the ostrich, and gathers himself for a spring at the bird's throat. "he has him, he has him!" i shout to gregorio, who does not reply, but urges his horse on with whip and spur. "has he got him, though?" yes--no--the ostrich with a rapid twist has shot some thirty yards ahead of his enemy, and whirling round, makes for the hills once more. and now begins the struggle for victory. the ostrich has decidedly the best of it, for plata, though he struggles gamely, does not like the uphill work, and at every stride loses ground. there is another fire on the hill above, but it lies too much to the left to attract the bird's attention, who has evidently a safe line of escape in view in that direction. on, on we press; on, on flies the ostrich; bravely and gamely struggles in its wake poor plata. "can he stay?" i cry to gregorio, who smiles and nods his head. he is right, the dog can stay, for hardly have the words left my lips when, with a tremendous effort, he puts on a spurt, and races up alongside the ostrich. once more the bird points for the plain; he is beginning to falter, but he is great and strong, and is not beaten yet. it will take all plata's time and cunning to pull that magnificent bird to the ground, and it will be a long fierce struggle ere the gallant creature yields up his life. unconscious of anything but the exciting chase before me, i am suddenly disagreeably reminded that there _is_ such a thing as caution, and necessity to look where you are going to, for, putting his foot in an unusually deep tuca-tuca hole, my little horse comes with a crash upon his head, and turns completely over on his back, burying me beneath him in a hopeless muddle. fortunately, beyond a shaking, i am unhurt, and remounting, endeavour to rejoin the now somewhat distant chase. the ostrich, gregorio, and the dog have reached the plain, and as i gallop quickly down the hill i can see that the bird has begun doubling. this is a sure sign of fatigue, and shows that the ostrich's strength is beginning to fail him. nevertheless it is a matter of no small difficulty for one dog to secure his prey, even at this juncture, as he cannot turn and twist about as rapidly as the ostrich. at each double the bird shoots far ahead of his pursuer, and gains a considerable advantage. away across the plain the two animals fly, whilst i and gregorio press eagerly in their wake. the excitement grows every moment more intense, and i watch the close struggle going on with the keenest interest. suddenly the stride of the bird grows slower, his doubles become more frequent, showers of feathers fly in every direction as plata seizes him by the tail, which comes away in his mouth. in another moment the dog has him by the throat, and for a few minutes nothing can be distinguished but a gray struggling heap. then gregorio dashes forward and throws himself off his horse, breaks the bird's neck, and when i arrive upon the scene the struggle is over. the run had lasted for twenty-five minutes. [illustration: the last double]. our dogs and horses were in a most pitiable state. poor plata lay stretched on the ground with his tongue, hot and fiery, lolling out of his mouth, and his sides going at a hundred miles an hour. the horses, with their heads drooped till they almost touched the ground, and their bodies streaming with perspiration, presented a most pitiable sight, and while gregorio disembowelled and fastened the ostrich together, i loosened their girths, and led them to a pool hard by to drink. at length they became more comfortable, and as soon as they seemed in a fit state to go on, gregorio and i lifted the huge bird on to his horse, and tied it across the animal's withers. encumbered thus, gregorio turned to depart in the direction of the camp, followed by plata, while i went in an opposite direction in search of my companions down in the plain. it was not long before i distinguished in the far distance an ostrich coming straight towards me, closely followed by a dog and two horsemen. galloping to meet them, i was the means of turning the bird into "peaché's" jaws, for such was the name of i'aria's dog. the two horsemen turned out to be the old fellow in question and my brother, who arrived, hot and full of excitement, on the scene just as i was throwing myself from my horse to prevent peaché from tearing the bird to pieces. leaving i'aria to complete the hunter's work, my brother and i rode slowly back towards our camp, discussing the merits of our horses, dogs, and the stamina of the two ostriches we had slain. so engrossed were we that we could hardly believe our eyes when we came suddenly in full view of our snug little retreat, but, nevertheless, we were very glad to dismount and refresh ourselves with the hot coffee which we found old storer had ready waiting. one by one the other hunters dropped in. they had all been successful, with the exception of guillaume; and as we stood grouped round the five large ostriches lying on the ground, we congratulated ourselves on our good fortune, and on the excellent sport we had had. at dinner we passed judgment on ostrich-meat, which we now really tasted for the first time, for what we had obtained from the indian camp had been dry and unpalatable. we thought it excellent; the breast and wings are particularly good; the latter much resemble pheasant. chapter x. departure from laguna blanca--a wild-cat--ibis soup-- a fertile caÑadon--indian law and equity--our first puma--cowardice of the puma--discomforts of a wet night --a mysterious dish--a good run. after a four days' stay at laguna blanca, our horses being sufficiently rested, we resolved to continue our journey. i had got to feel quite at home in the little ravine where our camp had been pitched, and notwithstanding my anxiety to push forward and get over the monotony of the plains as soon as possible, in leaving it felt just a slight touch of regret. each bush i passed recalled some trivial incident of our stay, and came in for a share of the good-bye i inwardly vouchsafed to all my late surroundings. whilst we were trotting along i noticed that one of the brood-mares was continually looking anxiously back, and on counting the foals i found that one was missing. i'aria, whose attention i drew to this fact, immediately returned to our camp to look for the lost animal, which he thought had probably been left behind in a ravine where the horses had been in the habit of grazing. in the meantime we rode on, presently passing the site of the camp of the indians, the smoke of whose fires we had noticed from the laguna blanca. they themselves had left it the day before, and were now on the march southwards, as indicated by several columns of smoke which we could see on the distant skyline, it being their habit, when on the march, to light fires at intervals. shortly after passing the indian camp we were startled by a series of howls, given vent to by guillaume's dog, "negro," whom we descried struggling with some animal in the long grass. in a second he was joined by the other dogs, and by the time we got up we found them all engaged in mortal combat with a huge wild-cat, which had already punished negro most severely, and was defending itself fiercely against the united onslaught of its enemies. two revolver shots were fired at it without effect, but presently gregorio managed to kill it with a blow from the "bolas." up to its last gasp it spat and clawed with undaunted fury, and nearly all the dogs were more or less badly wounded; poor "negro" in particular, being severely gashed and torn. whilst we washed the dogs in a pool of water hard by, gregorio skinned the wild-cat, and then made a search for its companion, which during the fray some one had observed making good its retreat. however, his search was fruitless, and we rode forward again, the incident just related furnishing us with a topic for conversation wherewith to beguile the next hour or so. i'aria meanwhile rejoined us, but although he had thoroughly searched all the country in the vicinity of our late camp, he had been unable to find any traces of the missing foal, which had doubtless fallen a prey to some puma. towards evening we arrived at a large freshwater lake called laguna larga, by the shores of which we set up our tents. my husband, going out with his gun, managed to kill an ibis, the first any of us had shot, although we had often tried to do so whilst at laguna blanca, being aware that this bird makes excellent soup. this one was put in the pot, and though its meat proved rather tough, the broth it gave was all that could be desired. laguna larga, like nearly all the lakes we saw in patagonia, swarmed with wild-fowl, and amongst other birds we observed two flamingoes, whose gorgeous red plumage excited our covetousness, and an elaborate stalking-party was organised with the object of securing one of them. however, they never gave us a chance, and sailed majestically away at the first approach of danger. our road the next day lay for the most part along a fertile valley, down the middle of which flowed a narrow but exceedingly deep stream. the breadth of this "cañadon" was about five miles, and we followed its windings for about twenty miles. its whole length, for it doubtless stretched down to the sea-coast, must have been about miles. the grass was tall and green, in many places reaching up to our horses' bellies. as equally fertile valleys are to be found intersecting the barren plains in all directions, an enormous number of cattle and sheep might be reared in this country were it not for the heavy snows in winter and the floods in spring, which latter immerse all these valleys for a considerable period, during which the animals would have to seek sustenance on the plains, where, it is needless to say, they would not find it. as we emerged from the valley on to the plains, an animal was descried on the sky-line, which at first we took for a gigantic guanaco, but which presently resolved itself into a horse. gregorio having seen it first had become _ipso facto_, in accordance with the unwritten law of the pampas, its owner, that is to say, should it be caught; so, taking i'aria with him, he rode off to the left, with the intention of getting behind his prospective property and driving it towards our troop. this he accomplished without difficulty. the horse stood staring at our advancing cavalcade for some time, and then came galloping towards us with loud neighs of greeting, spreading consternation among our troop, who neighed and snorted in return, apparently by no means pleased at the sight of the new-comer. matters were peaceably arranged, however, and after some further slight demonstrations, he was admitted into the troop, evidently much pleased to find himself among his own kind again. according to gregorio, he had belonged to some indian, who had probably lost him on the march. i asked gregorio whether the owner might claim the horse again, and he told me that the law among indians is that the finder receives about one-third of the value of the object found from the owner. some difficulty generally arises in these cases as to the value of the find, as the parties naturally over-estimate and depreciate it as suits their respective interests; this being especially the case when the bargain is debated between an indian and a white man. amongst themselves the indians are remarkably fair in their dealings, but as they know that the traders cheat them whenever they can, they recognise quite another standard of morality in their dealings with the latter. as we were approaching the spot where we intended camping, one of the mules, which was heading the troop, suddenly turned and dashed away, and in another instant the whole troop broke up and dispersed, galloping in all directions. what was the cause of this stampede? we pressed quickly forward, but nothing stirred in the long grass, though we scoured everywhere. we were baffled for a minute. "it's a puma somewhere," said gregorio. the words were hardly out of his mouth when a loud view-holloa rent the air. "there he goes--there he goes!" shouted two or three of our party in chorus, and sure enough, there he was going--a mighty yellow puma--slouching swiftly away at some distance to our left, with my brother following close on his track. for us all to gallop after and come up within ten yards of the puma was the work of a moment, but to get nearer than ten yards or so was quite another matter, as our horses were quivering with fright, and with difficulty were kept from turning tail and bolting from the dread presence of their mortal enemy. meanwhile the puma, finding himself surrounded, lay sullenly down, eyeing us with dogged hate, and scarcely seeming to heed the presence of the dogs, who were growling furiously at him at a respectful distance from his claws. finding it useless to try to approach on horseback, my brother dismounted, and a rifle being at hand, took steady aim at the crouching animal and fired. simultaneous with the report, with outstretched paws and a deep growl, the puma sprang forward, and then fell heavily to the ground, whilst our horses, becoming wholly unmanageable, reared up and fairly bolted. when we again got control of them, nothing would induce them to return to the spot where the now lifeless body of the puma lay, and we had to dismount and walk there. very fierce and dangerous it looked; and at the sight of its ponderous paws with their sharp talons and its cruel white teeth, we wondered whether, if it knew its own powers, the puma would be such a cowardly animal as it is. they scarcely ever attack man, even when brought to bay, but lie down and doggedly meet their fate, though they can kill a full-grown guanaco with one blow of the paw, and pull down a horse with similar ease. the indians affirm that the puma only bears young ones in two years, but whether this be true or not i do not know. they certainly seem very scarce, comparatively, a circumstance which may be due to this peculiarity, coupled with the fact that the indians and traders destroy a good number annually. the excitement attendant on the puma's demise being over, and our horses having been driven together again, we made for our intended camping place. we lodged that night in the valley i have described above, and here, for the first time since we reached the plains, the night was wet. it is by no means agreeable to hear rain pattering down on the canvas of one's tent, especially when one has doubts as to the waterproof capabilities of the canvas, and as yet we had had no opportunity of testing ours. fortunately, on this occasion the rain did not last long, and, excepting a general sense of dampness, we experienced no further inconvenience. continuing our journey, on the following day we reached the river gallegos, which we forded at a spot called "paso de los morros;" these morros being two conically shaped hills of equal height, which form a striking landmark, being conspicuous at a considerable distance. the river at the time was very low; but owing to the inequality of its bed and the rapidity of the current, some care had to be taken in crossing the ford for fear any of the packhorses should come to grief. we passed without any accident, however, and pitched our camp near the bank, under shelter of a snug little clump of beech trees. we liked the place so much that we resolved to pass a couple of days there, especially as the packhorses required a rest after the long march from laguna blanca. the first day we dawdled pleasantly away in all kinds of useful occupations, such as cleaning guns, writing up journals, etc., though i am bound to say that the best part of the time was given up to cooking experiments, my brother and mr. b. both being anxious to prove their respective superiority in the culinary department. much amusement was afforded us by a mysterious dish which my brother passed the whole afternoon in elaborating, and which, if his own glowing anticipations had been verified, would certainly have proved a triumph of skill. the care he devoted to the preparation of his dish, and the impressive secrecy with which he conducted his operations, led us into the firm belief that a most agreeable surprise was in store for us. but when dinner-time came, and soup and joint had been hurriedly got through in order to enable us to do all the more justice to his effort, the surprise--for surprise it was--turned out to be a very unpleasant one; the "plat" on which so much care had been bestowed proving to be a homely though curious concoction of rice, preserved milk, and brown sugar, with a decided taste of burn; and after swallowing a few spoonfuls, even its concoctor had to avow, with a grimace, that his exertions had resulted in a failure. my brother having thus signally proved his incapacity for occupying the high office of cook, we for the future left the kitchen department to francisco's supervision, and very well we fared at his hands. the next day was spent in ostrich-hunting. we made two or three circles, but game seemed very scarce, and we were unable to entrap a single ostrich. we were going home towards evening, rather disconsolately, when some one observed an ostrich running straight towards us, apparently with the express intention of obliging us, by allowing himself to be killed. but as we started into a gallop to meet him half-way, he changed his mind, and darted off sideways, our whole party following. the dogs unfortunately, as often happens when they are wanted, had fallen behind, and a depression in the plain hid us from their view. it seemed rather a forlorn chase, therefore, as our tired horses were no match for the ostrich, who drew away at every stride. to our surprise, however, he suddenly began to "double," and we saw that he was being hard pressed by one of guillaume's dogs, from which he had evidently been escaping when he met us. with fresh zest we pushed forward, spreading out in a semicircle, so as to be able to turn the ostrich back to the dog should he double round our way. an exciting chase ensued. the dog, a clever brute, did its utmost to make the ostrich double towards us, but without success, and the speed at which they were both going prevented us from getting any nearer. the dog was tiring, but he held out stoutly, double after double slowly exhausting him. at last, overshooting himself in an attempt to stop short, he turned a complete somersault, and the ostrich, profiting by the moment's respite, literally set all sail and skimmed away, with a strong wind in his favour. "he is lost!" shouted francisco, reining in. "no, no--the river, the river!" cried gregorio, spurring the harder, and away we went after him, and right enough, there was the river glittering before us, with the ostrich not fifty yards from the bank, and, hurrah! our whole pack of dogs close on his heels. he must take the water, or he is ours. in another second he reaches the bank, and pauses. he is in! no--his heart has failed him, and with an ominous droop of his wings, but with a tremendous spurt he has darted off again, with not five yards between him and the straining dogs. on, on we go. the ostrich gains ground; ah, that treacherous bend of the river! it forces him to swerve round, and in a second he is met by gregorio. a dexterous double rids him of his new enemy, and with a last effort he shoots forward again. but the circle closes, the shouts of the horsemen on all sides bewilder him, he hesitates a second, but in that second the dogs are upon him, and the next he lies a struggling, quivering mass of feathers. horses, dogs, and men--we are all panting and breathless. the dogs, so hot had been the pace, were too blown to move; and even when francisco began to cut up the bird, this proceeding, usually of such interest to them on account of the savoury perquisites which fell to their share, scarcely excited their languid attention. we were rather tired when we got home, and after dinner, the run having been most minutely discussed in all its bearings, we were all glad to get to bed. chapter xi. a numerous guanaco herd--a pampa hermit--i'aria again loses the way--chorlitos--a new emotion--a moon rainbow--weather wisdom--optimist and pessimist-- wild-fowl abundant--bad luck. the next day found us once more in the saddle, jogging along over the plains with the hopes of a speedy arrival at the cordilleras to cheer us, under the depression of spirits which the dreary monotony of the country could not fail to produce. the character of the landscape was what we had been accustomed to since leaving cabo negro, being in this region, if anything, possibly more barren than usual. this day's ride was memorable for the immense number of guanacos which covered the plains in all directions. on arriving at a broad depression we were surprised by the sight of a herd of these animals, which could not have numbered less than five thousand. this enormous living mass defiled past us up the side and over the brow of an escarpment which bound the depression referred to, occupying a space of time of about ten minutes--although they were going at a very quick pace--and once or twice before the day was over we met an equally numerous herd. how such an extraordinary number of animals can find subsistence on the barren plains, which they even seem to prefer to the grassy ravines, is a matter difficult of explanation. certain it is that the withered pampa grass must contain great nourishing properties, as the guanacos thrive and grow very fat on it. although they are generally rather shy, we passed one herd composed of some unusually tame animals. as we approached them, instead of running away, the whole herd came slowly trotting towards us, staring at us with naïve unconcern, which showed that they were innocent of the chase. as it chanced, we had plenty of meat, so we left them unmolested. it was not often that we found them so tame, especially when we happened to be short of meat; in such cases, with the usual perverseness of things, they would scarcely allow one to approach within rifle-range. as we went on we observed a column of smoke to the westward, which gregorio judged to proceed from some fire near the cordilleras; and from his account it marked the camp of an eccentric englishman, named greenwood, who, it appears, particularly affects that region, and who scrupulously avoids contact with his fellow-creatures, scarcely ever coming down to sandy point. in fact, according to gregorio, he seemed to live the life of a hermit. he had renounced the world and its vanities, even to the extent of disdaining the ordinary rough comforts of the other inhabitants of the pampa. clothed in the most primitive fashion, he roams along the slopes of the cordilleras, and rather than make a trip to the colony to lay in a store of provisions, passes a whole year on a diet of ostrich and guanaco meat, pure and simple. i was rather interested in this species of wild man of the woods, and kept a sharp look out as we journeyed through that region in the hopes of seeing him. but, if near us at any time--and of course our fires, had he chosen to come, gave sufficient indication of our whereabouts--he did not relax his rule of exclusiveness in our favour, and i, consequently, never had an opportunity of making his acquaintance. during the march we started up a male ostrich, which had about forty young ones under its care. though we called our dogs back, nothing could restrain them, and they gave chase, killing one of the small ostriches before we could get up to them; the male bird and the others escaped. the flesh of the young ostrich is not very palatable, so we left the bird, taking only its legs, which make very nice handles for umbrellas and whips. on this day i'aria again distinguished himself by losing the way, he having been entrusted by the other guides with the leadership on this occasion, as he was supposed to be better acquainted than any one with this particular region. for quite two hours we followed him in all directions through an extensive beechwood thicket, in search of the springs we were to camp by that night; and when they were at last found, it was by gregorio, and in quite another direction than the one in which i'aria, with his usual pertinacious confidence, was taking us. he came in for a good deal of abuse from his colleagues, and a fair share of black looks from us, all of which he bore with the cheerful indifference which characterised him under all circumstances. the present was to be our last camp among beeches, as we had now to strike across a perfectly woodless region, on our way to the point at which we intended entering the cordilleras. these occasional patches of beeches are only to be found in the vicinity of the mountains; in the plains that stretch down to the coast nothing is to be met with in the way of fuel but "berberis" and a few other scrubby kinds of bushes. we therefore made the most of our present abundance of wood, and revelled in huge fires, in order to lay in a store of warm memories at least to carry with us into the bleak region we were about to enter. at dinner this day we tasted a novelty in the way of fowl, of such excellence that i cannot let the occasion pass without expatiating for a moment on its merits. in the daytime we had met with large flights of a bird which the natives call "chorlito," or "batatu," in species something between a golden plover and a woodcock. these birds come down to patagonia in incredible numbers at this season, to feast on the ripe cranberries which grow everywhere in profusion, and on which the ostriches, ibis, and wild geese all feed and thrive. we had shot some of these "chorlitos," and they had been roasted for dinner on the spit, along with some snipe and wild duck we had brought with us from gallegos. at dinner, however, they were at first rather neglected, as we had got rather tired of birds, having had so much of them at laguna blanca. presently, however, dinner being finished, some one of our party, in a spirit of careless curiosity rather than from any desire to satisfy an already satiated appetite, pulled one of these chorlitos off the spit, and with a half-deprecating air took a bite of it. but when he had done so, the sudden alteration in his bearing from apathy to activity was a sight to see. the expression on his face, till then one of weary indifference, gave way to a look of intense astonishment, which finally became one of placid delight, as bit by bit the chorlito disappeared down his throat. though he did not speak, his silent action spoke volumes of eloquent recommendation, and, as may be imagined, we were soon all engaged in eating chorlitos; for a time no sound being heard but the smacking of lips, the crunching of bones, and occasionally such exclamations as "stunning!" "by jove!" "delicious!" etc. etc. the fact is, we had discovered what some persian king offered half his kingdom for--a new emotion--for so seductively succulent, so exquisitely flavoured, so far beyond anything the gourmet might dream of in the sublimest flight of his imagination, is the flesh of the cranberry-fed chorlito, that the sensation it produces on the palate when tasted for the first time may, without hyperbole, be described as rising to the dignity of an emotion. unfortunately, as we travelled northward we seemed to leave the region of these birds, and only on this and two other occasions were we able to feast upon them. we witnessed a phenomenon that night in the shape of a moon rainbow, and many were the conjectures as to whether it presaged good or bad weather. rain is the one thing above all others calculated to make an open-air life unpleasant, and a fear of it being constantly present to our minds, nearly every evening meteorological speculations formed a staple topic of conversation for the whole camp. a great amount of weather wisdom was developed among us, and very soon a party spirit was imported into the question, our camp splitting into two sections--optimists and pessimists. just before bedtime the sky would be conned, and the various weather indications eagerly discussed, often with some heat; and it was amusing to see how frequently the optimists would enlist as arguments in favour of their prophecies of fine weather, the very same phenomena of cloud or temperature on which, on the other hand, the pessimists grounded their equally confident prognostications of rain. on occasions when these discussions had been carried on with more than usual earnestness, should the rain suddenly begin to patter down on the tents in the middle of the night, one might often hear conversations like the following:-- _pessimist_ (in tone of triumph, evidently pleased that it was raining, as his antagonist was thereby confounded). "well! who was right about the rain? i told you it was sure to come!" _optimist_ (cheerily, and half implying that he believes it isn't raining at all). "it is not raining. well, a drop or two, perhaps, but that's nothing; it will soon be over." _pessimist_ (fervently praying that it may rain cats and dogs for the next twelve hours). "you will think it's something though, when you are swamped. (confidently) it's bound to rain till morning." _optimist_ (scornfully). "rain till morning! stuff! why, it never rains long with a full moon" (or no moon, as may suit the case). _pessimist_ (derisively). "that's exactly when it does rain. didn't you know that?" _optimist_ (pertinaciously). "why, only yesterday you said yourself that one might be certain it would not rain long with a full moon, so there!" _pessimist_ (conveniently forgetful). "i'm sure i never said anything of the kind." _optimist_ gives vent to a sleepy but uncomplimentary ejaculation against people generally who don't know what they are talking about. _pessimist_ retorts with drowsy ditto, whereupon follows silence, or silence broken by snores. on this particular evening the halo was naturally a strong feature in the discussion, and much ingenious special pleading was employed on both sides to prove that its presence was an infallible indication of rain or no rain. this time the optimists gained a signal victory, as the night was fine throughout. the next day was spent in shooting wild-fowl down by a big lake which lay about a couple of miles distant from the camp. i shot a great many lovely specimens of water-fowl, the like of which i had never seen before, and loaded my horse with a great quantity of geese, duck, and plover. riding home quietly after my day's sport i started up a big ostrich, who rose from the ground not more than a couple of yards distant. how i longed for one of the greyhounds, and shouted loudly to françois, whom i could descry in camp idly doing nothing, but he could not or would not hear. galloping towards him, i hastily explained in which direction the ostrich had disappeared, and mounting his horse he went off in pursuit. an hour later he returned empty-handed. he had come across the ostrich and given chase, but the bird, taking to the beech woods, had disappeared therein, closely followed by the dogs. after a long and fruitless search for both, he had been obliged to return without his dogs to the camp. doubtless, as he observed, they had managed to kill their prey, and were even then indulging in a heavy feed. his words were verified when, later on, the animals returned, presenting an undeniable appearance of having partaken of a large repast. gregorio had been absent all day in search of guanaco, but as he had gone on foot and taken no dogs with him, he had been unable to secure the one or two which he had managed to wound. so, altogether, our attempts in the chase did not on this occasion flourish. chapter xii. a monotonous ride--a dreary landscape--short fuel rations--the cordilleras--features of patagonian scenery--heat and gnats--a puma again--"the rain is never weary"--dampness, hunger, gloom--i'aria to the rescue--his ingenuity. after another day's sojourn at this encampment we resumed our journey. we took a good supply of fuel with us, as we were now entering on the barren, woodless region, during our transit over which we should have to rely solely on the provision we now made. leaving the beechwood behind us we rode up on to a plain, on whose edge we could distinguish what appeared to be a little black cloud. in reality it was a peak, or rather clump of peaks of the cordilleras, at the foot of which we were one day to camp, and towards which for the next few days we directed our horses' heads. this day's ride, and it was a long one, was by far more monotonous and dreary than any of the preceding ones. the immense plateau over which we rode for six or seven hours was remarkable for its gloom and barrenness, even in a region where all is sterility and dreariness. there was no sun, and the sky, lowering and dark, formed a fit counterpart to the plain, which stretched flatly away to the indistinct horizon, gray, mournful, and silent. we could not help being affected by the aspect of the scenery around us, and i do not remember ever to have felt anything to equal the depression of spirits to which i, in common with all our party, fell a prey, and to whose influence even the guides succumbed. for once they drove the troop along without enlivening their work with the customary cheery cries of "iegua! iegua! mula! mula!" etc., and the very bells of the madrinas seemed to have a muffled, solemn sound, very unlike their usual lively jingle. a single incident occurred during that day's march. a little guanaco, which had lost its mother somehow, seeing us coming, instead of running away, trotted trustingly towards us. unfortunately our bloodthirsty dogs dashed out and threw it before we could get up to stop them. the poor thing got up again, however, and at first did not seem much hurt. it was the sweetest little creature imaginable, with soft silky fur, and bright, gentle eyes, and it thrust its nose against my cheek in a caressing manner, without the least sign of fear. i determined to carry it with me, in hopes that as it got bigger it would learn to keep with our troop, especially as the mare who had lost her filly at laguna blanca would have made an excellent foster-mother for it. but i hardly formed the idea when the little guanaco began to stagger about, and it became evident that it must have received some bite from the dogs which we had not noticed. on examining it this proved to be the case; indeed, in a few minutes its eyes glazed, and to my grief in a very short time it died, apparently without suffering. i would have given anything that it could have lived, as i am sure it would have become attached to me, and finally have found its way to england with us. tame guanacos are often kept at sandy point, and their gentle ways and amiable dispositions make them charming pets. we were thoroughly tired of our dull march when we at last arrived at a ravine where there were a few pools of water, and where we camped for the night. as we were on short fuel rations, the fire was allowed to go out directly after dinner, and we went to bed, now the only warm place. off again the next day, the clump of peaks mentioned above growing more distinct, but still terribly far, and no wood to be got till we reached them. plains as usual studded with guanacos, but having no time to go out with our rifles, we had to confine ourselves to ostrich meat. of these birds there was an abundance, and many an exciting run we had pursuing them. wild-fowl were numerous too, but having eaten every imaginable species--geese, duck, teal, widgeon, snipe, barbary duck, we were quite tired of them. after another long march we camped in an open shelterless ravine, and then again pushed hurriedly on, our stock of fuel getting ominously low, towards the tantalising clump of peaks, which at the end of a long day's ride scarcely seemed to come any nearer. they were now beginning to disappear, as we descended into an immense basin which lay between us and them, and whose farther end was bound by a succession of plateaus, rising abruptly one over the other as it appeared to us, though, when we ultimately came up to them, we found the graduating ascent almost imperceptible. after camping one night in a most disagreeable sandy region, where our food and clothes and furs all got impregnated with grit and dust, and where we burned our last stick, we again pushed on, with the unpleasant knowledge that that night we should possibly have to camp without a fire to warm ourselves and cook our food. the basin we were now crossing seemed interminable. we were to camp that night at the foot of the escarpment which bound its farther end, whence to the mountains was only one day's march. we were now out of sight of the latter again, but we were cheered by the comforting consciousness that each step was bringing us nearer to them. just as it was getting dark, after a weary day's ride, we reached a brawling mountain-stream, which swept along the base of an escarpment, and which we hailed as the first sign that we were at last approaching the cordilleras. fording it we pitched our camp in the long green grass, just under shelter of the escarpment. but before unsaddling, eager to see how near we had come to the clump of peaks which had so long been before our eyes, we rode up the escarpment, from the top of which we hoped to get a good view of the country westward. our expectations were not disappointed. there, seemingly not a mile away, rose up, compact and dark, not the huddled clump of peaks we had seen two days ago, but a mighty mountain chain, which lost itself westward in the gathering dusk of evening--standing like a mysterious barrier between the strange country we had just crossed and a possibly still stranger country beyond. the sun had long set, and the base of the mountains was wrapped in darkness, but their jagged fantastically-shaped crests stood clearly defined against the light which still glimmered in the sky, and here and there a snow-covered peak, higher than its comrades, still retained a faint roseate glow, which contrasted strangely with the gray gloom of all below. for a long time after complete darkness had fallen over everything, i stood alone, giving myself up to the influence of the emotions the scene described awoke in me, and endeavouring, though vainly, to analyse the feeling which the majestic loneliness of patagonian scenery always produced in my mind--a feeling which i can only compare--for it would be impossible for me to seize on any definite feature of the many vague sensations which compose it--to those called up by one of beethoven's grand, severe, yet mysteriously soft sonatas. i was awakened from my reverie by francisco, who was wandering about trying to gather a few dry sticks for the fire. fortunately he managed to collect enough to enable us to cook a tolerable dinner with; having eaten which, as usual, when we were fireless, we sought our couches as speedily as possible. the morning broke with every sign of bad weather. the air was heavy and sultry, a hot dry wind blew over the plains, whirling up clouds of fine dust, and the mountain-chain was half-hidden by dark masses of clouds of threatening aspect. we saddled and packed up as hurriedly as possible, fervently hoping that the rain, which sooner or later we saw must come, would kindly hold over till we had reached our destination. as we journeyed on, the sultriness grew more and more oppressive, and we were vexed by innumerable swarms of minute gnats, which got into our eyes and mouths, buzzed about us in a hopelessly persistent manner, and by no means allayed the state of irritation the combined influence of dust and heat had brought us into. a slight diversion presently occurred by the appearance of an animal whose claims to our polite and immediate attention were not to be denied. this was an enormous puma, who suddenly sprang up from the midst of our cavalcade, sending the mules and luggage horses stampeding away in all directions. true to its cowardly nature, the animal slouched hurriedly off, and disappeared down the side of a ravine. quick as thought we pursued it, but fast as we galloped, not a trace of it was to be seen. at a short distance from where we stood eagerly searching for the vanished animal, i perceived a small bush growing, the only one for miles round, and to this i pointed as the probable place where the brute had sought a hiding-place. we lost no time in galloping towards the spot, and the terrified snorting of our horses when we drew near, assured us of the correctness of my surmise, and put us on our guard. we caught sight of him, as he crouched with angry glowing eyes and an expression on his face which, on discovering that none of us carried a rifle, was the reverse of reassuring, especially as we knew from our guides that, for some reason or other, these cordillera pumas are fiercer than their kindred of the plains, and often attack their assailants,--a piece of temerity the latter have never been known to be capable of. fortunately, at this moment, my husband came up with a gun, though indeed it was only loaded with small shot. dismounting hastily he approached within eight or nine yards of the growling animal. bang! bang! went his gun, and through the cloud of smoke we saw the puma jump up in the air and fall backwards on the bush. for a moment or two it rolled about in the throes of death, and then, with a last growl stretched itself slowly out, and lay still. gregorio, who arrived at this moment, set to work at once, to remove its skin. the guides all declared it to be the biggest puma they had ever seen. the skin, which adorns the floor of the room where i am at present writing, measures exactly nine feet from the tip of the tail to the point of the nose. we then hurried on again, anxiously scanning the weather, which meanwhile had grown more and more threatening. the sultriness had increased so as to have become almost unbearable, and the swarms of gnats above alluded to had grown numerous in proportion. before long a fearful thunderstorm burst over our heads, and for a short time the rain came down in sheets. then a shift of the wind changed the temperature again. it became quite chilly, and the heavy rain resolved itself into a thick drizzling mist, which soon wetted us to the skin. for hours we rode in this comfortless plight,--wet, cold, and tired, and by no means cheered by the aspect of the country, the little we could see of which--most of it being hidden by the mist aforesaid--looking blacker and sadder than ever. [illustration: the puma's death-spring.] we were in hopes that at least before evening it would clear up, as the prospect of having to pitch our camp in the drizzling sleet was far from pleasant, but as it grew darker the fog increased in thickness, and soon we could hardly see fifty paces ahead of our horses' noses. how gregorio managed to find the way, i don't know. at last it being, as near as i could judge, about sunset, we descended a very steep declivity, and came on to what appeared to be a ravine of the ordinary kind, where grass and underwood were apparently abundant. we halted at a semicircle of tall bushes, and set disconsolately to work to get up the tents. this by no means easy task being accomplished, we collected the provisions and cartridges together, and got them under shelter into the smaller of the two tents. our rugs, furs, and coverings were wet through, so we carried them into the other tent and proceeded to wring them and lay them out to dry. this being done, we turned our attention towards making a fire, but the guides and everybody declared the attempt impossible, and indeed so it seemed, for there was not a dry twig or blade of grass to be found anywhere. back we all crept into our damp tents, and prepared to dine as genially as we could off sardines and dry biscuit. but though we might choose to resign ourselves thus supinely to discomfort, old i'aria, for his part, was by no means inclined to do so. whilst the discussion as to the possibility of making a fire had been carried on, after listening a minute or two to the arguments which were being urged proving conclusively that nothing could be done towards it, he silently withdrew, and busied himself in setting up his own little tent,--a rather dilapidated one by the way, as, whenever he required something wherewith to patch up a rent in his curious garments, he was in the habit of supplying his want by cutting out a piece of the canvas of his "casa" (_house_) as he called it--an ingenious method of robbing peter to pay paul. meanwhile we had retired to our tents, and were beginning to arrange our furs preparatory to going to bed, when i heard some conversation going on between i'aria, my husband, and mr. b., the latter an inveterate maté drinker, and who, i must say, had been the only one at the council who had expressed himself hopefully as regarded the possibility of making a fire. looking out of the tent i saw them all crouched under a bush, dripping wet, but earnestly engaged in some elaborate preparations for conquering damp and getting soaked wood to burn. finding they disregarded my friendly advice to save themselves the trouble of doing what could only be termed useless, i withdrew into my tent again. half an hour later i could still hear them bravely battling against the inevitable, but presently mr. b. went past my tent with a kettle in his hand. "the fire is burning, is it?" i called out ironically to him. "no, but it will very soon," he replied. "meanwhile i am going to fill the kettle; would you like tea or coffee?" i answered something sarcastic, but sighed. i certainly would have given anything for a cup of hot tea. the hopeful expression of mr. b.'s face had struck me, so, covering myself up in a cloak, i went up to where i'aria was busy at work, to see if really there was any hope of his succeeding. i found he had stuck four little stakes in the ground, over which a cloth was drawn, under whose shelter he had built an elaborate structure of wooden matches, laid crosswise one over the other, so as to be handy when required; over these lay a small heap of fine twigs, as dry as could be procured, as well as some stout sticks, and finally several logs, which he informed me would soon be merrily blazing. everything being ready, he applied a light to the matches, and as soon as they began to blaze, added the twigs, which in their turn, after a little doubtful spluttering, took fire, and presently--this was the critical moment--the sticks were laid on. for a time my worst fears seemed about to be realised, the sticks only smoked viciously, the matches had long burned away, and the twigs now began to glow doubtfully. but old i'aria did not give in without a struggle. kneeling down he tried gently to fan the fading glow with his breath. at times, as we anxiously watched it, it seemed to gain strength, at others it became reduced to a single spark. but patience conquered at last; the glow spread, the sticks began to blaze, and before long there was a good blazing fire, which brought every one from his tent, especially as, meantime, the rain had ceased, though a thick mist still hung over everything, making the darkness of the night still more intense. kettles were put on to boil, maté, tea, coffee, imbibed, and francisco prepared an excellent ostrich-fry, _à la minute_, discussing which, blessings were invoked on i'aria's head,--to his perseverance these comforts being due. supper over, we groped our way back to our tents, and, enveloped in a dense damp mist, went to sleep, not at all satisfied with the inhospitable greeting the cordilleras had vouchsafed us. chapter xiii. a surprise--a strange scene--an idle day--califatÉ berries--guanaco-stalking--a dilemma--mosquitoes--a good shot. the next morning i was pleasantly awakened by a bright ray of sunshine, which forced its way through the opening in my tent, leaving me little inclination to sleep any longer. i lost no time in getting up, and stepped out, anxious to see what kind of country we had got into under cover of the fog of the previous day. for a moment i was quite bewildered by the contrast of the scene now before me and the dreary impression the unfavourable weather conditions had lent to the country on our arrival. i found we were camped in a broad valley, which looked bright and smiling beneath a clear blue sky and a warm sun. a slight breeze swept over the long green grass, which was studded here and there with clumps of califaté bushes, and an enlivening colour variety was given to the verdant carpet by occasional tracts of white and yellow flowers. one end of the valley was bound by some tall hills, covered with dark patches of beech trees, and beyond these again, ridge above ridge, range above range, the snow and glacier covered cordilleras of the andes towered majestically to the sky. the air was marvellously clear; looking long westward, i could gradually distinguish, in the haze of the distance, over the mountains which first met my gaze, white snowy ranges, of such height that they seemed to float in mid-air, and only after my vision had acquired sharpness from long concentration, could i trace their outlines basewards. but it was the sight at the near end of the valley which most claimed my attention. from behind the green hills that bound it rose a tall chain of heights, whose jagged peaks were cleft in the most fantastic fashion, and fretted and worn by the action of the air and moisture into forms, some bearing the semblance of delicate gothic spires, others imitating with surprising closeness the bolder outlines of battlemented buttresses and lofty towers. the bare rock which formed them was red porphyry, and the morning sun glittering on it, lent it a variety of bright tints, purple and golden, which were thrown into striking relief by the blue background of the sky and the white masses of snow, which, in parts, clung to the peaks. the abrupt flanks of these tall heights were scored with deep gullies and ravines, and strewn with detached boulders of rock; but nowhere was there any trace of vegetation, either bush or grass. the suddenness with which this novel scenery burst upon me considerably heightened its effect. but yesterday we had stood on the plains, with their eternal monotony of colour and outline; last night we had gone to bed, as we thought, in a similar dreary waste; and now, as if by magic, from the bowels of the earth, a grand and glorious landscape had sprung up around us, as totally different, in its diversity of outline and colour, from that which only a few hours ago had depressed and wearied us, as could well be imagined. it was amusing to hear the exclamations of surprise with which my companions greeted the scene, as one by one they came out of their tents and gazed on the pleasant metamorphosis which had taken place during our slumbers. we had grumbled a good deal the day before about the country, and had anathematised it with many ill-tempered expletives; but all that was now forgotten, and as we looked around us we felt that our trouble had not been unrewarded. taking advantage of the fine weather, we spread our damp furs on the bushes, and, thanks to the wind and sun, they were soon dry. breakfast over, my brother started off with his rifle to explore the peaks at the end of the valley, whilst we others stretched ourselves on our furs under the shade of some tall bushes, and with the help of books and pipes, a little desultory conversation, and the lazy contemplation of the fair scenery before us, we managed to pass away the hot hours of noon pleasantly enough. when it got cooler, and we had drank our fill of idleness, we found plenty to occupy ourselves with. there were guns to be cleaned. i had my journal to write up; and, although i am no good hand with the needle, the rough usage my apparel had lately received made some attempts at sewing and patching imperative. the guides busied themselves in repairing saddle-gear, making reins or lassos from guanaco hide, and similar work. our english servant storer, who had somehow created for himself the reputation of one expert in the stuffing of birds and the curing of skins, was busy with several unsavoury smelling specimens of the latter, which he had been carrying about him for some days, having to-day, for the first time, leisure to operate upon them. mr. b. went off to make a sketch of our camp and its picturesque surroundings, and in searching for a suitable site came across a califaté bush, the blue berries on which were almost ripe. he brought back a capful, and though we found them rather acid, mashed up with plenty of sugar they made a very nice refreshing dish, which was especially welcome to us after our late uniform diet. in the long grass near the stream that flowed down the valley we found some wild celery, which, put in the soup, was a decided improvement on the dried "julienne" we had brought with us, and of which by this time we had but little left. just as we were getting rather anxious about him, as it was already near sunset, my brother came back from his excursion to the porphyry peaks. arriving at their base much later than he expected, having been deceived in the distance, he had only had time to climb about half-way up them, but even at that height had got a splendid view of the country beyond, his accounts of which made us eager to penetrate into it as soon as possible. but as our packhorses required rest, this had to be deferred for a couple of days yet. the next day a hunting-party was organised. neither our guides nor ourselves knowing whether any game was to be found in the country we were about to enter, it was necessary that we should take a good supply of meat with us. we made a circle in the usual manner, and were successful, as far as ostriches were concerned, inasmuch as, after some good runs, we managed to kill three. having observed a herd of guanaco grazing in a valley at some distance, those of us whose horses were still tolerably fresh then set out to try and get one, the meat of three ostriches not being sufficient to last ourselves and dogs for more than two days. the dogs were all too tired with their previous exertions to be of any use to us, so we had to rely solely on our rifles. this being the case, it was necessary to stalk the herd with great precautions, and this we proceeded to do, choosing our ground carefully, so as to keep out of their sight. but we had not gone far when we heard a shrill neigh close by, and looking round, we saw a guanaco standing on the crest of a hill overlooking the valley. he had scarcely uttered his cry when it was repeated at a little distance off by another watchful sentinel, and then they both slowly cantered off, looking back at us as they went along, and neighing loudly at intervals. the herd, meanwhile, warned of the approach of danger, leisurely trotted up the escarpment on the other side of the valley, and as leisurely disappeared over the plain. my husband took a vindictive pot-shot at one of the retreating sentinels, but missed him; and we had to make the best of our disappointment, and search for some less watchful herd. in this we had considerable difficulty, the guanacos on this particular day appearing to be shyer than we had ever known them. at last, after a great deal of fruitless stalking, my husband got a shot at a little knot of four or five, who were standing together, almost out of range. one fell, and the others took to their heels. with a cry of triumph we galloped up to the wounded one, but to our dismay, at our approach, he sprang to his feet and started off full speed after his companions, to all appearance unhurt. spurring our horses, we followed closely in his wake, down steep ravines, up hills, over the plains, at times losing him altogether, but always catching sight of him again, going as fresh as ever, till at last we began to despair of ever running him down. one by one my companions dropped off, till presently only my husband, mr. b., and myself, were left in the chase. had he not been so palpably hit, we should have desisted too; but it seemed a pity, having gone so far, to give in, so we kept on, hoping to tire out our prey by sheer persistence. but gradually, and no wonder, our jaded horses began to show signs of exhaustion; we had run them almost to a standstill, and, reflecting on the distance we had to ride back to the camp, we were just going to rein in, when the guanaco suddenly stopped and lay down. sure now of getting him, we pushed on towards him. but when we had got to within about six yards of him, up he got, and galloped off again, distancing us at every stride. hesitating what to do, we kept in his wake, though all the time we were wishing we had never started after him. slower and slower our panting horses struggled towards a ravine, down the side of which the guanaco had disappeared. we came to its edge and looked down. the guanaco was nowhere to be seen. we were at a loss to imagine what could have become of him. he had not climbed the other side, or we should have seen him emerge on the plain, nor could he have gone along the ravine, either to the right or the left, as we commanded a view of it in both directions for a long distance. in this dilemma we were staring open-mouthed with astonishment about us, when something moved in the long grass below, and directing our steps thither we came upon our guanaco lying stretched out in a pool of blood. the movement that had drawn our attention to him had evidently been his last effort, for he was now quite dead. examining him, we found the bullet had entered his side, and passing through the lungs and lights, had lodged near the spine; and yet, thus severely wounded, he had gone quite ten miles at a cracking pace! later on we experienced still more extraordinary instances of the toughness and tenacity of life of these animals, in comparison with whom the cat with its nine lives is absolutely nowhere. having cut up the guanaco, and distributed its meat on the saddles of our horses, we turned back towards our camp; and a long ride we had before we got there. i'aria, we found, had also killed a guanaco, and we had therefore plenty of meat to last us, should we have difficulty in getting game in the cordilleras. the next day was passed in idleness. it was extremely hot, scarcely a breath of wind stirring, and in the evening we were rather bothered by mosquitoes, this being the first acquaintance we made with them in patagonia. during the day a bird was seen hovering over the camp at an immense height, which we were told was a condor. it was so high up that it looked scarcely bigger than an ordinary hawk. taking advantage of a moment when it hung perfectly motionless, my husband had a shot at it, and, by a marvellous fluke, the ball took effect, and down the creature came, growing bigger and bigger as it fell, till at last, reaching the earth with a loud thud, there it was, the most gigantic bird i had ever seen. we found it measured twelve feet from wing to wing. the most distinctive feature of the condor is the white down ruff which encircles the neck two or three inches below the head, which latter is completely bare of feathers and repulsively ugly. in the female bird the colour of this ruff is black. this night the mosquitoes became a positive nuisance. i tried all kinds of stratagems to protect myself from them--such as tying my handkerchief over my face, or burying myself under my furs, but between being smothered and bitten, i preferred the latter evil. similarly, the plan we adopted of lighting some damp grass in the tent, so as to smoke our trying enemies out, had ultimately to be abandoned in favour of passive endurance of the inevitable. i quite envied old i'aria. throughout the night, whilst from all sides exclamations and expletives of varying irritability and force were continually to be heard, the placid snore which floated from his tent showed that, thanks to his parchment skin, he was enabled to bear the sting of the outrageous mosquito with serene indifference. chapter xiv. an unknown country--passing the barrier--cleopatra's needles--foxes--a good run--our forest sanctuary-- roughing it--a bath--a varied menu. we were up early the next morning, for we had perhaps a long journey before us, the country we were about to penetrate being as unknown to our guides as to ourselves; and no one could say when and where we might find a suitable place for camping that night. all helped to drive up and saddle the horses; their long rest and the rich grass in the valley had done them good, and they were in very fair condition, which was fortunate, as we might have some arduous climbs to face, and pasture lands might be scarce among the mountains. [illustration: ravine entrance to the cordilleras.] the day before, the guides had been on a reconnoitring expedition, with the object of finding the most practicable route towards the interior, and having discovered a ravine, which appeared to wind in the direction of the mountains, and which, at the same time, afforded easy going for our horses, we resolved to make it our highway. accordingly, all being ready, we said good-bye to the plains, and, fording the stream which flowed down the valley, we entered on the winding ravine, full of curiosity as to what kind of country we were now to break in upon. the ravine was in itself a fit preparation for something strange and grand. its steep slopes towered up on either side of us to an immense height; and the sunlight being thus partially excluded, a mysterious gloom reigned below, which, combined with the intense, almost painful silence of the spot, made the scene inexpressibly strange and impressive. its effect was intensified by the knowledge that since these gigantic solitudes had been fashioned by nature, no human eye had ever beheld them, nor had any human voice ever raised the echoes, which, awakening now for the first time, repeated in sonorous chorus the profane shouts of "iegua! iegua!" with which our guides drove the horses along. we hurried on, anxious to reach the mouth of the ravine, and behold the promised land as soon as possible, but several hours elapsed before we at last reached its farther end, and emerged from its comparative gloom into the sunshine of the open. a glance showed us that we were in a new country. before us stretched a picturesque plain, covered with soft green turf, and dotted here and there with clumps of beeches, and crossed in all directions by rippling streams. the background was formed by thickly-wooded hills, behind which again towered the cordilleras,--three tall peaks of a reddish hue, and in shape exact facsimiles of cleopatra's needle, being a conspicuous feature in the landscape. the califaté bushes here were of a size we had never met on the plains, and were covered with ripe berries, on which hosts of small birds were greedily feasting. the very air seemed balmier and softer than that we had been accustomed to, and instead of the rough winds we had hitherto encountered there was a gentle breeze of just sufficient strength agreeably to temper the heat of the sun. here and there guanaco were grazing under the shade of a spreading beech tree, and by the indolent manner in which they walked away as we approached, it was easy to see that they had never known what it was to have a dozen fierce dogs and shouting horsemen at their heels. but soon we all dismounted round a huge califaté bush, and there we ate our fill of its sweet juicy berries, taking a supply with us to be eaten after dinner, mashed up with sugar, as dessert. then we gaily cantered on towards the hills, passing many a pleasant-looking nook, and enjoying many a charming glimpse of landscape, doubly delightful after the ugliness of the plains. numerous small lagoons, covered with wild-fowl of strange and novel appearance, frequently came in our way, and by their shores basked hundreds of the lovely white swans whose species i have already mentioned. unlike their comrades of the plains they appeared perfectly tame, merely waddling into the water when we approached close up alongside them, and never once attempting to fly away. i was greatly struck by the thousands of ducks and geese that covered these lakes. crossing a broad mountain-stream which ran down from the hills on our left, and disappeared into a mighty gorge stretching away into those on our right, we still directed our march along the grassy plain which led direct towards the three huge cleopatra peaks rising from out of the snow glaciers far ahead of us. the thickly-wooded slopes which we could perceive in the distance filled us with eager longing to reach them, as it was many a day since we had last seen trees of any kind. in the vast forests which lay before us we promised ourselves a goodly supply of fuel and many a roaring fire around the camp. on the way we occasionally gave chase to the foxes which started up at our approach. there are a great many of these animals in patagonia, and one has to be careful to put all leather articles in some safe place at night, or else in the morning one is apt to find them gnawed to pieces by these sly marauders. their fur is very soft, and silver gray in colour. i resolved to make a collection of their skins, and carry them back to england to be made up into rugs and other useful articles. it is very rarely that a dog can catch one of these foxes by himself: our best ostrich hound, "la plata," after an exciting chase of half an hour, found himself outpaced and outstayed. so quickly can they twist, turn, and double, that it is out of the power of one dog to equal them. [illustration: the "cleopatra needles."] whilst we were slowly jogging along, my horse, with a snort of terror suddenly swerved violently on one side. close to him there rose up a magnificent ostrich, who, after one astonished gaze at our party, turned and fled in the direction by which we had just come. with a merry shout françois was after him, followed by my brother and myself. loca and leona, who had caught sight of the ostrich in a moment, lost no time in straining every limb to come alongside the fast-fleeting bird, who scudded away at a tremendous pace over the rough uneven ground. our progress on horseback was also by no means an easy task, as the line taken by the ostrich presented many obstacles, such as high thick bushes, sharp-pointed, half-hidden rocks, and broad, deep chasms. these latter obstacles could only be negotiated at certain places, as their sides were jagged and rotten; and woe betide the horse who should fall into one of these deep, untempting-looking bottoms. but when his blood is up, and the excitement of the chase at its highest pitch, what keen sportsman cares to crane or wonder what danger lies on the other side of the obstacle that confronts him? his only thought is to get forward and keep a front rank in the merry chase that goes gaily sweeping along. and so on we pressed as fast as we could, and urged our horses to do their utmost. fully entering into the excitement of the moment, the game little beasts answered willingly to our call, and in spite of the rough, difficult going, we managed to keep the dogs and ostrich in sight. "they'll soon have him now," calls out my brother to me, as a cloud of feathers float away in the still air, torn from the bird's tail by la leona, who shakes her head to get rid of those that cling round her mouth and clog her tongue and throat. the bird has begun to double, but finds his match in the two clever little ladies at his side, and before long succumbs an easy prey to them both. this little incident lent a pleasant variety to the winding up of a long tiring day; and full of triumph in the success of our hunt, we trotted towards the camping-place our companions had chosen. [illustration: encampment in the cordilleras.] on our arrival we found active preparations going on in the culinary department, and every one very busily engaged. three huge fires blazed merrily in front of my tent, and a little farther off a succession of smaller ones indicated the spot where the cooks were employed in preparing dinner. over one of these hung a pot of soup, carefully superintended by my husband; at another storer was watching and turning the roasting ribs of a guanaco, while at a third gregorio occupied himself in frying a rich steak of ostrich, and roasting three or four of their wings as a _bonne bouche_, which was to succeed the roast. nor were guillaume or i'aria idle, as the goodly pile of firewood that lay stacked up near each fire spoke volumes for their activity and energy. after we had unsaddled our horses and turned them loose to join their companions hard by, we refreshed ourselves with maté, and then proceeded to take part in the general work and arrangement of the camp. mysteriously promising us something extra good in the shape of a new dish, françois retired into his tent, dragging after him the ostrich which we had just killed. the result of his efforts, he assured us, would produce a pleasant surprise, and an agreeable change in the monotony of our daily diet. though full of curiosity as to what that result might prove, we judged it best to leave him alone, remembering the proverb that "too many cooks spoil a dish." collecting the rows of pack-saddles and articles of riding gear, i proceeded to arrange them tidily, together with the numerous sacks and baggage, in a corner of storer's tent, and then gathering up a roll of guanaco furs, turned my attention to the making up of our beds. on the pampa it had always been a matter of some difficulty to discover ground smooth enough whereon to lay out the beds, on account of the rough, uneven nature of the plains; but on this occasion i had no cause to grumble, for beneath the lofty spreading beech trees the smooth, velvety, mossy turf afforded the softest and most luxurious of feather beds in the world. our couches were simple enough, as doubtless the reader imagines. the ground supplied the want of a bedstead or mattress, a single blanket occupied the place of a sheet, and our guanaco capas served as covering, being remarkable for their great warmth. with our saddles for our pillows, a complete and final touch was given to the whole arrangement, and on these hard beds, tired with our day's exertions, we would sleep as soundly and comfortably as though they were the most luxurious spring mattresses imaginable. the beds arranged to my satisfaction, i next proceeded to go the round of the camp to see if everything was in order, on finding which to be the case, with a sigh of relief i felt that my work was over for the day, and the time for rest arrived. roughing it may be all very well in theory, but it is not so easy in practice. after a long tiring march, when you have been in the saddle twelve or thirteen hours under a hot sun, it is by no means a light task, on the arrival at your journey's end, to have to unload your horses, pitch your tents, cook your dinner, clean your saddles and bridles, unpack and remove the baggage, and place everything in order and neatness, while it occupies a long and weary time. in england, on your return every day from hunting, you come home tired and weary, no doubt, but it is to a cosy hunting-box, where a warm room, a blazing fire, an easy arm-chair await you, with servants in plenty to attend to your wants, a refreshing hot bath, and the luxury of a clean change of clothes. but all this is not forthcoming on the pampa, and before you can rest, the whole business i have mentioned has to be gone through, everybody, no matter who it is, taking his or her share of work, while the thought of fatigue must be banished, and every one must put his shoulder to the wheel, and undertake and accomplish his separate task cheerfully and willingly. only by so doing can things be kept going in the brisk orderly manner they should. our camp had been pitched close to the bank of a lovely little mountain stream, which made its appearance from out the thick woods that rose to a great height behind us. the sound of its splashing waters filled me with an irresistible longing for a plunge. accordingly, armed with a rough towel, i proceeded to follow its winding course upwards, and through the dense foliage of the beech trees i could make out its silver stream descending like a white streak from an immense height. presently i arrived at a spot where, fed by a small cascade, a clear cool pool of water presented a most convenient and inviting appearance for a bath. i lost no time in undressing and indulging in the luxury of a plunge, which greatly refreshed and invigorated me after the long tiring day i had undergone. on my return to the camp i found that dinner was quite ready. nine hungry human beings, and nine still hungrier dogs, require a good substantial meal. our _menu_ that night was neither mean nor small. as it may interest my readers, i append it:-- soup.--guanaco head, slices of ostrich, and rice.--roast ribs of guanaco. fried ostrich picane. (back of the ostrich, resembling a very rich rumpsteak). roast goose and ducks. ostrich wings. ostrich liver and fat (consisting of square pieces of ostrich liver and fat, toasted on a stick). blood pudding. dessert.--califatés, coffee, maté, tea, biscuits. the blood-pudding proved to be the dish about which françois had observed so much secrecy and mystery. it was certainly exceedingly good, and we were loud in praise of its merits. the ostrich liver and fat, a new dish also, was most acceptable, and that night we drank the health of françois in a glass of whisky and water all round. dinner over, we replenished the numerous fires that burned in a semicircle in front of our camp; and then, tired and weary, we sought our couches, and, canopied o'erhead by the rustling trees, with the bright moonlight shining down upon us, slept as sound and contented a sleep as the fatigues we had undergone entitled us to. chapter xv. excursions into the mountains--mysteries of the cordilleras--wild-horse tracks--deer--man the destroyer. the first few days of our sojourn in the mountains were spent in making short excursions into the different gorges that stretched away inwards for miles and miles--far as the eye could reach. we were full of curiosity to penetrate and fathom their hidden mysteries; but this was out of the question, owing to the limited supply of provisions which we were able to carry with us. in these solitary wanderings we came across no sign or vestige of the haunts of human beings, and few and far between were the animals that crossed our path. occasionally, from some jagged plateau or rugged height, we would catch a glimpse of small deer or guanaco, and now and again a wild horse would peer at us suspiciously from behind a huge rock, and then, with a neigh of astonishment rather than fright, dash hurriedly off, its beautiful mane and tail flowing in the breeze, giving it a grand, wild, and picturesque appearance. musters tells us in his _narrative of patagonia_, that the indians fully believe in the existence of an unknown tribe, or of an enchanted or hidden city, which, they superstitiously aver, lies concealed somewhere in the recesses of these mountains. farther north the araucanian indians profess to having discovered in their vicinity a settlement of white people who spoke an unknown tongue. numerous legends and stories are current amongst the patagonians, who all behold with awe and superstition the distant wooded slopes and far-stretching glaciers of the cordilleras, into whose shades they never attempt to penetrate. the chilotes declare that in the western forests of the cordillera, an animal exists bearing the form of a wild man covered all over with coarse shaggy hair. tranco is the appellation by which it goes. it is difficult to bring oneself to believe that amidst these immense solitudes a species of human being does not exist. imaginative minds may conjure up all sorts of extraordinary fancies, and people unknown regions with strange and fantastic figures; and it is hard to prevent oneself from giving a kind of credence to these vague stories which are told with so much confidence and belief by the inhabitants of the country. the hilly, undulating country which stretched away in the direction of the three cleopatra peaks filled us with an eager desire to explore its unknown territory; and accordingly, accompanied by gregorio and françois, we all set off on horseback early one morning, soon after daybreak. the air was keen and invigorating, and we trotted along for some time, following and skirting the line of forest which extended on our right and in front of us as far as we could distinguish. away on our left stretched a bright green valley, gay with many-coloured flowers, and watered by innumerable streams and water-courses, whilst beyond rose high hills, covered with vegetation, and crowned in the distance by thick impenetrable woods. califaté bushes, loaded with ripe berries of a great and unusual size, frequently brought us to a halt, as it was impossible to resist their tempting and refreshing aspect. about midday, when the sun was at its height, and we began to feel the effects of its hot, scorching rays, the valley through which we had been pursuing our way suddenly came to an abrupt termination. breasting the hill which confined its limits, we halted on the summit to give the horses a few moments' rest, and to contemplate in silence and delight the lovely scene that lay stretched at our feet. of a totally different aspect was this new country on which we were entering from that we had just quitted, for the woods closed in on all sides, and huge masses of rocks rose from out their leafy tops, giving the appearance of ruined strongholds to those who beheld them for the first time. sunny glades, carpeted by rich green grass, opened out here and there, as though they had been cleared and fashioned by the hand of man, while a lovely little stream, which made its appearance from out of the woods on our right, continued its course towards a deep ravine, which we could distinguish in the distance. away to our left, and surrounded by thick woods, glittered the clear sparkling waters of an immense lake, which we judged to be about two miles distant, and beyond all rose up like a huge frowning barrier, the lofty snow-clad peaks of the cordillera. not a sound disturbed the deathlike stillness which reigned over everything; no animal life was stirring, and the impression conveyed to an eye-witness who beheld this scene for the first time was a sense of utter loneliness and desolation. descending the hill on which we had halted to breathe the horses, we entered upon the woodland scene i have just described, and following the course of the little brook that flowed towards the great ravine, were not long in arriving at the edge of its steep perpendicular descent. it proved to be a ravine of no ordinary size, for many hundreds of feet below, its base was formed by what appeared to be a tiny winding stream, but which a later expedition, of which i have yet to speak, proved in reality to be a broad though shallow river. far away below us, to our right, roared an enormous cataract, which, half hidden in the trees, left scarcely any part of itself visible, and were it not for the clouds of spray that rose to a great height, an eye-witness could not have distinguished its real position amidst its leafy hiding-place. [illustration: "the wild-horse glen."] we were not long in ascertaining that it would be impossible to get horses down the steep precipitous sides of this great ravine, and therefore reluctantly abandoned any hope of being able that day to make any farther progress towards the three great peaks which still towered in front of us. directing our horses to the left, we entered a long stretch of narrow woodland, which appeared to lead in the direction of the lake we had distinguished a little time back. it was not long before we struck upon a wild horse track, and concluding that it was formed by these animals on their way to drink at the lake, we followed its tortuous and many winding ways for some time. frequently the brushwood became so dense, the trees so close together, that we had to dismount and creep through the openings made by our horses, having previously driven them through. now and then the path we were following would suddenly cease, and it would be some time before we came upon its track again. at last we emerged from some thick underwood into a broad clearing, and eagerly pushed forward. proceeding at a quicker rate than my companions, i was soon far ahead of them; and in fear of being lost, and anxious to avoid such an unpleasant _contretemps_, i drew rein, and dismounting, sat down to await their arrival. presently a cracking sound as of sticks breaking close to me attracted my attention. looking in the direction whence the sound proceeded, i espied a species of deer, of a dark golden colour, eyeing me with extreme astonishment. he was a fine buck, with beautiful branching antlers, and large dark languishing eyes. close behind him cautiously peered two does, and a little farther off i could make out several other animals of the same kind. how i longed for a rifle, but of this firearm i knew we had not brought one with us, and though i had a gun, it was not at hand, and was being carried by storer. crawling away from the spot as quietly as i could, i placed a good hundred yards between myself and the place from which i had first caught sight of these animals, and then springing to my feet, ran as hard as i could in the direction i judged my companions were coming. as soon as they came in sight i endeavoured by signs to get them to halt. they quickly perceived me, and guessing what i wanted, immediately drew rein and waited for me to come up. i lost no time in informing them of the discovery i had made, and taking my gun, proceeded to regain as quietly and stealthily as possible the spot i had lately quitted. the rest of my companions remained stationary, waiting for the report of my gun, which was to bring them all up. yes, there he was, a beautiful animal, still in the same attitude of inquiring curiosity in which i had left him. anxious to avoid spoiling the head, i took aim behind the shoulder, and fired. the report was followed by a crashing sound in the direction in which i had fired. into the glade some half-dozen deer bounded, and like lightning disappeared into the opposite wood. when the smoke cleared away i perceived the one at which i had fired on his knees, evidently unable to proceed. full of anxiety to place the poor beast out of his agony i fired a second barrel at him, which had the effect of knocking him over. springing up immediately, however, he walked slowly away, seemingly unconcerned and unhurt. i could not make out what was the matter with myself and my gun. he had evidently been hit both times, and yet seemed to be perfectly unconcerned at the whole thing. i could not bring myself to fire again, but gregorio did with his revolver, and broke the unfortunate animals leg. limping away on three, he went and lay down under an overhanging rock, appearing more stupefied than in pain. disgusted at such butchery, i begged one of my companions, all of whom had come up, to despatch the unfortunate beast, and my husband, going close up to him, placed his revolver within a foot of the deer's forehead and fired. slowly it sank forward, stunned and apparently lifeless, but when we came alongside it, it was still breathing, and there was no mark to show that the bullet had penetrated the skull. here françois came to our aid, and with the help of his hunting-knife, the poor creature was put out of his misery. as i wished to keep the skin, the coat of which was very thick and long, gregorio set to work to remove it. the process occupied some time, and proved most difficult and tedious to accomplish. during our stay in the cordilleras we frequently came across these deer; but our experience of their tameness, the great difficulty of killing them, and the utter absence of sport which lay therein, prevented us from ever again attempting to bring another down. the flesh was decidedly good, and much to be appreciated after the monotonous diet of ostrich and guanaco meat; but even with this inducement at hand, the golden deer of the cordilleras remained unmolested and sacred in our eyes for the rest of the time we remained in their hitherto undisturbed and peaceful solitudes. if regret could atone for that death, of which i unfortunately was the cause, then it has long ago been forgiven; for, for many a day i was haunted by a sad remorse for the loss of that innocent and trusting life, which had hitherto remained in ignorance of the annihilating propensities of man--that man who, directly he sees something beautiful and rare, becomes filled with the desire to destroy. the shoulders, ribs, and head were packed on to the horses of storer, françois, and gregorio, the remainder being left as food for the dogs and condors. some dozen of the latter, having scented blood, were already hovering high above our heads, and as soon as we were out of sight would doubtless swoop down and make greedy feast on the remains left by the dogs. five minutes' riding brought us to the shores of the great lagoon towards which we had been directing our steps. here we dismounted, and tethering our horses, left them to browse on the long rich grass which grew luxuriantly and thickly all round. a couple of hours were quickly and happily whiled away duck shooting. it was not till late that night that we reached our camp in safety, tired and hungry, but having thoroughly enjoyed our day. chapter xvi. an alarm--the wild-horses--an equine combat--the wild stallion victorious--the struggle renewed--retreat of the wild horses. one evening, after dinner, we were all sitting round the camp-fire, discussing coffee, when i'aria, who had gone to have a last look at the horses before turning in, came running back, and announced that he could see the indians coming down the valley in great numbers. we immediately jumped up and hurried out to inspect the new arrivals, not a little annoyed at the prospect of our privacy being intruded upon by these unwelcome guests. looking up the valley, we saw a dark mass moving slowly towards us. presently it came nearer, and gregorio, looking at it closely for a moment, said excitedly, "that's not the indians, but a herd of wild horses; we had better look out for our own!" an extraordinary commotion was indeed visible among our animals. they were running to and fro, evidently in a state of great perturbation, now collecting together in a knot, now dispersing at a gallop over the valley, neighing and whinnying shrilly. as gregorio spoke, one of the wild horses detached itself from the main troop and galloped at full speed towards our horses. "quick! quick! your rifles, or we shall lose our tropilla," shouted gregorio, in evident alarm; and though we did not quite understand the full extent of our danger, we ran for our rifles, and started off as quick as we could, to get between the wild horses and our own, gregorio explaining as we ran along, that the wild stallion, if we did not stop him, would drive off our troop, and leave us in the most perilous plight. of course nothing more was needed to urge us on to our utmost speed, to avert the threatening danger. but the stallion flew like the wind towards our horses, who were now all huddled together in a corner of the valley, and we could scarcely hope to be in time to save them. suddenly he staggered and fell; he had got into a bog. in the few seconds he lost in extricating himself we had time to get within range. bang! bang! bang! went our rifles, but unscathed he sped on, and was soon within twenty yards of our terrified animals, and far in front of us. "we are lost!" cried the guides simultaneously; and filled with dismay, we all stood still, perfectly paralysed at the thought of the position we should be in without horses, three hundred miles away from sandy point. but at this moment gregorio's big bay stallion, the master of the troop, rushed out to meet the enemy, both halting when they met, and fronting one another. thankful for this diversion in our favour, we again ran forward, in hopes of being able to get up before gregorio's stallion should have been compelled to fly, as the superior size of his adversary left no doubt he would ultimately have to do. in the meantime the two animals, after pawing the air for a second or two, made a dash at one another, and engaged in a fierce combat, carried on chiefly with their teeth, though occasionally they would rise on their hind legs and fight with their fore feet. our horses, not daring to stir, watched them on one side, and the wild herd, which had meanwhile trotted up close to the field of battle, looked on from the other side, apparently deeply interested in the issue of the struggle. we hurried along as quick as we could, though, unfortunately, we could make but slow progress, encumbered as we were with our rifles, and retarded by the long grass. meanwhile--another misfortune--we discovered that beyond three bullets my husband happened to have had in his pocket when we started, and which we had fired off in the first volley, no one had brought any ammunition, this essential having been overlooked in the hurry and excitement of the moment. hoping we should be able to cope with the stallion, should we get up in time, with our revolvers, we pressed on, our eyes fixed on the two combatants, the endurance of our champion being now our only chance. he was evidently already worsted, and any second might turn tail and fly. still he fought on, and still we drew nearer and nearer. suddenly my brother, who was a little in front of us, seemed to fall. running to him we found him up to the waist in a bog, which stretched up the valley between us and the horses. it was impossible to cross it; indeed, we had some difficulty in pulling him out. we had to run a good distance before we could get on to firmer ground; and in the meantime the battle went against our stallion, who suddenly turned tail and fled. after giving him a parting kick, the wild horse rushed at our troop, and began to drive them at a gallop towards his own, punishing with vicious bites and kicks any animal that showed signs of becoming refractory, or that did not go quick enough. the moment was critical. we strained every nerve to get between the two troops, as, if they once joined, our chances were hopeless. but for another unexpected diversion in our favour, our efforts would have been defeated. this diversion was the sudden reappearance on the scene of our stallion, who, at the sight of his retreating wives, had evidently once more screwed up his courage to the fighting point. the combat that now ensued was fiercer even than the last one. profiting by it, we got up to our horses, who had stood still again, and hurriedly drove them in front of us towards our camp. we had gone some distance when the wild stallion, having again proved victor, came swooping after us, neighing proudly, and evidently meaning mischief. we began to shout and wave our hands as he approached, in the hopes of driving him off. when within forty yards of us, he stopped, but continued to circle round us, stamping and pawing, and neighing angrily. our object was to drive the horses up to the camp and get to our rifle ammunition, it being evident that the only way to relieve ourselves of this troublesome don juan was by despatching him altogether. we soon got near to the camp, and shouted to i'aria to bring us some bullets. at the report of the first shot the stallion fled in dismay, and with such rapidity that the two or three bangs we had at him missed their mark. he made straight for his own troop, who, during the whole performance, had stood in watchful expectation. the moment he reached them they all started off at a gallop, and, in the twinkling of an eye, swept up the steep escarpment on the far side of the valley and disappeared. our horses were so frightened and bewildered by the day's events, that they seemed to have little desire to graze, but stood quite quiet together for upwards of an hour near the camp. we were in some apprehension lest the stallion should return in the night, but gregorio said that he thought there was no danger of such an occurrence taking place, and we accordingly turned in and went to sleep, and were glad to see our troop grazing tranquilly next morning as usual. chapter xvii. excursion to the cleopatra needles--a bog--a winding river--difficult travelling--a strange phenomenon--a fairy haunt--wild horses again--their agility--the blue lake--the cleopatra peaks--the promised land. it was arranged that night that mr. b. and my brother and myself should make an expedition with gregorio, towards the three strange peaks already mentioned. in order to spare our horses, no cumbersome articles were to be taken, a kettle, some biscuits, coffee, and meat, being all we contemplated carrying with us, except, of course, our guanaco furs and guns. thus equipped, we started the next morning shortly after sunrise. our trip began badly. we had not gone far before my brother got into a morass, out of which he had no little difficulty in extricating himself; and as for his horse, at one time we thought the poor brute would never get out again, so deep had it sunk into the trembling, boggy ground. however, we managed to get it out at last, and, though both well plastered with mud, neither its rider nor itself were any the worse for this little _contretemps_. proceeding on our journey, we followed gregorio at a merry trot towards the great ravine, through which flowed that broad and rapid mountain stream, which it was necessary for us to ford. the ravine side was so steep that we had to dismount and lead our horses down by a narrow track made by the wild horses. this pathway seemed to fall almost perpendicularly down to the river, which roared along, two or three hundred feet below us, and a slip or stumble might have sent us pell mell, one over the other, into it. no such mishap occurred, however, and, safely reaching the bottom, we proceeded to ford the river. it was not so deep as we had expected, but it ran with great force, and its bed being composed of shifting pebbles and large boulders of rock, our horses floundered and splashed about in a distressing way, and we all got more or less drenched by the time we got through it. this being the summer season the water was comparatively low, and we were able to follow the windings of the ravine, riding over the dry strip of river-bed for a good distance. but then the river began to dart about capriciously from one side of the ravine to the other, the consequence being that we were continually finding ourselves obliged to ford it again; and the ravine sides were now so steep and thickly wooded that we had no option but to follow the river. after two hours of splashing, and many a narrow escape from complete duckings, the river made a sudden turn southward, and in order to keep on our road towards the peaks we had to say farewell to our convenient ravine, and make our way as best we could through the beechwood forest. this was an arduous task. at times we would get into a thicket which made progress impossible, forcing us to retrace our steps, and try some other route, often to meet only the same difficulty as before. then a good broad clearing would turn out to be equally impracticable, on account of a belt of bog stretching across it, or a little ravine, which favoured our journey for a time, would resolve itself into an _impasse_, and again we would have to turn back. fortunately the weather was fine and sunny, and we made light of our difficulties, occasionally resting for a while to admire some of the many lovely bits of landscape chance presented to our eyes, or to feast on some bush, heavy laden with wild red currants, which were now ripe and sweet. a peculiar phenomenon, suggestive of some great fire in bygone ages, struck me in these forests. everywhere, among the younger trees, stood huge dead giants, gray and leafless, and partially charred, as if a sudden sea of fire had swept over them, drying up their sap and destroying their vital powers, being quenched, however, by some sudden agency before it had time to destroy their branches and trunks completely. these gray skeletons of a bygone age looked weird and ghastly, standing amid the fresh green trees around them, and the wind, sweeping through their branches, produced a dry harsh rattle, which contrasted strangely with the melodious rustle of the leafy crests of their comrades. for three or four hours we worked our way through the forest, and i never was more astonished at the marvellous powers of endurance of our horses than on this occasion, to say nothing of their extraordinary cleverness in scrambling over the trunks of fallen trees, and in picking their way through boggy ground, where a wrong step to the right or left would have been disastrous. at last we reached the outskirts of the wood, all more or less scratched and bruised, and thoroughly tired with our exertions. but the peaks were still far off, and the sun was getting low, and soon another strip of forest loomed ominously in front of us. we resolved, therefore, to go no farther that day, and accordingly cast about for some suitable camping-place. we were not long in finding a little nook which was admirably adapted to our purpose. sheltered by a cluster of moss and grass-covered boulders, and well fenced in by a circle of shrubs and trees, we found a fairy circle of soft, velvety greensward, jewelled here and there with knots of scarlet verbenas and wild violets. bubbling from out among the rocks a silver clear little stream flowed down its centre, giving just the slight touch of life and movement required to make this sylvan retreat as cheerful as it was cosy, not to speak of its convenience as regards the kettle. we soon had our horses unsaddled, and then gregorio and mr. b. set to work to light a fire, whilst my brother went out with his gun, and i gathered a capful of red currants, which i mashed up with sugar, with a view to dessert. by the time my brother came back, bringing with him a brace of wood-pigeons and parrots, which were soon plucked and spitted, the rib of guanaco gregorio had set to roast was done to a nicety, and we all fell to and made a hearty meal, finishing with the red currants aforesaid. then the men lit their pipes, and the social maté-bowl went round, whilst we lay watching the sun setting over the mountains, gilding their peaks with ever varying tints, and making their snowy glaciers glow warm and golden under its magic touch. far below, at our feet, lay the ravine, with the river we had so often crossed that day, looking like a winding silver thread in the distance. around us reigned perfect peace; the chattering flocks of parrots, which had made the woods noisy during day-time, had gone to their leafy roosts, and not a breath of wind stirred the silent trees. a few little birds, who no doubt had their homes in the chinks of the boulders which formed the background of our camp, hovered around us anxiously for some time, till, finding they had nothing to fear from their strange visitors, they took heart, and hopped from stone to stone into their respective lodgings, and, after chirping a note or two, were silent for the night. we were not long in following their example, and rolling myself up in my guanaco robe, with my head on my saddle, i slept as sound and sweet a sleep "under the greenwood tree" as ever blessed a weary mortal. neither puck nor ariel played any pranks with me; though, for ought i know, titania and oberon, and their fairy following, flying from the sceptical modern spirit which ignores them, may well have made these secluded sylvan haunts their own. we were in the saddle early the next morning, and, plunging into the woods, pursued our way through the same difficulties which had hampered our progress the day before. after a time, however, we came to a region evidently much frequented by wild horses, and eventually we hit on a path worn by them right through the woods, and following this, we jogged along at a very fair pace. soon our horses began to neigh and prick up their ears as we advanced towards a clearing. their cries were answered from somewhere beyond us, and pushing forward into the open, we came upon a herd of wild horses, who, hearing our advance, had stopped grazing, and now they stood collected in a knot together, snorting and stamping, and staring at us in evident amazement. one of their number came boldly trotting out to meet us, and evidently with no pacific intentions; his wicked eye, and his white teeth, which he had bared fiercely, looked by no means reassuring. but suddenly he stopped short, looked at us for a moment, and then, with a wild snort, dashed madly away, followed by the whole herd. they disappeared like lightning over the brow of a deep ravine, to emerge again on our view after a couple of seconds, scampering like goats up its opposite side, which rose almost perpendicular to a height of six or seven hundred feet. they reached its crest at full gallop in the twinkling of an eye, and without pausing an instant disappeared again, leaving us wondering and amazed at their marvellous agility. i had often seen their paths leading up hill-sides which a man could scarcely climb, but till now that i had witnessed a specimen of their powers with my own eyes, i had scarcely been able to believe them possessed of a nimbleness and cleverness of foot which would not discredit a chamois. from the open space on which we were now standing we could see a broad lake lying at the base of some very high hills, behind which lay the mighty mountain which culminated in the three peaks we were desirous of reaching, and as a ravine appeared to wind in that direction from the head of the lake, we now pushed forward towards the latter, occasionally profiting by numerous wild horse paths to expedite our advance. after a weary scramble of several hours' duration, we threaded a last belt of forest, blundered and floundered through a last bog, and after a short ride over a grassy plain studded with bushes, which were literally blue with a profusion of califaté-berries, found ourselves on the shores of a splendid sheet of water. the sight well repaid us for our trouble. the lake, which was two or three miles broad, lay encircled by tall hills, covered with thick vegetation, which grew close down to the water's edge. beyond the hills rose the three red peaks and the cordilleras. their white glaciers, with the white clouds resting on them, were all mirrored to marvellous perfection in the motionless lake, whose crystal waters were of the most extraordinarily brilliant blue i have ever beheld. round the lake ran a narrow strip of white sand, and exactly in its centre stood a little green island with a clump of beeches growing on it. each colour--the white, the green, the blue--was so brilliant; the scene--the wooded hills, the glaciers rising into the blue above, and sinking mirrored into the blue below--was so unique, the spirit of silence and solitude which lay over all so impressive, that for a long time we stood as if spellbound, none of us uttering a word. suddenly we were startled by a rushing sound behind us, and in another instant, making the air shake as it went, and almost touching me with the tip of its mighty wing, a condor swept past us, rising with rapid flight up, up, up into the air, we following him with our eyes, till he became a mere speck on the sky, and finally disappeared, thousands of feet up in the air. this incident seemed to break the charm that held us silent, and we broke into a chorus of exclamations of praise and wonder as every second some new beauty in the scene before us struck our admiring gaze. resuming our journey, we rode along the narrow strip of beach towards the head of the lake. occasionally we were forced into the water, as at some spots there was no beach at all; but at any rate we got on much quicker here than we had up to the present, and in a comparatively short space of time found ourselves at the head of the lake. we were close to the three peaks, which we could now see were parts of the crater of an extinct volcano--the other portions of which had fallen in, a prey to the action of the weather. we camped by the side of a little stream which flowed into the lake. all night long we could hear the thunder of avalanches, or what, perhaps, might have been the rumbling of some distant volcano; and i found myself nervously expecting a repetition of the earthquake which had surprised us so disagreeably at the laguna blanca. [illustration: "we were the first who ever burst on to that silent sea"] in the morning we rode up a tall hill, from which we could get a good view of the interior. at the same time we were able to assure ourselves that it would be useless, slightly provisioned as we were, to attempt to penetrate any farther, the country before us being still more thickly wooded than that we had already traversed. for some distance we could catch glimpses among the hills of bright green valleys, with whose excellent pastures our nimble friends the wild horses were doubtless well acquainted; and farther on rose a forest of white peaks, one towering above the other, till the tallest faded, hazy and indistinct, into the skies. i would fain have dived into their farthest mystery, but it was not to be; so, with a sigh of regret, we turned our horses' heads in a homeward direction. we got back to the camp late in the evening, having taxed our horses' powers to the utmost to accomplish our return trip in one day. our account of the wonderful blue lake and the strange country beyond excited the envy of those who had remained behind, and led to a discussion as to the practicability of our entering the mountains, bag and baggage. but the difficulties in our way were too many and formidable, and reluctantly we were compelled to abandon this seductive plan. chapter xviii. we think of returning--good-bye to the cordilleras--the last of the wild horses--mosquitoes--a stormy night-- a calamity--the last of our biscuit--the utility of fire-signals. a few more days spent in the cordilleras brought us near the time when it was necessary to begin to think of returning to sandy point. our provisions were beginning to sink rapidly; tea and coffee and sugar we still had plenty of, but the biscuit bags were getting ominously low, and all our other dainties had already been consumed; and many of our camps were painfully remembered in connection with this or that article of food, which had been partaken of there for the last time. thus, near "los bargnales" we had finished our last tin of butter; "los morros" witnessed the broaching of our last tin of preserved milk; and here, in the cordilleras, we ruefully swallowed our last dish of porridge. guanaco meat is good, so is ostrich meat; good, too, is an open-air, gipsy life in a bright climate, with lots of sport and pleasant companionship; but the goodness of all these things is materially enhanced by the accompaniment of good cheer, and materially depreciated by the lack of it. thus, when our daily _menu_ began to consist of a series of ingenious changes on the monotonous theme of ostrich and guanaco meat, varied only by baked biscuits, our thoughts somehow began to run in the groove of home; and we often found ourselves talking of "dear old england" and its roast beef in a strain of affectionate longing. somehow the air of patagonia did not seem so bracing and inspiriting as at first; we began to grow sceptical on the subject of guanaco and ostrich hunting; we discovered that the wild duck were too tame to give real good sport, and that snipe-shooting in a country where these birds get up in flocks, is simply a matter of loading and pulling the trigger. discomforts and hardships, of which we once made light, we now began to take as serious matters, and our tempers, once so sweet and accommodating, had begun to grow acrid and touchy. we all felt more inclined to dwell on the weight of our individual opinions, and less disposed to value those of our companions. once we had avoided discussions, as liable to disturb the harmony which reigned among us; now we welcomed them as pleasant irritants, and even went out of our way to provoke them. the result was that one day, on somebody's suggesting that perhaps we had better think of returning; after a little opposition, as a matter of course (for in our then mood it was quite sufficient for anybody to propose a plan for everybody else to immediately gainsay it), we unanimously agreed that, considering that we had seen a good deal of patagonia, considering, too, that our provisions were nearly exhausted, and that our horses were very stale, it was better to start at once. so one morning the packhorses were driven up, and the familiar occupation of loading them gone through. it had now become a much simpler matter than formerly, and we were enabled to comfort ourselves with the reflection that the loss in our larder was a gain as regards the time economised every day in packing up. before leaving our pretty camp we carved our names on one of the trees, and erected a cairn, on the top of which we left a bottle--the only emblem of civilisation we could spare. then, mounting, we turned our backs on the cordilleras, and set out towards the ravine we had entered by, whose name, among the traders, is "the wild horse ravine." as we were riding along, a solitary horse suddenly appeared on the crest of a hill, and, after eyeing us for a moment, came tearing down towards us at a frantic gallop, with a loud neigh, and perhaps dangerous intentions. our troop of horses scattered in all directions; gregorio and i'aria got out their "bolas," prepared for emergencies, and we curiously awaited the sequel of the incident. nearer and nearer came the untamed steed, without abating his speed one jot, and evidently determined to charge right at us. we began to feel uncomfortable, but put our trust in gregorio's deftness, though it was perhaps well it was not put to the test. when within about ten yards of us the wild horse suddenly stopped, stood still for one second, and then turned, and, with two sets of "bolas" whizzing harmlessly round his ears, went bounding away as fast as he had come, never stopping till he reached the top of the hill he had first appeared on. this was the last we saw of the "bagnales." late in the afternoon we crossed the ravine where we had camped before entering the cordilleras. here we were assailed by a thick cloud of mosquitoes, who annoyed us and our poor horses horribly, buzzing round us, and biting viciously wherever they could settle. for a time nothing was to be heard but angry exclamations and objurgations, mingled with occasional cries of fiendish joy as one of us succeeded in destroying half a dozen of our thirsty tormentors with one slap of the hand. but from the fury of their numbers there was no refuge, opposition only increased their virulence, and those who were fiercest and most energetic in driving them off were always surrounded by the thickest cloud. relief only came when we got out of the ravine into the plain, and there one puff of wind swept our enemy clean away in a second, not one mosquito remaining to curse at or to kill. thankful for our release from this annoyance, we were not disposed to grumble very much at the oppressive heat to which we were exposed during the whole of the day, though the sun beat down on us from a cloudless sky with overpowering force, and our burnt and blistered faces smarted painfully under its fiery rays. we camped that night near a broad lagoon, and for the next few days continued our journey over the plains, without anything of note occurring. hitherto we had been pretty fortunate as regards the weather, and the nights especially, with hardly an exception, had been calm and fine. but one march before reaching coy-inlet river we camped in a broad valley, where our experience of patagonian nights was unpleasantly varied. shortly after we had gone to bed, the misgivings which the threatening aspect of the sky had called up, as we took a last glance at the weather before turning in, were more than realised. the wind began to pipe ominously through the grass, and before long it was blowing a regular gale. a sudden squall carried our tents clean out of their pickets, and sent them whirling through the air. a scene of the most uncomfortable confusion ensued. it was pouring with rain, pitch dark, and the wind was blowing with such force that it was hard to keep one's legs. rugs, and clothes, and smouldering embers were being blown in all directions; everybody was blundering about in the darkness, tripping up over something, or falling against some one else; and the howling of the wind, the rush of the river, the chorus of loud imprecations in various languages, and the unearthly moaning and whimpering of the dogs, made up as wild a scene of noisy confusion as could possibly be imagined. several vain attempts were made to set up the tents, but the wind was too strong; and at last, perfectly drenched through, we had to give up the attempt, and crawl into whatever furs first came to hand, to wait till the storm should pass over. this it did not do till about four o'clock in the morning, just as it was getting light. it was too late or early to go to bed again then, so we crept out, sleepy, and damp, and miserable, and drank hot coffee round a smoking fire, till the sun got up and warmed us thoroughly. we were to camp that evening by the coy-inlet river, and as it was a good way off we set out soon after breakfast. we passed several herds of guanaco, and also a herd of about eighty or a hundred ostriches. i had never seen so many together before. we gave chase to them, but the dogs got so excited, running first after one ostrich and then after another, that at last they all got away. a calamity happened to us that afternoon. the mare who carried the two little bags with all that remained of our greatest treasure--our biscuits, suddenly took fright at something, and galloped wildly away. we followed her course with anxious eyes and beating hearts, not daring to go after her, lest it should aggravate her fears. for a time the pack sat firmly, and we began to breathe, but even while we watched, oh, horror! it began to incline towards one side, and then gradually slid over. the moment the mare felt it underneath her she began to kick out, and galloping quicker and quicker, in a very few seconds she was packless and pacified. then only did we gallop forward to know the worst, and the worst was bad indeed. a long trail of broken biscuits, sown in the grass, marked the course the unfortunate mare had taken, and when we got to the bags only a few small handfuls remained. we tried to gather together what we could, but the biscuit, by long travel, had broken into fine dust, and it was quite impossible to pick much out of the long grass it had fallen into. our last kettle had also severely suffered in the fracâs, a big hole appearing in its side when, after a long search, it was at last found. guillaume talked hopefully of being able to mend it, but failing this desirable consummation, farewell the cheering cup of maté; farewell the morning bowl of grateful coffee; farewell content--the camp-life's chiefest comfort gone! slowly and mournfully we tied up what was left of the biscuits in a small canvas bag, which gregorio secured to his saddle, and then, after having devoted a quarter of an hour to grazing on all fours on such fragments as could be found among the grass, we continued our journey, reflecting on the vanity of all things. we arrived at coy-inlet river that evening, and fording it, camped near the bank. it rained again during the night, but as there was little or no wind, it did not matter much, and excepting a pervading sense of dampness, we suffered no great discomfort. continuing our march that day over the plains that lay between coy-inlet river and the gallegos, we saw the smoke of numerous fires in the distance; but there was no response to the fires we lit in answer, and so we concluded that they were only old fires, which were still smouldering. the next day one of our party had an opportunity of practically testing the value of fires as a means of signalling one's whereabouts in the pampa. he had got up early in the morning, and had gone out on foot at about five o'clock with his rifle, to try and stalk a guanaco. at ten o'clock he had not returned. as we had only a short march to make that day, it did not matter if we started a little later than usual, so we lay about, waiting for his return. eleven, twelve o'clock came, but still no signs of him. he had now been away more than seven hours, and i began to think that something must have happened to him. we therefore rode up on the plains to look for him, lighting fires at intervals, to show the position of the camp, and anxiously scanning the horizon to see whether he had also made a fire. but though we rode about for a long time nothing was to be seen, and we went back to the camp, wondering what could have happened. just as we were in the middle of a perplexed discussion as to what steps to take in the matter, to our relief he suddenly came into the camp, blood-stained and tired, and carrying the head and ribs of a guanaco on his back. shortly after leaving the camp he had wounded a guanaco, which went off, however, and led him a long dance for two or three hours, without his being able to come within range of it again. in despair, he at last fired a couple of shots at it from a long range, but, as it seemed, without reaching his mark. these shots exhausted his ammunition, our supply of ball-cartridges being very low, and he having only allowed himself three rounds. loath to abandon the wounded animal, he had followed it pertinaciously over ravines and hills, always vowing to himself that beyond a certain point he would follow no farther, but always being lured on by the signs of exhaustion the guanaco was showing, to go just a little farther. at last he had the satisfaction of seeing it lie down, and with a shout of triumph ran forward to despatch it with his hunting-knife. but at his approach the guanaco jumped up again, and slowly as it ran, it was enabled to outdistance its relentless pursuer, who was already thoroughly done up with his exertions; but feeling that with patience he must conquer at last, he felt less inclined than ever to abandon his prey. already numerous hawks and condors were circling over the doomed guanaco, and the thought that the fruit of his labours would only go to provide a feast for these hateful marauders was an additional incentive to persevere. at last success rewarded his efforts. waiting till the guanaco lay down once more, he approached it by degrees, and then, when within twenty yards or so of it, made a dash towards it. it stumbled in trying to get up, and he had just time to rush up and catch it by the ear, and with a happy stroke of his long hunting-knife end its sufferings. it was only when he had cut it up, and laden himself with the best parts, that he began to reflect that in the excitement of the chase he had quite forgotten in which direction the camp lay. he had followed the guanaco now to the right, now to the left, often having to run to keep it in view, and all he knew was that several hours must have elapsed since he started in its pursuit. he lit several fires, but he only had a few matches, and the fires unfortunately soon went out, so that he had no means of showing us his own whereabouts. however, he struck out in a direction in which he imagined the camp must lie, and kept wearily trudging on under his load, which, tired as he was, he was naturally loath to part from. after he had gone a good distance he looked around, and then the skyline behind him appeared to be singularly like that he remembered having seen on leaving the camp. but then the skyline to the left, somehow, had the same look too. which was the right one? he was just revolving this puzzling question in his mind, in no very pleasant humour, when he caught a glimpse of the smoke of the fires we had lit, and happily not far off, in the direction he had instinctively chosen from the first as the right one. the sight gave him new vigour, and though he had still a good distance to go, he managed to reach the camp at last, without having to throw away the meat which had cost him such a hard day's work. chapter xix. isidoro--an unsavoury meal--expensive loaves--guanaco scarce--disappointment--night surprises us-- supperless--continued fasting--no meat in the camp. we rode down a broad valley, which led to the gallegos river, where we were to camp for the night. on reaching its farther end we were suddenly surprised by the sight of an indian camp, composed of three tents, which were pitched on the other side of the river. having little curiosity to make the acquaintance of their inmates, we continued our journey along the river towards our intended camp, but gregorio and mr. b. rode over to see them. they rejoined us an hour afterwards; mr. b. had found an old friend, an argentine gaucho, named isidoro, who had accompanied him on a former trip, and whom, curiously enough, he had parted from a year before, on exactly the same spot where he now met him. i was glad to hear that isidoro was going to pay us a visit the next day, as i had heard a great deal about him, and was anxious to make his acquaintance. we camped near the river, seven or eight miles away from the indian camp, and consequently, we hoped, rather too far to attract a call from these people, the disagreeable experience of their visit whilst we were at cape gregorio being still fresh in my mind. early in the morning we saw a man riding in the direction of the camp, who, i was told, was isidoro. he presently appeared among us, and, except for his moustache and beard, and the superior cleanliness of his dress, he might have been taken for an indian. he was warmly welcomed by the guides, amongst whom his unequalled proficiency in all that pertains to the pampa craft, and his personal character, had gained him great prestige. isidoro did not stop long, as he was going to hunt with the indians that day; so, after having taken a few cups of maté, and smoked a pipe or two in silence, he said good-bye, and took his departure. as he rode away, i could not help admiring his manly bearing and his perfect seat on a splendid, well-bred looking horse, which seemed not unworthy of its master. he wore his guanaco capa with a certain foppish grace that one might have looked in vain for in gregorio or any of the others, and every article of his accoutrements, from his carefully coiled lasso to the bright-coloured garters round his new potro-boots, was perfectly finished and natty. after he had gone, my husband and myself started off guanaco-hunting. we soon killed a guanaco, and were busily engaged in the laborious operation of cutting it up, when we heard a grunt, and looking up, saw an indian behind us on horseback. he watched our clumsy efforts for some time in silence, occasionally breaking out into loud laughter, and then dismounting, took out his own knife, and with a few adroit and easy cuts, did the whole trick in no time. he rewarded himself for his labours by cutting out the kidneys and the heart, and eating them raw and bloody, there and then! this disgusting repast over, he smacked his lips, mounted his horse, and rode away, grinning eloquently, and leaving us wondering and horrified. the evening after our halt at gallegos we camped in a stony, rocky region, where there was very little grass, but plenty of quail, several of which we shot, though we found them to be very dry and unpalatable. it poured all the next day, so we were compelled to remain where we were, much against our will. to have to lie all day in a little tent, with a dreary bit of gray landscape to look out upon, while the rain patters on the canvas in a remorseless, dispiriting monotone, is one of the most severe trials one's patience can be put to, and ours came very badly out of the ordeal, patagonia being by no means complimentarily alluded to in the course of these weary hours. however, towards sundown, it cleared up, and we were able to have a turn and stretch our limbs in the open air before it got dark. two days after leaving this camp we struck the indian trail to sandy point, and on the third we camped opposite cape gregorio, not far from the place whence we had made our visit to the indians. here we intended halting for a couple of days to take in a good supply of meat before starting for sandy point, as neither guanaco nor ostriches were to be met with, except by a mere chance, any farther south, and all our other provisions being exhausted, we had now to rely solely upon the product of the chase for our food. in the morning two traders passed through our camp, and we were delighted to find that they had a small bag of bread, which they were taking to the indians. they sold us twenty small loaves, each about the size of a penny roll, for five pounds; and i think they got the best of the bargain, for the bread was half mildewed and scarcely eatable, and so heavy, that even the stomach of an ostrich could scarcely have compassed its digestion with impunity. famished as we were, we preferred to give it to the dogs, who showed their good sense by turning up their noses at it; and unless the foxes rashly experimented upon it after our departure, for aught i know these expensive loaves may still be lying in a fossil state on the patagonian pampas! we all went out guanaco-hunting that day, but were not very successful. i'aria managed to run down a young one with his dog, and mr. b. shot one; but as he killed it some twenty miles away from our camp he could only bring the head and the two sides, not daring to load his dead-beat horse with more. but meat had to be procured somehow, so next day, whilst the others went on along the trail with the packhorses, my husband, mr. b., myself, and gregorio, went out hunting again, intending to catch up the others before the evening. we rode for several hours towards cape gregorio, but although we saw several ostriches, they got up very wild, and pursuit of them was always out of the question. guanaco, there were none to be seen. this was very dispiriting; if we did not manage to kill anything here it was still more unlikely that we should be able to do so farther on. our companions were relying on our efforts, and to have to join them empty-handed would have been in itself vexatious enough from a sportsman's point of view, apart from the serious and practical consideration that we could scarcely go on to sandy point, which was quite three days' march away, without food. so we kept riding on towards cape gregorio, in the hopes of still being able to find something. we presently sighted some guanacos grazing at the base of a ridge of hills, and whilst gregorio went after an ostrich, which sprang up at that moment, we three spurred our horses, and separating, so as to attract as little attention as possible, rode towards them. i soon lost sight of my companions, who disappeared down some of the many gulches that led to the valley where the guanaco were grazing. fervently praying that one of us might be successful, i hurried on. when i got into the valley, to my chagrin i saw that the guanaco, already aware of danger, were moving slowly up the valley, not at a great distance from where i was, but still a good way beyond rifle-range. mr. b., who was a long way to the left, was much nearer to them, and my husband was in a similar position to the right. as we approached, the guanaco trotted up among the hills and disappeared. we had no option but to follow them, entering on the range of hills at different points, as the herd would probably scatter as soon as we came close upon them. i came upon them of a sudden, and, as i had surmised, they all broke into different directions. i took a flying shot at one, but missed, and presently a report on each side of me showed that the others had had a shot too. i was soon joined by my husband, who had also been unsuccessful, but mr. b. did not turn up, and we began to hope that he might have killed something. we presently saw him galloping full speed up a distant hill after a guanaco, which was no doubt wounded, but which seemed to be going too gamely to admit of our being very sanguine as to his chance of ultimately getting at it. we waited for some time, but he did not reappear, and so we went down into the valley to look for gregorio. he soon came in sight, and, unfortunately, as empty-handed as we ourselves were. matters were now getting serious. the day was far gone, and to catch up our companions on our jaded horses would have been a hard task, unless we started at once. we were therefore obliged to relinquish all hope of getting any guanaco ourselves that day, our only consolation being that mr. b.'s prolonged absence boded that he at least had been successful. we waited for him a little, but as he did not come, knowing that he could find the way to the place where the others were to camp, we rode on, lighting fires at intervals, to show our whereabouts. our horses were so tired that we could scarcely get them into a trot, and to our dismay we suddenly found it was getting dark. the sky had been clouded all day, and we had had no sun to judge the time by, the result being that we were two or three hours out in our calculations. it is very easy to guess the time within half an hour or so, under ordinary circumstances, but the excitement of our various runs after guanacos and ostriches had so absorbed us that the hours had slipped by unperceived. we thus found ourselves face to face with the uncomfortable knowledge that, it being quite impossible to catch up the others, we should have to go to bed in the open, and unless mr. b. had killed his guanaco, supperless. the unpleasantness of this at any time disagreeable contingency was increased on this occasion by the prospect of our getting wet through into the bargain, for the aspect of the sky was very threatening, and it was only in keeping with our day's luck that there should be a downpour of rain during the night. but there was absolutely nothing to be done but give in to the inevitable as cheerfully as we could, so we dismounted and unsaddled our horses, carefully tethering them to some bushes, lest they should stray away in the night, and then we sat down to await mr. b's coming, the numerous fires we had lit on the way making us quite sure he would be able to find us. but it grew darker and darker, the tooth of hunger got fiercer and fiercer, and still he did not come. what could have happened? surely he must have run down the guanaco, or given up the chase hours ago. perhaps he has met with some accident! that's impossible! with these and other reflections we beguiled the anxious moments, hoping against hope that before long a goodly rib of guanaco would be roasting at the blazing fire we had prepared in rash anticipation of its advent. but time went on; already we could scarcely distinguish the bushes in the distance, the hills faded away altogether into the darkness, and our missing companion did not come. having strained our eyes blind, peering into the gloom, we now sat silently, straining our ears to catch the slightest sign of an approaching footstep; but our hopes grew gradually fainter and fainter, and at last we were obliged to give them up altogether. gregorio fortunately found a small piece of guanaco meat in one of his saddle-bags, which we cooked and ate, a small mouthful being all each of us got. mingled with our regrets for our enforced fast were speculations as to what mr. b. was doing at that moment. had he killed his guanaco, and (horrible thought!) was he at that very moment perhaps roasting its head in the ashes? or was he in a worse plight than ourselves,--supperless as well as companionless? our thoughts reverted to the other party too, who no doubt were in some anxiety as to what could have become of us. i did not sleep very sound that night, nor did my companions, as may be imagined. just as day broke the dogs gave tongue; there was a crashing among the bushes, and mr. b. rode up, with an eager, hungry look on his face, which boded no good. "have you got anything to eat?" were his first words, to which our despairing answer was, "good gracious! haven't you?" and our faces grew longer and more disconsolate than ever, as the hopes of a good breakfast, which had hitherto sustained us, were remorselessly shattered on both sides. there was nothing to be done but immediately saddle and ride off to join our companions. on the way mr. b. told us how he had followed the wounded guanaco till he had run his horse to a complete standstill, and like us, having been overtaken by darkness, had been obliged to stop where he was till morning. after several hours' ride we got to the place where the others were camped, and found them very much alarmed at our protracted absence, though they had naturally supposed that we had been taken a long distance out of our way by the chase. we lost no time in making a hearty meal on what remained of the guanaco meat, which being finished, there was no food of any kind in the camp. chapter xx. the horses lost--unpleasant prospects--found--short rations--a strange hunt--a stern chase--the mystery solved--the cabeza del mar--safely across--a damp night--cabo negro again. we had a short march to make next day, and it was nearly noon, therefore, when i'aria started off on his usual morning task of driving up the horses. in the evening, as one may rely on their not straying very far, the horses are turned loose, after being unsaddled. in fact, no other method would be practicable, for if they were kept picketed during the night they would not be able to graze, and would soon become useless. as they all follow the bell-mare, one is always sure of finding them together, even should they stray three or four miles in the night, which, although it does occasionally occur, is quite exceptional. that, however, this necessity of leaving the horses at liberty may give rise to considerable inconvenience, and possibly bring one into the most serious dilemmas, we had an opportunity of discovering at the cost of some anxiety and a day's hard labour. after i'aria had been gone about an hour we began to wonder at his prolonged absence; but as there had been a strong breeze during the night, it was very probable, as gregorio suggested, that the horses had wandered some distance in search of a sheltered valley. but another hour elapsed, and still i'aria did not appear. guillaume and françois then went off in different directions to continue the search, agreeing to light a fire should either of them sight the horses. we in the meantime were left a prey to very disagreeable reflections, though as yet we had no strong grounds for fearing the worst. we kept an anxious watch for the first signs of smoke, especially in the direction i'aria had taken, as he must have covered five or six miles by the time he had been gone. to our dismay he presently turned up, however, very tired and footsore, without having seen a trace of the horses anywhere. matters now began to look really serious, but we still comforted ourselves with the hope that françois or guillaume would be more successful. but they too, after a time, came back, bringing the same dismal story. the situation looked gloomy; a hundred suppositions were hazarded as to what could have become of the horses. i'aria said he had "cut the trail" on the side he had taken without success, and guillaume and françois having done the same, it was clear that the only direction in which the horses could have gone was over the plain at the back of our camp, though what could have induced them to leave the pasturage of the valley for the barren upland it was hard to understand. meanwhile there was nothing to be done but immediately make search for them in that direction, though our prospects of finding them seemed small indeed. should we not do so we should have to accomplish the rest of our journey to sandy point on foot. we had eaten our last round of guanaco meat that morning, so that a four days' walk on empty stomachs, apart from being an unpleasant undertaking, was one which it was a question whether our powers were equal to compassing. we might, it is true, opportunely meet some trader on the way, from whom we might obtain provisions; but, on the other hand, we might not be so fortunate; and, on the principle that it never rains but it pours, we were justified in considering the latter contingency as the probable one. we commenced our task, therefore, with feelings the reverse of cheerful. leaving storer in the camp, we all went on to the plain, and started off in different directions towards the distant hills that bound it. a fire, should any of us be successful, was to immediately communicate the news to the others. with my eyes bent on the ground, eagerly scanning it for any trace of a hoof mark, i walked slowly along, occasionally giving a glance over the plain, in the hopes of seeing the welcome column of smoke rise up into the air. but time went on, and my hopes of success grew fainter and fainter. gregorio had expressed a fear that the horses had got on to the indian trail to sandy point; and taking to it, had gone off at a trot towards cabo negro, on whose pastures they were "at home," or "aquerenciado," as the natives say. the possibility of their having done so assumed more and more the feature of a probability, as hour after hour passed, and i was still only half-way across the plain, and no traces of the objects of my search as yet forthcoming. in fact, it seemed useless to continue plodding on farther, and instinctively i broke off, and turned to the left, observing that there the plain ended in a hilly country, where, although i'aria had assured us he had searched in that direction, it certainly seemed more likely that the horses would be, supposing they had not gone to sandy point. it was a happy inspiration of mine; i had not gone half a dozen yards down a grassy ravine before, turning a sharp bend, i suddenly came upon the whole troop, quietly grazing at their ease, in supreme indifference as to the trouble and anxiety they had caused half a dozen human beings for the last five or six hours. my first step was to throw a few lighted matches into the long dry grass, which i left to do their work, and then, by dint of some patience and cunning, i managed to persuade one of the tamest horses to allow me to get my arm round its neck and effect its capture. improvising a kind of bridle from my scarf, i mounted, and driving the horses together, conveyed them towards the camp, not a little proud and elated at my achievement, which was due rather to good fortune than judgment, for, had i followed out the plan of search we had agreed upon, who knows what the upshot would have been? meanwhile, the matches had had due effect; fanned by the breeze, the fire spread quickly, and soon the ravine was ablaze across its whole breadth, a mighty column of smoke being whirled high into the air, carrying, doubtless, intense relief into the hearts of my companions, who were still toiling over the plains. i soon got to the camp with my charges, and was thankful to be able to lie down and rest after my exertions. one by one the others dropped in, and, as may be imagined, we were all equally elated at so fortunate an issue of a _contretemps_, which might have had the most serious consequences,--just on the eve too, of the conclusion of a trip otherwise particularly free from dangerous mishaps. it was too late to set out that afternoon, so we passed the remainder of the day in trying to shoot some duck for supper. in the pleasure of finding our horses again, we were not disposed to grumble at minor hardships, and cheerfully, therefore, we endeavoured to make as good a supper off a brace of small duck, which was all we could kill, as eight hungry people might be expected to do. after a cup of coffee next morning we drew our belts a little tighter, and set out, keeping a sharp look-out, on the forlorn chance of an ostrich coming within coursing distance. but during the whole of that day's march neither beast nor fowl, save a fox or two, showed itself, and as our appetites, which we had kept in tolerable subjection during daytime, began loudly to assert themselves towards sundown, the spirit which reigned among us was by no means a cheerful one. we were just discussing the faint probability that existed of our meeting an indian trader before reaching the colony, when suddenly we descried a man riding along the trail towards us, and driving two horses before him. with a unanimous shout of delight we all galloped forward to meet this welcome stranger, on whose provisions we meant to make a friendly but extensive raid. but, to our astonishment, on perceiving us, he suddenly drew up his horse, hesitated for a moment, and then dashed away over the pampa. without stopping to inquire what could be the motive of such extraordinary behaviour, and seeing only that our chance of supper was vanishing as fast as four legs could carry it, we all clapped spurs to our steeds, and galloped after him with as much alacrity as he had shown. the harder we went, the more he urged his horse along, occasionally looking back in a state of evident terror. for five minutes or so this strange man-chase continued, neither pursued nor pursuers gaining any ground on one another, but then we gradually drew nearer to our quarry, whose horse was already beginning to show signs of distress. we were soon within earshot, and called loudly on him to stop, saying that we were friends. whether he heard us or not i don't know, but the effect of our shouting was that he redoubled his efforts, and for a time the chase again became doubtful. but we were not to be beat; curiosity to know this man's motives for running away from us as if we were wild beasts, combined with an equally strong desire to obtain some provisions from the amply filled saddle-bags which were gliding along in front of us, kept us to our work, and we felt that till our horses dropped this queer quarry must be followed. the spurt he had put on soon died away, and then we crept up to him again, wild with excitement, and giving vent to some sounding "view-holloas," which, now i come to think of it, may have possibly increased the terrors of the poor man's situation. but everything comes to an end, even a stern chase, and soon gregorio was within ten or twelve yards of the unknown. "párase amigo, soy gregorio," he called out several times, and at last, feeling g.'s hand on his shoulder, the man did stop. in a second or two we were all up, more or less breathless with the run. the man, with whom gregorio was now rapidly conversing in spanish, looked very pale and frightened at first, but gradually the expression on his face brightened as he listened to gregorio's explanations, and eventually he even began to smile. we, meanwhile, eager to know the solution of the mystery, pressed gregorio to solve it. it appeared that this man was a convict, who had escaped from sandy point two days before, and having "requisitioned" two government horses, was now on his way to the santa cruz river, on the other side of which he would be free from pursuit. when he saw us coming towards him at a gallop, he had been seized with a sudden panic, thinking we might want to capture him, and had galloped off, with the results known. of course we could not ask for any of his provisions as he would require them much more than we should; so, after exchanging a few words with him, we left him, and proceeded to rejoin storer, who had remained behind with the horses whilst we had been engaged on our novel hunt. the incident furnished us with matter for conversation for a time, but it was not long before we came back to the more important topic of food, for we were now all of us really faint with hunger, and our prospects of getting anything for the next thirty-six hours were faint indeed. our goal that evening was the "cabeza del mar," an arm of the sea which runs for some distance inland, and which, at a certain point, is fordable at low water if the wind is not blowing strongly from an unfavourable direction. as we rode along we caught a glimpse of the sea itself--a welcome sight, and forgetting our hunger for a moment we gave a loud cheer. at about seven o'clock, just as it was getting dark, we arrived at the "cabeza del mar." we found that we should not be able to ford it for four or five hours; and as we were anxious to get to cabo negro as soon as possible, in order to break our prolonged fast, we decided on passing that night, rather than wait till next morning. having relieved the packhorses of their loads we sat down by the fire and brewed some coffee with the last spoonfuls that remained to us of that comfort, and having drunk it, nothing remained for us but to wait and dream of the meal we meant to devour on the first opportunity. we tried to snatch a nap, but few of us succeeded in doing so, as hunger kept us awake, and so the hours dragged their slow length wearily along, whilst we sat and waited for the tide to serve. to add to the discomforts of our plight, the sky covered over and the rain began to fall, and the night got so dark that we almost thought we should not be able to cross over. however, the time came when we thought the tide ought to serve, and we rode down to the water to inspect matters. occasionally a moonbeam breaking through the thick rain-clouds allowed us to get a glimpse of the rocks in the middle of the water; and our guides were thus able to judge the right moment for making the attempt. there was, as they said, just the possibility of the water not being quite low enough to enable us to cross without more or less of a ducking, and besides, in the darkness, the leader might mistake the way, and a false step would land us into a rocky bottom, where we might flounder hopelessly about, and in all probability get unhorsed, and god knows what besides. these considerations served to make us feel rather uncomfortable when the moment arrived for us to commit ourselves to the chances that might be awaiting us in the dark mass of water which swept eddying swiftly past us, and but for the acute pangs of hunger we should certainly have deferred the experiment until daytime. but no time was to be lost, so, ranging in single file behind i'aria, who was acting as guide, we started--the other horses, with guillaume and gregorio driving them, following. for a few seconds there was a great deal of splashing and shouting, incidental on the objections shown by the packhorses to take the water; but soon they were all in and fairly on their way. then came a few seconds' silence, as we drew into deep water, every one cautiously following his leader, so as to be able to rein in in time should the latter come to grief. suddenly i'aria gave a cry, and through the darkness we could dimly see him floundering about, his horse having evidently lost footing. after splashing about for some seconds, however, he got all right again, and calling out to us to keep more to the left, he moved on. the water was now up to our knees, and at each step it got deeper, but fortunately our horses still kept their footing, and soon the worst was over, and the bank was reached without any mishap having occurred. all the dogs had remained on the other side, crying and yelling in a gloomy concert, as they saw us leaving them behind; but as soon as they saw us ride up on to the plain, they plunged into the water, and swam over in no time. after having counted the horses and examined their packs, which had all got well drenched, as we ourselves had, we continued our ride, with the intention of marching the whole night, so as to arrive at cabo negro in the morning, for we were now positively frantic with hunger. for a time, notwithstanding the intense darkness, we managed to get along pretty well, but presently we found that we had got off the trail somehow, and we had to stop, whilst the guides blundered about in the darkness, searching for it. then, after we had got on to it once more, the horses shied at a big white stone lying on the road, and bolted in all directions, and of course had to be got together again--a task which involved nearly an hour's delay. apart from these mishaps, our progress was necessarily so slow, owing to the darkness, that we at last came to the conclusion that after all it would be better to halt where we were, and proceed at daybreak. acting on this determination, we immediately unsaddled, and, too tired to put up the tents, rolled ourselves up in our furs, and slept, or tried to sleep, till morning. i think this was the unpleasantest night of the whole trip. faint with hunger, drenched and cold, i could not get repose, although i felt as tired and jaded as could possibly be. the ground too, where we were camped, was stony and hillocky; and when, at the first sign of dawn, i crept out of my furs, my bones were so stiff that i could with difficulty move, my companions being all in an equally bad plight. but we were in good spirits for all that. four hours' riding would bring us to the wood of cabo negro, and there we should get food in abundance. never had the horses been so quickly saddled and packed as on that morning; within half an hour from commencing operations we were already cantering along the trail. scaling the brow of a steep hill we came in view of the familiar landscape--the straits and the cordilleras, and not far off the black patches of beechwood round cabo negro; and, nestling amid them, the little farm-house on whose stores we projected a determined raid. my brother and mr. b. now rode ahead in order to have something ready against our arrival. after two or three hours' sharp riding they reached the farm-house, and without speaking a word rushed off to the kitchen, and laid their hands on and utterly devoured what was to have been the breakfast of the farmer and his family. the farmer appeared on the scene just as they had swallowed the last mouthful, and it appears being no doubt used to such strange visits, seemed less surprised than one would have imagined to see two dirty wild-looking men sitting uninvited in his kitchen, who between them had calmly demolished the morning meal of a whole household. having thus satisfied their own immediate wants they applied themselves to catering for ours; and to such good purpose that, by the time we reached our old camp under the beeches of cabo negro, we found a good fire already blazing, half a sheep hanging on a tree, ready for roasting, and such stores of bread, eggs, and other provisions as made our eyes glisten and our mouths water. how we feasted need not be told. i think very little of that half sheep remained to be warmed up for supper, and most of the other provisions shared a similar speedy fate. chapter xxi. cabo negro--home news--civilisation again--our disreputable appearance--pucho missing--the coming of pucho--pucho's characteristics. we had still three days to wait till the date for the arrival of the steamer, and as we by no means liked the idea of having to pass them in sandy point, we resolved to remain at cabo negro for a couple of days more, and only get into the colony in time to settle with our guides, and make ourselves look a little civilised against going on board. but as we were naturally most anxious to get our correspondence, my brother rode into sandy point to fetch it. he returned, bringing a bagful of letters and newspapers, and we devoted a whole afternoon to their perusal, and to discussing their contents. these letters seemed to bring us back to the world again, to the world and its almost forgotten responsibilities, pains, and pleasures, which but the day before had seemed as remote to us as if we had quitted the earth altogether, and were living in some other planet. how many things seemed to have happened since we had been away, and how the interest in these events was magnified, hearing of them as we did, thousands of miles away from home, after so long an absence! occurrences which, in the bustle and noise of ordinary existence, would hardly have excited more than few exclamations of surprise, or scarcely a passing thought, now seemed to assume the most important proportions, and were discussed at inordinate length, and with the keenest interest. there was a letter from the gamekeeper, telling with interminable prosiness how cleverly he had surprised, in flagrante delicto, the man whom he had long and so wisely suspected of poaching; how, notwithstanding every care on his part, the severe winter had proved too much for a favourite old setter; and, thanks to his efforts, how extraordinary a number of pheasants there was in the copses, etc. another from the head stable-man, with intelligence of a similar nature from his department; lengthy documents from the agent, telling how one tenant couldn't pay his rent, how another wouldn't though he could, how one lot of cottages required repairing, and how advantageous to the property, if a fresh lot were built; the peculiarity of all these epistles being the predominance of the bad over the good news. then were letters telling how a. had married, and "the very last woman one would have thought, too;" how b. had got a divorce, "and no wonder, one might have seen that all along;" how c. had gone off to shoot big game in the rocky mountains; and how d. had merely gone and shot himself--and so forth, and so forth; every trivial item affording us a goodly space for lengthy gossip, a luxury which, since our departure for the plains, had so signally failed us. it is only when unable to indulge in it that we find what an important factor the tittle-tattle and small talk of ordinary life is, in general conversation. there were several papers too in our budget, and we devoured their three-months' old intelligence with no less avidity and eagerness than that with which we had perused our letters. that day passed, and the next, and then the hour came for us to saddle up once more, and ride in to sandy point. as may be imagined, this time we did not jog along behind the pack-horses. leaving these to the care of the guides, to come on at their leisure, we cantered merrily on alone--along the familiar path by the shore of the straits. as the huts of sandy point came in sight, we began to realise that at last we were getting back to civilisation, and prospectively to england, and already plans of what we were to do on arriving home were formed and discussed. there was only one night more to pass before setting foot on board the steamer which was to take us back to the world; but so impatient were we, that even that short time seemed all too long, and we wondered if it ever would pass. soon we were trotting along the streets of sandy point; and, reaching pedro's house, dismounted, and found ourselves under a roof once more! pedro, advised of our coming, had prepared breakfast for us, and, without more ado, we sat down to it. we handled our knives and forks very awkwardly at first; it required almost an effort to eat in a civilised manner, and, accustomed of late to take our meals in a recumbent position, we by no means felt very comfortable in our chairs. and now, for the first time, the scales fell from our eyes, and the sight of the clean table-cloth and neat room caused us to become aware of our own personal appearance, and the enviable "giftie" was ours, of seeing ourselves as others saw us. the sight was certainly not a delectable one. our looks and garments were not out of keeping with our late life in the pampas, but, surrounded by cleanliness and civilisation, they were decidedly out of place. we had performed our ablutions as often and as thoroughly as circumstances would permit, but they had not permitted much. the men of our party, particularly, were unpleasant to look at. their hair had grown long and elfin; their faces were tanned to a dark red-brown, which the dust, and the smoke from the camp-fires had deepened into--well--black; and their unshaven chins were disfigured by a profuse growth of coarse stubble. our clothes did not bear close inspection, the blood of many a guanaco, the grease of many an ostrich-dinner, the thorn of many a califaté bush, had left their marks; and, altogether, a more ruffianly, disreputable lot than we looked it would be hard to imagine. but hot water, soap, and razors, and a change of raiment, did wonders; and when, after several hours' hard work, we met again we were scarcely able to recognise one another. we passed the day in settling with the guides, and in packing up our few traps in anticipation of the arrival of the steamer early next morning. feeling tired, i went to sleep early, but the comfort i expected from lying between sheets again was by no means vouchsafed me, and the soft mattress and cool sheets, instead of inviting slumber, seemed to frighten it away. i felt half inclined to get up and go to sleep on the floor. however, my eyes closed at last; and from a dream, in which i was once more chasing the ostrich in sight of the memorable cleopatra peaks, i was awakened by mr. dunsmuir banging at my door, telling me that the steamer had arrived and that it was time to be off. i jumped up and dressed hurriedly, and found all the others ready to go on board. the luggage had already been put into a boat, and there was nothing further to be done but to say good-bye to our guides and walk down to the jetty to embark. i had only one regret on leaving sandy point. the day we arrived at cabo negro one of our dogs, called "pucho," who was rather a favourite of mine, and whom i wished to take with me to england, was suddenly missing. pucho, a peculiar dog, had joined us under peculiar circumstances at our camp at laguna larga. we were quietly sitting round the camp-fire after dinner, when suddenly the dogs jumped up and began to bark furiously at some unseen enemy. we got up and peered out into the dusk, but could see nothing, though it was evident that something there was, for the growls of our dogs increased in earnestness and fury every instant. "a puma!" suggested somebody, but our horses were grazing quietly, so it could not be a puma. "an indian, or some trader, perhaps!" was another equally unfounded surmise. what could it be? here, as if to settle the mystery at once, the dogs all rushed out of one accord, and for a few moments we could hear a terrible snarling and growling going on in the distance. it came nearer and nearer, and then the cause of the commotion was explained. surrounded by our dogs, who were giving it a by no means friendly welcome, a strange dog walked slowly towards the camp-fire. it bore its tail between its legs, seeming half-humbly, half-defiantly, to crave admission into our circle. its humble demeanour, however, only bore reference to _us_, for the defiant manner in which it occasionally bared its white teeth, and turned on our dogs whenever they came too near, showed that it cared little for them. we called out in friendly tones, and this settled its bearing for once and for all. it turned round, made one savage dash at one or two of its tormentors, and then calmly made its way towards the fire, looked out for the most comfortable spot, stretched itself leisurely, and lay down with its head resting on its crossed paws, seemingly as much at home as if it had known us all its life. i ventured to stroke it, but my advances were received in a most unfriendly, and, considering its position of alien outcast, audaciously impertinent manner, for it snapped viciously at me. but from the first "pucho," as we called him, made it a point of distinctly refusing to be patronised. he joined us, he gave us to understand, not on sufferance, not as a suppliant for our favours, not as a guest even, but as an equal; and this status he claimed as regards us only, for as to our dogs, he ignored them completely, though willing, as subsequently appeared, to make use of their good services. he looked sleek and fat, a circumstance which led us to think highly of his powers of speed, as it is by no means easy for a dog to run down a guanaco singly, and most dogs who lose their master, as this dog had evidently done, soon die of starvation. we therefore congratulated ourselves on his arrival, as we hoped he would be able to afford our own dogs help in the chase. but we had grievously reckoned without our host. the next day, on the march, a guanaco was sighted close to us. now was the time. "choo! choo! pucho!" we shouted, expecting to see him speed out like an arrow after the guanaco. but nothing could have been further from his thoughts. he looked first at us and then at the guanaco for a moment, not without interest, perhaps, but certainly without showing the slightest inclination to hostile demonstration. then, with another look at us, which said as plainly as words could, "well, that's a guanaco, no doubt, but what then?" he quietly trotted on. we were very angry at seeing our hopes deceived, besides being surprised at his extraordinary demeanour; but gregorio, giving the dog the benefit of the doubt, said that perhaps it had only been trained to run ostriches, as indians frequently teach their dogs to do. this seemed plausible enough, and our confidence in pucho was momentarily restored. presently an ostrich started up. now then: "choo! choo! pucho!" was the excited cry again. all the other dogs flew out like the wind after the bird, and pucho followed them. but only at a trot, and apparently merely to judge how the other dogs behaved, for he soon stopped, and contented himself with watching the chase till it disappeared from view, and then he leisurely came back to his usual post at my horse's heels. everybody was enraged with him; francisco suggested that being a "bouche inutile," pucho should be knocked on the head with the bolas; but i could not hear of this, and pucho's life was spared. and so he remained with us, and i had ample opportunities for studying his peculiar character. as on the first day, so he continued. although generally there or thereabouts when a distribution of the spoils took place, he never once helped the dogs in the chase. that this did not arise from inability or want of speed, but rather from a sense of his own superior dignity, was shown by the fact of his once having been seen to pursue and catch a fox, a feat none of our other dogs were capable of. amongst other peculiarities he had a way of mysteriously disappearing if the day's march was too long. "where is pucho?" was a frequent cry, and "thank god, he's gone at last!" was an ejaculation often heard on these occasions. but so sure as the guanaco-rib for dinner was done to a turn, the soup ready, and the fire blazing comfortably, so sure would pucho suddenly appear on the scene, look out for the most cosy spot near the fire, and cheerfully await his supper, as if nothing had happened. when, therefore, he was missing at cabo negro, i took little notice, thinking he would be sure to turn up. but dinner-time came, and no pucho; nor did he appear again, even when we went on to sandy point. this was the thought that was troubling me as i walked down to the pier, for i had taken a liking to this dog, or i had better say i held him in reverential awe; for i think he would object himself to the term "like," as savouring of patronage. half absently, therefore, before going down the ladder into the boat, i turned round to take a last look for pucho. surely that is a dog coming down the street, i thought, as i looked up; and right enough it was a dog, and what is more, pucho himself! there was no mistaking the calm mien, the leisurely trot. he picked his way along the battered pier, half wagged his tail as he saw me--a great condescension, and then, without a moment's hesitation, led the way down the ladder into the boat, much to the surprise of my companions, who had thought and hoped that they had really seen the last of him. i took him, or rather he came to england _with_ me, and as i write this he is sitting in the cosiest corner by my fire, a privilege he allows my pet terrier to share with him, an act very foreign to his usual nature, and one for which i have never been able to account. so here we are on board at last. we say good-bye to mr. dunsmuir, the anchor is weighed, the screw goes round, and we are off. sandy point disappears from view; one by one cape negro and cape gregorio are passed, and before i know it--so engrossed am i in the thoughts that crowd into my mind at the sight of these well-known points--we are abreast of cape virgins. it fades again astern, there is no land on either side, and patagonia, bleak and silent and solemn, with the days we spent on its mysterious shores, is behind us. as i write, these days come vividly to my mind again, and in fancy i once more behold that distant desert land,--the land of the lonely plains, where the guanaco and the ostrich and the red indians roam far from the ken of mankind, and where i spent a careless, happy time, which i can never forget. i remember the days when, after a long and weary ride, i slept, pillowed on my saddle, the open sky above me, a sounder and sweeter sleep than i had ever slept before; i remember those grand mountain-scenes, where we traced the wild horse to his home, through beechwood glens, by lonely lakes, by mountain torrents, where no mortal foot had ever trod before me. i remember many an exciting chase and many a pleasant evening spent round the cheery camp-fire. i remember, too, many a discomfort--the earthquake, the drenching rains, the scorching sun, the pitiless mosquitoes, and the terrible blasting winds. but from the pleasure with which i look back on my wild life in patagonia, these unpleasant memories can detract but little. taking it all in all, it was a very happy time, and a time on whose like i would gladly look again. the end. _printed by_ r. & r. clark, _edinburgh_. a supplement to messrs richard bentley & son's catalogue of new and standard works october _a list of forthcoming works for the new season_ _spottiswoode & co., printers, new-street square, london_ _the editor of_ _temple bar_ _begs to announce that_ _a new serial_ _entitled_ _the freres_ _by_ _mrs. alexander_ (_the author of 'the wooing o't' &c._) _will be_ _commenced_ _in_ _the january number_ _of_ _the temple bar magazine._ '_one can never help enjoying temple bar._'--guardian. _october , ._ messrs. richard bentley & son's literary announcements _for the autumn._ by lord ellenborough. _a diary kept while in office, - 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[_just ready._ v _the mysteries of heron dyke._ by t. w. speight. in vols. crown vo. vi _queenie's whim._ by rosa nouchette carey, author of 'nellie's memories,' 'heriot's choice,' &c. in vols. crown vo. vii _hiram greg._ by j. crother hirst. in vols. crown vo. viii _folly morison._ by frank barrett. in vols. crown vo. ix _a child of nature._ by robert buchanan, author of 'the shadow of the sword' &c. in vols. crown vo. x _the mystery in palace gardens._ by mrs. riddell, author of 'george geith of fen court' &c. in vols. crown vo. at all booksellers'. bentley's empire library. new volume, ready early in december. herbert manners. _and other stories._ by florence montgomery, author of 'misunderstood,' 'seaforth,' &c. forming the xivth volume of this series. in cloth, price _s._ _d._ _each volume can be obtained separately in cloth, price s. d._ i =land o' the leal.= by the author of 'comin' thro' the rye.' ii =a very simple story=, and =wild mike=. by florence montgomery, author of 'misunderstood' &c. iii =a blue stocking.= by mrs. annie edwardes, author of 'archie lovell' &c. iv =ralph wilton's weird.= by mrs. alexander, author of 'the wooing o't' &c. v =as he comes up the stair.= by the author of 'comin' thro' the rye.' vi =five years' penal servitude.= by one who has endured it. vii =a rogue's life.= by wilkie collins. viii =a victim of the falk laws.= the narrative of a german priest. ix =a vagabond heroine.= by annie edwardes, author of 'ought we to visit her?' x =my queen.= by mrs. godfrey, author of 'dolly, a pastoral.' xi =archibald malmaison.= by julian hawthorne. xii =twilight stories.= by rhoda broughton. xiii =the mudfog papers, &c.= by charles dickens. (not hitherto republished.) _to be obtained at all booksellers'._ * * * * * transcriber's note: inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the original document have been preserved. obvious typographical errors have been corrected. on page , paõ de agucar possibly should be paõ de azucar. byron's narrative of the loss of the wager with an account of the great distresses suffered by himself and his companions on the coast of patagonia from the year till their arrival in england london henry leggatt & co cornhill mdcccxxxii london: printed by bradbury and evans, bouverie street. advertisement. at a time when every thing connected with the name of byron is regarded with such general interest, it is a subject of surprise and regret that no popular edition should exist of the narrative of commodore byron. indeed, to procure any copy at all of the work requires some research and trouble. to supply this deficiency is the object of the present publishers. to the admirers of the illustrious poet, the narrative of the sufferings of his grandfather will, on more than one account, be acceptable. in the poems, it is often, whether humorously or pathetically, alluded to; for instance, in the mournfully beautiful stanzas to his sister, written soon after he left england for the last time, he says, "a strange doom is thy father's son's, and past recalling, as it lies beyond redress; reversed for him _our grandsire's fate_ of yore, he had _no rest at sea_, nor i on shore!" again, in a different mood, in don juan, after having carried his hero through the horrors of a shipwreck, as disastrous and fatal in itself and its consequences as his imagination could conceive, he observes-- "----for none had suffered more--his hardships were comparative to those related in my grand-dad's narrative." to which passage he appends the following note:--"admiral byron was remarkable for never making a voyage without a tempest. he was known to the sailors by the facetious name of 'foul-weather jack.'" indeed, to this narrative the poet is indebted for many of the incidents in that surpassing description of "the dangers of the sea." the awful "whispering" in which, according to the admiral, the men communicated their first horrid thoughts of putting one of their number to death for the support of the rest, is admirably preserved and amplified in don juan: "at length one whispered his companion, who whispered another, and thus it went round, and then into a hoarser murmur grew, an ominous and wild, and desperate sound, and then his comrade's thought each sufferer knew, 'twas but his own, suppressed till now, he found: and out they spoke of lots for flesh and blood, and who should die to be his fellow's food." the germ of the conception of the cave-scenes, so beautifully described in the poem, will also be found here; the fondness of juan for his favourite dog, the voracity with which he devoured the long-withheld food, and many other incidents, were suggested by this narrative.[ ] [footnote : captain inglefield's account of the loss of the centaur, (in september, ), furnished byron with many of those trivial incidents, which, as the poet well knew, render a story, to use gibbon's words, "circumstancial and animated," instead of "vague and languid;" the "eternal difference between fiction and truth." the behaviour of the sailors before the sinking of the ship; some lashing themselves in their hammocks, some putting on their best clothes; the sail made of blankets; the ragged piece of sheet with which they caught the rain-water; the words used by the man who first saw the land, &c. &c., are all faithfully copied or slightly altered from inglefield.] to those who would study the character of lord byron; discover what qualities of his nature were derived from his ancestors, and what were peculiarly his own; who would trace the effect produced on his writings by early tastes, habits, and associations, the narrative will afford ample material for observation. mr. moore,--who, in paying to genius that tribute which genius alone can fully pay, has shewn how thoroughly he understood the character of the poet (a character, perhaps, after all to be _felt_ rather than _explained_), how well he appreciated his virtues and the peculiar circumstances attendant on genius, which palliate, if they do not excuse, his foibles,--remarks, that lord byron "strikingly combined, in his own nature, some of the best and perhaps worst qualities that lie scattered through the various characters of his predecessors; the generosity, the love of enterprise, the high-mindedness of some of the better spirits of his race, with the irregular passions, the eccentricity, and daring recklessness of the world's opinion, that so much characterised others." in the character then of the most famous of those "better spirits," as exemplified in his own narrative of his sufferings and adventures, we may discern the source of many of the amiable qualities which descended to and adorned the immortal poet. we shall observe in both the same frankness, generosity, affability, love of excitement, the same mildness, and unassuming modesty. but the contrasts of their characters we shall find even more striking than the resemblances. we shall see in the sailor the ease and contentedness of spirit arising from its agreement with the sphere it moves in--the soul harmonizing with the situation--the man with the circumstances--the supply equivalent to the demand. we shall see in the poet the "high instincts of a creature moving about in worlds not realized"--the large expectancies, the high anticipations, unfulfilled and unanswered; the discontent, the jarring of a being not _at one_ with the place of its existence, panting for something above it, aspiring "beyond the fitting medium of desire." we shall see him inordinately yearning after affection and happiness, yet enveloped, as it were, in a nervous network of sensibility, feelingly alive to every the faintest manifestation of slight, neglect, unkindness,--to all that causes sorrow and pain: we shall see the co-existence of these qualities producing necessarily disappointment and disgust; the very capability of enjoying the good, unfitting him for the endurance of the ill; the power of imagination heightening the beauties of the ideal, the keenness of perception aggravating the defects of the real; the consequent struggles for existence in a wounded spirit between "feelings unemployed," affections unreturned, and the bitterness or apathy they engender--between original benevolence and acquired misanthropy. we shall see the sailor habitually yielding himself to the guidance and authority of others, unhesitatingly acknowledging, and, as a matter of course, complying with, the established relations, laws, and customs of society; submitting without repining, question, or surprise, to the vicissitudes of fortune; patient of hardship, uncomplaining of circumstance. the poet, from the pride of mind, accustomed ever to decide for itself, to act and reflect always, obstinately questioning even destiny and fate; bidding haughty defiance to their ruler, or yielding with sullen indifference or gloomy repining; if confessing the necessity of compliance, hardly resigned. we shall find the sailor sustaining his cheerfulness in every situation; the poet, plunging, perhaps from constitutional melancholy, into misery; acted upon by that strong attraction, that irresistible impulse towards the dark and the sad, that capability, strikingly described by himself, of "learning to love despair." we shall see throughout the difference between the continual presence and the comparative absence of consciousness, that power by which self, rising as it were above itself, makes itself the subject of microscopic observation. in the writings especially, of each, we shall observe the operations of these opposite properties. the sailor writes on, unaware and thoughtless of the effect of what he writes: the poet, in his letters particularly, seems to know intuitively the effect on others of every word he sets down; he reads their thoughts, he hears their remarks as he writes; and this knowledge, so immediate that its effects on his style seem almost unintentional, continually modifies his expressions, giving the appearance of affectation to what is no more than a natural result of his quick perception and extreme sensitiveness. in every action, too, of the poet, important or trivial, the working of this principle, so hard to be discovered in the sailor, is equally evident. he looks always to the effect: nothing seems done solely for itself: the love of admiration, of being remarkable, of standing alone, however disguised, may almost always be detected. finally, we shall not fail to observe throughout, the contrast between the single and the "many-sided" mind; between the ordinary and the extraordinary; between the mortal made immortal by force of circumstances; the immortal, in spite of circumstances, asserting and maintaining his inborn immortality. yet, enhanced as the interest attaching to this narrative is, by the connection of its author with one of the greatest of the master-minds of these latter days, it is a work which of itself may well demand and obtain our attention and regard. the incidents it relates are peculiarly of that complexion which has caused it to be remarked (as byron himself has somewhere) that fiction, however wonderful, must often yield to truth. it is a striking specimen of the romance of real life. the spectacle of a member of an old and noble family, accustomed to the comforts and luxuries that attend high birth, reduced to the necessity, at one time, of beating his _shirt_ in order to crush the vermin it was useless to attempt to get rid of by washing; and at another, of making a meal (eagerly, as he himself confesses,) of the putrid remains of a favourite dog, is as well calculated to excite the curiosity of the observer of mankind as to gratify the taste of the reader of romance. and if the extraordinary nature of the incidents themselves arouse our wonder, the manner in which they are related will insure and fix our sympathy. the simple, unaffected style, slightly tinged with the quaintness of old phraseology; the total absence of any thing like striving after effect; the apparent unconsciousness of the narrator that he must be the object of admiration or pity; the freedom from all attempts to disguise some feelings, or to affect and assume others; the modesty, the frankness, which characterize this narration, while they give additional interest to the work itself, afford indisputable testimony to the amiableness of the author. to have imitated so correctly this natural style, is one of the highest triumphs of the genius of defoe, in his romance of robinson crusoe. considered, then, either as an useful appendage to the works and life of byron; as an aid in forming an estimate of his character; or as an account of sufferings and adventures which would appear suitable rather to a romance than to a journal of events actually experienced; an illustration of the strange vicissitudes human life may undergo, of the extremities and hardships human nature may bear; or, in short, as a specimen of simple and beautiful writing, this work can scarcely fail of affording delight and gratification to the reader. john byron, the second son of william, the fourth lord byron, by his third wife, was born at newstead abbey, november th, , and at an early age entered as a midshipman in the british navy. he still held that rank in , when the expedition to the south sea against the spaniards took place under the command of commodore anson. the wager, captain cheap, to which mr. byron belonged, was separated from the rest of the squadron, and wrecked on a desert island to the southward of chiloe ( ° south lat.) after encountering the most dreadful sufferings from famine, a small number of the crew, including the captain and mr. byron, reached the isle of chiloe, and surrendered themselves prisoners to the spaniards. they were afterwards removed to chili, and detained some time at valparaiso and st. jago; but were at length allowed to return to england, where they arrived after an absence of more than five years. at a subsequent period, mr. byron published his "narrative." the young seaman was not deterred by his misfortunes from pursuing his naval career; he returned to the service of his country, and commanded the america, in boscawen's action off cape lagos, august , . his skill and enterprising spirit afterwards occasioned his appointment to the command of an expedition fitted out to make discoveries in the south sea.[ ] he sailed from england, june st, , and having circumnavigated the globe, returned home in may, . several islands were explored in this voyage, which were afterwards visited by bougainville and cooke; and experiments were also made to determine the accuracy of harrison's time-keeper, and its consequent value as a means of ascertaining the longitude. this officer subsequently was made an admiral, and commanded in the west indies during the american war. admiral byron was much beloved in the navy, more so, perhaps, than any other officer except nelson. he died in , leaving one son, john, who dying before his uncle, lord byron, the title of the latter descended to his only son, george gordon, the poet. [footnote : byron's ship in this expedition was the dolphin: she was the second ship ever coppered in the british navy.] byron's narrative of the _loss of the wager._ the equipment and destination of the squadron fitted out in the year , of which commodore anson had the command, being sufficiently known from the ample and well-penned relation of it under his direction, i shall recite no particulars that are to be found in that work. but it may be necessary, for the better understanding the disastrous fate of the wager, the subject of the following sheets, to repeat the remark, that a strange infatuation seemed to prevail in the whole conduct of this embarkation. for though it was unaccountably detained till the season for its sailing was past, no proper use was made of that time, which should have been employed in providing a suitable force of sailors and soldiery; nor was there a due attention given to other requisites for so peculiar and extensive a destination. this neglect not only rendered the expedition abortive in its principal object, but most materially affected the condition of each particular ship; and none so fatally as the wager, which being an old indiaman brought into the service on this occasion, was now fitted out as a man of war; but being made to serve as a store ship, was deeply laden with all kinds of careening geer, military and other stores, for the use of the other ships; and, what is more, crowded with bale goods, and encumbered with merchandise. a ship of this quality and condition could not be expected to work with that readiness and ease which was necessary for her security and preservation in those heavy seas with which she was to encounter. her crew consisted of men pressed from long voyages to be sent upon a distant and hazardous service: on the other hand, all her land-forces were no more than a poor detachment of infirm and decrepid invalids from chelsea hospital, desponding under the apprehensions of a long voyage. it is not then to be wondered, that captain kid, under whose command the ship sailed out of the port, should in his last moments presage her ill success, though nothing very material happened during his command. at his death he was succeeded by captain cheap, who still, without any accident, kept company with the squadron till we had almost gained the southernmost mouth of straits le maire; when, being the sternmost ship, we were, by the sudden shifting of the wind to the southward, and the turn of the tide, very near being wrecked upon the rocks of staten land; which, notwithstanding, having weathered, contrary to the expectation of the rest of the squadron, we endeavoured all in our power to make up our lost way and regain our station. this we effected, and proceeded on our voyage, keeping company with the rest of the ships for some time; when, by a great roll of a hollow sea, we carried away our mizen mast, all the chain plates to windward being broken. soon after, hard gales at west coming on with a prodigious swell, there broke a heavy sea in upon the ship, which stove our boats, and filled us for some time. these accidents were the more disheartening, as our carpenter was on board the gloucester, and detained there by the incessant tempestuous weather, and sea impracticable for boats. in a few days he returned, and supplied the loss of the mizen-mast by a lower studding-sail boom; but this expedient, together with the patching up of our rigging, was a poor temporary relief to us. we were soon obliged to cut away our best bower anchor to ease the fore-mast, the shrouds and chain plates of which were all broken, and the ship in all parts in a most crazy condition. thus shattered and disabled, a single ship, (for we had now lost sight of our squadron) we had the additional mortification to find ourselves bearing for the land on a lee shore, having thus far persevered in the course we held, from an error in conjecture; for the weather was unfavourable for observation, and there are no charts of that part of the coast. when those officers who first perceived their mistake, endeavoured to persuade the captain to alter his course, and bear away, for the greater surety, to the westward, he persisted in making directly, as he thought, for the island of socoro; and to such as dared from time to time to deliver their doubts of being entangled with the land stretching to the westward, he replied, that he thought himself in no case at liberty to deviate from his orders; and that the absence of his ship from the first place of rendezvous, would entirely frustrate the whole squadron in the first object of their attack, and possibly decide upon the fortune of the whole expedition. for the better understanding the force of his reasoning, it is necessary to explain, that the island of socoro is in the neighbourhood of baldivia, the capture of which place could not be effected without the junction of that ship, which carried the ordnance and military stores. the knowledge of the great importance of giving so early and unexpected a blow to the spaniards, determined the captain to make the shortest way to the point in view; and that rigid adherence to orders from which he thought himself in no case at liberty to depart, begot in him a stubborn defiance of all difficulties, and took away from him those apprehensions, which so justly alarmed all such as, from an ignorance of the orders, had nothing present to their minds but the dangers of a lee shore.[ ] [footnote : captain cheap has been suspected of a design of going on the spanish coast without the commodore; but no part of his conduct seems to authorise, in the least, such a suspicion. the author who brings this heavy charge against him, is equally mistaken in imagining that captain cheap had not instructions to sail to this island, and that the commodore did neither go nor send thither, to inform himself if any of the squadron were there. this appears from the orders delivered to the captains of the squadron, the day before they sailed from st. catherine's (l. anson's voyage, b.i.c. .); from the orders of the council of war held on board the centurion, in the bay of st. julian, (c. .); and from the conduct of the commodore (c. .) who cruized (with the utmost hazard) more than a fortnight off the isle of socoro, and along the coast in its neighbourhood. it was the second rendezvous at baldivia, and not that at socoro, that the commodore was forced by necessity to neglect.] we had for some time been sensible of our approach to the land, from no other tokens than those of weeds and birds, which are the usual indications of nearing the coast; but at length we had an imperfect view of an eminence, which we conjectured to be one of the mountains of the cordilleras. this, however, was not so distinctly seen but that many conceived it to be the effect of imagination: but if the captain was persuaded of the nearness of our danger, it was now too late to remedy it; for at this time the straps of the fore jeer blocks breaking, the fore-yard came down; and the greatest part of the men being disabled through fatigue and sickness, it was some time before it could be got up again. the few hands who were employed in this business now plainly saw the land on the larboard beam, bearing n.w., upon which the ship was driving bodily. orders were then given immediately by the captain to sway the fore-yard up, and set the fore-sail; which done, we wore ship with her head to the southward, and endeavoured to crowd her off from the land: but the weather, from being exceedingly tempestuous, blowing now a perfect hurricane, and right in upon the shore, rendered our endeavours (for we were now only twelve hands fit for duty) entirely fruitless. the night came on, dreadful beyond description, in which, attempting to throw out our topsails to claw off the shore, they were immediately blown from the yards. in the morning, about four o'clock, the ship struck. the shock we received upon this occasion, though very great, being not unlike the blow of a heavy sea, such as in the series of preceding storms we had often experienced, was taken for the same; but we were soon undeceived by her striking again more violently than before, which laid her upon her beam ends, the sea making a fair breach over her. every person that now could stir was presently upon the quarter-deck; and many even of those were alert upon this occasion, that had not showed their faces upon deck for above two months before: several poor wretches, who were in the last stage of the scurvy, and who could not get out of their hammocks, were immediately drowned. in this dreadful situation she lay for some little time, every soul on board looking upon the present minute as his last; for there was nothing; to be seen but breakers all around us. however, a mountainous sea hove her off from thence, but she presently struck again, and broke her tiller. in this terrifying and critical juncture, to have observed all the various modes of horror operating according to the several characters and complexions amongst us, it was necessary that the observer himself should have been free from all impressions of danger. instances there were, however, of behaviour so very remarkable, they could not escape the notice of any one who was not entirely bereaved of his senses; for some were in this condition to all intents and purposes; particularly one, in the ravings of despair brought upon him, was seen stalking about the deck, flourishing a cutlass over his head and calling himself king of the country, and striking every body he came near, till his companions, seeing no other security against his tyranny, knocked him down. some, reduced before by long sickness and the scurvy, became on this occasion as it were petrified and bereaved of all sense, like inanimate logs, and were bandied to and fro by the jerks and rolls of the ship, without exerting any efforts to help themselves. so terrible was the scene of foaming breakers around us, that one of the bravest men we had could not help expressing his dismay at it, saying it was too shocking a sight to bear; and would have thrown himself over the rails of the quarter-deck into the sea, had he not been prevented: but at the same time there were not wanting those who preserved a presence of mind truly heroic. the man at the helm, though both rudder and tiller were gone, kept his station; and being asked by one of the officers, if the ship would steer or not, first took his time to make trial by the wheel, and then answered with as much respect and coolness as if the ship had been in the greatest safety; and immediately after applied himself with his usual serenity to his duty, persuaded it did not become him to desert it as long as the ship kept together. mr. jones, mate, who now survives not only this wreck, but that of the litchfield man of war upon the coast of barbary, at the time when the ship was in the most imminent danger, not only shewed himself undaunted, but endeavoured to inspire the same resolution in the men; saying, "my friends, let us not be discouraged: did you never see a ship amongst breakers before? let us try to push her through them. come, lend a hand; here is a sheet, and here is a brace; lay hold; i don't doubt but we may stick her yet near enough to the land to save our lives." this had so good an effect, that many who before were half dead, seemed active again, and now went to work in earnest. this mr. jones did purely to keep up the spirits of the people as long as possible; for he often said afterwards, he thought there was not the least chance of a single man being saved. we now ran in between an opening of the breakers, steering by the sheets and braces, when providentially we stuck fast between two great rocks; that to windward sheltering us in some measure from the violence of the sea. we immediately cut away the main and foremast; but the ship kept beating in such a manner, that we imagined she could hold together but a very little while. the day now broke, and the weather, that had been extremely thick, cleared away for a few moments, and gave us a glimpse of the land not far from us. we now thought of nothing but saving our lives. to get the boats out, as our masts were gone, was a work of some time; which when accomplished, many were ready to jump into the first, by which means they narrowly escaped perishing before they reached the shore. i now went to captain cheap (who had the misfortune to dislocate his shoulder by a fall the day before, as he was going forward to get the fore-yard swayed up), and asked him if he would not go on shore; but he told me, as he had done before, that he would be the last to leave the ship; and he ordered me to assist in getting the men out as soon as possible. i had been with him very often from the time the ship first struck, as he desired i would, to acquaint him with every thing that passed; and i particularly remarked, that he gave his orders at that time with as much coolness as ever he had done during the former part of the voyage. the scene was now greatly changed; for many who but a few minutes before had shewn the strongest signs of despair, and were on their knees praying for mercy, imagining they were now not in that immediate danger, grew very riotous, broke open every chest and box that was at hand, stove in the heads of casks of brandy and wine as they were borne up to the hatchways, and got so drunk, that several of them were drowned on board, and lay floating about the decks for some days after. before i left the ship, i went down to my chest, which was at the bulkhead of the wardroom, in order to save some little matters, if possible; but whilst i was there the ship thumped with such violence, and the water came in so fast, that i was forced to get upon the quarter-deck again, without saving a single rag but what was upon my back. the boatswain and some of the people would not leave the ship so long as there was any liquor to be got at; upon which captain cheap suffered himself to be helped out of his bed, put into the boat, and carried on shore. it is natural to think, that to men thus upon the point of perishing by shipwreck, the getting to land was the highest attainment of their wishes; undoubtedly it was a desirable event; yet, all things considered, our condition was but little mended by the change. whichever way we looked, a scene of horror presented itself: on one side the wreck (in which was all that we had in the world to support and subsist us), together with a boisterous sea, presented us with the most dreary prospect; on the other, the land did not wear a much more favourable appearance: desolate and barren, without sign of culture, we could hope to receive little other benefit from it than the preservation it afforded us from the sea. it must be confessed this was a great and merciful deliverance from immediate destruction; but then we had wet, cold, and hunger, to struggle with, and no visible remedy against any of these evils. exerting ourselves, however, though faint, benumbed, and almost helpless, to find some wretched covert against the extreme inclemency of the weather, we discovered an indian hut, at a small distance from the beach, within a wood, in which as many as possible, without distinction, crowded themselves, the night coming on exceedingly tempestuous and rainy. but here our situation was such as to exclude all rest and refreshment by sleep from most of us; for besides that we pressed upon one another extremely, we were not without our alarms and apprehensions of being attacked by the indians, from a discovery we made of some of their lances and other arms in our hut; and our uncertainty of their strength and disposition, gave alarm to our imagination, and kept us in continual anxiety. in this miserable hovel, one of our company, a lieutenant of invalids, died this night; and of those who for want of room took shelter under a great tree, which stood them in very little stead, two more perished by the severity of that cold and rainy night. in the morning, the calls of hunger, which had been hitherto suppressed by our attention to more immediate dangers and difficulties, were now become too importunate to be resisted. we had most of us fasted eight and forty hours, some more; it was time, therefore, to make inquiry among ourselves what store of sustenance had been brought from the wreck by the providence of some, and what could be procured on the island by the industry of others: but the produce of the one amounted to no more than two or three pounds of biscuit dust reserved in a bag; and all the success of those who ventured abroad, the weather being still exceedingly bad, was to kill one sea-gull, and pick some wild cellery. these, therefore, were immediately put into a pot, with the addition of a large quantity of water, and made into a kind of soup, of which each partook as far as it would go; but we had no sooner thrown this down than we were seized with the most painful sickness at our stomachs, violent reachings, swoonings, and other symptoms of being poisoned. this was imputed to various causes, but in general to the herbs we made use of, in the nature and quality of which we fancied ourselves mistaken; but a little further inquiry let us into the real occasion of it, which was no other than this: the biscuit dust was the sweepings of the bread-room, but the bag in which they were put had been a tobacco bag; the contents of which not being entirely taken out, what remained mixed with the biscuit-dust, and proved a strong emetic. we were in all about a hundred and forty who had got to shore; but some few remained still on board, detained either by drunkenness, or a view of pillaging the wreck, among which was the boatswain. these were visited by an officer in the yawl, who was to endeavour to prevail upon them to join the rest; but finding them in the greatest disorder, and disposed to mutiny, he was obliged to desist from his purpose and return without them. though we were very desirous, and our necessities required that we should take some survey of the land we were upon; yet being strongly pre-possessed that the savages were retired but some little distance from us, and waited to see us divided, our parties did not make this day, any great excursions from the hut; but as far as we went, we found it very morassy and unpromising. the spot which we occupied was a bay formed by hilly promontories, that to the north so exceeding steep, that in order to ascend it (for there was no going round, the bottom being washed by the sea), we were at the labour of cutting steps. this, which we called mount misery, was of use to us in taking some observations afterwards, when the weather would permit: the southern promontory was not so inaccessible. beyond this, i, with some others, having reached another bay, found driven ashore some parts of the wreck, but no kind of provision; nor did we meet with any shell-fish, which we were chiefly in search of. we therefore returned to the rest, and for that day made no other repast than what the wild cellery afforded us. the ensuing night proved exceedingly tempestuous; and, the sea running very high, threatened those on board with immediate destruction by the parting of the wreck. they then were as solicitous to get ashore, as they were before obstinate in refusing the assistance we sent them; and when they found the boat did not come to their relief at the instant they expected it, without considering how impracticable a thing it was to send it them in such a sea, they fired one of the quarter-deck guns at the hut; the ball of which did but just pass over the covering of it, and was plainly heard by the captain and us who were within. another attempt, therefore, was made to bring these madmen to land, which, however, by the violence of the sea, and other impediments, occasioned by the mast that lay alongside, proved ineffectual. this unavoidable delay made the people on board outrageous: they fell to beating every thing to pieces that fell in the way; and, carrying their intemperance to the greatest excess, broke open chests and cabins for plunder that could be of no use to them: and so earnest were they in this wantonness of theft, that one man had evidently been murdered on account of some division of the spoil, or for the sake of the share that fell to him, having all the marks of a strangled corpse. one thing in this outrage they seemed particularly attentive to, which was, to provide themselves with arms and ammunition, in order to support them in putting their mutinous designs in execution, and asserting their claim to a lawless exemption from the authority of their officers, which they pretended must cease with the loss of the ship. but of these arms, which we stood in great need of, they were soon bereaved, upon coming ashore, by the resolution of captain cheap and lieutenant hamilton of the marines. among these mutineers which had been left on board, as i observed before, was the boatswain; who, instead of exerting the authority he had over the rest, to keep them within bounds as much as possible, was himself a ringleader in their riot: him, without respect to the figure he then made, for he was in laced clothes, captain cheap, by a blow well laid on with his cane, felled to the ground. it was scarce possible to refrain from laughter at the whimsical appearance these fellows made, who, having rifled the chests of the officers' best suits, had put them on over their greasy trowsers and dirty checked shirts. they were soon stripped of their finery, as they had before been obliged to resign their arms. the incessant rains, and exceeding cold weather in this climate, rendered it impossible for us to subsist long without shelter; and the hut being much too little to receive us all, it was necessary to fall upon some expedient, without delay, which might serve our purpose: accordingly the gunner, carpenter, and some more, turning the cutter keel upwards, and fixing it upon props, made no despicable habitation. having thus established some sort of settlement, we had the more leisure to look about us, and to make our researches with greater accuracy than we had before, after such supplies as the most desolate coasts are seldom unfurnished with. accordingly we soon provided ourselves with some sea-fowl, and found limpets, muscles, and other shell-fish in tolerable abundance; but this rummaging of the shore was now becoming extremely irksome to those who had any feeling, by the bodies of our drowned people thrown among the rocks, some of which were hideous spectacles, from the mangled condition they were in by the violent surf that drove in upon the coast. these horrors were overcome by the distresses of our people, who were even glad of the occasion of killing the gallinazo (the carrion crow of that country), while preying on these carcases, in order to make a meal of them. but a provision by no means proportionable to the number of mouths to be fed, could, by our utmost industry, be acquired from that part of the island we had hitherto traversed: therefore, till we were in a capacity of making more distant excursions, the wreck was to be applied to as often as possible, for such supplies as could be got out of her. but as this was a very precarious fund in its present situation, and at best could not last us long; considering too that it was very uncertain how long we might be detained upon this island the stores and provision we were so fortunate as to retrieve, were not only to be dealt out with the most frugal economy, but a sufficient quantity, if possible, laid by to fit us out, whenever we could agree upon any method of transporting ourselves from this dreary spot. the difficulties we had to encounter in these visits to the wreck, cannot be easily described; for no part of it being above water except the quarter-deck and part of the fore-castle, we were usually obliged to purchase such things as were within reach, by means of large hooks fastened to poles, in which business we were much incommoded by the dead bodies floating between decks. in order to secure what we thus got, in a manner to answer the ends and purposes above-mentioned, captain cheap ordered a store tent to be erected near his hut as a repository, from which nothing was to be dealt out but in the measure and proportion agreed upon by the officers; and though it was very hard upon us petty officers, who were fatigued with hunting all day in quest of food, to defend this tent from invasion by night, no other means could be devised for this purpose so effectual as the committing this charge to our care; and we were accordingly ordered to divide the task equally between us. yet, notwithstanding our utmost vigilance and care, frequent robberies were committed upon our trust, the tent being accessible in more than one place. and one night, when i had the watch, hearing a stir within, i came unawares upon the thief, and presenting a pistol to his breast, obliged him to submit to be tied up to a post till i had an opportunity of securing him more effectually. depredations continued to be made on our reserved stock, notwithstanding the great hazard attending such attempts; for our common safety made it necessary to punish them with the utmost rigour. this will not be wondered at, when it is known how little the allowance which might consistently be dispensed from thence, was proportionable to our common exigencies; so that our daily and nightly task of roving after food, was not in the least relaxed thereby; and all put together was so far from answering our necessities, that many at this time perished with hunger. a boy, when no other eatables could be found, having picked up the liver of one of the drowned men (whose carcase had been torn to pieces by the force with which the sea drove it among the rocks), was with difficulty withheld from making a meal of it. the men were so assiduous in their research after the few things which drove from the wreck, that in order to have no sharers of their good fortune, they examined the shore no less by night than by day; so that many of those who were less alert, or not so fortunate as their neighbours, perished with hunger, or were driven to the last extremity. it must be observed, that on the th of may we were cast away, and it was not till the th of this month that provision was served regularly from the store tent. the land we were now settled upon was about leagues to the northward of the western mouth of the straits of magellan, in the latitude of between and ° south, from whence we could plainly see the cordilleras; and by two lagoons on the north and south of us, stretching towards those mountains, we conjectured it was an island. but as yet we had no means of informing ourselves perfectly, whether it was an island or the main; for besides that the inland parts at a little distance from us seemed impracticable from the exceeding great thickness of the wood, we had hitherto been in such confusion and want (each finding full employment for his time, in scraping together a wretched subsistence, and providing shelter against the cold and rain), that no party could be formed to go upon discoveries. the climate and season too were utterly unfavourable to adventurers, and the coast, as far as our eye could stretch seaward, a scene of such dismal breakers as would discourage the most daring from making attempts in small boats. nor were we assisted in our enquiries by any observation that could be made from that eminence we called mount misery, toward land, our prospect that way being intercepted by still higher hills and lofty woods: we had therefore no other expedient, by means of which to come at this knowledge, but by fitting out one of our ship's boats upon some discovery, to inform us of our situation. our long-boat was still on board the wreck; therefore a number of hands were now dispatched to cut the gunwale of the ship, in order to get her out. whilst we were employed in this business, there appeared three canoes of indians paddling towards us: they had come round the point from the southern lagoons. it was some time before we could prevail upon them to lay aside their fears and approach us; which at length they were induced to do by the signs of friendship we made them, and by shewing some bale-goods, which they accepted, and suffered themselves to be conducted to the captain, who made them, likewise, some presents. they were strangely affected with the novelty thereof; but chiefly when shewn the looking-glass, in which the beholder could not conceive it to be his own face that was represented, but that of some other behind it, which he therefore went round to the back of the glass to find out. these people were of a small stature, very swarthy, having long, black, coarse hair, hanging over their faces. it was evident, from their great surprise, and every part of their behaviour, as well as their not having one thing in their possession which could be derived from white people, that they had never seen such. their clothing was nothing but a bit of some beast's skin about their waists, and something woven from feathers over the shoulders; and as they uttered no word of any language we had ever heard, nor had any method of making themselves understood, we presumed they could have had no intercourse with europeans. these savages, who upon their departure left us a few muscles, returned in two days, and surprised us by bringing three sheep. from whence they could procure animals in a part of the world so distant from any spanish settlement, cut off from all communication with the spaniards by an inaccessible coast and unprofitable country, is difficult to conceive. certain it is, that we saw no such creatures, nor ever heard of any such, from the straits of magellan, till we got into the neighbourhood of chiloe: it must be by some strange accident that these creatures came into their possession; but what that was, we never could learn from them. at this interview we bartered with them for a dog or two, which we roasted and eat. in a few days after, they made us another visit, and bringing their wives with them, took up their abode with us for some days; then again left us. whenever the weather permitted, which was now grown something drier, but exceeding cold, we employed ourselves about the wreck, from which we had, at sundry times, recovered several articles of provision and liquor: these were deposited in the store-tent. ill-humour and discontent, from the difficulties we laboured under in procuring subsistence, and the little prospect there was of any amendment in our condition, was now breaking out apace. in some it shewed itself by a separation of settlement and habitation; in others, by a resolution of leaving the captain entirely, and making a wild journey by themselves, without determining upon any plan whatever. for my own part, seeing it was the fashion, and liking none of their parties, i built a little hut just big enough for myself and a poor indian dog i found in the woods, who could shift for himself along shore, at low water, by getting limpets. this creature grew so fond of me, and faithful, that he would suffer nobody to come near the hut without biting them. besides those seceders i mentioned, some laid a scheme of deserting us entirely: these were in number ten; the greatest part of them a most desperate and abandoned crew, who, to strike a notable stroke before they went off, placed half a barrel of gunpowder close to the captain's hut, laid a train to it, and were just preparing to perpetrate their wicked design of blowing up their commander, when they were with difficulty dissuaded from it by one who had some bowels and remorse of conscience left in him. these wretches, after rambling for some time in the woods, and finding it impracticable to get off, for they were then convinced that we were not upon the main, as they had imagined when they first left us, but upon an island within four or five leagues of it, returned and settled about a league from us; however, they were still determined, as soon as they could procure craft fit for their purpose, to get to the main. but before they could effect this, we found means to prevail upon the armourer and one of the carpenter's crew,--two very useful men to us, who had imprudently joined them,--to come over again to their duty. the rest, (one or two excepted) having built a punt, and converted the hull of one of the ship's masts into a canoe, went away up one of the lagoons, and never were heard of more. these being a desperate and factious set, did not distress us much by their departure, but rather added to our future security: one in particular, james mitchell by name, we had all the reason in the world to think had committed no less than two murders since the loss of our ship; one on the person found strangled on board, another on the body of a man whom we discovered among some bushes upon mount misery, stabbed in several places, and shockingly mangled. this diminution of our numbers was succeeded by an unfortunate accident much more affecting in its consequences, i mean the death of mr. cozens, midshipman; in relating which with the necessary impartiality and exactness, i think myself obliged to be more than ordinarily particular. having one day, among other things, got a cask of peas out of the wreck, about which i was almost constantly employed, i brought it to shore in the yawl; when having landed it, the captain came down upon the beach, and bid me to go up to some of the tents and order hands to come down and roll it up; but finding none except mr. cozens, i delivered him the orders, who immediately came down to the captain, where i left them when i returned to the wreck. upon my coming on shore again, i found that mr. cozens was put under confinement by the captain, for being drunk and giving him abusive language: however, he was soon after released. a day or two after, he had some dispute with the surgeon, and came to blows: all these things incensed the captain greatly against him. i believe this unfortunate man was kept warm with liquor, and set on by some ill-designing persons; for, when sober, i never knew a better natured man, or one more inoffensive. some little time after, at the hour of serving out provisions, mr. cozens was at the store tent; and having, it seems, lately had a quarrel with the purser, and now some words arising between them, the latter told him he was come to mutiny; and without any further ceremony, fired a pistol at his head, which narrowly missed him. the captain, hearing the report of a pistol, and perhaps the purser's words, that cozens was come to mutiny, ran out of his hut with a cocked pistol in his hand, and, without asking any questions, immediately shot him through the head. i was at this time in my hut, as the weather was extremely bad; but running out upon the alarm of this firing, the first thing i saw was mr. cozens on the ground, weltering in his blood: he was sensible, and took me by the hand, as he did several others, shaking his head, as if he meant to take leave of us. if mr. cozens' behaviour to his captain was indecent and provoking, the captain's, on the other hand, was rash and hasty: if the first was wanting in that respect and observance which is due from a petty officer to his commander, the latter was still more unadvised in the method he took for the enforcement of his authority; of which, indeed, he was jealous to the last degree, and which he saw daily declining, and ready to be trampled upon. his mistaken apprehension of a mutinous design in mr. cozens, the sole motive of this rash action, was so far from answering the end he proposed by it, that the men, who before were much dissatisfied and uneasy, were by this unfortunate step thrown almost into open sedition and revolt. it was evident that the people, who ran out of their tents, alarmed by the report of fire-arms, though they disguised their real sentiments for the present, were extremely affected at this catastrophe of mr. cozens (for he was greatly beloved by them): their minds were now exasperated, and it was to be apprehended, that their resentment, which was smothered for the present, would shortly shew itself in some desperate enterprise. the unhappy victim, who lay weltering in his blood on the ground before them, seemed to absorb their whole attention; the eyes of all were fixed upon him; and visible marks of the deepest concern appeared in the countenances of the spectators. the persuasion the captain was under, at the time he shot mr. cozens, that his intentions were mutinous, together with a jealousy of the diminution of his authority, occasioned also his behaving with less compassion and tenderness towards him afterwards than was consistent with the unhappy condition of the poor sufferer: for when it was begged as a favour by his mess-mates, that mr. cozens might be removed to their tent, though a necessary thing in his dangerous situation, yet it was not permitted; but the poor wretch was suffered to languish on the ground some days, with no other covering than a bit of canvass thrown over some bushes, where he died. but to return to our story: the captain, addressing himself to the people thus assembled, told them, that it was his resolution to maintain his command over them as usual, which still remained in as much force as ever; and then ordered them all to return to their respective tents, with which order they instantly complied. now we had saved the long-boat from the wreck, and got it in our possession, there was nothing that seemed so necessary towards the advancing our delivery from this desolate place, as the new modelling this vessel so as to have room for all those who were inclined to go off in her, and to put her in a condition to bear the stormy seas we must of course encounter. we therefore hauled her up, and having placed her upon blocks, sawed her in two, in order to lengthen her about twelve feet by the keel. for this purpose, all those who could be spared from the more immediate task of procuring subsistence, were employed in fitting and shaping timber as the carpenter directed them; i say, in procuring subsistence, because the weather lately having been very tempestuous, and the wreck working much, had disgorged a great part of her contents, which were every where dispersed about the shore. we now sent frequent parties up the lagoons, which sometimes succeeded in getting some sea-fowl for us. the indians appearing again in the offing we put off our yawl, in order to frustrate any design they might have of going up the lagoon towards the deserters, who would have availed themselves of some of their canoes to have got upon the main. having conducted them in, we found that their intention was to settle among us, for they had brought their wives and children with them, in all about fifty persons, who immediately set about building themselves wigwams, and seemed much reconciled to our company; and, could we have entertained them as we ought, they would have been of great assistance to us, who were yet extremely put to it to subsist ourselves, being a hundred in number; but the men, now subject to little or no control, endeavoured to seduce their wives, which gave the indians such offence, that in a short time they found means to depart, taking every thing along with them; and we, being sensible of the cause, never expected to see them return again. the carpenter having made some progress in his work upon the long-boat, in which he was enabled to proceed tolerably, by the tools and other articles of his business retrieved from the wreck, the men began to think of the course they should take to get home; or rather, having borrowed sir john narborough's voyage of captain cheap, by the application of mr. bulkely, which book he saw me reading one day in my tent, they, immediately upon perusing it, concluded upon making their voyage home by the straits of magellan. this plan was proposed to the captain, who by no means approved of it, his design being to go northwards, with a view of seizing a ship of the enemy's, by which means he might join the commodore: at present, therefore, here it rested. but the men were in high spirits from the prospect they had of getting off in the long-boat, overlooking all the difficulties and hazards of a voyage almost impracticable, and caressing the carpenter, who indeed was an excellent workman, and deserved all the encouragement they could give him. the indians having left us, and the weather continuing tempestuous and rainy, the distresses of the people for want of food become insupportable. our number, which was at first one hundred and forty-five, was now reduced to one hundred, and chiefly by famine, which put the rest upon all shifts and devices to support themselves. one day, when i was at home in my hut with my indian dog, a party came to my door, and told me their necessities were such, that they must eat the creature or starve. though their plea was urgent, i could not help using some arguments to endeavour to dissuade them from killing him, as his faithful services and fondness deserved it at my hands; but, without weighing my arguments, they took him away by force and killed him; upon which, thinking that i had at least as good a right to a share as the rest, i sat down with them, and partook of their repast. three weeks after that i was glad to make a meal of his paws and skin, which, upon recollecting the spot where they had killed him, i found thrown aside and rotten. the pressing calls of hunger drove our men to their wit's end, and put them upon a variety of devices to satisfy it. among the ingenious this way, one phips, a boatswain's mate, having got a water puncheon, scuttled it; then lashing two logs, one on each side, set out in quest of adventures in this extraordinary and original piece of embarkation. by this means he would frequently, when all the rest were starving, provide himself with wild fowl; and it must have been very bad weather indeed which could deter him from putting out to sea when his occasions required. sometimes he would venture far out in the offing, and be absent the whole of the day: at last, it was his misfortune, at a great distance from shore, to be overset by a heavy sea; but being near a rock, though no swimmer, he managed so as to scramble to it, and with great difficulty ascended it: there he remained two days with very little hopes of any relief, for he was too far off to be seen from shore; but fortunately a boat, having put off and gone in quest of wild fowl that way, discovered him making such signals as he was able, and brought him back to the island. but this accident did not so discourage him but that soon after, having procured an ox's hide, used on board for sifting powder, and called a gunner's hide, by the assistance of some hoops he formed something like a canoe, in which he made several successful voyages. when the weather would permit us, we seldom failed of getting some wild fowl, though never in any plenty, by putting off with our boats; but this most inhospitable climate is not only deprived of the sun for the most part, by a thick, rainy atmosphere, but is also visited by almost incessant tempests. it must be confessed, we reaped some benefit from these hard gales and overgrown seas, which drove several things ashore; but there was no dependence on such accidental relief; and we were always alert to avail ourselves of every interval of fair weather, though so little to be depended on, that we were often unexpectedly and to our peril overtaken by a sudden change. in one of our excursions i, with two more, in a wretched punt of our own making, had no sooner landed at our station upon a high rock, than the punt was driven loose by a sudden squall; and had not one of the men, at the risk of his life, jumped into the sea and swam on board her, we must in all probability have perished; for we were more than three leagues from the island at the time. among the birds we generally shot, was the painted goose, whose plumage is variegated with the most lively colours; and a bird much larger than a goose, which we called the race-horse, from the velocity with which it moved upon the surface of the water, in a sort of half flying, half running motion. but we were not so successful in our endeavours by land; for though we sometimes got pretty far into the woods, we met with very few birds in all our walks. we never saw but three woodcocks, two of which were killed by mr. hamilton, and one by myself. these, with some humming-birds, and a large kind of robin redbreast, were the only feathered inhabitants of this island, excepting a small bird with two very long feathers in his tail, which was generally seen amongst the rocks, and was so tame, that i have had them rest upon my shoulder whilst i have been gathering shell-fish. indeed, we were visited by many birds of prey, some very large; but these only occasionally, and, as we imagined, allured by some dead whale in the neighbourhood, which was once seen. however, if we were so fortunate as to kill one of them, we thought ourselves very well off. in one of my walks, seeing a bird of this latter kind upon an eminence, i endeavoured to come upon it unperceived with my gun, by means of the woods which lay at the back of that eminence; but when i had proceeded so far in the wood as to think i was in a line with it, i heard a growling close by me, which made me think it advisable to retire as soon as possible; the woods were so gloomy i could see nothing; but as i retired, this noise followed me close till i had got out of them. some of our men did assure me, that they had seen a very large beast in the woods; but their description of it was too imperfect to be relied upon. the wood here is chiefly of the aromatic kind; the iron wood, a wood of a very deep red hue, and another, of an exceeding bright yellow. all the low spots are very swampy; but what we thought strange, upon the summits of the highest hills were found beds of shells, a foot or two thick. the long-boat being near finished, some of our company were selected to go out in the barge, in order to reconnoitre the coast to the southward, which might assist us in the navigation we were going upon. this party consisted of mr. bulkely, mr. jones, the purser, myself, and ten men. the first night, we put into a good harbour, a few leagues to the southward of wager's island; where finding a large bitch big with puppies, we regaled upon them. in this expedition we had our usual bad weather, and breaking seas, which were grown to such a height the third day, that we were obliged, through distress, to push in at the first inlet we saw at hand. this we had no sooner entered, than we were presented with a view of a fine bay, in which having secured the barge, we went ashore; but the weather being very rainy, and finding nothing to subsist upon, we pitched a bell tent, which we had brought with us, in the wood opposite to where the barge lay. as this tent was not large enough to contain us all, i proposed to four of the people to go to the end of the bay, about two miles distant from the bell tent, to occupy the skeleton of an old indian wigwam, which i had discovered in a walk that way upon our first landing. this we covered to windward with sea-weed; and lighting a fire, laid ourselves down, in hopes of finding a remedy for our hunger in sleep; but we had not long composed ourselves before one of our company was disturbed by the blowing of some animal at his face, and upon opening his eyes, was not a little astonished to see, by the glimmering of the fire, a large beast standing over him. he had presence of mind enough to snatch a brand from the fire, which was now very low, and thrust it at the nose of the animal, who thereupon made off: this done, the man awoke us, and related, with horror in his countenance, the narrow escape he had had of being devoured. but though we were under no small apprehensions of another visit from this animal, yet our fatigue and heaviness was greater than our fears; and we once more composed ourselves to rest, and slept the remainder of the night without any further disturbance. in the morning, we were not a little anxious to know how our companions had fared; and this anxiety was increased upon tracing the footsteps of the beast in the sand, in a direction towards the bell tent. the impression was deep and plain, of a large round foot, well furnished with claws. upon our acquainting the people in the tent with the circumstances of our story, we found that they too had been visited by the same unwelcome guest, which they had driven away by much the same expedient. we now returned from this cruise, with a strong gale, to wager's island; having found it impracticable to make farther discoveries in the barge, on so dangerous a coast, and in such heavy seas. here we soon discovered, by the quarters of dogs hanging up, that the indians had brought a fresh supply to our market. upon enquiry, we found that there had been six canoes of them, who, among other methods of taking fish, had taught their dogs to drive the fish into a corner of some pond, or lake, from whence they were easily taken out, by the skill and address of these savages. the old cabal, during our absence, had been frequently revived; the debates of which generally ended in riot and drunkenness. this cabal was chiefly held in a large tent, which the people belonging to it had taken some pains to make snug and convenient, and lined with bales of broad cloth driven from the wreck. eighteen of the stoutest fellows of the ship's company had possession of this tent, from whence were dispatched committees to the captain, with the resolutions they had taken with regard to their departure; but oftener for liquor. their determination was to go in the long-boat to the southward, by the straits of magellan; and the point they were labouring, was to prevail upon the captain to accompany them. but though he had fixed upon a quite different plan, which was to go to the northward, yet he thought it politic, at present, seemingly to acquiesce with them, in order to keep them quiet. when they began to stipulate with him, that he should be under some restrictions in point of command, and should do nothing without consulting his officers, he insisted upon the full exercise of his authority as before. this broke all measures between them, and they were from this time determined he should go with them, whether he would or no. a better pretence they could not have for effecting this design, than the unfortunate affair of mr. cozens; which they therefore made use of for seizing his person, and putting him under confinement, in order to bring him to his trial in england. the long-boat was now launched, and ready for sailing, and all the men embarked, except captain pemberton, with a party of marines, whom he had drawn up upon the beach with the intention of conducting captain cheap on board; but he was at length persuaded to desist from this resolution by mr. bulkely. the men too, finding they were straitened for room, and that their stock of provision would not admit of their taking supernumeraries aboard, were now no less strenuous for his enlargement, and being left to his option of staying behind. therefore, after having distributed their share in the reserved stock of provision, which was very small, we departed, leaving captain cheap, mr. hamilton of the marines, and the surgeon, upon the island. i had all along been in the dark as to the turn this affair would take; and not in the least suspecting but that it was determined captain cheap should be taken with us, readily embarked under that persuasion; but when i found that this design, which was so seriously carried on to the last, was suddenly dropped, i was determined, upon the first opportunity, to leave them; which was at this instant impossible for me to do, the long-boat lying some distance off shore, at anchor. we were in all eighty-one, when we left the island, distributed into the long-boat, cutter, and barge; fifty-nine on board the first, twelve in the second, in the last, ten. it was our purpose to put into some harbour, if possible, every evening, as we were in no condition to keep those terrible seas long; for without other assistance, our stock of provisions was no more than might have been consumed in a few days; our water was chiefly contained in a few powder-barrels; our flour was to be lengthened out by a mixture of sea-weed; and our other supplies depended upon the success of our guns, and industry among the rocks. captain pemberton having brought on board his men, we weighed; but a sudden squall of wind having split our foresail, we with difficulty cleared the rocks, by means of our boats, bore away for a sandy bay, on the south side of the lagoon, and anchored in ten fathom. the next morning we got under way; but it blowing hard at w. by n. with a great swell, we put into a small bay again, well sheltered by a ledge of rocks without us. at this time, it was thought necessary to send the barge away back to cheap's bay, for some spare canvass, which was imagined would be soon wanted. i thought this a good opportunity of returning, and therefore made one with those who went upon this business in the barge. we were no sooner clear of the long-boat, than all those in the boat with me declared they had the same intention. when we arrived at the island, we were extremely welcome to captain cheap. the next day, i asked him leave to try if i could prevail upon those in the long-boat to give us our share of provision: this he granted; but said if we went in the barge, they would certainly take her from us. i told him my design was to walk it, and only desired the boat might land me upon the main, and wait for me till i came back. i had the most dreadful journey of it imaginable, through thick woods and swamps all the way; but i might as well have spared myself that trouble, as it was to no manner of purpose; for they would not give me, nor any one of us that left them, a single ounce of provisions of any kind. i therefore returned, and after that made a second attempt; but all in vain. they even threatened, if we did not return with the barge, they would fetch her by force. it is impossible to conceive the distressed situation we were now in, at the time of the long-boat's departure. i do not mention this event as the occasion of it; by which, if we who were left on the island experienced any alteration at all, it was for the better; and which, in all probability, had it been deferred, might have been fatal to the greatest part of us; but at this time, the subsistence on which we had hitherto chiefly depended, which was the shell-fish, were every where along shore eat up; and as to stock saved from the wreck, it may be guessed what the amount of that might be, when the share allotted to the captain, lieutenant hamilton, and the surgeon, was no more than six pieces of beef, as many of pork, and ninety pounds of flour. as to myself, and those that left the long-boat, it was the least revenge they thought they could take of us to withhold our provision from us, though at the same time it was hard and unjust. for a day or two after our return, there was some little pittance dealt out to us, yet it was upon the foot of favour; and we were soon left to our usual industry for a farther supply. this was now exerted to very little purpose, for the reason before assigned; to which may be added, the wreck was now blown up, all her upper works gone, and no hopes of any valuable driftage from her for the future. a weed called slaugh, fried in the tallow of some candles we had saved, and wild cellery, were our only fare; by which our strength was so much impaired, that we could scarcely crawl. it was my misfortune too, to labour under a severe flux, by which i was reduced to a very feeble state; so that in attempting to traverse the rocks in search of shell-fish, i fell from one into very deep water, and with difficulty saved my life by swimming. as the captain was now freed, by the departure of the long-boat, from the riotous applications, menaces, and disturbance of an unruly crew, and left at liberty to follow the plan he had resolved upon, of going northward, he began to think seriously of putting it in execution; in order to which, a message was sent to the deserters, who had seated themselves on the other side of the neighbouring lagoon, to sound them, whether they were inclined to join the captain in his undertaking; and if they were, to bring them over to him. for this set, the party gone off in the long-boat had left an half allowance proportion of the common stock of provision. these men, upon the proposal, readily agreed to join their commander; and being conducted to him, increased our number to twenty. the boats which remained in our possession to carry off all these people, were only the barge and yawl, two very crazy bottoms; the broadside of the last was entirely out, and the first had suffered much in the variety of bad weather she had gone through, and was sadly out of repair. and now our carpenter was gone from us, we had no remedy for these misfortunes, but the little skill we had gained from him. however, we made tolerable shift to patch up the boats for our purpose. in the height of our distresses, when hunger, which seems to include and absorb all others, was most prevailing, we were cheered with the appearance, once more, of our friendly indians, as we thought, from whom we hoped for some relief; but as the consideration was wanting, for which alone they would part with their commodities, we were not at all benefitted by their stay, which was very short. the little reserve too of flour made by the captain for our sea-stock when we should leave the island, was now diminished by theft: the thieves, who were three of our men, were however soon discovered, and two of them apprehended; but the third made his escape to the woods. considering the pressing state of our necessities, this theft was looked upon as a most heinous crime, and therefore required an extraordinary punishment: accordingly the captain ordered these delinquents to be severely whipped, and then to be banished to an island at some distance from us; but before this latter part of the sentence could be put in execution, one of them fled; but the other was put alone upon a barren island, which afforded not the least shelter; however, we, in compassion, and contrary to order, patched him up a bit of a hut, and kindled him a fire, and then left the poor wretch to shift for himself. in two or three days after, going to the island in our boat with some little refreshment, such as our miserable circumstances would admit of, and with an intent of bringing him back, we found him dead and stiff. i was now reduced to the lowest condition by my illness, which was increased by the vile stuff i eat, when we were favoured by a fair day, a thing very extraordinary in this climate. we instantly took the advantage of it, and once more visited the last remains of the wreck,--her bottom. here our pains were repaid with the great good fortune of hooking up three casks of beef, which were brought safe to shore. this providential supply could not have happened at a more seasonable time than now, when we were afflicted with the greatest dearth we had ever experienced, and the little strength we had remaining was to be exerted in our endeavours to leave the island. accordingly we soon found a remedy for our sickness, which was nothing but the effects of famine, and were greatly restored by food. the provision was equally distributed among us all, and served us for the remainder of our stay here. we began to grow extremely impatient to leave the island, as the days were now nearly at their longest, and about midsummer in these parts; but as to the weather, there seems to be little difference in a difference of seasons. accordingly, on the th of december, the day being tolerable, we told captain cheap we thought it a fine opportunity to run across the bay. but he first desired two or three of us to accompany him to our place of observation, the top of mount misery; when looking through his perspective, he observed to us that the sea ran very high without. however, this had no weight with the people, who were desirous, at all events, to be gone. i should here observe, that captain cheap's plan was, if possible, to get to the island of chiloe; and if we found any vessel there, to board her immediately, and cut her out. this he might certainly have done with ease, had it been his good fortune to get round with the boats. we now launched both boats, and got every thing on board of them as quick as possible. captain cheap, the surgeon, and myself, were in the barge with nine men; and lieutenant hamilton and mr. campbell in the yawl with six. i steered the barge, and mr. campbell the yawl; but we had not been two hours at sea before the wind shifted more to the westward, and began to blow very hard, and the sea ran extremely high; so that we could no longer keep our heads towards the cape or headland we had designed for. this cape we had had a view of in one of the intervals of fair weather, during our abode on the island, from mount misery; and it seemed to be distant between twenty and thirty leagues from us. we were now obliged to bear away right before the wind. though the yawl was not far from us, we could see nothing of her, except now and then, upon the top of a mountainous sea. in both the boats, the men were obliged to sit as close as possible, to receive the seas on their backs, to prevent their filling us, which was what we every moment expected. we were obliged to throw everything overboard, to lighten the boats, all our beef, and even the grapnel, to prevent sinking. night was coming on, and we were running on a lee-shore fast, where the sea broke in a frightful manner. not one amongst us imagined it possible for boats to live in such a sea. in this situation, as we neared the shore, expecting to be beat to pieces by the first breaker, we perceived a small opening between the rocks, which we stood for, and found a very narrow passage between them, which brought us into a harbour for the boats as calm and smooth as a mill-pond. the yawl had got in before us, and our joy was great at meeting again after so unexpected a deliverance. here we secured the boats, and ascended a rock. it rained excessively hard all the first part of the night, and was extremely cold; and though we had not a dry thread about us, and no wood could be found for firing, we were obliged to pass the night in that uncomfortable situation, without any covering, shivering in our wet clothes. the frost coming on with the morning, it was impossible for any of us to get a moment's sleep; and having flung overboard our provision the day before, there being no prospect of finding anything to eat on this coast, in the morning we pulled out of the cove; but found so great a sea without, that we could make but little of it. after tugging all day, towards night we put in among some small islands, landed upon one of them, and found it a mere swamp. as the weather was the same, we passed this night much as we had done the preceding; sea-tangle was all we could get to eat at first, but the next day we had better luck; the surgeon shot a goose, and we found materials for a good fire. we were confined here three or four days, the weather all that time proving so bad that we could not put out. as soon as it grew moderate, we left this place, and shaped our course to the northward; and perceiving a large opening between very high land and a low point, we steered for it; and when got that length, found a large bay, down which we rowed, flattering ourselves there might be a passage that way; but towards night we came to the bottom of the bay, and finding no outlet, we were obliged to return the same way we came, having met with nothing the whole day to alleviate our hunger. next night we put into a little cove, which, from the great quantity of red-wood found there, we called redwood cove. leaving this place in the morning, we had the wind southerly, blowing fresh, by which we made much way that day, to the northward. towards evening we were in with a pretty large island. putting ashore on it, we found it clothed with the finest trees we had ever seen, their stems running up to a prodigious height, without knot or branch, and as straight as cedars: the leaf of these trees resemble the myrtle leaf, only somewhat larger. i have seen trees larger than these in circumference, on the coast of guinea, and there only; but for a length of stem, which gradually tapering, i have no where met with any to compare to them. the wood was of a hard substance, and, if not too heavy, would have made good masts; the dimensions of some of these trees being equal to a main-mast of a first rate man-of-war. the shore was covered with driftwood of a very large size; most of it cedar, which makes a brisk fire; but is so subject to snap and fly, that when we awoke in the morning, after a sound sleep, we found our clothes singed in many places with the sparks, and covered with splinters. the next morning being calm, we rowed out; but as soon as clear of the island, we found a great swell from the westward; we rowed to the bottom of a very large bay, which was to the northward of us, the land very low, and we were in hopes of finding some inlet through, but did not; so kept along shore to the westward. this part, which i take to be above fifty leagues from wager island, is the very bottom of the large bay it lies in. here was the only passage to be found, which (if we could by any means have got information of it) would have saved us much fruitless labour. of this passage i shall have occasion to say more hereafter. having at this time an off-shore wind, we kept the land close on board, till we came to a head-land: it was near night before we got abreast of the headland, and opening it discovered a very large bay to the northward, and another headland to the westward, at a great distance. we endeavoured to cut short our passage to it by crossing, which is very seldom to be effected, in these overgrown seas, by boats: and this we experienced now; for the wind springing up, and beginning to blow fresh, we were obliged to put back towards the first headland, into a small cove, just big enough to shelter the two boats. here an accident happened that alarmed us much. after securing our boats, we climbed up a rock scarcely large enough to contain our numbers: having nothing to eat, we betook ourselves to our usual receipt for hunger, which was going to sleep. we accordingly made a fire, and stowed ourselves round it as well as we could; but two of our men being incommoded for want of room, went a little way from us, into a small nook, over which a great cliff hung, and served them for a canopy. in the middle of the night we were awakened with a terrible rumbling, which we apprehended to be nothing less than the shock of an earthquake, which we had before experienced in these parts; and this conjecture we had reason to think not ill founded, upon hearing hollow groans and cries as of men half swallowed up. we immediately got up, and ran to the place from whence the cries came, and then we were put out of all doubt as to the opinion we had formed of this accident; for here we found the two men almost buried under loose stones and earth: but upon a little farther enquiry we were undeceived as to the cause we had imputed this noise to, which we found to be occasioned by the sudden giving way of the impending cliff, which fell a little beyond our people, carrying trees and rocks with it, and loose earth; the latter of which fell in part on our men, whom we with some pains rescued from their uneasy situation, from which they escaped with some bruises. the next morning we got out early, and the wind being westerly, rowed the whole day for the headland we had seen the night before; but when we had got that length could find no harbour, but were obliged to go into a sandy bay, and lay the whole night upon our oars; and a most dreadful one it proved, blowing and raining very hard. here we were so pinched with hunger, that we eat the shoes off our feet, which consisted of raw seal skin. in the morning we got out of the bay; but the incessant foul weather had overcome us, and we began to be indifferent as to what befel us; and the boats, in the night, making into a bay, we nearly lost the yawl, a breaker having filled her, and driven her ashore upon the beach. this, by some of our accounts, was christmas-day; but our accounts had so often been interrupted by our distresses, that there was no depending upon them. upon seeing the yawl in this imminent danger, the barge stood off, and went into another bay to the northward of it, where it was smoother lying; but there was no possibility of getting on shore. in the night the yawl joined us again. the next day was so bad, that we despaired reaching the headland, so rowed down the bay in hopes of getting some seal, as that animal had been seen the day before, but met with no success; so returned to the same bay we had been in the night before, where the surf having abated somewhat, we went ashore, and picked up a few shell-fish. in the morning, we got on board early, and ran along shore to the westward, for about three leagues, in order to get round a cape, which was the westernmost land we could see. it blew very hard, and there ran such a sea, that we heartily wished ourselves back again, and accordingly made the best of our way for that bay which we had left in the morning; but before we could reach it night came on, and we passed a most dismal one, lying upon our oars. the weather continuing very bad, we put in for the shore in the morning, where we found nothing but tangle and sea-weed. we now passed some days roving about for provisions, as the weather was too bad to make another attempt to get round the cape as yet. we found some fine lagoons towards the head of the bay; and in them killed some seal, and got a good quantity of shell-fish, which was a great relief to us. we now made a second attempt to double the cape; but when we got the length of it, and passed the first headland, for it consists of three of an equal height, we got into a sea that was horrid; for it ran all in heaps, like the race of portland, but much worse. we were happy to put back again to the old place, with little hopes of ever getting round this cape. next day, the weather proving very bad, all hands went ashore to procure some sustenance, except two in each boat, which were left as boat-keepers; this office we took by turns; and it was now my lot to be upon this duty with another man. the yawl lay within us at a grapnel; in the night it blew very hard, and a great sea tumbled in upon the shore; but being extremely fatigued, we in the boats went to sleep, notwithstanding, however, i was at last awakened by the uncommon motion of the boat, and the roaring of the breakers every where about us. at the same time i heard a shrieking, like to that of persons in distress; i looked out, and saw the yawl canted bottom upwards by a sea, and soon afterwards disappeared. one of our men, whose name was william rose, a quarter-master, was drowned; the other was thrown ashore by the surf, with his head buried in the sand; but by the immediate assistance of the people on shore, was saved. as for us in the barge, we expected the same fate every moment; for the sea broke a long way without us. however we got her head to it, and hove up our grapnel, or should rather say kellick, which we had made to serve in the room of our grapnel, hove overboard some time before, to lighten the boat. by this means we used our utmost efforts to pull her without the breakers some way, and then let go our kellick again. here we lay all the next day, in a great sea, not knowing what would be our fate. to add to our mortification, we could see our companions in tolerable plight ashore, eating seal, while we were starving with hunger and cold. for this month past, we had not known what it was to have a dry thread about us. the next day being something more moderate, we ventured in with the barge, as near as we could to the shore, and our companions threw us some seal's liver; which having eat greedily, we were seized with excessive sickness, which affected us so much, that our skin peeled off from head to foot. whilst the people were on shore here, mr. hamilton met with a large seal, or sea-lion, and fired a brace of balls into him, upon which the animal turned upon him open-mouthed; but presently fixing his bayonet, he thrust it down its throat, with a good part of the barrel of the gun, which the creature bit in two seemingly with as much ease as if it had been a twig. notwithstanding the wounds it received, it eluded all farther efforts to kill it, and got clear off. i call this animal a large seal, or sea-lion, because it resembles a seal in many particulars; but then it exceeds it so much in size, as to be sufficiently determined, by that distinction only, to be of another species. mr. walter, in lord anson's voyage, has given a particular description of those which are seen about juan fernandes; but they have in other climates, different appearances as well as different qualities, as we had occasion to observe in this, and a late voyage i made. however, as so much already has been said of the sea-lion, i shall only mention two peculiarities; one relative to its appearance, and the other to its properties of action, which distinguish it from those described by him. those i saw, were without that snout, or trunk, hanging below the end of the upper jaw; but then the males were furnished with a large shaggy mane, which gave them a most formidable appearance. and, whereas, he says, those he saw were unwieldy, and easily destroyed: we found some, on the contrary, that lay at a mile's distance from the water, which came down upon us, when disturbed, with such impetuosity, that it was as much as we could do to get out of their way; and when attacked, would turn upon us with great agility. having lost the yawl, and being too many for the barge to carry off, we were compelled to leave four of our men behind. they were all marines, who seemed to have no objection to the determination made with regard to them, so exceedingly disheartened and worn out were they with the distresses and dangers they had already gone through. and, indeed, i believe it would have been a matter of indifference to the greatest part of the rest, whether they should embark, or take their chance. the captain distributed to these poor fellows arms and ammunition, and some other necessaries. when we parted, they stood upon the beach, giving us three cheers, and called out, god bless the king. we saw them a little after, setting out upon their forlorn hope, and helping one another over a hideous tract of rocks; but considering the difficulties attending this only way of travelling left them--for the woods are impracticable, from their thickness, and the deep swamp everywhere to be met in them--considering too, that the coast here is rendered so inhospitable, by the heavy seas that are constantly tumbling upon it, as not to afford even a little shell-fish, it is probable that all met with a miserable end. we rowed along shore to the westward, in order to make one more attempt to double the cape: when abreast of the first headland there ran such a sea, that we expected, every instant, the boat would go down. but as the preservation of life had now, in a great measure, lost its actuating principle upon us, we still kept pushing through it, till we opened a bay to the northward. in all my life, i never saw so dreadful a sea as drove in here; it began to break at more than half a mile from the shore. perceiving now that it was impossible for any boat to get round, the men lay upon their oars till the boat was very near the breakers, the mountainous swell that then ran, heaving her in at a great rate. i thought it was their intention to put an end to their lives and misery at once; but nobody spoke for some time. at last, captain cheap told them, they must either perish immediately, or pull stoutly for it to get off the shore; but they might do as they pleased. they chose, however, to exert themselves a little, and after infinite difficulty, got round the headland again, giving up all thoughts of making any further attempt to double the cape. it was night before we could get back to the bay, where we were compelled to leave four of our men, in order to save, if possible, the remainder; for we must all have certainly perished, if more than sixteen had been crowded into so small a boat. this bay we named marine bay. when we had returned to this bay, we found the surf ran so high, that we were obliged to lay upon our oars all night; and it was now resolved to go back to wager's island, there to linger out a miserable life, as we had not the least prospect of returning home. but before we set out, in consequence of this resolution, it was necessary, if possible, to get some little stock of seal to support us in a passage, upon which, wherever we might put in, we were not likely to meet with any supply. accordingly, it was determined to go up that lagoon in which we had before got some seal, to provide ourselves with some more; but we did not leave the bay till we had made some search after the unhappy marines we had left on shore. could we have found them, we had now agreed to take them on board again, though it would have been the certain destruction of us all. this, at another time, would have been mere madness; but we were now resigned to our fate, which we none of us thought far off; however, there was nothing to be seen of them, and no traces but a musket on the beach. upon returning up the lagoon, we were so fortunate as to kill some seal, which we boiled, and laid in the boat for sea-stock. while we were ranging along shore in detached parties in quest of this, and whatever other eatable might come in our way, our surgeon, who was then by himself, discovered a pretty large hole, which seemed to lead to some den, or repository, within the rocks. it was not so rude, or natural, but that there were some signs of its having been cleared, and made more accessible by industry. the surgeon for some time hesitated whether he should venture in, from his uncertainty as to the reception he might meet with from any inhabitant; but his curiosity getting the better of his fears, he determined to go in; which he did upon his hands and knees, as the passage was too low for him to enter otherwise. after having proceeded a considerable way thus, he arrived at a spacious chamber; but whether hollowed out by hands, or natural, he could not be positive. the light into this chamber was conveyed through a hole at the top; in the midst was a kind of bier, made of sticks laid crossways, supported by props of about five foot in height. upon this bier, five or six bodies were extended; which, in appearance, had been deposited there a long time, but had suffered no decay or diminution. they were without covering, and the flesh of these bodies was become perfectly dry and hard; which, whether done by any art, or secret, the savages may be possessed of, or occasioned by any drying virtue in the air of the cave, could not be guessed. indeed, the surgeon, finding nothing there to eat, which was the chief inducement for his creeping into this hole, did not amuse himself with long disquisitions, or make that accurate examination which he would have done at another time; but crawling out as he came in, he went and told the first he met of what he had seen. some had the curiosity to go in likewise. i had forgot to mention that there was another range of bodies, deposited in the same manner, upon another platform under the bier. probably this was the burial place of their great men, called caciques; but from whence they could be brought we were utterly at a loss to conceive, there being no traces of any indian settlement hereabout. we had seen no savage since we left the island, or observed any marks in the coves, or bays to the northward, where we had touched,--such as of fire-places, or old wigwams, which they never fail of leaving behind them; and it is very probable, from the violent seas that are always beating upon this coast, its deformed aspect, and the very swampy soil that every where borders upon it, that it is little frequented. we now crossed the first bay for the headland we left on christmas-day, much dejected; for under our former sufferings, we were in some measure supported with the hopes that, as we advanced, however little, they were so much the nearer the termination; but now our prospect was dismal and dispiriting, indeed, as we had the same difficulties and dangers to encounter, not only without any flattering views to lessen them, but under the aggravating circumstance of their leading to an inevitable and miserable death; for we could not possibly conceive that the fate of starving could be avoided by any human means, upon that desolate island we were returning to. the shell-fish, which was the only subsistence that island had hitherto afforded in any measure, was exhausted; and the indians had shewn themselves so little affected by the common incitements of compassion, that we had no hopes to build upon any impressions of that sort in them. they had already refused to barter their dogs with us, for want of a valuable commodity on our side; so that it is wonderful we did not give ourselves up to despondency, and lay aside all farther attempts; but we were supported by that invisible power, who can make the most untoward circumstances subservient to his gracious purposes. at this time, our usual bad weather attended us; the night too set in long before we could reach the cove we before had taken shelter in; so that we were obliged to keep the boat's head to the sea all night, the sea every where a-stern of us, running over hideous breakers. in the morning, we designed standing over for that island in which we had observed those straight and lofty trees before mentioned, and which captain cheap named montrose island; but as soon as we opened the headland to the westward of us, a sudden squall took the boat, and very near overset her. we were instantly full of water; but by baling with our hats and hands, and any thing that would hold water, we with difficulty freed her. under this alarming circumstance, we found it advisable to return back and put into the cove, which the night before we were prevented getting into. we were detained here two or three days, by exceeding bad weather; so that, had we not fortunately provided ourselves with some seal, we must have starved, for this place afforded us nothing. at length we reached montrose island. this is by much the best and pleasantest spot we had seen in this part of the world; though it has nothing on it eatable but some berries, which resembled gooseberries in flavour: they are of a black hue, and grow in swampy ground; and the bush or tree that bears them is much taller than that of our gooseberries. we remained here some time, living upon these berries, and the remainder of our seal, which was now grown quite rotten. our two or three first attempts to put out from this island were without success, the tempestuous weather obliging us so often to put back again. one of our people was much inclined to remain here, thinking it as least as good a place as wager's island to end his days upon; but he was obliged to go off with them. we had not been long out before it began to blow a storm of wind; and the mist came on so thick, that we could not see the land, and were at a loss which way to steer; but we heard the sea, which ran exceedingly high, breaking near us; upon which we immediately hauled aft the sheet, and hardly weathered the breakers by a boat's length. at the same time we shipped a sea that nearly filled us: it struck us with that violence, as to throw me, and one or two more, down into the bottom of the boat, where we were half drowned before we could get up again. this was one of the most extraordinary escapes we had in the course of this expedition; for captain cheap, and every one else, had entirely given themselves up for lost. however, it pleased god that we got that evening into redwood cove, where the weather continued so bad all night, we could keep no fire in to dry ourselves with; but there being no other alternative for us, but to stay here and starve, or put to sea again, we chose the latter, and put out in the morning again, though the weather was very little mended. in three or four days after, we arrived at our old station, wager's island; but in such a miserable plight, that though we thought our condition upon setting out would not admit of any additional circumstance of misery, yet it was to be envied in comparison of what we now suffered, so worn and reduced were we by fatigue and hunger; having eat nothing for some days but sea-weed and tangle. upon this expedition, we had been out, by our account, just two months; in which we had rounded, backwards and forwards, the great bay formed to the northward by that high land we had observed from mount misery. the first thing we did upon our arrival, was to secure the barge, as this was our sole dependence for any relief that might offer by sea; which done, we repaired to our huts, which formed a kind of village or street, consisting of several irregular habitations; some of which being covered by a kind of brush-wood thatch, afforded tolerable shelter against the inclemency of the weather. among these, there was one which we observed with some surprise to be nailed up. we broke it open, and found some iron work, picked out with much pains from those pieces of the wreck which were driven ashore. we concluded from hence, that the indians who had been here in our absence, were not of that tribe with which we had some commerce before, who seemed to set no value upon iron, but from some other quarter; and must have had communication with the spaniards, from whom they had learned the value and use of that commodity. thieving from strangers is a commendable talent among savages in general, and bespeaks an address which they much admire; though the strictest honesty, with regard to the property of each other, is observed among them. there is no doubt but they ransacked all our houses; but the men had taken care, before they went off in the long-boat, to strip them of their most valuable furniture; that is, the bales of cloth used for lining, and converted them into trowsers and watch-coats. upon farther search, we found, thrown aside in the bushes, at the back of one of the huts, some pieces of seal, in a very putrid condition; which, however, our stomachs were far from loathing. the next business, which the people set about very seriously, was to proceed to mount misery, and bury the corpse of the murdered person, mentioned to have been discovered there some little time after our being cast away; for to the neglect of this necessary tribute to that unfortunate person, the men assigned all their ill-success upon the late expedition. that common people in general are addicted to superstitious conceits, is an observation founded on experience; and the reason is evident: but i cannot allow that common seamen are more so than others of the lower class. in the most enlightened ages of antiquity, we find it to have been the popular opinion, that the spirits of the dead were not at rest till their bodies were interred; and that they did not cease to haunt and trouble those who had neglected this duty to the departed. this is still believed by the vulgar, in most countries; and in our men, this persuasion was much heightened by the melancholy condition they were reduced to; and was farther confirmed by an occurrence which happened some little time before we went upon our last expedition. one night we were alarmed with a strange cry, which resembled that of a man drowning. many of us ran out of our huts towards the place from whence the noise proceeded, which was not far off shore; where we could perceive, but not distinctly (for it was then moonlight), an appearance like that of a man swimming half out of water. the noise that this creature uttered was so unlike that of any animal they had heard before, that it made a great impression upon the men; and they frequently recalled this apparition at the time of their distresses, with reflections on the neglect of the office they were now fulfilling. we were soon driven again to the greatest straits for want of something to subsist upon, by the extreme bad weather that now set in upon us. wild celery was all we could procure, which raked our stomachs instead of assuaging our hunger. that dreadful and last resource of men, in not much worse circumstances than ours, of consigning one man to death for the support of the rest, began to be mentioned in whispers; and indeed there were some among us who, by eating what they found raw, were become little better than cannibals. but fortunately for us, and opportunely to prevent this horrid proceeding, mr. hamilton, at this time, found some rotten pieces of beef, cast up by the sea at some miles distance from the huts, which he, though a temptation which few would have resisted in parallel circumstances, scorned to conceal from the rest; but generously distributed among us. a few days after, the mystery of the nailing up of the hut, and what had been doing by the indians upon the island in our absence, was partly explained to us; for about the fifteenth day after our return, there came a party of indians to the island in two canoes, who were not a little surprised to find us here again. among these, was an indian of the tribe of the chonos, who live in the neighbourhood of chiloe.[ ] he talked the spanish language, but with that savage accent which renders it almost unintelligible to any but those who are adepts in that language. he was likewise a cacique, or leading man of his tribe; which authority was confirmed to him by the spaniards; for he carried the usual badge and mark of distinction by which the spaniards, and their dependents, hold their military and civil employments, which is a stick with a silver head. these badges, of which the indians are very vain, at once serve to retain the cacique in the strongest attachment to the spanish government, and give him greater weight with his own dependents: yet, withal, he is the merest slave, and has not one thing he can call his own. this report of our shipwreck (as we supposed) having reached the chonos, by means of the intermediate tribes, which handed it to one another, from those indians who first visited us; this cacique was either sent to learn the truth of the rumour, or having first got the intelligence, set out with a view of making some advantage of the wreck, and appropriating such iron-work as he could gather from it to his own use: for that metal is become very valuable to those savages, since their commerce with the spaniards has taught them to apply it to several purposes. but as the secreting any thing from a rapacious spanish rey, or governor (even an old rusty nail), by any of their indian dependents, is a very dangerous offence, he was careful to conceal the little prize he had made, till he could conveniently carry it away; for in order to make friends of these savages, we had left their hoard untouched. [footnote : chiloe is an island on the western coast of america, about the rd deg. of s. latitude; and the southernmost settlement under the spanish jurisdiction on that coast.] our surgeon, mr. elliot, being master of a few spanish words, made himself so far understood by the cacique as to let him know, that our intention was to reach some of the spanish settlements, if we could; that we were unacquainted with the best and safest way, and what tract was most likely to afford us subsistence in our journey; promising, if he would undertake to conduct us in the barge, he should have it, and every thing in it, for his trouble, as soon as it had served our present occasions. to these conditions the cacique, after much persuasion, at length agreed. accordingly, having made the best preparation we could, we embarked on board the barge to the number of fifteen, including the cacique, whose name was martin, and his servant emanuel. we were, indeed, sixteen, when we returned from our last fruitless attempt to get off the island; but we had buried two since that, who perished with hunger; and a marine, having committed theft, run away to avoid the punishment his crime deserved, and hid himself in the woods; since which he was never heard of. we now put off, accompanied with the two indian canoes; in one of which was a savage, with his two wives, who had an air of dignity superior to the rest, and was handsome in his person. he had his hut, during his stay with us, separate from the other indians, who seemed to pay him extraordinary respect; but in two or three nights, these indians, being independent of the spaniards, and living somewhere to the southward of our chono guide, left us to proceed on our journey by ourselves. the first night we lay at an island destitute of all refreshment; where having found some shelter for our boat, and made ourselves a fire, we slept by it. the next night we were more unfortunate, though our wants were increasing; for having run to the westward of montross island, we found no shelter for the barge; but were under the necessity of lying upon our oars, suffering the most extreme pangs of hunger. the next day brought us to the bottom of a great bay, where the indian guide had left his family, a wife and two children, in a hut. here we staid two or three days, during which we were constantly employed in ranging along shore in quest of shell-fish. we now again proceeded on our voyage, having received on board the family of our guide, who conducted us to a river, the stream of which was so rapid, that after our utmost efforts from morning to evening, we gained little upon the current, and at last were obliged to desist from our attempt and return. i had hitherto steered the boat; but one of our men sinking under the fatigue, expired soon after, which obliged me to take the oar in his room, and row against this heart-breaking stream. whilst i was thus employed, one of our men whose name was john bosman, though hitherto the stoutest man among us, fell from his seat under the thwarts, complaining that his strength was quite exhausted for want of food, and that he should die very shortly. as he lay in this condition, he would every now and then break out in the most pathetic wishes for some little sustenance; that two or three mouthfuls might be the means of saving his life. the captain, at this time, had a large piece of boiled seal by him, and was the only one that was provided with any thing like a meal; but we were become so hardened against the impressions of others' sufferings by our own; so familiarized to scenes of this, and every other kind of misery; that the poor man's dying entreaties were vain. i sat next to him when he dropped, and having a few dried shell-fish (about five or six) in my pocket, from time to time put one in his mouth, which served only to prolong his pains; from which, however, soon after my little supply failed, he was released by death. for this, and another man i mentioned a little before to have expired under the like circumstances, when we returned from this unsuccessful enterprise, we made a grave in the sands. it would have redounded greatly to the tenderness and humanity of captain cheap, if at this time he had remitted somewhat of that attention he shewed to self-preservation; which is hardly allowable but where the consequence of relieving others must be immediately and manifestly fatal to ourselves; but i would venture to affirm, that in these last affecting exigencies, as well as some others, a sparing perhaps adequate to the emergency, might have been admitted consistently with a due regard to his own necessities. the captain had better opportunities for recruiting his stock than any of us; for his rank was considered by the indian as a reason for supplying him when he would not find a bit for us. upon the evening of the day in which these disasters happened, the captain producing a large piece of boiled seal, suffered no one to partake with him but the surgeon, who was the only man in favour at this time. we did not expect, indeed, any relief from him in our present condition; for we had a few small muscles and herbs to eat; but the men could not help expressing the greatest indignation at his neglect of the deceased; saying that he deserved to be deserted by the rest for his savage behaviour. the endeavouring to pass up this river was for us, who had so long struggled with hunger, a most unseasonable attempt; by which we were harassed to a degree that threatened to be fatal to more of us; but our guide, without any respect to the condition our hardships had reduced us to, was very solicitous for us to go that way, which possibly he had gone before in light canoes; but for such a boat as ours was impracticable. we conceived, therefore, at that time, that this was some short cut, which was to bring us forward in our voyage; but we had reason to think afterwards, that the greater probability there was of his getting the barge, which was the wages of his undertaking, safe to his settlement by this, rather than another course, was his motive for preferring it to the way we took afterwards, where there was a carrying place of considerable length, over which it would have been impossible to have carried our boat. the country hereabouts wears the most uncouth, desolate, and rugged aspect imaginable; it is so circumstanced, as to discourage the most sanguine adventurers from attempts to settle it: were it for no other reason than the constant heavy rains, or rather torrents, which pour down here, and the vast sea and surf which the prevailing westerly winds impel upon this coast, it must be rendered inhospitable. all entrance into the woods is not only extremely difficult, but hazardous; not from any assaults you are likely to meet with from wild beasts; for even these could hardly find convenient harbour here; but from the deep swamp, which is the reigning soil of this country, and in which the woods may be said rather to float than grow; so that, except upon a range of deformed broken rocks which form the sea-coast, the traveller cannot find sound footing any where. with this unpromising scene before us we were now setting out in search of food, which nothing but the most pressing instances of hunger could induce us to do: we had, indeed, the young indian servant to our cacique for our conductor, who was left by him to shew us where the shell-fish was most plenty. the cacique was gone with the rest of his family, in the canoe, with a view of getting some seal, upon a trip which would detain him from us three or four days. after searching the coast some time with very little success, we began to think of returning to the barge; but six of the men, with the indian, having advanced some few paces before the officers, got into the boat first; which they had no sooner done than they put off, and left us, to return no more. and now all the difficulties we had hitherto endured, seemed light in comparison of what we expected to suffer from this treachery of our men, who, with the boat, had taken away every thing that might be the means of preserving our lives. the little clothes we had saved from the wreck, our muskets and ammunition were gone, except a little powder, which must be preserved for kindling fires, and one gun, which i had, and was now become useless for want of ammunition; and all these wants were now come upon us at a time when we could not be worse situated for supplying them. yet under these dismal and forlorn appearances was our delivery now preparing; and from these hopeless circumstances were we to draw hereafter an instance scarce to be paralleled, of the unsearchable ways of providence. it was at that time little suspected by us, that the barge, in which we founded all our hopes of escaping from this savage coast, would certainly have proved the fatal cause of detaining us till we were consumed by the labour and hardships requisite to row her round the capes and great headlands; for it was impossible to carry her by land, as we did the boats of the indians. at present, no condition could be worse that we thought ours to be: there ran at this time a very high sea, which breaking with great fury upon this coast, made it very improbable that sustenance in any proportion to our wants could be found upon it; yet, unpromising as this prospect was, and though little succour could be expected from this quarter, i could not help, as i strolled along shore from the rest, casting my eyes towards the sea. continuing thus to look out, i thought i saw something now and then upon the top of a sea that looked black, which upon observing still more intently, i imagined at last to be a canoe; but reflecting afterwards how unusual it was for indians to venture out in so mountainous a sea, and at such a distance from the land, i concluded myself to be deceived. however, its nearer approach convinced me, beyond all doubt, of its being a canoe; but that it could not put in any where hereabouts, but intended for some other part of the coast. i ran back as fast as i could to my companions, and acquainted them with what i had seen. the despondency they were in would not allow them to give credit to it at first; but afterwards, being convinced that it was as i reported it, we were all in the greatest hurry to strip off some of our rags to make a signal withal, which we fixed upon a long pole. this had the desired effect: the people in the canoe seeing the signal, made towards the land at about two mile distance from us; for no boat could approach the land where we were: there they put into a small cove, sheltered by a large ledge of rocks without, which broke the violence of the sea. captain cheap and i walked along shore, and got to the cove about the time they landed. here we found the persons arrived in this canoe, to be our indian guide and his wife, who had left us some days before. he would have asked us many questions; but neither captain cheap nor i understanding spanish at that time, we took him along with us to the surgeon, whom we had left so ill that he could hardly raise himself from the ground. when the indian began to confer with the surgeon, the first question was, what was become of the barge and his companion? and as he could give him no satisfactory answer to this question, the indian took it for granted that emanuel was murdered by us, and that he and his family ran the same risk; upon which he was preparing to provide for his security, by leaving us directly. the surgeon seeing this, did all in his power to pacify him, and convince him of the unreasonableness of his apprehensions; which he at length found means to do, by assuring him that the indian would come to no harm, but that he would soon see him return safe; which providentially, and beyond our expectation, happened accordingly; for in a few days after, emanuel having contrived to make his escape from the people in the barge, returned by ways that were impassable to any creature but an indian. all that we could learn from emanuel relative to his escape was, that he took the first opportunity of leaving them; which was upon their putting into a bay somewhere to the westward. we had but one gun among us, and that was a small fowling-piece of mine; no ammunition but a few charges of powder i had about me; and as the indian was very desirous of returning to the place where he had left his wife and canoe, captain cheap desired i would go with him and watch over him all night, to prevent his getting away. accordingly i set out with him; and when he and his family betook themselves to rest in the little wigwam they had made for that purpose, i kept my station as centinel over them all night. the next morning captain cheap, mr. hamilton, and the surgeon, joined us: the latter, by illness, being reduced to the most feeble condition, was supported by mr. hamilton and mr. campbell. after holding some little consultation together, as to the best manner of proceeding in our journey, it was agreed, that the indian should haul his canoe, with our assistance, over land, quite across the island we were then upon, and put her into a bay on the other side, from whence he was to go in quest of some other indians, by whom he expected to be joined; but as his canoe was too small to carry more than three or four persons, he thought it advisable to take only captain cheap and myself with him, and to leave his wife and children as pledges with our companions till his return. as it was matter of uncertainty whether we should ever recover the barge or not, which was stipulated, on our side, to become the property of the cacique, upon his fulfilling his engagements with us; the inducements we now made use of to prevail upon him to proceed with us in our journey were, that he should have my fowling-piece, some little matters in the possession of captain cheap, and that we would use our interest to procure him some small pecuniary reward. we were now to set off in the canoe, in which i was to assist him in rowing. accordingly, putting from this island, we rowed hard all this day and the next, without any thing to eat but a scrap of seal, a very small portion of which fell to my share. about two hours after the close of the day, we put ashore, where we discovered six or seven wigwams. for my part, my strength was so exhausted with fatigue and hunger, that it would have been impossible for me to have held out another day at this toilsome work. as soon as we landed, the indian conducted captain cheap with him into a wigwam; but i was left to shift for myself. thus left, i was for some time at a loss what i had best do; for knowing that in the variety of dispositions observable among the indians, the surly and savage temper is the most prevalent, i had good reason to conclude, that if i obtruded myself upon them, my reception would be but indifferent. necessity, however, put me upon the risk; i accordingly pushed into the next wigwam upon my hands and knees; for the entrance into these kind of buildings is too low to admit of any other manner of getting into them. to give a short description of these temporary houses, called wigwams, may not be improper here, for the satisfaction of those who never saw any; especially as they differ somewhat from those of north america, which are more generally known from the numerous accounts of that country. when the indians of this part of the world have occasion to stop any where in their rambles, if it be only for a night or two, the men, who take this business upon them, while the women are employed in much more laborious offices, such as diving in the sea for sea-eggs, and searching the rocks for shell-fish, getting fuel, &c., repair to the woods, and cutting a sufficient number of tall, strait branches, fix them in an irregular kind of circle, of uncertain dimensions; which having done, they bend the extremities of these branches so as to meet in a centre at top, where they bind them by a kind of woodbine, called supple-jack, which they split by holding it in their teeth. this frame, or skeleton of a hut, is made tight against the weather with a covering of boughs and bark; but as the bark is not got without some trouble, they generally take it with them when they remove, putting it at the bottom of their canoes: the rest of the wigwam they leave standing. the fire is made in the middle of the wigwam, round which they sit upon boughs; and as there is no vent for the smoke, besides the door-way, which is very low, except through some crevices, which cannot easily be stopped, they are not a little incommoded on that account; and the eyes of some of them are much affected by it. but to return: in this wigwam, into which i took the liberty to introduce myself, i found only two women, who, upon first seeing a figure they were not accustomed to, and such a figure too as i then made, were struck with astonishment. they were sitting by a fire, to which i approached without any apology. however inclined i might have been to make one, my ignorance of their language made it impossible to attempt it. one of these women appeared to be young, and very handsome for an indian; the other old, and as frightful as it is possible to conceive any thing in human shape to be. having stared at me some little time, they both went out; and i, without any farther ceremony, sat me down by the fire to warm myself, and dry the rags i wore. yet i cannot say my situation was very easy, as i expected every instant to see two or three men come in and thrust me out, if they did not deal with me in a rougher manner. soon after the two women came in again, having, as i supposed, conferred with the indian, our conductor; and appearing to be in great good-humour, began to chatter and laugh immoderately. perceiving the wet and cold condition i was in, they seemed to have compassion on me, and the old woman went out and brought some wood, with which she made a good fire; but my hunger being impatient, i could not forbear expressing my desire that they would extend their hospitality a little further, and bring me something to eat. they soon comprehended my meaning, and the younger beginning to rummage under some pieces of bark that lay in the corner of the wigwam, produced a fine large fish: this they presently put upon the fire to broil; and when it was just warm through, they made a sign for me to eat. they had no need to repeat the invitation; i fell to, and dispatched it in so short a time, that i was in hopes they would comprehend, without further tokens, that i was ready for another; but it was of no consequence, for their stock of eatables was entirely exhausted. after sitting some time in conference together, in which conversation i could bear no part, the women made some signs to me to lay down and go to sleep, first having strewed some dry boughs upon the ground. i laid myself down, and soon fell fast asleep; and about three or four hours after awaking, i found myself covered with a bit of blanket, made of the down of birds, which the women usually wear about their waist. the young woman, who had carefully covered me, whilst sleeping, with her own blanket, was lying close by me: the old woman lay on the other side of her. the fire was low, and almost burnt out; but as soon as they found me awake they renewed it, by putting on more fuel. what i had hitherto eat served only to sharpen my appetite; i could not help, therefore, being earnest with them to get me some more victuals. having understood my necessities, they talked together some little time; after which getting up, they both went out, taking with them a couple of dogs, which they train to assist them in fishing. after an hour's absence, they came in trembling with cold, and their hair streaming with water, and brought two fish; which having broiled, they gave me the largest share; and then we all laid down as before to rest. in the morning my curiosity led me to visit the neighbouring wigwams, in which were only one or two men; the rest of the inhabitants were all women and children. i then proceeded to enquire after captain cheap and our indian guide, whom i found in the wigwam they at first occupied: the authority of the cacique had procured the captain no despicable entertainment. we could not learn what business the men, whose wives and children were here left behind, were gone out upon; but as they seldom or never go upon fishing-parties (for they have no hunting here) without their wives, who take the most laborious part of this pursuit upon themselves, it is probable they were gone upon some warlike expedition, in which they use bows and arrows sometimes, but always the lance. this weapon they throw with great dexterity and force, and never stir abroad without it. about this time their return was looked for; a hearing by no means pleasant to me; i was, therefore, determined to enjoy myself as long as they were absent, and make the most of the good fare i was possessed of; to the pleasure of which i thought a little cleanliness might in some measure contribute; i therefore went to a brook, and taking off my shirt, which might be said to be alive with vermin, set myself about to wash it; which having done as well as i could, and hung on a bush to dry, i heard a bustle about the wigwams; and soon perceived that the women were preparing to depart, having stripped their wigwams of their bark covering, and carried it into their canoes. putting on, therefore, my shirt just as it was, i hastened to join them, having a great desire of being present at one of their fishing parties. it was my lot to be put into the canoe with my two patronesses, and some others who assisted in rowing; we were in all four canoes. after rowing some time, they gained such an offing as they required, where the water here was about eight or ten fathom deep, and there lay upon their oars. and now the youngest of the two women, taking a basket in her mouth, jumped overboard, and diving to the bottom, continued under water an amazing time: when she had filled the basket with sea-eggs, she came up to the boat-side; and delivering it so filled to the other women in the boat, they took out the contents, and returned it to her. the diver, then, after having taken a short time to breathe, went down and up again with the same success; and so several times for the space of half an hour. it seems as if providence had endued this people with a kind of amphibious nature, as the sea is the only source from whence almost all their subsistence is derived. this element too, being here very boisterous, and falling with a most heavy surf upon a rugged coast, very little, except some seal, is to be got any where but in the quiet bosom of the deep. what occasions this reflection is the early propensity i had so frequently observed in the children of these savages to this occupation; who, even at the age of three years, might be seen crawling upon their hands and knees among the rocks and breakers; from which they would tumble themselves into the sea without regard to the cold, which is here often intense; and showing no fear of the noise and roaring of the surf. this sea-egg is a shell-fish, from which several prickles project in all directions, by means whereof it removes itself from place to place. in it are found four or five yolks, resembling the inner divisions of an orange, which are of a very nutritive quality, and excellent flavour. the water was at this time extremely cold; and when the divers got into the boats, they seemed greatly benumbed; and it is usual with them after this exercise, if they are near enough their wigwams, to run to the fire; to which presenting one side, they rub and chafe it for some time; then turning the other, use it in the same manner, till the circulation of the blood is restored. this practice, if it has no worse effect, must occasion their being more susceptible of the impressions of cold, than if they waited the gradual advances of their natural warmth in the open air. i leave it to the decision of the gentlemen of the faculty, whether this too hasty approach to the fire may not subject them to a disorder i observed among them, called the elephantiasis, or swelling of the legs.[ ] [footnote : there are two very different disorders incident to the human body, which bear the same name, derived from some resemblance they hold with different parts of the animal so well known in the countries to which these disorders are peculiar. that which was first so named is the leprosy, which brings a scurf on the skin not unlike the hide of an elephant. the other affects the patient with such enormous swellings of the legs and feet, that they give the idea of those shapeless pillars which support that creature; and therefore this disease has also been called elephantiasis by the arabian physicians; who, together with the malabarians, among whom it is endemial, attribute it to the drinking bad waters, and the too sudden transitions from heat to cold.] the divers having returned to their boats, we continued to row till towards evening, when we landed upon a low point. as soon as the canoes were hauled up, they employed themselves in erecting their wigwams, which they dispatch with great address and quickness. i still enjoyed the protection of my two good indian women, who made me their guest here as before; they first regaled me with sea-eggs, and then went out upon another kind of fishery by the means of dogs and nets. these dogs are a cur-like looking animal, but very sagacious, and easily trained to this business. though in appearance an uncomfortable sort of sport, yet they engage in it readily, seem to enjoy it much, and express their eagerness by barking every time they raise their heads above the water to breathe. the net is held by two indians, who get into the water; then the dogs, taking a large compass, dive after the fish, and drive them into the net; but it is only in particular places that the fish are taken in this manner. at the close of the evening, the women brought in two fish, which served us for supper; and then we reposed ourselves as before. here we remained all the next day; and the morning after embarked again, and rowed till noon; then landing, we descried the canoes of the indian men, who had been some time expected from an expedition they had been upon. this was soon to make a great alteration in the situation of my affairs, a presage of which i could read in the melancholy countenance of my young hostess. she endeavoured to express herself in very earnest terms to me; but i had not yet acquired a competent knowledge of the indian language to understand her. as soon as the men were landed, she and the old indian woman went up, not without some marks of dread upon them, to an elderly indian man, whose remarkable surly and stern countenance was well calculated to raise such sensations in his dependents. he seemed to be a cacique, or chief man among them, by the airs of importance he assumed to himself, and the deference paid him by the rest. after some little conference passed between these indians, and our cacique conductor, of which, most probably, the circumstances of our history, and the occasion of our coming here, might be the chief subject, for they fixed their eyes constantly upon us, they applied themselves to building their wigwams. i now understood that the two indian women with whom i had sojourned, were wives to this chieftain, though one was young enough to be his daughter; and as far as i could learn, did really stand in the different relations to him both of daughter and wife. it was easy to be perceived that all did not go well between them at this time: either that he was not satisfied with the answers that they returned him to his questions, or that he suspected some misconduct on their side; for presently after, breaking out into savage fury, he took the young one up in his arms, and threw her with violence against the stones; but his brutal resentment did not stop here, he beat her afterwards in a cruel manner. i could not see this treatment of my benefactress without the highest concern for her, and rage against the author of it; especially as the natural jealousy of these people gave occasion to think that it was on my account she suffered. i could hardly suppress the first emotions of my resentment, which prompted me to return him his barbarity in his own kind; but besides that this might have drawn upon her fresh marks of his severity, it was neither politic, nor indeed in my power, to have done it to any good purpose at this time. our cacique now made us understand that we must embark directly, in the same canoe which brought us, and return to our companions; and that the indians we were about to leave, would join us in a few days, when we should all set out in a body, in order to proceed to the northward. in our way back, nothing very material happened; but upon our arrival, which was the next day, we found mr. elliot, the surgeon, in a very bad way; his illness had been continually increasing since we left him. mr. hamilton and mr. campbell were almost starved, having fared very ill since we left them: a few sea-eggs were all the subsistence they had lived upon; and these procured by the cacique's wife, in the manner i mentioned before. this woman was the very reverse of my hostess; and as she found her husband was of so much consequence to us, took upon her with much haughtiness, and treated us as dependents and slaves. he was not more engaging in his carriage towards us; he would give no part of what he had to spare to any but captain cheap, whom his interest led him to prefer to the rest, though our wants were often greater. the captain, on his part, contributed to keep us in this abject situation, by approving this distinction the cacique showed to him. had he treated us with not quite so much distance, the cacique might have been more regardful of our wants. the little regard and attention which our necessitous condition drew from captain cheap, may be imputed likewise, in some measure, to the effects of a mind soured by a series of crosses and disappointments; which, indeed, had operated on us all to a great neglect of each other, and sometimes of ourselves. we were not suffered to be in the same wigwam with the cacique and his wife; which, if we had had any countenance from captain cheap, would not have been refused. what we had made for ourselves was in such a bungling manner, that it scarce deserved the name even of this wretched sort of habitation. but our untoward circumstances now found some relief in the arrival of the indians we waited for; who brought with them some seal, a small portion of which fell to our share. a night or two after they sent out some of their young men, who procured us a quantity of a very delicate kind of birds, called shags and cormorants. their manner of taking these birds resembles something a sport called bat fowling. they find out their haunts among the rocks and cliffs in the night, when taking with them torches made of the bark of the birch tree, which is common here, and grows to a very large size, (this bark has a very unctuous quality, and emits a bright and clear light, and in the northern parts of america is used frequently instead of a candle,) they bring the boat's side as near as possible to the rocks, under the roosting-places of these birds; then waving their lights backwards and forwards, the birds are dazzled and confounded so as to fall into the canoe, where they are instantly knocked on the head with a short stick the indians take with them for that purpose. seals are taken in some less frequented parts of these coasts, with great ease; but when their haunts have been two or three times disturbed, they soon learn to provide for their safety, by repairing to the water upon the first alarm. this is the case with them hereabouts; but as they frequently raise their heads above water, either to breathe or look about them, i have seen an indian at this interval, throw his lance with such dexterity as to strike the animal through both its eyes, at a great distance; and it is very seldom that they miss their aim. as we were wholly unacquainted with these methods of providing food for ourselves, and were without arms and ammunition, we were driven to the utmost straits; and found ourselves rather in worse condition than we had been at any time before. for the indians having now nothing to fear from us, we found we had nothing to expect from them upon any other motive. accordingly, if ever they did relieve us, it was through caprice; for at most times they would shew themselves unconcerned at our greatest distresses. but the good indian women, whose friendship i had experienced before, continued, from time to time, their good offices to me. though i was not suffered to enter their wigwams, they would find opportunities of throwing in my way such scraps as they could secrete from their husbands. the obligation i was under to them on this account was great, as the hazard they ran in conferring these favours was little less than death. the men, unrestrained by any laws or ties of conscience, in the management of their own families, exercise a most despotic authority over their wives, whom they consider in the same view as any other part of their property, and dispose of them accordingly: even their common treatment of them is cruel; for though the toil and hazard of procuring food lies entirely upon the women, yet they are not suffered to touch any part of it till the husband is satisfied; and then he assigns them their portion, which is generally very scanty, and such as he has not a stomach for himself. this arbitrary proceeding, with respect to their own families, is not peculiar to this people only. i have had occasion to observe it in more instances than this i have mentioned, among many other nations of savages i have since seen. these indians are of a middling stature, well set, and very active; and make their way among the rocks with an amazing agility. their feet, by this kind of exercise, contract a callosity which renders the use of shoes quite unnecessary to them. but before i conclude the few observations i have to make on a people so confined in all their notions and habits, it may be expected i should say something of their religion; but as their gross ignorance is in nothing more conspicuous, and as we found it advisable to keep out of their way when the fits of devotion came upon them, which is rather frantic than religious, the reader can expect very little satisfaction on this head. accident has sometimes made me unavoidably a spectator of scenes i should have chosen to have withdrawn myself from; and so far i am instructed. as there are no fixed seasons for their religious exercises, the younger people wait till the elders find themselves devoutly disposed; who begin the ceremony by several deep and dismal groans, which rise gradually to a hideous kind of singing, from which they proceed to enthusiasm, and work themselves into a disposition that borders on madness; for suddenly jumping up, they snatch firebrands from the fire, put them in their mouths, and run about burning every body they come near: at other times, it is a custom with them to wound one another with sharp muscle-shells till they are besmeared with blood. these orgies continue till those who preside in them foam at the mouth, grow faint, are exhausted with fatigue, and dissolve in a profusion of sweat. when the men drop their part in this frenzy, the women take it up, acting over again much the same kind of wild scene, except that they rather outdo the men in shrieks and noise. our cacique, who had been reclaimed from these abominations by the spaniards, and just knew the exterior form of crossing himself, pretended to be much offended at these profane ceremonies, and that he would have died sooner than have partaken of them. among other expressions of disapprobation, he declared that whilst the savages solemnized these horrid rites, he never failed to hear strange and uncommon noises in the woods, and to see frightful visions; and assured us, that the devil was the chief actor among them upon these occasions. it might be about the middle of march, that we embarked with these indians. they separated our little company entirely, not putting any two of us together in the same canoe. the oar was my lot, as usual, as also mr. campbell's; mr. hamilton could not row, and captain cheap was out of the question; our surgeon was more dead than alive at the time, and lay at the bottom of the canoe he was in. the weather coming on too bad for their canoes to keep the sea, we landed again, without making great progress that day. here mr. elliot, our surgeon, died. at our first setting out, he promised the fairest for holding out, being a very strong, active young man: he had gone through an infinite deal of fatigue, as mr. hamilton and he were the best shots amongst us, and whilst our ammunition lasted never spared themselves, and in a great measure provided for the rest; but he died the death many others had done before him, being quite starved. we scraped a hole for him in the sand, and buried him in the best manner we could. here i must relate a little anecdote of our christian cacique. he and his wife had gone off, at some distance from the shore, in their canoe, when she dived for sea-eggs; but not meeting with great success, they returned a good deal out of humour. a little boy of theirs, about three years old, whom they appeared to be dotingly fond of, watching for his father and mother's return, ran into the surf to meet them: the father handed a basket of sea-eggs to the child, which being too heavy for him to carry, he let it fall; upon which the father jumped out of the canoe, and catching the boy up in his arms, dashed him with the utmost violence against the stones. the poor little creature lay motionless and bleeding, and in that condition was taken up by the mother; but died soon after. she appeared inconsolable for some time; but the brute his father shewed little concern about it. a day or two after we put to sea again, and crossed the great bay i mentioned we had been to the bottom of, when we first hauled away to the westward. the land here was very low and sandy, with something like the mouth of a river which discharged itself into the sea; and which had been taken no notice of by us before, as it was so shallow that the indians were obliged to take every thing out of their canoes, and carry it over the neck of land, and then haul the boats over into a river, which at this part of it was very broad, more resembling a lake than a river. we rowed up it for four or five leagues, and then took into a branch of it, that ran first to the eastward, and then to the northward: here it became much narrower, and the stream excessively rapid, so that we made but little way, though we worked very hard. at night we landed upon its banks, and had a most uncomfortable lodging, it being a perfect swamp; and we had nothing to cover us, though it rained very hard. the indians were little better off than we, as there was no wood here to make their wigwams; so that all they could do was to prop up the bark they carry in the bottom of their canoes with their oars, and shelter themselves as well as they could to leeward of it. they, knowing the difficulties that were to be encountered here, had provided themselves with some seal; but we had not the least morsel to eat, after the heavy fatigues of the day, excepting a sort of root we saw some of the indians make use of, which was very disagreeable to the taste. we laboured all the next day against the stream, and fared as we had done the day before. the next day brought us to the carrying-place. here was plenty of wood; but nothing to be got for sustenance. the first thing the indians did was to take every thing out of their canoes; and after hauling them ashore, they made their wigwams. we passed this night, as generally we had done, under a tree; but what we suffered at this time is not easily to be expressed. i had been three days at the oar without any kind of nourishment, but the wretched root i mentioned before. i had no shirt, as mine was rotted off by bits, and we were devoured by vermin. all my clothes consisted of an old short grieko, which is something like a bearskin, with a piece of a waistcoat under it, which once had been of red cloth, both which i had on when i was cast away; i had a ragged pair of trowsers, without either shoe or stocking. the first thing the indians did in the morning was to take their canoes to pieces: and here, for the information of the reader, it will be necessary to describe the structure of these boats, which are extremely well calculated for the use of these indians, as they are frequently obliged to carry them over land a long way together, through thick woods, to avoid doubling capes and headlands in seas where no open boat could live. they generally consist of five pieces, or planks; one for the bottom, and two for each side; and as these people have no iron tools, the labour must be great in hacking a single plank out of a large tree with shells and flints, though with the help of fire. along the edges of the plank they make small holes, at about an inch from one to the other, and sew them together with the supple-jack, or woodbine; but as these holes are not filled up by the substance of the woodbine, their boats would be immediately full of water if they had not a method of preventing it. they do this very effectually by the bark of a tree, which they first steep in water for some time, and then beat it between two stones till it answers the use of oakum, and then chinse each hole so well, that they do not admit of the least water coming through, and are easily taken asunder and put together again. when they have occasion to go over land, as at this time, each man or woman carries a plank; whereas it would be impossible for them to drag a heavy boat entire. every body had something to carry except captain cheap; and he was obliged to be assisted, or never would have got over this march; for a worse than this, i believe, never was made. he, with the others, set out some time before me. i waited for two indians, who belonged to the canoe i came in; and who remained to carry over the last of the things from the side we were on. i had a piece of wet heavy canvas, which belonged to captain cheap, with a bit of stinking seal wrapped in it (which had been given him that morning by some of the indians) to carry upon my head, which was a sufficient weight for a strong man in health, through such roads, and a grievous burthen to one in my condition. our way was through a thick wood, the bottom of which was a mere quagmire, most part of it up to our knees, and often to our middle; and every now and then we had a large tree to get over, for they often lay directly in our road. besides this, we were continually treading upon the stumps of trees, which were not to be avoided, as they were covered with water; and having neither shoe nor stocking, my feet and legs were frequently torn and wounded. before i had got half a mile, the two indians had left me; and making the best of my way, lest they should be all gone before i got to the other side, i fell off a tree that crossed the road, into a very deep swamp, where i very narrowly escaped drowning, by the weight of the burthen i had on my head. it was a long while before i could extricate myself from this difficulty; and when i did my strength was quite exhausted. i sat down under a tree, and there gave way to melancholy reflections. however, as i was sensible these reflections would answer no end, they did not last long. i got up, and marking a great tree, i there deposited my load, not being able to carry it any farther, and set out to join my company. it was some hours before i reached my companions. i found them sitting under a tree, and sat myself down by them without speaking a word; nor did they speak to me, as i remember, for some time; when captain cheap, breaking silence, began to ask after the seal and piece of canvas. i told him the disaster i had met with, which he might have easily guessed by the condition the rags i had on were in, as well as having my feet and ancles cut to pieces: but instead of compassion for my sufferings, i heard nothing but grumbling from every one, for the irreparable loss they had sustained by me. i made no answer; but after resting myself a little, i got up and struck into the wood, and walked back at least five miles to the tree i had marked, and returned just time enough to deliver it before my companions embarked, with the indians, upon a great lake, the opposite part of which seemed to wash the foot of the cordilleras. i wanted to embark with them; but was given to understand i was to wait for some other indians that were to follow them. i knew not where these indians were to come from: i was left alone upon the beach, and night was at hand. they left me not even a morsel of the stinking seal that i had suffered so much about. i kept my eyes upon the boats as long as i could distinguish them; and then returned into the wood, and sat myself down upon the root of a tree, having eat nothing the whole day but the stem of a plant which resembles that of an artichoke, which is of a juicy consistence, and acid taste. quite worn out with fatigue, i soon fell asleep; and awaking before day, i thought i heard some voices at no great distance from me. as the day appeared, looking further into the wood, i perceived a wigwam, and immediately made towards it; but the reception i met with was not at all agreeable; for stooping to get into it, i presently received two or three kicks in my face, and at the same time heard the sound of voices seemingly in anger; which made me retire, and wait at the foot of a tree, where i remained till an old woman peeped out, and made signs to me to draw near. i obeyed very readily, and went into the wigwam: in it were three men and two women; one young man seemed to have great respect shewn to him by the rest, though he was the most miserable object i ever saw. he was a perfect skeleton, and covered with sores from head to foot. i was happy to sit a moment by their fire, as i was quite benumbed with cold. the old woman took out a piece of seal, holding one part of it between her feet, and the other end in her teeth, and then cut off some thin slices with a sharp shell, and distributed them about to the other indians. she then put a bit on the fire, taking a piece of fat in her mouth, which she kept chewing, every now and then spirting some of it on the piece that was warming upon the fire; for they never do more with it than warm it through. when it was ready, she gave me a little bit, which i swallowed whole, being almost starved. as these indians were all strangers to me, i did not know which way they were going; and indeed it was now become quite indifferent to me which way i went, whether to the northward or southward, so that they would but take me with them, and give me something to eat. however, to make them comprehend me, i pointed first to the southward, and after to the lake, and i soon understood they were going to the northward. they all went out together, excepting the sick indian, and took up the plank of the canoe, which lay near the wigwam, and carried it to the beach, and presently put it together; and getting every thing into it, they put me to the oar. we rowed across the lake to the mouth of a very rapid river, where we put ashore for that night, not daring to get any way down in the dark; as it required the greatest skill, even in the day, to avoid running foul of the stumps and roots of trees, of which this river was full. i passed a melancholy night, as they would not suffer me to come near the wigwam they had made; nor did they give me the least bit of any one thing to eat since we embarked. in the morning we set off again. the weather proved extremely bad the whole day. we went down the river at an amazing rate; and just before night they put ashore upon a stony beach. they hauled the canoe up, and all disappeared in a moment, and i was left quite alone: it rained violently, and was very dark. i thought it was as well to lay down upon the beach, half side in water, as to get into a swamp under a dropping tree. in this dismal situation i fell asleep, and awaked three or four hours after in such agonies with the cramp, that i thought i must die upon the spot. i attempted several times to raise myself upon my legs, but could not. at last i made shift to get upon my knees, and looking towards the wood i saw a great fire at some distance from me. i was a long time crawling to it; and when i reached it, i threw myself almost into it, in hopes of finding some relief from the pain i suffered. this intrusion gave great offence to the indians, who immediately got up, kicking and beating me till they drove me some distance from it; however i contrived a little after to place myself so as to receive some warmth from it, by which i got rid of the cramp. in the morning we left this place, and were soon after out of the river. being now at sea again, the indians intended putting ashore at the first convenient place, to look for shell-fish, their stock of provisions having been quite exhausted for some time. at low water we landed upon a spot that seemed to promise well; and here we found plenty of limpets. though at this time starving, i did not attempt to eat one, lest i should lose a moment in gathering them; not knowing how soon the indians might be going again. i had almost filled my hat when i saw them returning to the canoe. i made what haste i could to her; for i believe they would have made no conscience of leaving me behind. i sat down to my oar again, placing my hat close to me, every now and then eating a limpet. the indians were employed the same way, when one of them, seeing me throw the shells overboard, spoke to the rest in a violent passion; and getting up, fell upon me, and seizing me by an old ragged handkerchief i had about my neck, almost throttled me; whilst another took me by the legs, and was going to throw me overboard, if the old woman had not prevented them. i was all this time entirely ignorant by what means i had given offence, till i observed that the indians, after eating the limpets, carefully put the shells in a heap at the bottom of the canoe. i then concluded there was some superstition about throwing these shells into the sea, my ignorance of which had very nearly cost me my life. i was resolved to eat no more limpets till we landed, which we did some time after upon an island. i then took notice that the indians brought all their shells ashore, and laid them above high water mark. here, as i was going to eat a large bunch of berries i had gathered from a tree, for they looked very tempting, one of the indians snatched them out of my hand and threw them away, making me to understand that they were poisonous. thus, in all probability, did these people now save my life, who, a few hours before, were going to take it from me for throwing away a shell. in two days after, i joined my companions again; but do not remember that there was the least joy shewn on either side at meeting. at this place was a very large canoe belonging to our guide, which would have required at least six men to the oar to have made any kind of expedition: instead of that, there was only campbell and myself, besides the indian, his companion, or servant, to row, the cacique himself never touching an oar, but sitting with his wife all the time much at his ease. mr. hamilton continued in the same canoe he had been in all along, and which still was to keep us company some way further, though many of the others had left us. this was dreadful hard work to such poor starved wretches as we were, to be slaving at the oar all day long in such a heavy boat; and this inhuman fellow would never give us a scrap to eat, excepting when he took so much seal that he could not contrive to carry it all away with him, which happened very seldom. after working like galley-slaves all day, towards night, when we landed, instead of taking any rest, mr. campbell and i were sometimes obliged to go miles along shore to get a few shell-fish; and just as we had made a little fire in order to dress them, he has commanded us into the boat again, and kept us rowing the whole night without ever landing. it is impossible for me to describe the miserable state we were reduced to: our bodies were so emaciated, that we hardly appeared the figures of men. it has often happened to me in the coldest night, both in hail and snow, where we had nothing but an open beach to lie down upon, in order to procure a little rest, that i have been obliged to pull off the few rags i had on, as it was impossible to get a moment's sleep with them on for the vermin that swarmed about them; though i used, as often as i had time, to take my clothes off, and putting them upon a large stone, beat them with another, in hopes of killing hundreds at once; for it was endless work to pick them off. what we suffered from this, was ten times worse even than hunger. but we were clean in comparison to captain cheap; for i could compare his body to nothing but an ant-hill, with thousands of those insects crawling over it; for he was now past attempting to rid himself in the least from this torment, as he had quite lost himself, not recollecting our names that were about him, or even his own. his beard was as long as a hermit's: that and his face being covered with train-oil and dirt, from having long accustomed himself to sleep upon a bag, by the way of a pillow, in which he kept the pieces of stinking seal. this prudent method he took to prevent our getting at it whilst he slept. his legs were as big as mill-posts, though his body appeared nothing but skin and bone. one day we fell in with about forty indians, who came down to the beach we landed on, curiously painted. our cacique seemed to understand but little of their language, and it sounded to us very different from what we had heard before. however, they made us comprehend that a ship had been upon the coast not far from where we then were, and that she had a red flag: this we understood some time after to have been the anne pink, whose adventures are particularly related in lord anson's voyage; and we passed through the very harbour she had lain in. as there was but one small canoe that intended to accompany us any longer, and that in which mr. hamilton had been to this time, intended to proceed no farther to the northward, our cacique proposed to him to come into our canoe, which he refused, as the insolence of this fellow was to him insupportable; he therefore rather chose to remain where he was, till chance should throw in his way some other means of getting forward: so here we left him; and it was some months before we saw him again. we now got on, by very slow degrees, to the northward; and as the difficulties and hardships we daily went through would only be a repetition of those already mentioned, i shall say no more, but that at last we reached an island, about thirty leagues to the southward of chiloe. here we remained two days for a favourable opportunity to cross the bay, the very thoughts of which seemed to frighten our cacique out of his senses; and, indeed, there was great reason for his apprehensions; for there ran a most dreadful hollow sea, dangerous, indeed, for any open boat whatever, but a thousand times more for such a crazy vessel as we were in. he at length mustered up resolution enough to attempt it, first having crossed himself for an hour together, and made a kind of lug-sail out of the bits of blankets they wore about them, sewed together with split supple jacks. we then put off, and a terrible passage we had. the bottom plank of the canoe was split, which opened upon every sea; and the water continually rushing over the gunnel, i may say that we were in a manner full the whole way over, though all hands were employed in baling without ceasing a moment. as we drew near the shore, the cacique was eager to land, having been terrified to that degree with this run, that if it had not been for us, every soul must have perished; for he had very near got in amongst the breakers, where the sea drove with such violence upon the rocks, that not even an indian could have escaped, especially as it was in the night. we kept off till we got into smooth water, and landed upon the island of chiloe; though in a part of it that was not inhabited. here we staid all the next day, in a very heavy snow, to recover ourselves a little after our fatigue; but the cold was so excessive, having neither shoe nor stocking, we thought we should have lost our feet; and captain cheap was so ill, that if he had had but a few leagues further to have gone without relief, he could not have held out. it pleased god now that our sufferings, in a great measure, were drawing to an end. what things our cacique had brought with him from the wreck, he here buried under ground, in order to conceal them from the spaniards, who would not have left him a rusty nail if they had known of it. towards evening, we set off again; and about nine the same night, to our great joy, we observed something that had the appearance of a house. it belonged to an acquaintance of our cacique; and as he was possessed of my fowling-piece, and we had preserved about one charge of powder, he made us load it for him, and desired we would show him how to discharge it; upon which, standing up, and holding his head from it as far as possible, he fired, and fell back into the bottom of the canoe. the indians belonging to the house, not in the least used to fire-arms, ran out and hid themselves in the woods. but after some time, one of them, bolder than the rest, got upon a hill, and hollowed to us, asking who and what we were. our cacique now made himself known, and they presently came down to the boat, bringing with them some fish, and plenty of potatoes. this was the most comfortable meal we had made for many long months; and as soon as this was over, we rowed about two miles farther to a little village, where we landed. here our cacique presently awoke all the inhabitants by the noise he made, and obliged one of them to open his door to us, and immediately to make a large fire; for the weather was very severe, this being the month of june, the depth of winter in this part of the world. the indians now flocked thick about us, and seemed to have great compassion for us, as our cacique related to them what part he knew of our history. they knew not what countrymen we were, nor could our guide inform them; for he had often asked us if we were french, dutch, or english, the only nations he had ever heard of besides the spaniards. we always answered we were from grande bretagne, which he could make nothing of; for we were afraid, if he knew us to be english, as he had heard that nation was at war with the spaniards, he never would have conducted us to chiloe. these good-natured compassionate creatures seemed to vie with each other who should take the most care of us. they made a bed of sheepskins close to the fire, for captain cheap, and laid him upon it; and indeed, had it not been for the kind assistance he now met with, he could not have survived three days longer. though it was now about midnight, they went out and killed a sheep, of which they made broth, and baked a large cake of barley-meal. any body may imagine what a treat this was to wretches who had not tasted a bit of bread, or any wholesome diet, for such a length of time. after we could eat no longer, we went to sleep about the fire, which the indians took good care to keep up. in the morning, the women came from far and near, each bringing with her something. almost every one had a pipkin in her hand, containing either fowls or mutton made into broth, potatoes, eggs, or other eatables. we fell to work as if we had eat nothing in the night, and employed ourselves so for the best part of the day. in the evening, the men filled our house, bringing with them some jars of a liquor they called chicha, made of barley-meal, and not very unlike our oat-ale in taste, which will intoxicate those who drink a sufficient quantity of it; for a little has no effect. as soon as the drink was out, a fresh supply of victuals was brought in; and in this manner we passed the whole time we remained with these hospitable indians. they are a strong well-made people, extremely well featured, both men and women, and vastly neat in their persons. the men's dress is called by them a puncho, which is a square piece of cloth, generally in stripes of different colours, with a slit in the middle of it wide enough to let their heads through, so that it hangs on their shoulders, half of it falling before, and the other behind them: under this they wear a short kind of flannel shirt without sleeves or neck. they have wide-knee'd breeches, something like the dutch seamen, and on their legs a sort of knit buskins without any feet to them; but never any shoes. their hair is always combed very smooth, and tied very tight up in a great bunch close to the neck: some wear a very neat hat of their own making, and others go without. the women wear a shift like the men's shirts, without sleeves; and over it a square piece of cloth, which they fasten before with a large silver pin, and a petticoat of different stripes: they take as much care of their hair as the men; and both have always a kind of fillet bound very tight about the forehead, and made fast behind: in short, these people are as cleanly as the several savage nations we had met with before were beastly. upon our first coming here, they had dispatched a messenger to the spanish corregidore at castro, a town a considerable distance from hence, to inform him of our arrival. at the end of three days, this man returned with an order to the chief caciques of these indians we were amongst, to carry us directly to a certain place, where there would be a party of soldiers to receive us. these poor people now seemed to be under great concern for us, hearing by the messenger the preparations that were making to receive us; for they stand in vast dread of the spanish soldiery. they were very desirous of knowing what countrymen we were. we told them we were english, and at that time at war with the spaniards; upon which they appeared fonder of us than ever; and i verily believe, if they durst, would have concealed us amongst them, lest we should come to any harm. they are so far from being in the spanish interest, that they detest the very name of a spaniard. and, indeed, i am not surprised at it; for they are kept under such subjection, and such a laborious slavery, by mere dint of hard usage and punishments, that it appears to me the most absurd thing in the world, that the spaniards should rely upon these people for assistance upon any emergency. we embarked in the evening, and it was night before we got to the place where we were to be delivered up to the spanish guard. we were met by three or four officers, and a number of soldiers, all with their spados drawn, who surrounded us as if they had the most formidable enemy to take charge of, instead of three poor helpless wretches, who, notwithstanding the good living we had met with amongst these kind indians, could hardly support ourselves. they carried us to the top of a hill, and there put us under a shed; for it consisted of a thatched roof, without any sides or walls, being quite open; and here we were to lay upon the cold ground. all sorts of people now came to stare at us as a sight; but the indian women never came empty-handed; they always brought with them either fowls, mutton, or some kind of provision to us; so that we lived well enough. however, we found a very sensible difference between the treatment we had met with from the indians, and what we now experienced from the spaniards. with the former, we were quite at liberty to do as we pleased; but here, if we only went ten yards to attempt at getting rid of some of the vermin that devoured us, we had two soldiers, with drawn spados, to attend us. about the third day, a jesuit from castro came to see us; not from a motive of compassion, but from a report spread by our indian cacique, that we had some things of great value about us. having by chance seen captain cheap pull out a gold repeating watch, the first thing the good father did was to lug out of his pocket a bottle of brandy, and give us a dram, in order to open our hearts. he then came roundly to the point, asking us if we had saved no watches or rings. captain cheap declared he had nothing, never suspecting that the indian had seen his watch, having, as he thought, always taken great care to conceal it from him; but knowing that campbel had a silver watch, which had been the property of our surgeon, he desired him to make it a present to the jesuit, telling him, at the same time, that as these people had great power and authority, it might be of service to us hereafter. this campbel very unwillingly did, and received from the father, not long after, a pitiful present, not a quarter part of the value of the rim of the watch. we understood afterwards, that this had come to the governor's ears, who was highly offended at it, as thinking that if any thing of that sort had been to be had, it was his due; and did not spare the jesuits in the least upon the occasion. soon after this, the officer of the guard informed us there was an order come to carry us to castro. in the evening, we were conducted to the water-side, and put into a large periago; and there were several more, to attend us, full of soldiers. about eight o'clock at night, we were off the town. the boats all laid upon their oars, and there was a great deal of ceremony used in hailing and asking for the keys, as if it had been a regular fortification. after some time, we landed; but could see neither gates nor walls, nor any thing that had the appearance of a garrison. as we walked up a steep hill into the town, the way was lined with men who had broomsticks upon their shoulders instead of muskets, and a lighted match in their hands. when we came to the corregidore's house, we found it full of people. he was an old man, very tall, with a long cloak on, a tie-wig without any curl, and a spado of immense length by his side. he received us in great state and form; but as we had no interpreter, we understood little or nothing of the questions he asked us. he ordered a table to be spread for us with cold ham and fowls; which we three only sat down to, and in a short time dispatched more than ten men with common appetites would have done. it is amazing, that our eating to that excess we had done, from the time we first got amongst these kind indians, had not killed us; we were never satisfied, and used to take all opportunities, for some months after, of filling our pockets when we were not seen, that we might get up two or three times in the night to cram ourselves. captain cheap used to declare, that he was quite ashamed of himself. after supper, the corregidore carried us to the jesuits' college, attended by the soldiers, and all the rabble of the town. this was intended, at present, for our prison, till orders were received from the governor, who resided at chaco, above thirty leagues from this place. when we got to the college, the corregidore desired the father provincial, as they styled him, or head of the jesuits here, to find out what religion we were of, or whether we had any or not. he then retired, the gates were shut, and we were conducted to a cell. we found in it something like beds spread on the floor, and an old ragged shirt a-piece, but clean, which was of infinite service to us; nor did eating at first give me half the satisfaction this treasure of an old shirt did. though this college was large, there were but four jesuits in it, nor were there any more of that order upon the island. in the morning captain cheap was sent for by the father provincial: their conversation was carried on in latin, perhaps not the best on either side; however, they made shift to understand one another. when he returned, he told us the good fathers were still harping upon what things of value we might have saved and concealed about us; and that if we had any thing of that sort, we could not do better than let them have it. religion seemed to be quite out of the question at present; but a day or two after the corregidore being informed that we were heretics, he desired these jesuits would convert us; but one of them told him it was a mere joke to attempt it, as we could have no inducement upon that island to change our religion, but that when we got to chili, in such a delightful country as that was, where there was nothing but diversions and amusements, we should be converted fast enough. we kept close to our cell till the bell rang for dinner, when we were conducted into a hall, where there was one table for the fathers, and another for us. after a very long latin prayer, we sat down and eat what was put before us, without a single word passing at either table. as soon as we had finished, there was another long prayer, which, however, did not appear so tedious as the first; and then we retired to our cell again. in this manner we passed eight days without ever stirring out; all which time one might have imagined one's-self out of the world; for excepting the bell for dinner, a silence reigned throughout the whole, as if the place had been uninhabited. a little before dark, on the eighth evening, we heard a violent knocking at the gate, which was no sooner opened than there entered a young officer booted and spurred, who acquainted the fathers that he was sent by the governor to conduct us to chaco. this young man was the governor's son; by which means he obtained a commission next in authority, upon this island, to his father. he ought to have been kept at school, for he was a vain, empty coxcomb, much disliked by the people of the island. after taking leave of the jesuits, who i imagined were not sorry to be rid of us, after finding their expectations balked, we set out, having about thirty soldiers on horseback to attend us. we rode about eight miles that night, when we came to an estancia, or farm-house, belonging to an old lady who had two handsome daughters. here we were very well entertained, and the good old lady seemed to have great compassion for us. she asked the governor's son if he thought his father would have any objection to my passing a month with her at her farm. as she was a person of rank in this island, he said he would acquaint his father with her request, and made no doubt but he would grant it. i observed our soldiers, when they came into the house, had none of them any shoes on, but wore buskins, like the indians, without any feet to them. they all had monstrous great spurs, some of silver and others of copper, which made a rattling when they walked like chains. they were all stout, strong-looking men, as the spaniards, natives of the island, in general are. after a good supper, we had sheepskins laid near the fire for us to sleep on. early in the morning we mounted again, and after riding some miles across the country, we came to the water-side, where we found several periagos waiting for us, with some officers in them. most of the soldiers dismounted and embarked with us, a few only being sent round with the horses. it was three days before we arrived at chaco, as the tides between this island and the main are so rapid that no boat can stem them. the same precaution was taken here as at castro; we passed through a whole lane of soldiers, armed as i mentioned those to have been before, excepting a few, who really had matchlocks, the only fire-arms they have here. the soldiers, upon our journey, had given a pompous account of el palacio del rey, or the king's palace, as they styled the governor's house, and therefore we expected to see something very magnificent; but it was nothing better than a large thatched barn, partitioned off into several rooms. the governor was sitting at a large table covered with a piece of red serge, having all the principal officers about him. after some time he made us sit down, attempting to converse with us by his linguist, who was a stupid old fellow, that could neither talk english nor spanish, but said he was born in england, had resided above forty years in that country, and having formerly been a buccaneer, was taken by the spaniards near panama. the governor kept us to supper, and then we were conducted across the court to our apartment, which was a place that had served to keep the fire wood for the governor's kitchen; however, as it was dry over head, we thought ourselves extremely well lodged. there was a soldier placed at the door with a drawn spado in his hand, to prevent our stirring out; which was quite unnecessary, as we knew not where to go if we had been at liberty. one of these soldiers took a great fancy to my ragged grieko, which had still some thousands about it; and in exchange gave me an old puncho, the sort of garment with a hole in the middle to put one's head through, as above related to be worn by the indians; and for the little bit of my waistcoat that remained, he gave me a pair of breeches. i now should have thought myself very handsomely equipped, if i had had but another shirt. the next day, about noon, the governor sent for us, and we dined at his table; after which we returned to our lodging, where we were never alone, for every body was curious to see us. we passed about a week in this manner, when the sentinel was taken off, and we were allowed to look about us a little, though not to go out of the palace, as they were pleased to call it. we dined every day with the governor; but were not very fond of his fast days, which succeeded each other too quickly. i contrived to make friends with his steward and cook, by which means i always carried my pockets full to my apartment, where i passed my time very agreeably. soon after, we had leave to walk about the town, or go wherever we pleased. every house was open to us; and though it was but an hour after we had dined, they always spread a table, thinking we never could eat enough after what we had suffered; and we were much of the same opinion. they are, in general, a charitable, good sort of people, but very ignorant, and governed by their priests, who make them believe just what they please. the indian language is chiefly spoken here, even by the spaniards one amongst another; and they say they think it a finer language than their own. the women have fine complexions, and many of them are very handsome; they have good voices, and can strum a little upon the guitar; but they have an ugly custom of smoking tobacco, which is a very scarce commodity here; and therefore is looked upon as a great treat when they meet at one another's houses. the lady of the house comes in with a large wooden pipe crammed with tobacco; and after taking two or three hearty whiffs, she holds her head under her cloak lest any of the smoke should escape, and then swallows it; some time after you see it coming out of her nose and ears. she then hands the pipe to the next lady, who does the same, till it has gone through the whole company. their houses are but very mean, as will be easily imagined by what i have said of the governor's. they make their fire in the middle of their rooms, but have no chimneys; there is a small hole at each end of the roof to let the smoke out. it is only the better sort of people that eat bread made of wheat, as they grow but very little here, and they have no mills to grind it; but then they have great plenty of the finest potatoes in the world: these are always roasted in the ashes, then scraped, and served up at meals instead of bread. they breed abundance of swine, as they supply both chili and peru with hams. they are in no want of sheep, but are not overstocked with cows; owing, in a great measure, to their own indolence in not clearing away the woods, which if they would be at the pains to do, they might have sufficient pasture. their trade consists in hams, hogs-lard, which is used throughout all south america instead of butter; cedar plank, which the indians are continually employed in cutting quite to the foot of the cordilleras; little carved boxes, which the spanish ladies use to put their work in; carpets, quilts, and punchos neatly embroidered all round; for these, both in chili and peru, are used by the people of the first fashion, as well as the inferior sort, by way of riding-dress, and are esteemed to be much more convenient for a horseman than any kind of coat whatever. they have what they call an annual ship from lima, as they never expect more than one in the year; though sometimes it happens that two have come, and at other times they have been two or three years without any. when this happens they are greatly distressed, as this ship brings them baize, cloth, linens, hats, ribbons, tobacco, sugar, brandy, and wine; but this latter article is chiefly for the use of the churches: matte, an herb from paraguay, used all over south america instead of tea, is also a necessary article. this ship's cargo is chiefly consigned to the jesuits, who have more indians employed for them than all the rest of the inhabitants together, and of course engross almost the whole trade. there is no money current in this island. if any person wants a few yards of linen, a little sugar, tobacco, or any other thing brought from peru, he gives so many cedar planks, hams, or punchos, in exchange. some time after we had been here, a snow arrived in the harbour from lima, which occasioned great joy amongst the inhabitants, as they had no ship the year before, from the alarm lord anson had given upon the coast. this was not the annual vessel, but one of those that i mentioned before which come unexpectedly. the captain of her was an old man, well known upon the island, who had traded here once in two or three years, for more than thirty years past. he had a remarkable large head, and therefore was commonly known by a nick-name they had given him of cabuço de toro, or bull's-head. he had not been here a week before he came to the governor, and told him, with a most melancholy countenance, that he had not slept a wink since he came into the harbour, as the governor was pleased to allow three english prisoners liberty to walk about instead of confining them; and that he expected every moment they would board his vessel, and carry her away: this he said when he had above thirty hands aboard. the governor assured him he would be answerable for us, and that he might sleep in quiet; though at the same time he could not help laughing at the man, as all the people in the town did. these assurances did not satisfy the captain: he used the utmost dispatch in disposing of his cargo, and put to sea again, not thinking himself safe till he had lost sight of the island. it was about three months after us that mr. hamilton was brought in by a party that the governor had sent to the southward on purpose to fetch him. he was in a wretched condition upon his first arrival, but soon recovered with the good living he found here. it is usual for the governor to make a tour, every year, through the several districts belonging to his government: on this occasion he took us with him. the first place he visited was carelmapo, on the main; and from thence to castro. at these places he holds a kind of court; all the chief caciques meeting him, and informing him of what has passed since his last visit, and receiving fresh orders for the year to come. at castro we had the same liberty we enjoyed at chaco, and visited every body. it seemed they had forgot all the ceremony used upon our first landing here, which was with an intent to make us believe it was strongly fortified; for now they let us see plainly that they had neither fort nor gun. at chaco they had a little earthen fort, with a small ditch palisadoed round it, and a few old honey-combed guns without carriages, and which do not defend the harbour in the least. whilst we were at castro, the old lady, (at whose house we lay the first night upon leaving the jesuits' college) sent to the governor, and begged i might be allowed to come to her for a few weeks: this was granted; and accordingly i went and passed about three weeks with her very happily, as she seemed to be as fond of me as if i had been her own son. she was very unwilling to part with me again; but as the governor was soon to return to chaco, he sent for me, and i left my benefactress with regret. amongst the houses we visited at castro, there was one belonging to an old priest, who was esteemed one of the richest persons upon the island. he had a niece, of whom he was extremely fond, and who was to inherit all he possessed. he had taken a great deal of pains with her education, and she was reckoned one of the most accomplished young ladies of chiloe. her person was good, though she could not be called a regular beauty. this young lady did me the honour to take more notice of me than i deserved, and proposed to her uncle to convert me, and afterwards begged his consent to marry me. as the old man doted upon her, he readily agreed to it; and accordingly on the next visit i made him, acquainted me with the young lady's proposal, and his approbation of it, taking me at the same time into a room where there were several chests and boxes, which he unlocked; first shewing me what a number of fine clothes his niece had, and then his own wardrobe, which he said should be mine at his death. amongst other things, he produced a piece of linen, which he said should immediately be made up into shirts for me. i own this last article was a great temptation to me; however, i had the resolution to withstand it, and made the best excuses i could for not accepting of the honour they intended me; for by this time i could speak spanish well enough to make myself understood. amongst the indians who had come to meet the governor here, there were some caciques of those indians who had treated us so kindly at our first landing upon chiloe. one of these, a young man, had been guilty of some offence, and was put in irons, and threatened to be more severely punished. we could not learn his crime, or whether the governor did not do it in a great measure to shew us his power over these indian chiefs: however, we were under great concern for this young man, who had been extremely kind to us, and begged captain cheap to intercede with the governor for him. this he did, and the cacique was released; the governor acquainting him at the same time, with great warmth, that it was to us only he owed it, or otherwise he would have made a severe example of him. the young man seemed to have been in no dread of farther punishment, as i believe he felt all a man could do from the indignity of being put in irons in the public square, before all his brother caciques and many hundreds of other indians. i thought this was not a very politic step of the governor, as the cacique came after to captain cheap to thank him for his goodness, and in all probability would remember the english for some time after; and not only he, but all the other caciques who had been witnesses of it, and who seemed to feel, if possible, even more than the young man himself did. we now returned to chaco, and the governor told me, when the annual ship came, which they expected in december, we should be sent in her to chili. we felt several earthquakes while we were here. one day as i happened to be upon a visit at a house where i was very well acquainted, an indian came in, who lived at many leagues distance from this town, and who had made this journey in order to purchase some little trifles he wanted; amongst other things, he had bought some prints of saints. very proud of these, he produced them, and put them into the hands of the women, who very devoutly first crossed themselves with them, and afterwards kissed them; then gave them to me, saying at the same time, they supposed such a heretic as i was would refuse to kiss them. they were right in their conjectures: i returned them to the indian without going through that ceremony. at that very instant, there happened a violent shock of an earthquake, which they imputed entirely to the anger of the saints; and all quitted the house as fast as they could, lest it should fall upon their heads. for my part, i made the best of my way home for fear of being knocked on the head, when out of the house, by the rabble, who looked on me as the cause of all this mischief, and did not return to that house again till i thought this affair was forgotten. here is a very good harbour; but the entrance is very dangerous for those who are unacquainted with it, as the tides are so extremely rapid, and there are sunken rocks in the mid-channel. the island is above seventy leagues round; and the body of it lies in about ° ' south, and is the most southern settlement the spaniards have in these seas. their summer is of no long duration, and most of the year round they have hard gales of wind and much rain. opposite the island, upon the cordilleras, there is a volcano, which, at times, burns with great fury, and is subject to violent eruptions. one of these alarmed the whole island, whilst we were here: it sounded in the night like great guns. in the morning, the governor mounted his horse, and rode backwards and forwards from his house to the earthen fort, saying it was the english coming in, but that he would give them a warm reception; meaning, i suppose, that he would have left them a good fire in his house; for i am certain he would soon have been in the woods, if he had seen any thing like an english ship coming in. women of the first fashion here seldom wear shoes or stockings in the house, but only keep them to wear upon particular occasions. i have often seen them coming to the church, which stood opposite to the governor's house, barelegged, walking through mud and water; and at the church door put on their shoes and stockings, and pull them off again when they came out. though they are in general handsome, and have good complexions, yet many of them paint in so ridiculous a manner, that it is impossible to help laughing in their faces when you see them. the governor we found here was a native of chili. the government, which is appointed by that presidency, is for three years; which appears to be a long banishment to them, as their appointments are but small, though they make the most of it. the towns of castro and chaco, consist only of scattered houses, without a regular street; though both have their places or squares, as almost all spanish towns have. chaco is very thinly inhabited, excepting at the time the lima ship arrives; then they flock thither from all parts of the island, to purchase what little matters they want; and as soon as that is done, retire to their estancias, or farms. it was about the middle of december this ship came in; and the second of january, - , we embarked on board of her. she was bound to valparaiso. we got out to sea with some difficulty, having been driven by the strength of the tide very near those sunken rocks mentioned before. we found a great sea without; and as the ship was as deep as any laden collier, her decks were continually well washed. she was a fine vessel, of about two hundred and fifty tons. the timber the ships of this country are built of is excellent, as they last a prodigious time; for they assured us that the vessel we were then in had been built above forty years. the captain was a spaniard, and knew not the least of sea affairs; the second captain, or master, the boatswain, and his mate, were all three frenchmen, and very good seamen; the pilot was a mulatto, and all the rest of the crew were indians and negroes. the latter were all slaves and stout fellows; but never suffered to go aloft, lest they should fall overboard, and the owners lose so much money by it. the indians were active, brisk men, and very good seamen for that climate. we had on board the head of the jesuits as passenger. he and captain cheap were admitted into the great cabin, and messed with the captain and his chaplain. as for us, we were obliged to rough it the whole passage; that is, when we were tired we lay down upon the quarter-deck, in the open air, and slept as well as we could; but that was nothing to us, who had been used to fare so much worse. we lived well, eating with the master and boatswain, who always had their meals upon the quarter-deck, and drank brandy at them as we do small beer; and all the rest of the day were smoking cigars. the fifth day we made the land four or five leagues to the southward of valparaiso; and soon after falling calm, a great western swell hurried us in very fast towards the shore. we dropped the lead several times, but had such deep water we could not anchor. they were all much alarmed, when the jesuit came out of the cabin for the first time, having been sea-sick the whole passage. as soon as he was informed of the danger, he went back into the cabin, and brought out the image of some saint, which he desired might be hung up in the mizen-shrouds; which being done, he kept threatening it, that if we had not a breeze of wind soon, he would certainly throw it overboard. soon after, we had a little wind from off the land, when the jesuit carried the image back with an air of great triumph, saying he was certain that we should not be without wind long, though he had given himself over for lost some time before it came. next morning we anchored in the port of valparaiso. in that part which is opposite to the fort, ships lay so near the land, that they have generally three anchors ashore, as there is eight or ten fathom close to; and the flaws come off the hills with such violence, that if it was not for this method of securing them, they would be blown out. this is only in summer time, for in the winter months no ships ever attempt to come in here; the northerly winds then prevail, and drive in such a sea that they must soon be ashore. the spanish captain waited upon the governor of the fort, and informed him that he had four english prisoners on board. we were ordered ashore in the afternoon, and were received as we got upon the beach, by a file of soldiers, with their bayonets fixed, who surrounded us, and then marched up to the fort, attended by a numerous mob. we were carried before the governor, whose house was full of officers. he was blind, asked a few questions, and then spoke of nothing but the strength of the garrison he commanded, and desired to know if we had observed that all the lower battery was brass guns. we were immediately after, by his order, put into the condemned hole. there was nothing but four bare walls, excepting a heap of lime that filled one third of it, and made the place swarm with fleas in such a manner that we were presently covered with them. some of admiral pizarro's soldiers were here in garrison that had been landed from his ships at buenos ayres, as he could not get round cape horn. a centinel's box was placed at our door, and we had always a soldier with his bayonet fixed, to prevent our stirring out. the curiosity of the people was such, that our prison was continually full from morning till night, by which the soldiers made a pretty penny, as they took money from every person for the sight. in a few days, captain cheap and mr. hamilton were ordered up to st. jago, as they were known to be officers by having saved their commissions; but mr. campbell and i were to continue in prison. captain cheap expressed great concern when he left us; he told me it was what he had all along dreaded, that they would separate us when we got into this country; but he assured me, if he was permitted to speak to the president, that he would never leave soliciting him till he obtained a grant for me to be sent up to him. no sooner were they gone than we fared very badly. a common soldier, who was ordered to provide for us by the governor, brought us each, once a day, a few potatoes mixed with hot water. the other soldiers of the garrison, as well as the people who flocked to see us, took notice of it, and told the soldier it was cruel to treat us in that manner. his answer was, "the governor allows me but half a real a day for each of these men; what can i do? it is he that is to blame: i am shocked every time i bring them this scanty pittance, though even that could not be provided for the money he gives them." we from this time lived much better, and the soldier brought us even wine and fruit. we took it for granted, that our case had been represented to the governor, and that he had increased our pay. as to the first, we were right in our conjectures; it had been mentioned to him, that it was impossible we could subsist on what he allowed; and his answer to it was, that we might starve; for we should have no more from him, and that he believed he should never be repaid even that. this charitable speech of the governor was made known every where, and now almost every one who came to see us gave us something; even the mule-drivers would take out their tobacco pouch, in which they kept their money, and give us half a real. all this we would have given to our soldier, but he never would receive a farthing from us, telling us we might still want it; and the whole time we were there, which was some weeks, he laid aside half his daily pay to supply us, though he had a wife and six children, and never could have the least hope or expectation of any recompence. however, two years after this, i had the singular pleasure of making him some return, when my circumstances were much better than his. one night, when we were locked up, there happened a dreadful shock of an earthquake. we expected, every moment, the roof and walls of our prison to fall in upon us, and crush us to pieces; and what added to the horror of it was, the noise of chains and imprecations in the next prison which joined to ours, where there were near seventy felons heavily loaded with irons, who are kept here to work upon the fortifications, as in other countries they are condemned to the gallies. a few days after this, we were told an order was come from the president to the governor to send us up to st. jago, which is ninety miles from valparaiso, and is the capital of chili. there were at this time several ships in the port from lima delivering their cargoes; so that almost every day there were large droves of mules going up to st. jago with the goods. the governor sent for one of the master-carriers, and ordered him to take us up with him. the man asked him how he was to be paid our expences, as he should be five days upon the road. the governor told him he might get that as he could, for he would not advance him a single farthing. after taking leave of our friendly soldier, who even now brought us some little matters to carry with us, we set out, and travelled about fourteen miles the first day, and lay at night in the open field, which is always the custom of these people, stopping where there is plenty of pasture and good water for the mules. the next morning we passed over a high mountain, called zapata; and then crossing a large plain, we passed another mountain, very difficult for the mules, who each carried two heavy bales: there were above a hundred of them in this drove. the mules of chili are the finest in the world; and though they are continually upon the road, and have nothing but what they pick up at nights, they are as fat and sleek as high-fed horses in england. the fourth night we lay upon a plain in sight of st. jago, and not above four leagues from it. the next day, as we moved towards the city, our master-carrier, who was naturally well disposed, and had been very kind to us all the way upon the road, advised me, very seriously, not to think of remaining in st. jago, where he said there was nothing but extravagance, vice, and folly, but to proceed on with them as mule-driver, which, he said, i should soon be very expert at; and that they led an innocent and happy life, far preferable to any enjoyment such a great city as that before us could afford. i thanked him, and told him i was very much obliged to him; but that i would try the city first, and if i did not like it, i would accept of the offer he was so good to make me. the thing that gave him this high opinion of me was, that as he had been so civil to us, i was very officious in assisting to drive in those mules that strayed from the rest upon those large plains we passed over; and this i thought was the least i could do towards making some returns for the obligations we were under to him. when we got into st. jago, the carrier delivered us to the captain of the guard, at the palace gate; and he soon after introduced us to the president, don joseph manso, who received us very civilly, and then sent us to the house where captain cheap and mr. hamilton were. we found them extremely well lodged at the house of a scotch physician, whose name was don patricio gedd. this gentleman had been a long time in this city, and was greatly esteemed by the spaniards, as well for his abilities in his profession, as his humane disposition. he no sooner heard that there were four english prisoners arrived in that country, than he waited upon the president, and begged they might be lodged at his house. this was granted; and had we been his own brothers, we could not have met with a more friendly reception; and during two years that we were with him, his constant study was to make every thing as agreeable to us as possible. we were greatly distressed to think of the expence he was at upon our account; but it was in vain for us to argue with him about it. in short, to sum up his character in a few words, there never was a man of more extensive humanity. two or three days after our arrival, the president sent mr. campbell and me an invitation to dine with him, where we were to meet admiral pizarro and his officers. this was a cruel stroke upon us, as we had not any clothes fit to appear in, and dared not refuse the invitation. the next day, a spanish officer belonging to admiral pizarro's squadron, whose name was don manuel de guiror, came and made us an offer of two thousand dollars. this generous spaniard made this offer without any view of ever being repaid, but purely out of a compassionate motive of relieving us in our present distress. we returned him all the acknowledgments his uncommon generous behaviour merited, and accepted of six hundred dollars only, upon his receiving our draught for that sum upon the english consul at lisbon. we now got ourselves decently clothed after the spanish fashion; and as we were upon our parole, we went out where we pleased to divert ourselves. this city is situated about degrees and minutes, south latitude, at the west foot of the immense chain of mountains called the cordilleras. it stands on a most beautiful plain of about thirty leagues extent. it was founded by don pedro de baldivia, the conqueror of chili. the plan of it was marked out by him in squares, like lima; and almost every house belonging to people of any fashion, has a large court before it, with great gates, and a garden behind. there is a little rivulet, neatly faced with stone, runs through every street; by which they can cool the streets, or water their gardens, when they please. the whole town is extremely well paved. their gardens are full of noble orange-trees and floripondies, with all sorts of flowers, which perfume the houses, and even the whole city. much about the middle of it, is the great square, called the plaça real, or the royal square; there are eight avenues leading into it. the west side contains the cathedral and the bishop's palace; the north side is the president's palace, the royal court, the council house, and the prison; the south side is a row of piazzas, the whole length of which are shops, and over it a gallery to see the bull-feasts; the east side has some large houses belonging to people of distinction; and in the middle is a large fountain, with a brass bason. the houses have, in general, only a ground floor, upon account of the frequent earthquakes; but they make a handsome appearance. the churches are rich in gilding as well as in plate: that of the jesuits is reckoned an exceeding good piece of architecture; but it is too high built for a country so subject to earthquakes, and where it has frequently happened that thousands of people have been swallowed up at once. there is a hill, or rather high rock, at the east end of the city, called st. lucia, from the top of which you have a view of all the city, and the country about for many leagues, affording a very delightful landscape. their estancias, or country houses, are very pleasant, having generally a fine grove of olive trees, with large vineyards to them. the chili wine, in my opinion, is full as good as madeira, and made in such quantities that it is sold extremely cheap. the soil of this country is so fertile, that the husbandmen have very little trouble; for they do but in a manner scratch up the ground, and without any kind of manure it yields an hundred fold. without doubt the wheat of chili is the finest in the world, and the fruits are all excellent in their kinds. beef and mutton are so cheap, that you may have a good cow for three dollars, and a fat sheep for two shillings. their horses are extraordinary good; and though some of them go at a great price, you may have a very good one for four dollars, or about eighteen shillings of our money. it must be a very poor indian who has not his four or five horses; and there are no better horsemen in the world than the chileans; and that is not surprising, for they never choose to go a hundred yards on foot. they have always their laço fixed to their saddle: the laço is a long thong of leather, at the end of which they make a sliding noose. it is of more general use to them than any weapon whatever; for with this they are sure of catching either horse or wild bull, upon full gallop, by any foot they please. their horses are all trained to this, and the moment they find the thong straitened, as the other end is always made fast to the saddle, the horse immediately turns short, and throwing the beast thus caught, the huntsman wounds or secures him in what manner he may think proper. these people are so dexterous, that they will take from the ground a glove or handkerchief, while their horse is upon full stretch; and i have seen them jump upon the back of the wildest bull, and all the efforts of the beast could not throw them. this country produces all sorts of metals; it is famous for gold, silver, iron, tin, lead, and quicksilver, but some of these they do not understand working, especially quicksilver. with copper they supply all peru, and send, likewise, a great deal to europe. the climate of chili is, i believe, the finest in the world. what they call their winter does not last three months; and even that is very moderate, as may be imagined by their manner of building, for they have no chimneys in their houses. all the rest of the year is delightful; for though from ten or eleven in the morning till five in the afternoon, it is very hot, yet the evenings and mornings are very cool and pleasant; and in the hottest time of the year, it is from six in the evening till two or three in the morning, that the people of this country meet to divert themselves with music and other entertainments, at which there is plenty of cooling liquors, as they are well supplied with ice from the neighbouring cordilleras. at these assemblies, many intrigues are carried on; for they think of nothing else throughout the year. their fandangoes are very agreeable; the women dance inimitably well, and very gracefully. they are all born with an ear for music, and most of them have delightful voices; and all play upon the guitar and harp. the latter, at first, appears a very aukward instrument for a woman; yet that prejudice is soon got over, and they far excel any other nation upon it. they are extremely complaisant and polite; and when asked either to play, dance, or sing, they do it without a moment's hesitation, and that with an exceeding good grace. they have many figure-dances; but what they take most delight in, are more like our hornpipes than any thing else i can compare them to; and upon these occasions they shew surprising activity. the women are remarkably handsome, and very extravagant in their dress. their hair, which is as thick as is possible to be conceived, they wear of a vast length, without any other ornament upon the head than a few flowers; they plait it behind in four plaits, and twist them round a bodkin, at each end of which is a diamond rose. their shifts are all over lace, as is a little tight waistcoat they wear over them. their petticoats are open before, and lap over, and have commonly three rows of very rich lace of gold or silver. in winter they have an upper waistcoat of cloth of gold or silver; and in summer, of the finest linen, covered all over with the finest flanders lace. the sleeves of these are immensely wide. over all this, when the air is cool, they have a mantle, which is only of bays, of the finest colours, round which there is abundance of lace. when they go abroad, they wear a veil, which is so contrived that one eye is only seen. their feet are very small, and they value themselves as much upon it as the chinese do. their shoes are pinked and cut; their stockings silk, with gold and silver clocks; and they love to have the end of an embroidered garter hang a little below the petticoat. they have fine sparkling eyes, ready wit, a great deal of good nature, and a strong disposition to gallantry. by the description of one house you have an idea of all the rest. you first come into a large court, on one side of which is the stable: you then enter a hall; on one side of that is a large room, about twenty feet wide, and near forty feet long; the side next the window is the estrado, which runs the whole length of the room. the estrado is a platform, raised about five or six inches above the floor, and is covered with carpets and velvet cushions for the women to sit on, which they do after the moorish fashion, cross-legged. the chairs for the men are covered with printed leather. at the end of the estrado, there is an alcove, where the bed stands; and there is always a vast deal of the sheets hanging out, with a profusion of lace to them, and the same on the pillows. they have a false door to the alcove, which sometimes is very convenient. besides, there are generally two other rooms, one within another; and the kitchen and other offices are detached from the house, either at one side or the end of the garden. the ladies are fond of having their mulatto female slaves dressed almost as well as themselves in every respect, excepting jewels, in which they indulge themselves to the utmost extravagance. paraguay tea, which they call matte, as i mentioned before, is always drunk twice a-day: this is brought upon a large silver salver, with four legs raised upon it, to receive a little cup made out of a small calabash, or gourd, and tipped with silver. they put the herb first into this, and add what sugar they please, and a little orange juice; and then pour hot water on them, and drink it immediately, through the conveyance of a long silver tube, at the end of which there is a round strainer, to prevent the herb getting through. and here it is reckoned a piece of politeness for the lady to suck the tube two or three times first, and then give it the stranger to drink without wiping it. they eat every thing so highly seasoned with red pepper, that those who are not used to it, upon the first mouthful would imagine their throats on fire for an hour afterwards; and it is a common custom here, though you have the greatest plenty at your own table, to have two or three mulatto girls come in at the time you dine, bringing, in a little silver plate, some of these high-seasoned ragouts, with a compliment from donna such-a-one, who desires you will eat a little bit of what she has sent you; which must be done before her mulatto's face, or it would be deemed a great affront. had this been the fashion at chiloe, we should never have offended; but sometimes here we could have wished this ceremony omitted. the president never asked any of us a second time to his table. he expected us once a fortnight to be at his levee, which we never failed; and he always received us very politely. he was a man of a very amiable character, and much respected by every body in chili, and some time after we left that country, was appointed viceroy of peru. we had leave, whenever we asked it, to make an excursion into the country for ten or twelve days at a time; which we did sometimes to a very pleasant spot belonging to don joseph dunose, a french gentleman, and a very sensible, well-bred man, who had married a very agreeable lady at st. jago, with a very good fortune. we also sometimes had invitations from the spaniards to their country-houses. we had a numerous acquaintance in the city, and in general received many civilities from the inhabitants. there are a great many people of fashion, and very good families from old spain settled here. a lady lived next door to us, whose name was donna francisca giron; and as my name sounded something like it, she would have it that we were parientes. she had a daughter, a very fine young woman, who both played and sung remarkably well: she was reckoned the finest voice in st. jago. they saw a great deal of company, and we were welcome to her house whenever we pleased. we were a long time in this country, but we passed it very agreeably. the president alone goes with four horses to his coach; but the common vehicle here is a calash, or kind of vis-à-vis, drawn by one mule only. bull-feasts are a common diversion here, and they far surpass anything of that kind i ever saw at lisbon, or any where else. indeed, it is amazing to see the activity and dexterity of those who attack the bulls. it is always done here by those only who follow it as a trade, for it is too dangerous to be practised as a diversion; as a proof of which, it is found that though some may hold out longer than others, there are few who constantly practice it, that die a natural death. the bulls are always the wildest that can be brought in from the mountains or forests, and have nothing on their horns to prevent their piercing a man the first stroke, as they have at lisbon. i have seen a man, when the bull came at him with the utmost fury, spring directly over the beast's head, and perform this feat several times, and at last jump on his back, and there sit a considerable time, the bull the whole time attempting every means to throw him. but though this practitioner was successful, several accidents happened while i was there. the ladies, at these feasts, are always dressed as fine as possible; and, i imagine, go rather to be admired than to receive any amusement from a sight that one should think would give them pain. another amusement for the ladies here, are the nights of their great processions, when they go out veiled; and as in that dress they cannot be known, they amuse themselves in talking to people much in the manner that is done at our masquerades. one night in lent, as i was standing close to the houses as the procession went by, and having nothing but a thin waistcoat on under my cloak, and happening to have my arm out, a lady came by, and gave me a pinch with so good a will, that i thought she had taken the piece out; and, indeed, i carried the marks for a long time after. i durst not take the least notice of this at the time; for had i made any disturbance, i should have been knocked on the head. this kind lady immediately after mixed with the crowd, and i never could find out who had done me that favour. i have seen fifty or sixty penitents following these processions; they wear a long white garment with a long train to it, and high caps of the same, which fall down before, and cover all their faces, having only two small holes for their eyes; so that they are never known. their backs are bare, and they lash themselves with a cat-o'-nine-tails till the long train behind is covered all over with blood. others follow them with great heavy crosses upon their backs; so that they groan under the weight as they walk barefooted, and often faint away. the streets swarm with friars of all the different orders. the president has always a guard at his palace regularly clothed. the rest of their forces consists of militia, who are numerous. all european goods are very dear. english cloth, of fourteen or fifteen shillings a yard, sells there for ten or eleven dollars; and every other article in proportion. we found many spaniards here that had been taken by commodore anson, and had been for some time prisoners on board the centurion. they all spoke in the highest terms of the kind treatment they had received; and it is natural to imagine, that it was chiefly owing to that laudable example of humanity, our reception here was so good. they had never had anything but privateers and buccaneers amongst them before, who handled their prisoners very roughly; so that the spaniards in general, both of peru and chili, had the greatest dread of being taken by the english; but some of them told us, that they were so happy on board the centurion, that they should not have been sorry if the commodore had taken them with him to england. after we had been here some time, mr. campbell changed his religion, and of course left us. at the end of two years, the president sent for us, and informed us a french ship from lima, bound to spain, had put into valparaiso, and that we should embark in her. after taking leave of our good friend mr. gedd, and all our acquaintance at st. jago, we set out for valparaiso, mules and a guide being provided for us. i had forgot to say before, that captain cheap had been allowed by the president six reals a day, and we had four for our maintenance the whole time we were at st. jago, which money we took up as we wanted it. our journey back was much pleasanter than we found it when we were first brought hither, as we had now no mules to drive. the first person i met, upon our entrance into valparaiso, was the poor soldier whom i mentioned to have been so kind to us when we were imprisoned in the fort. i now made him a little present, which, as it came quite unexpected, made him very happy. we took lodgings till the ship was ready to sail, and diverted ourselves as we pleased, having the good fortune, at this time, to have nothing to do with the governor or his fort. the town is but a poor little place; there are, indeed, a good many storehouses built by the water side for the reception of goods from the shipping. about the th of december, , we embarked on board the lys frigate, belonging to st. malo. she was a ship of four hundred and twenty tons, sixteen guns, and sixty men. she had several passengers on board; and amongst the rest, don george juan, a man of very superior abilities, (and since that time well known in england) who, with don antonio ulloa, had been several years in peru, upon a design of measuring some degrees of the meridian near the equator. we were now bound to conception, in order to join three other french ships that were likewise bound home. as this was a time of the year when the southerly winds prevail upon this coast, we stood off a long way to the westward, making the island of juan fernandez. we did not get into the bay of conception till the th of january, , where we anchored at talcaguana, and there found the louis erasme, the marquis d'antin, and the delivrance, the three french ships that we were to accompany. it is but sixty leagues from valparaiso to conception, though we had been so long making this passage; but there is no beating up, near the shore, against the southerly wind, which is the trade at this season, as you are sure to have a lee-current; so that the quickest way of making a passage is to stand off a hundred and twenty or thirty leagues from the land. the bay of conception is a large, fine bay; but there are several shoals in it, and only two good anchoring-places, though a ship may anchor within a quarter of a league of the town; but this only in the very fine months, as you lay much exposed. the best anchoring-place is talcaguana, the southernmost neck of the bay, in five or six fathom water, good holding ground, and where you are sheltered from the northerly winds. the town has no other defence than a low battery, which only commands the anchoring-place before it. the country is extremely pleasant, and affords the greatest plenty of provisions of all kinds. in some excursions we made daily from talcaguana, we saw great numbers of very large snakes; but we were told they were quite harmless. i have read some former accounts of chili, by the jesuits, wherein they tell you that no venomous creature is to be found in it, and that they even made the experiment of bringing bugs here, which died immediately; but i never was in any place that swarmed with them so much as st. jago; and they have a large spider there, whose bite is so venomous, that i have seen from it some of the most shocking sights i ever saw in my life; and it certainly proves mortal if proper remedies are not applied in time. i was once bit by one on the cheek, whilst asleep, and, presently after, all that part of my face turned as black as ink. i was cured by the application of a bluish kind of stone (the same, perhaps, they call the serpent-stone in the east indies, and which is a composition). the stone stuck, for some time, of itself on my face, and dropping off, was put into milk till it had digested the poison it had extracted, and then applied again till the pain abated, and i was soon afterwards well. whilst the ships remained at conception, the people were employed in killing cattle and salting them for the voyage; and every ship took on board as many bullocks and sheep as their decks could well hold; and having completed their business here, they sailed the th of january; but about eight days after our ship sprung a very dangerous leak forward; but so low, that there was no possibility of stopping it without returning into port, and lightening her till they could come at it. accordingly we separated from the other ships, and made the best of our way for valparaiso, keeping all hands at the pump night and day, passengers and all. however, as it happened, this proved a lucky circumstance for the lys, as the three other ships were taken; and this certainly would have been her fate likewise, had she kept company with the rest. as soon as we got into port, they lightened the ship forwards, and brought her by the stern till they came at the leak, which was soon stopped. they made all the dispatch possible in completing the water again. whilst at valparaiso, we had one of the most violent shocks of an earthquake that we had ever felt yet. on the first of march we put to sea again, the season being already far advanced for passing cape horn. the next day we went to an allowance of a quart of water a day for each man, which continued the whole passage. we were obliged to stand a long way to the westward; and went to the northward of juan fernandez above a degree, before we had a wind that we could make any southing with. on the th, in the latitude of degrees, we met with a violent hard gale at west, which obliged us to lie to under a reefed mainsail for some days; and before we got round the cape, we had many very hard gales, with a prodigious sea and constant thick snow; and after being so long in so delightful a climate as chili, the cold was almost insupportable. after doubling the cape, we got but slowly to the northward; and, indeed, at the best of times, the ship never went above six knots; for she was a heavy-going thing. on the th of may we crossed the line; when finding that our water was grown extremely short, and that it would be almost impossible to reach europe without a supply, it was resolved to bear away for martinico. on the th of june, in the morning, we made the island of tobago, and then shaped a course for martinico; and on the first of july, by our reckonings, expected to see it, but were disappointed. this was imputed to the currents, which, whether they had set the ship to the eastward or westward, nobody could tell; but upon looking over the charts, it was imagined, if the current had driven her to the westward, it must have been among the granadillos, which was thought impossible without seeing any of them, as they are so near together, and a most dangerous place for rocks. it was then concluded we were to the eastward, and accordingly we steered s.w. by w., but having run this course for above thirty leagues, and no land appearing, it was resolved to stand to the northward till we should gain the latitude of porto rico, and on the th in the evening we made that island; so that it was now certain the ship had been hustled through the granadillos in the night, which was, without doubt, as extraordinary a passage as ever ship made. it was now resolved to go between the islands of porto rico and st. domingo for cape françois, therefore we lay to that night. in the morning, we made sail along shore; and about ten o'clock, as i was walking the quarter-deck, captain cheap came out of the cabin, and told me he had just seen a beef-barrel go by the ship; that he was sure it had but lately been thrown overboard, and that he would venture any wager we saw an english cruizer before long. in about half an hour after we saw two sail to leeward, from off the quarter-deck; for they kept no look out from the mast-head, and we presently observed they were in chace of us. the french and spaniards on board now began to grow a good deal alarmed, when it fell stark calm; but not before the ships had neared us so much, that we plainly discerned them to be english men of war; the one a two-decker, the other a twenty-gun ship. the french had now thoughts, when a breeze should spring up, of running the ship on shore upon porto rico, but when they came to consider what a set of banditti inhabited that island, and that in all probability they would have their throats cut for the sake of plundering the wreck, they were resolved to take their chance, and stand to the northward between the two islands. in the evening, a fresh breeze sprung up, and we shaped a course accordingly. the two ships had it presently afterwards, and neared us amazingly fast. now every body on board gave themselves up; the officers were busy in their cabins, filling their pockets with what was most valuable; the men put on their best clothes, and many of them came to me with little lumps of gold, desiring i would take them, as they said they had much rather i should benefit by them, whom they were acquainted with, than those that chased them. i told them there was time enough, though i thought they were as surely taken as if the english had been already on board. a fine moonlight night came on, and we expected every moment to see the ships along-side of us; but we saw nothing of them in the night, and, to our great astonishment, in the morning no ships were to be seen even from the mast-head. thus did these two cruizers lose one of the richest prizes, by not chasing an hour or two longer. there were near two millions of dollars on board, besides a valuable cargo. on the eighth, at six in the morning, we were off cape la grange; and, what is very remarkable, the french at cape françois told us afterwards that was the only day they ever remembered, since the war, that the cape had been without one or two english privateers cruising off it; and but the evening before, two of them had taken two outward bound st. domingo men, and had gone with them for jamaica; so that this ship might be justly esteemed a most lucky one. in the afternoon we came to an anchor in cape françois harbour. in this long run we had not buried a single man; nor do i remember that there was one sick the whole passage; but at this place many were taken ill, and three or four died; for there is no part of the west indies more unhealthy than this; yet the country is beautiful, and extremely well cultivated. after being here some time, the governor ordered us to wait upon him, which we did; when he took no more notice of us than if we had been his slaves, never asking us even to sit down. towards the end of august, a french squadron of five men of war came in, commanded by monsieur l'etanducre, who were to convoy the trade to france. neither he nor his officers ever took any kind of notice of captain cheap, though we met them every day ashore. one evening, as we were going aboard with the captain of our ship, a midshipman belonging to monsieur l'etanducre, jumped into our boat, and ordered the people to carry him on board the ship he belonged to, leaving us to wait upon the beach for two hours before the boat returned. on the sixth of september we put to sea, in company with the five men of war, and about fifty sail of merchant-men. on the eighth we made the cayco grande; and the next day a jamaica privateer, a large fine sloop, hove in sight, keeping a little to windward of the convoy, resolving to pick up one or two of them in the night, if possible. this obliged monsieur l'etanducre to send a frigate to speak to all the convoy, and order them to keep close to him in the night; which they did, and in such a manner, that sometimes seven or eight of them were on board one another together; by which they received much damage; and to repair which, the whole squadron was obliged to lay to sometimes for a whole day. the privateer kept her station, jogging on with the fleet. at last, the commodore ordered two of his best-going ships to chase her. she appeared to take no notice of them till they were pretty near her, and then would make sail and be out of sight presently. the chasing ships no sooner returned, than the privateer was in company again. as by this every night some accident happened to some of the convoy by keeping so close together, a fine ship of thirty guns, belonging to marseilles, hauled out a little to windward of the rest of the fleet; which l'etanducre perceiving in the morning, ordered the frigate to bring the captain of her on board of him; and then making a signal for all the convoy to close to him, he fired a gun, and hoisted a red flag at the ensign staff; and immediately after the captain of the merchant-man was run up to the main-yard-arm, and from thence ducked three times. he was then sent on board his ship again, with orders to keep his colours flying the whole day, in order to distinguish him from the rest. we were then told, that the person who was treated in this cruel manner, was a young man of an exceeding good family in the south of france, and likewise a man of great spirit; and that he would not fail to call monsieur l'etanducre to account when an opportunity should offer; and the affair made much noise in france afterwards. one day, the ship we were in happened to be out of her station, by sailing so heavily, when the commodore made the signal to speak to our captain, who seemed frightened out of his wits. when we came near him, he began with the grossest abuse, threatening our captain, that if ever he was out of his station again, he would serve him as he had done the other. this rigid discipline, however, preserved the convoy; for though the privateer kept company a long time, she was not so fortunate as to meet with the reward of her perseverance. on the th of october, in the evening, we made cape ortegal; and on the st, came to an anchor in brest road. the lys having so valuable a cargo on board, was towed into the harbour the next morning, and lashed alongside one of their men of war. the money was soon landed; and the officers and men, who had been so many years absent from their native country, were glad to get on shore. nobody remained on board but a man or two to look after the ship, and we three english prisoners who had no leave to go ashore. the weather was extremely cold, and felt particularly so to us, who had been so long used to hot climates; and what made it still worse, we were very thinly clad. we had neither fire nor candle; for they were allowed on board of no ship in the harbour, for fear of accidents, being close to their magazines in the dock-yard. some of the officers belonging to the ship were so kind to send us off victuals every day, or we might have starved; for monsieur l'intendant never sent us even a message; and though there was a very large squadron of men of war fitting out at that time, not one officer belonging to them ever came near captain cheap. from five in the evening we were obliged to sit in the dark; and if we chose to have any supper, it was necessary to place it very near us before that time, or we never could have found it. we had passed seven or eight days in this melancholy manner, when one morning a kind of row-galley came alongside, with a number of english prisoners belonging to two large privateers the french had taken. we were ordered into the same boat with them, and were carried four leagues up the river to landernaw. at this town we were upon our parole; so took the best lodgings we could get, and lived very well for three months, when an order came from the court of spain to allow us to return home by the first ship that offered. upon this, hearing there was a dutch ship at morlaix ready to sail, we took horses and travelled to that town, where we were obliged to remain six weeks, before we had an opportunity of getting away. at last we agreed with the master of a dutch dogger to land us at dover, and paid him beforehand. when we had got down the river into the road, a french privateer that was almost ready to sail upon a cruize, hailed the dutchman, and told him to come to an anchor; and that if he offered to sail before him, he would sink him. this he was forced to comply with, and lay three days in the road, cursing the frenchman, who at the end of that time put to sea, and then we were at liberty to do the same. we had a long uncomfortable passage. about the ninth day, before sunset, we saw dover, and reminded the dutchman of his agreement to land us there. he said he would; but instead of that, in the morning we were off the coast of france. we complained loudly of this piece of villany, and insisted upon his returning to land us, when an english man of war appeared to windward, and presently bore down to us. she sent her boat on board with an officer, who informed us the ship he came from was the squirrel, commanded by captain masterson. we went on board of her, and captain masterson immediately sent one of the cutters he had with him, to land us at dover, where we arrived that afternoon, and directly set out for canterbury upon post-horses; but captain cheap was so tired by the time he got there, that he could proceed no further that night. the next morning he still found himself so much fatigued, that he could ride no longer; therefore it was agreed that he and mr. hamilton should take a post-chaise, and that i should ride; but here an unlucky difficulty was started; for upon sharing the little money we had, it was found to be not sufficient to pay the charges to london; and my proportion fell so short, that it was, by calculation, barely enough to pay for horses, without a farthing for eating a bit upon the road, or even for the very turnpikes. those i was obliged to defraud, by riding as hard as i could through them all, not paying the least regard to the men, who called out to stop me. the want of refreshment i bore as well as i could. when i got to the borough, i took a coach and drove to marlborough-street, where my friends had lived when i left england; but when i came there, i found the house shut up. having been absent so many years, and in all that time never having heard a word from home, i knew not who was dead or who was living, or where to go next; or even how to pay the coachman. i recollected a linen-draper's shop, not far from thence, which our family had used. i therefore drove there next, and making myself known, they paid the coachman. i then enquired after our family, and was told my sister had married lord carlisle, and was at that time in soho-square. i immediately walked to the house, and knocked at the door; but the porter not liking my figure, which was half french, half spanish, with the addition of a large pair of boots covered with dirt, he was going to shut the door in my face; but i prevailed with him to let me come in. i need not acquaint my readers with what surprise and joy my sister received me. she immediately furnished me with money sufficient to appear like the rest of my countrymen; till that time i could not be properly said to have finished all the extraordinary scenes which a series of unfortunate adventures had kept me in for the space of five years and upwards. the end. london: bradbury and evans, bouverie-street. * * * * * transcriber's notes: maintained original spelling, hypenation and punctuation. obvious printer errors have been corrected.